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A - Tale - of - Three - Atrocities - Charles Norrie - Lockerbie
A - Tale - of - Three - Atrocities - Charles Norrie - Lockerbie
by
Charles Norrie
Mr Barack Obama, President of the United States of America, the White House,
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington DC 20500-0004, United States of
America
Two hundred and seventy people died that one man should reach the White
House and not have his candidacy brought down in flames by Iran. The
decision to destroy the Maid of the Seas (Pan Am 103 of 21 December 1988)
was made by the White House, following a secret agreement between a senior
US government official and five Iranian emissaries, and implemented by the
CIA, though the initial destructive device, sufficient to destroy the Maid, was
stuck on the interior surface of baggage container AVE4041 PA by an Iranian
hand.
Pan Am 103 was destroyed by an unknown Iranian using a plot that was conceived
developed and implemented by the CIA. Two known CIA officers, at least, are guilty
of conspiracy to murder, (and in some jurisdictions would face a charge of murder)
for, if as I believe they did not start the destruction of the Maid, they ensured by acts
of commission and omission that that aircraft was completely destroyed in the air, its
remains landing on the town of Lockerbie, a small community in the Scottish Borders.
I have been working on this theory for nearly twenty years, and it relies solely on
material in the public domain, with a couple of minor exceptions, which I clearly note.
The British angle in almost completely invisible, as its intelligence agencies do not
seek the dangerous path of publicity the CIA craves.
I have set myself more than the task of showing Mr Megrahi is not guilty but put
forward here a theory which entirely exonerates him for he is the victim of a brutal US
inspired plot, which is better shown by demonstrating what that plot was, rather than
by trying to tear apart the tangled of muddled information that convicted him.
Yours faithfully,
Charles Norrie
This is my seventh iteration through the Lockerbie story, and one many may find the
most unsatisfactory. It makes several apparently unsupportable claims, of which the
evidence is there, if only it is read carefully and precisely. For example, much will be
made of the fact that there was a second explosion aboard the Maid which was large
enough to cause it to break into pieces. How do we know? It is reported in the AAIB
published report in at least three places, but in such a way to persuade the casual
reader of the opposite conclusion, a technique of report writing the British Civil
Service is superbly skilled at. Then there is the debris trail map which shows two
distinct fragmentation streams. The most logical way to arrive at two different streams
is by saying there were two separate explosions.
It differs from version 6 in that it proposes a slightly different mechanism for the
triggering of the second device the materiel on the CIA pallet
Why has this not come out? Firstly, the Zeist trial process was nothing to do with
establishing the truth of the downfall of the aircraft, but only of the guilt of the two
accused. The defence lawyers made no substantial criticism of the account of the
disaster given in the heavily bowdlerized AAIB (UK Air Accident Investigation Branch)
report, and the Scottish Crown Office is relying on that failure deny papers to Mr
Megrahi's counsel, even today. The trial was simply a process by which Mr Megrahi
could be convicted and was, and was nothing to do with establishing anything else.
The evidence of a second explosion would not have helped in that endeavour and
would indeed have been positively unhelpful. Mr Megrahi could not have had access
to the CIA pallet, as I shall maintain (and is obvious), and the elements of the second
explosion started in Cyprus or the Lebanon and Malta is 1700 km from the former.
That explosion on a CIA pallet will disprove any other theory. It cannot just not be
Megrahi – it can't be PFLP GC, Syria, South Africa or anyone else.
So, a Crown witness must be careful to respond only to the questions that are put to
him by a prosecutor, and who may well have taken particular care to fillet his written
evidence to support the thesis that he (the prosecutor) wishes to demonstrate (not
prove). A Crown witness (especially an expert professional) who strays beyond this
brief and causes the prosecution to fail, will soon find himself out of a job. Worse if
his evidence is found wanting at appeal and a person who has been convicted has to
be released, as had happened to Mr *Thorne. (a * means that the name is a
pseudonym chosen by me ¶ by someone else (and I do not know the individual's real
name), ǂ by someone else (and the pseudonym is publicly known)). I am quite willing
to reveal pseudonyms, where I know, or have invented them, but not electronically, or
in a way that would make it not possible to sue me in the UK or other courts).
The next issue is that it is intended to try to demonstrate the complexity of the
Lockerbie plot, both in its conception and execution, and that it was not a fixed but an
almost organic and developing thing over several years. Do not believe the CIA knew
the outcome it wanted at the start, because it is clear it didn't. Sometimes in this
account, because there is no information whatsoever, it will be necessary to use
fictional means to demonstrate what are real truths. Parts of the UK Government,
authorities and services were, I think, extremely upset in the way in which the
perpetrators of the Lockerbie plot seemed to expect British agencies to co-operate
with the CIA often to the detriment of British institutions and facilities, and BSS
(British Security Services - an American acronym for MI5 (the Security Service) and
MI6 (the Secret Intelligence Service), which may act covertly to influence the
outcome of events in favour of national interests (according to its Wikipedia entry),
which went far beyond what was intended by the initial agreement between the White
House (in Mr Reagan's Presidency) and Number 10 (Mrs Thatcher's incumbency).
Some of this I have had to put in the form of cheap novelette spy fiction.
Manufactured by
CIA into remains of
a timer, and
planted in
evidence stream at
RARDE, Fort
Halstead, England
in late 1989
8 That material collected from the case Original materials Does not cause
said to be the blast suitcase was collected from as great a
genuine various sources suspicion as the
placed in a PT 35 chip
Samsonite
suitcase and blown
up at a CIA facility
in the USA,
transported across
the Atlantic and
placed in remains
of AVE4041 PA just
after the disaster
Two hundred and seventy people died so that one man should reach the White
House and not have his candidacy brought down in flames by Iran. That is my
conclusion of nearly twenty years of trying to understanding Lockerbie, and is not the
one I had ever expected to come to. I am very sad to have to come to that
conclusion.
The CIA
A strangely arrogant, inconsistent, foolhardy and leaky organisation the CIA insists
that all countries in some way want to be the USA, even if a pale shadow of that
country which takes its rôle in the world so seriously and discharges it so poorly.
For example the CIA is convinced the UK got its independence (from what) in 1927!,
and while it corrects that impression somewhat in the potted history it gives (standard
You may say this is a trivial point but it says much about the attitude of the
organisation and its own self belief and that its agents at least in the USA are seen as
a trusted source of wisdom and knowledge.
No-one doubts that the CIA must have had some rôle in Lockerbie, but has
anyone considered that the Agency arranged almost the whole operation with
three major exceptions: the initial agreement between the US and those who
wanted the destruction of a US plane, that the CIA demanded that a person
from the nation which wanted that destruction should carry it out (and the
nationals of that country desired the same end) and that the British declined to
allow the CIA to claim that the device was loaded at Heathrow, and directed the
cover up?
This is no more than a development of what I've said before and not a refutation of it.
Unfortunately I find the perfidy of elements of the US Government, especially the
CIA, is greater, every time I return to the question.
In my view, some parts are indubitably true. Pan Am 103 fell from the sky as a result
of a explosion aboard it (or just possibly a missile attack, though I doubt that, and can
prove it). No-one doubts that, however eccentric and weird we may think their
subsequent claims.
My reasoning for coming to this view about Lockerbie because I had a personal
interest in another plane crash of the era, UT-772 of 1989. Formally, no link was ever
established between the two cases. In the background the spectre of UTA blights the
whole of the latter parts of the Lockerbie story, because the CIA decided to blame
Libya for the tragedy and came across two Libyans who fortuitously happened to be
on Malta at a time when they could be depicted as air terrorists. I happen to have
come to the conclusion that the fortuitous circumstances of UT-772, (I can detect no
US involvement in that disaster), were shamelessly used by the CIA to create a
Libyan attribution for the Lockerbie bombing, but these circumstances came to light
(to the CIA) long after the downing of the Maid of the Seas. The Lockerbie
investigation decried any connection except of the broadest sense, between the two
The reasons Libya did UTA (and the evidence of it) are:
as revenge by Libya for their defeat in the Aouzou strip (Chadean) war
the hurried departure of Libyan ambassador to the Congo, Mr Elazragh, after
the UTA bombing
the placing of Mr Mangatany in charge of a Libyan financed Congolese
opposition group (after a internal coup), his cultivation and his dispatch to
Paris on UT-772 with a suitcase that was detonatable and detonated
that Libya spent a small fortune in bribing the remaining members of that
group to stay silent afterwards
that suitcases had been obtained from the PLO exiled in Tripoli from Lebanon
and were stored in the premises of the Joint Security Office/External Security
Office (JSO/ESO) in Tripoli
that copies unlabelled as evidence were found in its offices later by French
investigators
that two of the perpetrators (who directly caused the device to be primed and
given unknowingly to a mule) were sent under cover as auditors for a
Libyan/Congolese timber exploitation company in the Congo, but never
appeared in its offices or submitted reports back to Tripoli and had no
background in accountancy or timber, nor were copies of their reports found in
company HQ in Tripoli
that these two individuals, who were Libyan military personnel, received
rewards and promotions after the attack
that Taiwanese timers were obtained from a West German firm
that there is a pretty full account of how the device got on UT-772 considering
(a) one of the parties is dead and (b) the Libyans haven't exactly wanted to
talk.
that least one partner of a significant personage changed the date of their
travel from the doomed aircraft
that one Libyan diplomat delayed his flight by a week, so did not travel of the
flight, but did so a week later
that a delegation of Libyan delegates (some 80 people) did not turn up at an
ICAO conference held coincidentally immediately after the bombing
that an announcement was made in advance of the bombing 'that good news
was to be expected', but there was no statement of what that good news might
be, nor did it ever come
that two previous attempts (failed) had been made on the same route within
the previous ten years, both credited to Libya
That there were widespread rumours in the extensive Libyan diaspora in North
Africa that it was a Libyan job
I have deliberately excluded the claim by Mr Awad, a CIA asset resident in the US,
who had been there for many years (since 1982) who said he knew Libya had carried
out UTA. The Juge felt his point was evidentially worthless. Bruguière was not going
to have his investigation into UTA contaminated by the CIA. This material was offered
to the Juge in early 1990 during his commission rogotaire to the United States at the
point the CIA had begun strongly to promote the Libyan attribution over Lockerbie.
The CIA was intimately involved with the downing of the Maid, but did not carry out
the initial phase of the destruction. That assertion, I hope to demonstrate, but cannot
prove. They facilitated it on the orders of the Administration, misdirected its true
attribution, and in a sophisticated and progressive manner, cleared up after it, placing
it as a responsibility of another country. That's a hard point to show, and for many
people, such as the official investigators Marquise and Henderson too hard for them
to consider accepting, though (according to the former) they discussed the matter
together on several occasions, each time coming to the conclusion that what their
security services told them must be truthful.
Similarly, the Agency only carries out with what it is tasked with by the US
government (and in this circumstance it was tasked by the White House). Unlike the
FBI, which is a police force, the CIA has two different and essentially conflicting rôles;
as an analytical agency and an operational one, and they are no more deliberately
confused than in Lockerbie. Both these activities were deployed in the Lockerbie
operation, and it is often impossible to distinguish or to separate them.
The CIA set an agenda over Lockerbie (with which it was intimately bound from the
earliest stages (well before the incident itself), which dates back to just after the
destruction of the Iranian Airbus. Much of that was concerned to maintain the integrity
and consistency of its initial involvement.
Despite Richard Marquise's (who was the FBI lead investigator for much of the time
of the investigation into Pan Am 103, though not at the start, where CIA interference
was most visible) anger with the CIA at various points in the operation (especially in
November 1990, where he considered the media initiative by *Tomas Cattermole as
entirely unhelpful), he seems to have believed that the CIA did not have its own
agenda that led to the Lockerbie inquiry being deliberately misled. Both Marquise and
Henderson, the Scottish SIO, though they claimed to have debated the matter seem
to have been prejudiced against coming to any conclusion that would have
scuppered the Lockerbie inquiry and certainly ended their careers.
Hence today, Marquise must be regarded as one of the strongest supporters of the
CIA's rôle, as he sees it, which is of a organisation that has given up plotting and
operational roguery to become a sort of US overseas detective agency. I cannot
determine the point at which the CIA decided to turn over a new leaf, and its absence
from Lockerbie after the initial run in with the Scots was based of the realistic
understanding by themselves that their presence would be regarded as more harm
than good. Nevertheless, they must have learned of the progress of the inquiry from
the JIG within the Lockerbie inquiry, which Crawford (The Lockerbie Incident, A
Detective's Tale, Trafford, Victoria, Canada, 2002, ISBN1-55369-806-1) complains
kept to itself to itself. This book appallingly written book I would not recommend to
anyone, unless, you are a hard-core mainlining Lockerbie junkie, like me. The public
really should not have to have stuff like this inflicted on them.
Marquise was allowed to write Scotbom: Evidence and the Lockerbie Investigation,
Richard A. Marquise, Algora Pub, 2006, ISBN: 9780875864501, his story of
Lockerbie in which he shows that he swallowed the CIA lie whole, though
occasionally it seems to have stuck in his throat to do so; had he however reluctantly
I am indebted to both authors of books for taking the trouble to write them.
Marquise's which is constructed as if it had been composed from a contemporaneous
diary allowed me to construct a timeline of about two to three times the depth of the
one I had.
Writing a timeline has been one of the most important exercises of the whole
business. Mine (joint Lockerbie and UTA) currently runs to over 750 items and, if you
include the fact that many items are subdivided, possibly over 1000.
Dates
Very few of the dates used in this report are the subject of controversy. For the usual
approach of the CIA has been to excise or not report inconvenient material, rather
than engage in wholesale fabrication of dates. A typical almost 'sleight of hand' we
will see in the tale of the manual Mrs Horton found. Another, is a slight an
approximate misdating of an event, like Mr Bollier's first contact with the US
embassy, Vienna, said to be early January 1989, turns out to be 19 January 1989.
This misdating (or fudging, it would be more correct to say), was deliberately
introduced to preserve the integrity of the claims regarding the PT 35 chip. I consider
this to be one of the most damaging 'errors' that the CIA had to introduce.
Interestingly, there never seemed to be any major confusion over dates and
sequencing of events – with the exception of Mr Bollier's first approach to the US
embassy Vienna, given as early January 1989 in CIA sponsored accounts and 19
January 1989, a date spontaneously given to me by Mr Bollier when I asked him, and
he had no reason to know why I wanted to know. By making up the 'semi-plenary
troth', or downright lie, a term beloved by Mr Taylor, Mr Megrahi's defence lawyer, the
CIA drew attention to the fact it what an antedating of the Libya based plot, to
forestall the argument that the collection date of the Toshiba chip (PT 35) was after
the date of Mr Bollier's approach to the US embassy Vienna. (In fact manufacture of
this evidence took place months later in Kent and not Northumberland), but to protect
the backstory of the finding of the chip, the date of Mr Bollier's approach to the US
embassy had to be shifted, as Mrs Horton's finding of the manual could not as, of
course, it was recorded in police records the CIA could not change.
Why this point was not adequately dealt with by defence counsel at the Zeist trial is a
real mystery.
Money
When it comes to money, the technique is very different. Exact facts are given about
amounts and transactions. However, the recipients never seem to benefit by these
Mr Marquise and Mr Crawford did not appear as a witness at the Zeist trial
It is significant that Crawford was not called as a Crown witness at the Zeist trial as
his bosses said he was too familiar with the case. In other words he knew too much
of the distraction operation that followed the bombing which, if it had become known
would have destroyed it completely. Nor was Marquise, I suspect for similar reasons,
though he did appear before the FGJ that indicted Megrahi and Fhimah.
Put this into my scientific model of reasoning, it is like saying that when a great
scientist produces a new theory, he hides his claims behind a phalanx of idle and
relatively ignorant laboratory assistants, in case he should 'mis-speak' himself, while
a silver tongued advocate tries to destroy his theory.
The CIA seems incapable of believing that anyone working against the interests of
the USA as it sees them, could be doing such things for reasons other than money.
That revenge, opposition to US policies, political commitment, honour or religious
fervour could enter the equation is explicitly and implicitly denied.
We shall see this when we come to consider *Rupert Hantzau's almost racist reasons
for why Iran was not the Lockerbie paymaster.
An important point to bear in mind is that the remit of the Agency restricts it to
carrying out operations outside the United States. It is inevitable that parts of the
operation nevertheless took place in the US, and I suggest they include the following
actions:
The CIA's constitution (it has one, and it was carefully drafted and approved by
Congress in the late 1940s), allows it to act outside the law and carry out actions that
would be unlawful or illegal if carried out by a private individual, only applies to
actions outside the US. One reason is so hard to attach criminal culpability to the CIA
over Lockerbie is that it was extremely careful to ensure that the hand of one of its
employees did not set the fuse on the initial Lockerbie device (that, I argue had to be
an Iranian), and has so far hidden the second, but beyond that constraint the Agency
had a great freedom to operate.
There was a fundamental misunderstanding by most of the British here. They allowed
themselves to be deluded by comforting English-speaking officers that they were on
the side of the Lockerbie investigation, when the whole and singular purpose of those
officers was to undermine it for the sake of singular US government objectives (by
which I mean Bush's presidential ones). At the very highest levels of BSS (MI5 and
MI6), the CIA's duplicity was entirely understood and no doubt private anger at 'the
fucking turd the Agency had left on the British carpet and expected us to clean up',
which the British did to a large extent on their terms.
Until I am well into my anecdotage and invited by someone in ‘Circus to Sarratt’ (Le
Carré), and they take me aside after my rather foolish talk and having put a glass of
good whisky in my hand say, 'you weren't entirely wrong in your portrayal of black
and white, right and wrong over Lockerbie, nor very right', I shall have very little to
say.
Lockerbie took the Agency into new territory. One of the closest examples to be found
is from the Second World War. To enhance the credibility of a turned Nazi agent, the
UK security services had to organise a explosion on a German war target in the UK.
A small device was planted and blown up. No-one was killed and there was little
damage, but enough to convince a Nazi controller that his agent was performing to
snuff. This, of course was functionally different and much less sinister. The action
was taken to maintain the credibility of a turned agent to the enemy, not to delude the
British, and involved no loss of life. By contrast what happened at Lockerbie was
designed to mislead the whole of the US public up to almost, but not quite,
presidential level and caused 270 people to die.
Lockerbie is the cynical outcome of a deal between the Iranians and the US to allow
the first country a revenge for a wrong by the second. No group of airline
passengers has ever been so callously treated. Many senior UK functionaries
must have been sickened by what they were required to do for the sake of a career
of a single US politician.
Certain aspects necessarily take place abroad, for legal reasons. Most notable is that
Contrast this with Mr Bollier who was interviewed by the FBI in a US facility, and also
Scotland. I can see no real reason why Giaka could not have been expected to
appear before police in Scotland.
So why convict? Was the bench asked to come to a political verdict? By the nature of
his questioning it is fairly easy to see that one member of that perverted court was
aiming for a conviction. Why did he bother? Could he not get it out of his head there
was no jury to suborn or overawe, and that if he could convince himself, he'd
convinced a third of the jury!
In Lockerbie, for various reasons, that I'll only summarise in this article, the US
Government was constrained to allow one of the airliners of its major carrier,
considered in a nation that does not have a national airline to be the flag-carrier, to
be destroyed.
I have no doubt that the hand that placed the device to blow up Pan Am 103 was not
American. It was an Iranian, but an Iranian hand that was instructed by an American
one.
It is possible that the CIA built the device that blew up the Maid, though I doubt it. I
have argued elsewhere that Iran was quite technically capable of manufacturing
something that mimicked a PFLP-GC device and required no expert handling.
I've dealt with South Africa, Palestinian, Israeli, Irish, UFO, missile and industrial
accident theories, and believe me they simply do not hold water.
But it happened.
Just remember in the immediate aftermath of the Airbus the Iranians proposed (or
threatened) to down between 5 and 12 US aircraft; eventually an astute US
negotiator beat them down to just one aircraft in reply.
But the US Government (and I think we have to say, at the highest levels) gave the
CIA the job of arranging for the destruction of a US aircraft, and clearing up the mess
afterwards.
The why!
'For why?', as Sir Keith Joseph, a sagacious minister in Mrs Thatcher's government
used to say, when supplying the blindingly obvious question to the blindingly stupid
answer.
It became clear that Iran demanded reciprocation in kind, and the constraining of that
reply to the Maid must be judged one of finest pieces of US realpolitik in dealing with
a very prickly, upset country attached to dirigiste politico-religious principles, in my
opinion as a decent, agnostic, humanitarian, scientific-rationalist Englishman.
My disagreement with the many 'theorists' (and I must admit in that word I must
include myself), who infer an Iranian attribution, is that they distance the Iranian
involvement, focusing on the person who set the device and not who caused it to be
put in place. It's rather like blaming the deaths of those on Pan Am 103 on the fact
that the Maid of the Seas met the ground rather than on the on-board explosion and
who might have caused it.
It must have been clear to the US Administration that UN Security Council Resolution
616 of 21st July 1988, which condemned the US downing of the Vincennes, would not
satisfy Iran's anger for long, and that that state would demand a more substantive
reply, in the form of bodies, under the Iranian version of the Hammurabi code, qesas.
It became clearer as that troupe of stock theatre Iranian commentators from the
radical right, to the moderate middle, angrily began to demand revenge, for what was
regarded as a deliberate action and not, as I believe, the action of a Naval
commander who was virtually out of control and should never been promoted to
officer rank, let alone given charge of a warship. Gradually the number of US aircraft
that would be downed in reply rose to between five and a dozen. The matter began to
cause alarm in the very highest ranks, I suggest, of the US Government, who were
I think the most one of the most sinister comments came from a spokesman at the
Iranian Embassy, London, who simply asked what the resolution might be.
In particular, the decision of the US Navy to award ribbons to the crew of the
Vincennes, and in particular to honour Captain Rogers, at the end of its tour of duty
caused the greatest offence. The Iranians appeared to be unaware that the US
military attaches great importance to the recognition of the most mundane
performance of duty and awards the crews of routine operations, where neither
particular skill nor courage is required, and the honours were not deliberately
intended to cause offence.
They were simply designed as a purely internal official tribute at the end of an
operation, and were not in recognition of the downing of the Airbus, though that had
been the singular most important event of Rogers' watch. Had they been done more
privately or a more sanguine approach taken to Captain Rogers singular methods of
keeping international peace, it would have given the Iranians fewer reasons for a
casus belli.
But it was a supplementary, and not a compelling reason. The downing was offence
enough.
In addition, Vice President H W Bush made the most mealy-mouthed apology for the
behaviour of the Vincennes to the United Nations and is reported as saying he did
not intend to apologise for the behaviour of the United States. If that was intended for
purely domestic consumption, it was reported world-wide.
Elections tend to bring out the worst in nations, and the US is no exception. Unless
the country is transfixed by some great economic crisis as in the recent one (this
piece is written in the summer of 2009), US elections seem to be suffused with war-
fever and become what in the UK are known as khaki elections, with the parties are
driven on by the patriotic need for dashing campaign and daring victory, preferably
with as little blood lost as possible. All done in the name of upholding peace, and in
pursuance of, in the case of the US, its singular vision of its rôle in the world.
There is very little difference between the mood of a baseball ground full, say, of Red
Socks supporters, in full pursuit of a team win, and the American public at election
time, for indeed the electorate are made up of those supporters and those of the
Jays, the Blues and others like them.
In an election year don't expect your leaders seeking election to give a rational
account of your military's doings. So when the VP said he would not apologise for
'these United States', it was intended for domestic consumption only, but was
regarded in Iran as an offence, compounding the offence of the original downing.
It was, of course, not just President Carter or his Party who were the enemy, it was
the irreconcilable split between the official CIA and those elements of the counter-
cultural CIA which are called ‘Iran-Contra’.
Not enough attention is paid to the ideological rifts within the ruling cliques of the US
Government.
At the highest level, President Reagan and his Vice-President represented two
entirely different positions within ruling right-wing circles. The VP came from a
moneyed New England background, whose forbears had become rich in speculation
and development of the US railway network, largely enabled by Congressional land
grants to the incipient railway empires and later by banking, until recently the most
reputable way to get reliably rich in America.
Bush, himself, had successfully relocated to Texas, where he had become prominent
in oil development, before deciding to climb the precariously greasy pole of US
politics. Such a man was not of the same caste or class as Reagan, whose vision of
America owned much to the frontier myths so artfully deployed in many of his movies.
Ronald Reagan did not call his Vice-President 'the elephant in the corner' for nothing
to his face. It was a conceptual difference in the sort of Republicanism each
represented.
But, in July 1988, the US Presidential Election was still four months away, and the
Iranians were baying for revenge.
The first problem that the Administration faced was how to respond to the virulent
Iranian demands. Perhaps the VP recognised that a failure to discover an appropriate
response would threaten his accession to the Presidency in the way that President
Had attacks to meet these Iranian desires been made, not only Bush's candidature
would be under the severest possible pressure, it would have signalled almost the
complete closure of US international air traffic, and probably all out war with Iran.
Mr Dominic *Brandon
At this point, I believe the CIA was not yet the most significant party involved,
although it was plotting away as early as August, 1988. (See my little point on
*Hantzau's autobiography). Given that the character who seems to have played an
important part in the subsequent negotiations with the Iranians worked for the
Department of Defense at the time, it is reasonable to assume that Reagan's
Secretary of State of State for Defense, Frank Charles Carlucci III, was formally in
charge of the response.
Dominic *Brandon was a person of great experience, and is still near the heart of
power today, so his actions over the Airbus must have been considered a success.
Bush, *Brandon and Carlucci had all had senior rôles in the Agency in the past, and
Bush had led it for a short while. It seems obvious that needing expert help in
responding to the Iranian crisis, it is to the Agency that the Administration turned.
'Reasonableness'
There is a 'doctrine of reasonableness' which claims not that the parties in a issue
should act 'reasonably', but says that each party in the issue should be able to
achieve what it wants, commensurate with the other party's understanding of what it
must concede. And their actions should be clear to the parties, if not transparent to
observers and outsiders. And the real meaning of Lockerbie has been particularly
successfully hidden for over 20 years. The CIA and senior negotiators knew that well
and it is clear that both sides understood that over the Airbus matter, the burning
desire for revenge by Iran must be accommodated on terms acceptable to the US.
But at very least it meant that the Iranians had to be allowed to down one US
aircraft in full international service.
That means that the US had to recognise that the offence that the Iranians felt they
had suffered was so great that it could only be met by the destruction of at least one
US aircraft, loaded with passengers. That response happened to be Pan Am 103 of
21 December 1988.
Clever semanticists and foreign policy advisers must have come to the conclusion
that Iran would require the downing of a aircraft in reply in cold air-conditioned deep
Washington cabals in the hot mid-summer of 1988. And I suggest that having come
“Our guests don’t come to the hotel, they come to our home”. This is the boast of the
proprietors of the Hôtel Victoria in Glion, near Montreux Switzerland, and despite the
name suggesting a slightly dilapidated Gothic pile, it is a rectangular box of an affair
in what might in Britain be called 'Festival of Britain' style, but certainly without the
aspect of austerity that era suggests, set in its own grounds with a fine view over
Lake Geneva, the perfect site to debate the intentional and deliberate destruction of
'innocent' lives (by which I mean all lives are innocent, and thus all expendable if your
government decides) in the matter of what was essentially national 'honour', a hateful
word. Either here or possibly at the Hotel Rigi, also in the town, and also 4-star (did
the budget not run to a 5-star hotel one wonders, and would the victims of Pan Am
103 have felt their lives short-changed by this apparent economy?), the two sides sat
and deliberated the fate of one or several aircraft.
There were four meetings between July and October (alternatively between August
and November, according to another account). Five Iranians attended. The names
have been reported elsewhere. We don't know the others in the US delegation
besides *Brandon, though I am beginning to believe *Hantzau was somewhere in the
background.
I think the first thing that Mr *Brandon did (and my story became conjectural, but
hopefully you will regard as entirely plausible conjecture) was to read the riot act. He
must have said that if any action were taken by the Iranians before an agreement
with him was reached, a state of war would exist between the US and Iran. He
pointed out that while Iran might be getting the better of Iraq in its war with that
country (despite US support for Iraq as its client), it would be an entirely different
matter if the Iranians decided to take on the US directly.
Secondly, he said that it would have to be a 'one and one only' deal. The Iranians, I
am sure argued that according to qesas (a rule of reciprocal retribution (the essence
of 'an eye for an eye'), which is a life saving deal, preventing tribal- or Mafia- style
unending internecine warfare) the loss of life must be equal on the Iranian and the
US side. *Brandon saw the point of that, and said that, of course, he meant that the
aircraft brought down in reply would be a fully functioning international commercial
service of a leading US airline. He might even have specified Pan Am at this point, as
either it or TWA were the logical targets as the leading US carriers, in a country which
does not have a national carrier.
Thirdly, the hand that placed the explosive would have to be Iranian. As I am going to
raise the complicated and contentious issue of a second explosion, (not an IED)
which is very easy to demonstrate, (I should clarify that and say: the first device to
explode must be the one placed by an Iranian and it should be of sufficient size and
power to bring down a 'hardened' Boeing 747. In fact it was, and the second
explosion was scarcely necessary. But the CIA didn't know that). That necessarily
had to be done to protect US citizens who might be implicated in the plot, if it should
become public, from a charge of murder. But at least one of them acted incautiously.
As I believe there was demonstrably a second explosion on the Maid, this had to be
accidental or arguably portrayable as accidental or I think the UK's AAIB would
not have become involved in what might be called the cover-up.
I cannot prove the second explosion on the aircraft was deliberately triggered or not,
though more and more I think it was. I usually come to the conclusion that despite,
what I think were the CIA's denials to the AAIB, it was deliberate, for nothing, but
nothing is left to chance in the tragedy of Pan Am 103.
Remember, my arguments are not based upon what some deep throat has told me,
they are all based on what is in the public domain, and anybody have could come to
the same conclusions, if only they cared to look, by carefully considering what the
various parties would consent to do, if they were so inclined.
You cannot simply, as some commentators do say: 'they're all in it together', because
the parties have different agendas. The views of BSS are entirely different from AAIB
or the CIA. It is lazy and sloppy thinking to go round blackening everyone with the
same tar brush.
I have one ruling caveat. I treat any statement by a known or former CIA officer as an
outright lie until proven otherwise.
But it is possible that some agents did not reveal to the CIA legal department their full
rôle in the Lockerbie plot.
So the Iranians were instructed to build their own device. I have argued elsewhere
that the manufacture of the device would be quite within the competency of a physics
undergraduate, and so there need be no hint of any US involvement. Unlike some
commentators, I have demonstrated that no special skills in handling explosives
would be required by the individual who deployed the device. It was so designed that
it would be completely destroyed in the explosion in AVE4041 PA, leaving no traces
for forensic recovery. None has ever been found, not even of the detonator.
Once the principle was struck, agreement to the other items was quite trivial. The US
Government would be allowed to extract its direct employees from the flight, though
such a consideration would not be applied to other US citizens outside the magic ring
of state-employment. However such warnings would have to be internal to
Government and private to those employees. There could be no general warning
about the flight chosen. Other travellers (mainly foreigners) would occupy the seats
vacated by US government employees. But the Iranians presumably reasoned that
the lives of all foreigners were equal, and if they had chosen to travel by an American
airline, they could be treated as if they were Americans and provided the body count
were met, honour would be satisfied. Have the Iranians been troubled by the
deficiency of 20 in the respective death tolls between the Airbus and the Maid, or
ever in the fact those replaced bodies were not American?
The US would be allowed to attribute the bombing to any party, provided Iran were
not, finally, an important qualification, directly implicated. The Americans intended to
do this by having the Iranians build a device that would be reliably destroyed by the
explosion of the IED. So effective was that blast that not even the detonator was
recovered. In the UTA blast 2.4 times the size of the Lockerbie IED, the detonator (of
ICI build) was recovered.
This would be a difficult matter as the biggest source of grievance between the two
nations was the matter of the Airbus. Conversely, therefore the Iranians agreed not to
rejoice in the destruction of an American aircraft, but would be allowed to make a
cautious claim through one of the more irresponsible parts of the Iranian nationalist
repertory theatre, a known spokesman – the Guardians of the Revolution, the
Pasdaran. It would thus be possible for the Americans to issue a routine denial and
say they were not looking for particular Iranians and allow the claim to stand but
eventually be ignored. What it was not possible to do was deny from the outset any
possibility of an Iranian rational, as it was so obvious. It came to pass.
It would be important that in the run-up to the reprisal that no claims of 'good news to
Another variant of this tale says it was on 18 th December 1988, which suggests that
Dr Velayati may have sounded off more than once. The CIA has never drawn any
attention to the good doctor's claim which, in itself, suggests that story that it was
made, is true. Certainly, if the CIA had wanted to direct investigation in this direction,
it would have drawn attention to the remark, and the strength of its being ignored is
that one is compelled to come to the conclusion that the remark is very, very
significant.
In the run-up to the UTA bombing there were such damaging claims in the Libyan
media that 'good news was to be expected', whilst the meaning of that good news
was deliberately left unclear, which Juge Bruguière regarded as very sinister.
There were a number of relatively minor matters. Firstly, the US wanted the release
of the hostages in the Lebanon. Not a problem, said the Iranians, and they duly were
so in the latter weeks of the Lockerbie investigation and with the last ones including
Terry Waite, a particular Iranian bête noire, after the Lockerbie indictments were
made. That his release was so late, and to me quite unexpected, for I had thought
that he was long dead, suggests the Iranians did not finally accept the Americans had
performed until after the indictments against the Libyan two were in.
This, of course, would cut across and render entirely nugatory the work of his
buffoonery of an operation in the Lebanon, but no matter, as an agreement to release
the hostages was part of the deal. Iranian assets in the US would be unfrozen, and
so it came to pass. The Iranian relatives of the dead would be allowed to claim
compensation, but on a scale (Warsaw Convention) that would be minuscule
compared with what the Lockerbie relatives would receive. By the same token, no
compensation from the relatives of what would be the Lockerbie bombing would be
paid by Iran, but if the US could raise compensation from any other source, good luck
to them. (Which, as we know, came to pass).
The date of what would become the Lockerbie bombing needed to be set. It had to
be in that curious dead period of the four-year cycle of the US political process
Given that Lockerbie had occurred after the General Election, why did the US not
simply renege on the deal with the Iranians. I think that's because the Iranian
campaign of between 5 and 12 aircraft was simply put on hold until the Americans
performed their part of the bargain, and the Iranians could also make a plausible
claim that the Bush clique had negotiated with them, and then denounce them, if the
Americans had not performed.
Whether Mr *Brandon deserves 270 lifetimes in jail for his work or the Nobel Prize for
Peace depends on whether you are an old-fashioned American sentimentalist or a
hard-headed body counter. Mr Bush has had to live with his own conscience on this
matter, as have many others, though whether the ex-President has a conscience is a
matter of debate.
Herbstlaub
This story has become the hoary old chestnut of all who deny (like me) a Libyan
attribution. What can be said about it?
Firstly, it is quite possible that some radical Iranians had contracted a Palestinian
dissident group, the PFLP-GC in Germany and asked them to construct and deploy
devices, of which they had had the experience of constructing. It would fit in quite
well with the theory of between 5 and 12 aircraft being brought down in the revenge
bombings. For, they could have manufactured that many.
The appalling Mr *Hantzau (ex CIA), is currently promoting a theory that Palestinian
elements carried out the bombing, and they were paid by Iran. My belief is that he is
falling back on an old CIA attribution (necessarily false), for when the Libyan one
fails.
Perhaps then, radical Iranians having started the operation, the *Brandon talks
having resulted in a measured and agreed conclusion, the Palestinian initiative was
no longer needed and the Iranians shopped their protégés to the BKA, or to the
Americans, who passed the information on to the BKA.
Perhaps, the Iranians brought up the Palestinian initiative as a bargaining point in the
talks themselves. Certainly, that source of disinformation and intrigue, the CIA, was
The device that is attributed to the Libyans (for God's sake) turns out to be a Toshiba
cassette, as known to be used by PFLP-GC bombers, although the detonation
mechanism (claimed to be a long-timer, is entirely different from the pressure trigger
and short timer the PFLP-GC are claimed to have used).
Why the Libyans should accidentally appear (according to the evidence at the Zeist
trial) to employ exactly the same camouflage as a known Palestinian device is
inexplicable, unless you realise very little about Autumn Leaves is to be produced at
that trial, and what is not produced at the trial is in effect idle speculation, at least as
far as the court is concerned. So presumably the law of the undistributed middle (as
logicians have it) does not apply.
It breaks the rule of the undivided middle, but this basic essential of legal proof
appeared to be unknown to their Lordships at Zeist, so cavalier with logic did they
appear to be.
It is one of the great mysteries of the Zeist process that the defence did not manage
to get enough information into it to demonstrate the existence of other Toshiba
devices. Had the defence managed to get Mr Dalqamuni or Mr Khreesat into the box,
their very presence would have ensured that Mr Megrahi would have been acquitted.
For, they could have testified to having made Toshiba cassette bombs.
We don't know why exactly they declined to come to Zeist, or possibly they were
made aware that they might be detained for other matters, if they did. It says much
for so-called Islamic solidarity. Anyone who believes there is much common feeling in
different parts of the Muslim world should consider how badly Mr Megrahi has been
let down by his co-religionists.
Mr Talb was produced and the fact that he was is very significant. If the Crown had
had any inkling that he was involved with the bombing, he would not have been
produced. We can say as a categorical conclusion that because he was, if Mr
Megrahi is released on appeal, a case against the PFLP GC will get nowhere. In fact,
it was simply an early CIA lie to cover its Iranian agreement and its own perfidy.
No wonder *Hantzau is so fond of it, for it is the threadbare cover for his own criminal
duplicity.
The prosecution had to destroy the BKA's evidence of the Palestinian Toshibas,
Accepting the validity of doubtful evidence as truly valid is one of the prosecutor's
tricks that makes the Zeist court in all its deliberations so uncompelling.
I shall come later to what was the Toshiba cassette on the ground at Lockerbie.
With the Brandon agreement safely out of the way, it had to put it into operation.
His theory neatly chimes with Jim Swire's view and is a little different and it is that the
deed was carried out by Syrians/Iranians with some sort of PFLP-GC input. Elegant
variations can be played on the theme. Essentially such exercises can be made to
work as:
b. Any statement by a participant in the game can be derided as false and may thus
be rejected; and,
Plausibly *Hantzau says the US could not confront the Iranians over the downing of
the Maid, but entirely avoids the issue of the issue - why? It allows him to slide over
the issue to be denied of why the Iranians or even the Syrians would want to bring
down a US aircraft. The first offence is made to seem to be on the Iranian or Syrian
part, whereas the truth is quite the opposite. Perhaps we are simply meant to infer
that Iranians, Syrians or whoever else are simply natural terrorists (and that is the
So what in my opinion is a deal done to ensure that George Bush Senior's path to
glory is not interrupted, is portrayed as an inability of the US to deal with a local
would-be hegemonist, for fear of the oil flow from the Gulf being interrupted. If that is
so, why did the Administration indulge the Iraqis to such an extent that the latter
thought they would be allowed to invade Kuwait, with a far greater possibility of the
interruption of that oil flow. That was compensated for simply by the US getting the
Saudis to turn up the taps of their virtually limitless supply. And if the Saudis would
disoblige an essentially Sunni regime in Iraq to preserve a US (Christian) hegemony
surely they would do the same for the US to a despised Shia theocracy? No
*Hantzau, you're no geopolitical thinker.
The typical journalistic herd commentator who says if it isn't Libya it must be the
PFLP-GC today simply dusts down that first attribution after the Lockerbie crash and
says it must be right. To the extent that the CIA has successfully managed to confuse
the origins of Lockerbie blast, it must be said that from their point of view the strategy
has been entirely successful. Here, for example is an absolutely typical comment
from a website which calls itself ‘Justice Denied’.
Among the wreckage was a thumbnail size piece of a circuit board from a Toshiba
radio-cassette recorder. Small Semtex bombs were concealed in the same model of
recorder seized two months earlier in a West German raid on a Palestinian militant
group: the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command (PFLP-
GC).
Actually there were problems over both the number of speakers and colour of the two
types of Toshiba.
Until Gauci’s ID of Megrahi, the PFLP-GC was the prime suspect for the bombing.
We don't know that, as the Lockerbie investigation has never told us about its internal
workings and provisional conclusions
Additional evidence implicating the PFLP-GC is that two days after Flight 103’s
bombing the Iranian government deposited $11 million in a PFLP-GC bank account.
That claim came from the CIA, who cooked up the Megrahi evidence. If we can't
believe them over that, why should we believe them over this? The strategy of the
writer is just to say what is wrong now must be disproved by what happened before.
It is exactly the opposite of what Mr Marquise thought about the CIA: that they had
given up tricks and were now telling the truth.
Also, Abu Talb is an Egyptian PFLP-GC member convicted of bombings in
Copenhagen and Amsterdam. He is currently serving a life prison sentence in
Sweden. Talb was in Malta in the fall of 1988. When the FBI first contacted Gauci he
was shown a photo of Talb. Gauci said Talb looked “similar” to the man who bought
the clothes.
That Mr Talb is serving a life sentence in a Swedish prison for murder is no evidence
he did Lockerbie, as the author of the article ought to know, if he believes that a
defendant should be tried on the merits of the case and not on the character of the
defendant.
Mr Gauci has been confused about the appearance and time of the mysterious visit
to his shop so often that I hardly think his evidence would impress any other court.
The picture painted by the evidence Megrahi’s lawyers have obtained since his
conviction is the Iran backed PFLP-GC was likely responsible for the bombing, and
even if the clothes believed to be in the bomber’s suitcase were bought at Gauci’s
Malta shop, they were bought by a person other than Megrahi.
Essentially Dr Swire does exactly the same thing when he goes on about his PFLP-
GC theory. But he compounds the offence as he and others put a lot of effort into
persuading many that the PFLP-GC was to blame, notable Mr Paul Foot of Private
Eye. I have never managed to get that magazine to understand the circularity of its
arguments or apply any critical thinking to PFLP-GC theory. Mr Foot remains a
household icon whose mere theories, now over 20 years old, cannot be doubted as
the truth, Carlisle Street asserts.
I have closely followed Ludwig de Braeckeleer's comments in the past, and while I
can't source them any more authoritatively than he does, what fell out of the Iran
crisis seems to fit neatly.
The reason that the story cannot be sourced better than Ludwig's second or even
third hand account is obvious. Neither party (the US or Iran) has had any interest in
drawing attention to these negotiations. The US has never disclosed officially that
negotiations took place and as they took place in the omerta of Government
privilege, there is no reason why it should ever. No government would ever want to
have to admit that it allowed a foreign power to destroy one of its own aircraft, even if
this was the best deal that could be obtained in the circumstances, and it had been
allowed to save its own employees!
I concluded that the following outcomes from the US-Iranian talks at the Hôtel
Victoria were:
It has required no special information to work this out, once it had been suggested
that there was a deal. It was what happened. From the downing of a US aircraft to
the release of the hostages, through the investigation the trial and the appeals, with
the exception of some extraordinary leakiness on the part of the US and some
damning disclosures from the Iranian side, both parties have held true to the
agreement. Interestingly the BSS, intimately involved in the cover-up and re-
allocation of blame to Libya, has been more reticent, beyond the point of visibility and
I have only been able to understand their rôle by using a fictional account
Bletchley Park
Astonishingly, it took 30 years for the truth about Bletchley Park in WWII to begin to
be disclosed and there were 10,000 people involved in that! When it comes to
secrecy, the British are far better than the braggart CIA which consistently trips over
its own shoelaces.
The *Brandon agreement is, I suggest still in force, and the parties, as far as they are
able, adhere to it to this day.
Notice that despite the clause that US Government employees were not to be
amongst the victims, at least six were. They were:
The death of one of these individuals, Charles McKee, may have been required as a
result of the Glion agreement, but also may only be a useful point of exploitation by
the CIA. There isn't enough information to decide the matter yet. It is said Mr McKee
behaved very untypically when he was due to return to the US. He phoned his
mother, something he had never done before, and asked her to pick him up at a local
New England airport. Perhaps, by that time, he had understood that *Hantzau's joke
(see below) might be a killer. Perhaps he was aware something was awry; it is the
sort of point to be generous to the CIA's position that one could overlook as a mere
coincidence. It should neither be overgeneralised from nor ignored.
The FBI would choose to ignore it when, so much later on, they became aware of it.
So too the broken padlock.
Mr Bernt Carlsson
The courtesy of warning US Government officials did not extend to the UN. So Bernt
Carlsson died. The chief protagonist of 'South Africa' theory has not replied to my
extended criticism of why his theory is wrong and until he does, and I can accept it,
my thesis here stands. I shall refer further to Mr Carlsson in passim.
I have no doubt that the CIA was fully aware of the full passenger lists of the Maid
and could have acted on that knowledge. In other words, that by omission the CIA
sentenced these six people to death. But the CIA fully intended Pan Am 103 to die. It
would of course have been helpful in showing that there was no US Government
complicity in the downing of the Maid if there were some US governmental officials
from whatever department aboard. Had there been none one would be entitled to say
there must have been US governmental complicity for no Pan Am flight out of London
(especially at Christmas) would surely contain no such people. Indeed the number of
six, just before that joyous festival is suspiciously small. So it is quite possible that
after the Toshiba warning had been issued, any other US governmental official would
not have been specifically had his attention drawn to the warning later, as the CIA
needed to have innocent US government officials aboard to prove that the flight was
in no way unusual. But it is an issue about which known CIA officials are very
vulnerable if anyone should come knocking.
There is the rumour, no more than that, and which no reliance should be made
whatsoever, other than that it fits, is that the CIA station manager at Heathrow (an
airport so important its has such an official) waved off the Maid at push-back. Was
there some day-glo bright orange clad figure there on the tarmac who knew the
aircraft would not see its American landfall.
Secondly, when did the UK security (MI5) and secret services (MI6) – (BSS an
acronym for British Security Services used by Marquise) become informed of the CIA
operation. It's my belief they were told extremely late on, but that the CIA had
prepared themselves carefully for the eventuality that BSS would disapprove of a
Heathrow based plot. So perhaps the BSS were told after the Maid had left the
ground at Heathrow. Yes, there ought to have been clues that both BSS
But, as I believe that an early intention was for the investigation to learn of the break-
in and hence conclude the device had been installed at Heathrow and the CIA arrived
at Lockerbie with a pre-prepared blown up suitcase, BSS must have told them that
Heathrow could not be allowed to be the point of installation of the bomb, and hence
BSS knew of the operation before it happened, and acquiesced in CIA criminality.
Conversely, the CIA realising that BSS were going to be difficult, had prepared
themselves with a back-up plan.
A 'just possible scenario' is that the CIA head in London told his opposite number in
MI6 at about 18:50 on 21 December 1988 that Pan Am 103 was going to crash, far
too late for ATC instructions to be issued to stop the flight (even if MI5 or MI6 could
have issued such specific instructions to land a single aircraft). Remember at about
18:38 the timer on the IED switches on as the aircraft rises through 2,400m and the
aircraft would have had to be safely landed during the next half-hour.
The head of the CIA London is a very senior posting, but also a bit of a sinecure.
Awarded to a senior CIA officer on the point of retirement, it includes (as a high point)
attendance at the first half of the weekly meeting of the UK's Joint Intelligence
Committee. It meets, I suppose, in a deep Whitehall basement together with
representatives from Canada and Australia, (the Old White Commonwealth less New
Zealand (which has gone beyond the pale over its nuclear policy) and post apartheid
South Africa). UK domestic matters are discussed when the 'old white lions' leave.
Not knowing in advance what the response of BSS would be (though it might be
surmised), the CIA might have played safe by ensuring the announcement (it was
hardly a warning) to BSS came far too late.
One problem that I've found there are two separate accounts of how officials came to
arrive at Lockerbie. (There are usually at least two stories about anything over any
issue that concerns the disaster. Is it more than a need for 'elegant variation'?) One
story has an aircraft leaving Farnborough at 20:40, the other that a Pan Am 737
arrives from Heathrow at Carlisle at midnight. One should have arrived by 21:40, the
other should have left around 23:00. The Farnborough plane mainly has AAIB men
on it; the London plane the Aviation Minister, US SD officials, and BSS (MI5 and MI6)
and other AAIB. The timing of the latter plane perhaps suggests no UK
foreknowledge of the plot, that latter suggests there might be some.
AAIB obviously knew absolutely nothing about what was intended, and so the
meeting with the CIA at Lockerbie must have been to say the least, frosty. Why were
they there, and so quickly? They weren't expecting the crash, were they? One can
The AAIB report says that they learnt of the destruction of the Maid at 19:40. (By the
way, I implicitly accept any and every statement in the AAIB report as a true fact. The
problem is that there are far too few, and the report is heavily and demonstrably
biasedly edited by excision and the use of accurate, if entirely misleading, language
on occasion. But every fact made in it can be regarded as unfailingly true.)
When and who briefed the Prime Minister on this tragedy? Did the PM give
permission for this sad piece of American melodrama to take place on UK soil, and
when she said, yes, of course, anything for our transatlantic cousins, how much did
they tell her was intended? Was there a phone call to Number 10 just before 19:00
from the Head of MI16, Sir Christopher Curwen? And was he told, when he contacted
No. 10, to give the Americans every assistance they wanted?
If BSS are told late-on that the CIA has an ongoing operation on UK soil, they would
necessarily have had to check with Government at the most senior level (which
means Mrs Thatcher) that this was so, and what the parameters for co-operation
were.
Remember by holding Lockerbie here, the CIA fulfilled to the letter that it did not carry
out jobs in the US, while ensuring it took place on possibly the most friendly location
on earth to US interests. In the UK, the CIA was practically on its home ground, but
without the distracting diktats of an importunate Congress.
Did Mrs Thatcher have foreknowledge of the US plot and had agreed to the use of
'Airstrip One' (Orwell's immortal phrase) in this way? Did she agree to allow the CIA
to use the UK for its fun and games? I hope she lives long enough that some of the
true story emerges and she learns why she is to be denied a state funeral, for the
betrayal of our real national interests.
There were special reasons why the US could call on the UK in this way. Firstly, the
CIA and MI6 are very close and historically the forerunner of the CIA (the OSS) was
essentially set up by the British early in WWII.
One of the consequences of British complicity is that the UK agencies take more than
their fair share of responsibility for the tragedy than the US Government and its
sacred and sacrosanct Agency, the CIA.
One consequence I hope will come out a proper inquiry is that the British authorities
will cease to bend their knee to US policy and began to treat it and its Agencies as
the shabby criminal elements it is and they are. The first step would be to ban the CIA
or any foreign presence at the weekly JIC meetings. CIA personnel would be
p.n.g.'ed as possible diplomatic representatives to the UK, and a more mature and
less supine regard to US interests should be taken.
Again, I say to you the CIA committed murder at Lockerbie, and it is a crime to be
avenged (not revenged).
Secondly, the US government had quite a few debts it could call in. The most
prominent of these dated back to the Falklands War where, very much against its
initial stance, the Administration swung its position round to support Britain, a
realignment which ensured that Britain won that war. This re-orientation of policy had
begun in the White House, when Mrs Thatcher had made a specific appeal to
President Reagan to back the British position.
Had the US simply denied the right of the use of the airport on Ascension Island
(though UK territory) to the RAF, the fight for the islands would have been over even
before it started, and there was a sufficiency of people on the right in the US who
held to traditional anti-British and anti-imperialist views to argue that the Argentinian
invasion as a legitimate anti-colonial action. The Monroe doctrine (that European
powers should not involve themselves in the Western Hemisphere) runs deep in
parts of American political folklore.
Bawbies
Is it not a real hope that Sir George Bush's knighthood is “cancelled and annulled”, as
the proper words have it, by the Queen? I use the word “Sir”, because there is
nothing to prevent me a UK citizen from calling a man made knight by my sovereign
by his proper title, however little I believe he deserves it, or whether he thinks it
should be used or not.
I call Sir George Bush that because that is his proper appellation.
Sometimes, and I think the main part of the CIA's briefing comes after the farce over
Mr McKee's suitcase, the CIA has to come clean (as much as is possible for a
pathologically lying organisation) and in return is told by BSS what they, the British,
are prepared to do.
As the CIA agents outlined their plot against what was essentially themselves, BSS
became very angry, and it's quite possible high words were exchanged between
secret services of the two allies. Firstly, BSS was very angry that the CIA had
selected Heathrow for its little job.
Whilst Mrs Thatcher may have gaily agreed in the spirit of mutual solidarity of the two
allies to a nostalgic re-run of the wartime alliance, and in her increasingly
megalomaniac view of the world saw herself as a second Churchill, MI6 understood
that the US would take all and give nothing back in return, just as they'd stolen
penicillin, RDF and the jet, and denied Britain its share in the atomic bomb. Such
resentments go a long way back and can fester for generations.
“Game and set,” said the CIA. “When the break-in is discovered,” it will be known it
was loaded at Heathrow. It was a PFLP-GC copy timer for God's sake?
“What will be the proof of that? You've said that all the material evidence, the ice-
cube timer and even the detonator and the circuitry will be destroyed in the
explosion, so there will be no evidence it was a PFLP concoction.”
“When the break-in becomes known, it will be obvious, as it is the obvious, but
Perhaps this was the first time MI6 learned that the break-in, of which they'd had only
a low-level police report, was part of the plot.
“We won't let you use Heathrow,” He repeated. “But how will you stop us?” asked the
CIA man. “The plane is down, the deed is done. And Mrs Thatcher gave the Vice-
President every assurance of the assistance of the British authorities.”
“You can't release any information about the break-in, without breaking cover,” was
the reply. “And you can't use known Heathrow security failures as the background for
the job. Or we can blow you sky-high.”
Certainly at that point BSS possessed the capacity to denounce the Lockerbie scam,
but would it be in their interest?
It reminds me of a conundrum which faced one of the UTA groups I belonged to. The
question of the removal of United Nations sanctions against Libya came up at the
UN. Interestingly only the name of Pan Am 103, not UTA, though they had been
imposed in regard of both tragedies. The French Foreign Minister said he would be
advised by the UTA families' group. But he made a condition. If he was asked to use
France's veto (for France has a veto power in the UNSC), that would be the last bit of
support the UTA families' group would get from the French Government. What would
they choose to do? The choice was in their hands.
It was a difficult decision for Guillaume Denoix de St Marc, our chair. We weren't
consulted. “Abstain on the veto, so we can continue to negotiate,” he said,
unequivocally. So France abstained on the veto and continued to support Union des
Familles en Cholère's demand for compensation.
Guillaume, in my view, made the right decision. After all one tenth of a loaf is better
than none, and the UTA crust was still substantial.
The same reasoning dictated how BSS would respond to the mess the CIA had
dumped them in. Walk off the field, or continue to play the game. The UK is, par
excellence, a games playing nation, so the reply was a foregone conclusion.
But then the CIA had then to come clean (well a bit), while BSS assessed what the
British response would be. Firstly, the CIA explained how they would locate McKee's
suitcase, whose transponder had been switched on by the crash and would run for
some hours.
“So the two devices blow up at the same time? Didn't your bomb have a safety
switch?”
I think that BSS probably accepted that for the fairy story, it seems to be. And then
they had to convince the AAIB.
I think the AAIB were determined to do a thorough investigation and carried one out,
and only consented to issuing the highly misleading final report of their findings under
immense political pressure. It contains some of the finest civil service-ese it has ever
been my privilege to read.
There are roughly three different approaches that the CIA adopted at different times.
The Agency and especially its operatives and erstwhile operatives have not been
consistent in the methods and motivations. Here's another little table about strands of
thought in the CIA.
Why the CIA didn't mind if the break-in at Heathrow came to light
The CIA did not mind if the break-in were discovered, and even if the adjacency of
the Pan Am and Iran Air facilities at Heathrow would lead to the implication of an
But BSS did mind. As BSS controlled whether the break-in at Heathrow became
public knowledge or not (it was not with the CIA's power to do that), it necessarily
follows the BSS thought it was a bad idea and so that fact did not reach the public.
MI5 has been very cautious in explaining its rôle over Lockerbie and in one statement
Dame Stella Rimington, who was head of the service during the matter, has only said
“The Service played a major part in the investigation into the bombing of Pan Am 103
over Lockerbie in December 1988...”
That in my opinion is a dissimulation for MI5 surely was to work out the method of
corrupting the RARDE evidence.
Both elements of BSS must be compared in their reticence with the CIA's
garrulousness.
The MI5 man put his foot down. “Not Ireland,” their man said, seeing the draft press
release by the CIA of 22nd December 1988; “We have a working arrangement with the
PIRA and don't want it destabilised by blundering Americans. The Irish have never
used air terrorism and there isn't any reason for them to start now. And remember
much of the problem arises from your Government's indulgence of terror loving
groups in the States and their funding of quixotic and impractical revolutionary
strategies, (otherwise NORAID). May I remind you that it is commonly thought in
some your more ignorant quarters that people in Ulster don't even have the vote!”
The CIA produced the draft of the press-release they wanted to issue on the 22 nd.
“No, you cannot refer to an Irish Republican claim,” they were told. That is, I suggest,
how the statement issued by the CIA referred to a group, unknown for nearly 80
years, the UDL or Ulster Defence League, and obviously of the opposite persuasion
to the PIRA. If the suggestion of an Irish Republicans was a fantasy, the possibility of
any sort of Unionist group doing it was with the fairies. It might just have been
suggested to the CIA (who possibly thought they were doing BSS a favour by
accusing certain Irish groups of terrorism) that they were wrong. The BSS
amendment told the world that the Agency was verging on the lunatic.
The senior Agencies must have looked with disdain at their American counterparts.
I expect the senior MI6 man took the senior CIA man aside and in the presence of
the State Department representative told him bluntly:
“If you do not do exactly as we tell you, we can blow this operation sky high. It is a
matter of such seriousness that your new President might have to resign even before
he takes office. Do you understand exactly what we are saying to you?”
“The first important issue at will be how much investigation the AAIB will carry out.
The AAIB offer only minimal co-operation, agreeing simply to allow a final editing of
the report.”
If the CIA offered the support of (or delegation to) the US NTSB of the Lockerbie
investigation, wresting it away from the AAIB, at this point, I expect BSS looked at
them as if they had gone barmy.
In other words, if anyone is brave and clever enough to get the AAIB to issue all their
research under the FIA, it will revolutionise our understanding of Lockerbie.
“Restricting the scope of their inquiry will be very difficult indeed. One careless
statement in their report, which we cannot openly edit,” say BSS, “and your cover will
be blown. You must trust us to guide you in this.”
BSS say the IED must not have been loaded at Heathrow
“Next, there is the matter of Heathrow. Whatever resolution comes out of this there
must be no implication whatsoever that the IED was loaded at Heathrow. Heathrow is
one of our most important economic assets and we cannot have you tossing it lightly
aside in one of your trivial power games. If you insist on Heathrow, then we shall
have to, with greatest reluctance reveal the perfidy of your plot to the world. You must
understand the meaning of that. However, we understand that the plot has gone so
far that the IED at least must have travelled through Heathrow undetected.”
The CIA said that of course they respected BSS's position, but they considered it a
done deal at the political level.
“Not ours,” was the reply. This was the British position, determined by the foot-soldier,
not the general.
What the BSS said they would help the CIA over
Having made their position absolutely clear, but without any semblance of a
resolution on the horizon, BSS asked what the CIA wanted most on its agenda.
“Tough,” said BSS, “But don't blame us if it goes tip over arse. If it goes wrong
*Cattermole gets it in the neck.”
“Hardly, not.” The forced smile on the CIA man's face, said everything. These people
had lost an empire, whilst every other nation in Europe had been coruscated by war
and revolution over that, and blandly muddled along as if nothing had happened.
They actually found the War (for them there was only one) almost a matter of happy
nostalgia!
“If evidence of a second explosion is not presented, it need not be, if an accused is in
the dock for planting the IED. You're convinced that the IED was enough to bring
down the Maid.”
“No dice. Nor, if it ever became known that we had to arrange for a certain Iranian
gent to do a little job at Heathrow.”
“Iranian, only. For, the implication would be that we'd done a deal with over the Maid.”
“So you wouldn't have minded if an unidentifiable gent, probably PFLP-GC, based in
London, had been found to have decided to take little shopping trip to the airport?”
“And,” said the MI6 man, “We won't co-operate on that target.”
“It looks as if Frankfurt's out too. The Germans don't want a security scandal either.”
“They did us a good turn over Autumn Leaves, then said one good turn a year's
enough. Nine months to go. Might just be able to turn them round, but I doubt it.”
“The Iranians told us that all sorts of multiple bombings were to be staged by the
PFLP-GC, so we bargained it down to one, insisted an Iranian do the dirty, and
agreed cover.”
“They don't, we do. Look I've said far, far too much already. We agree London's off.”
“Finally.”
“Last word?”
“Probably go outside Europe. Egypt, Cyprus, Malta...” (Note, all these have been
proposed as starting places for the IED, by some observer or commentator at some
time).
The MI6 man summed up: “I don't think I've heard such a deliberately cruel and
mendacious plot ever. You will get our assistance, but I don't think there'll be an ice-
cube in hell's chance it'll work. What will you do if it comes out that the second
explosion was necessary to bring down the Maid?”
“Confess that were carrying matériel and shouldn't have done. Probably blame it on
sloppy procedures by a man who wasn't quite one of us.”
One reason for presenting the argument in this way is that it seems the initial planting
of the IED at Heathrow is so professional, provocative and original, but all the steps
in the current story, the route through Frankfurt, the agent who happens to be in Luqa
Airport at the right time, Semtex in the desk drawer at that Airport, look like a
complicated and rather ineffective kludge as Michael Mansfield has pointed out, with
the evidence leading to a fortuitous conclusion. The only way in the end to present it
is by going on and on about dedicated police work, appalling weather conditions, a
bit of luck and brilliant forensic investigators and they seem to have had feet of clay.
And if a case is left in the Interline Shed at Heathrow, the story's almost as wooden.
That is why carrying out Lockerbie was nothing to do with the British, but clearing up
afterwards was. Remember that MI6 has a rule that it doesn't do “wet jobs”. Mr
Bond's powers are a figment of Mr Broccoli's as much as Mr Fleming's imaginations.
So to summarise, BSS are told very late of the plot against the Maid. It assumes that
BSS are not a poodle of the CIA which can give orders to the British, but a dangerous
but unreliable fellow player, prone to impetuous and virtually unsanctionable (at least
from the American point of view) operations.
The CIA tells BSS that there is a plot. BSS have some inkling, having seen the
Frankfurt and Helsinki warnings, but may have come to the conclusion they related to
direct flights to New York, not an indirect flight through London.
Very quickly BSS assess the plot, and decide what to do. They allow the site to be
polluted with the CIA's pre-blown suitcase, but it is done very, very privately and this
job doesn't come to the attention of the police. Johnston reports that a helicopter
arrived at a Tundergarth farm and an American gentleman got out, and asked the
farmers not to go up on his fields for a couple of days. BSS would not allow even one
of their operatives to break cover.
The CIA is also told that it can't present the IED as a Palestinian-mimicking device,
which it truth it was, which would be the implication of the break-in at Heathrow, but
must present it as a long-timer pushing the loading of the bomb back to Frankfurt or
before, though they must have come to that conclusion themselves. A multi-stage
ice-cube timer, though perfectly easy to achieve is a bit far-fetched to put in the
The lie over the date of Mr Bollier's visit to the US Embassy Vienna
Early in January 1989 (actually the 19 th and it is a very interesting and deliberate
error by the CIA as Bollier's approach to the US embassy Vienna is usually portrayed
as in 'early January' in official accounts) he comes knocking on the US embassy
door, and these parts of a cover-up plot, not well-executed, begin to fall into place. I
shall return to this thread below. I latched on to this point because of the imprecision
in the date 'early in January'. A real CIA date would have been specific. Because the
date was specific, the CIA was obviously dissimulating over something or other.
My suggestion for the 'CIA team theory’ is this. As CIA deputy head in Beirut, Mr
Gannon was detailed to accompany Mr McKee, the CIA/Contra (or black team
member) back from the Lebanon to Washington, as his services were no longer
required (by the Glion agreement), and his presence in the Middle East at least an
embarrassment.
At some point the CIA decides to use his return to further its plot (I believe at the
outset because of *Hantzau's story, below), and decided that he should die by
arranging for him to travel on Pan Am 103, changing his ticket so he should. (This
disproves the Tale of the Octopus story that: he “had disregarded standing orders by
choosing to fly home from Beirut on an American-flag airline, and a DEA Lebanese-
American courier who had previously carried out at least three controlled deliveries of
heroin to Detroit as part of the 'sting'.” (Tale of the Octopus, Ch 1)
His CIA suitcase if destroyed (or in an air crash) would emit a radio signal. He
travelled with his 'boss', Mr Gannon.
More and more I believe Mr *Hantzau knows more than he has said about Mr
McKee's death.
Apropos of very little Mr *Hantzau in his autobiography, begins his account of Pan Am
103 with an anecdote which claims McKee to be a friend of his and finishes with
*Hantzau saying as he leaves a war-torn Lebanon in June 1988; paraphrase:
*Hantzau advised Mr McKee to leave Beirut or he would be killed by terrorists. As this
incident is said to have happened in June 1988 (six months before Lockerbie,
according to *Hantzau) this can be no foretelling of Mr McKee's tragic death. If the
incident had in fact happened later after the downing of the Airbus which, we hasten
to say, it did not, it would be a matter of more than black comedy. And Mr *Hantzau
is, and was, a CIA man.
But there is a little overlooked issue with this anecdote. *Chapter XXX (real title
suppressed), in which it is placed, beginning on page *nn (page number suppressed)
It's what I would have called as a pedantically logical teenager an “Oh, what a give-
away moment”, when faced with a logical falsity, by a parent, teacher or friend.
That short chapter was Mr *Hantzau's “give-away” moment, and he fell on his face
with his metaphorical shoelaces tied together.
Interestingly, despite this appalling gaffe, for which he should have been disciplined,
*Hantzau has been allowed to continue to promote this story.
*Hantzau is said either to get very angry or uptight when asked about 'one and one
only' theory. The theory doesn't necessarily mean there was a deal or that there was
a collusive agreement between the US and Iran. The Iranians could quite well have
turned to the Americans and said: “We're going to do one of your aircraft. We won't
tell you where or when.” They bring down Pan Am 103. What says there was a deal
is:
The Brandon story
The Helsinki warning
The Toshiba warning
The comparative lack of US government personnel on the flight
The huge presence of the CIA in disguise at Lockerbie
And the rest of the scenario as it played out
Thus Mr *Hantzau gets angry not because of the one and only theory but because of
his singularly high-profile part in the whole affair, and that it was cooked up by the
CIA, and the steps taken to prevent it from coming to light have begun to appear
desperately thin.
Now in August 1988 according to de Breackeleer's story, *Brandon met the Iranians
at Glion for the first time (according to one account). *Hantzau says he was
reassigned to Paris in August 1988. Is it just possible he became part of *Brandon's
team at Glion on secondment from Paris?
In the death of Mr Gannon, the CIA could ostensibly demonstrate to other agencies
and the police investigation that the destruction of the Maid was nothing to do with it
(for the Agency could surely not contemplate allowing the destruction of one of its
most senior officers). That of course leads to a strange conundrum. It is really
impossible to believe that Mr Gannon could have been entirely ignorant of the
Toshiba or the Helsinki warnings, so if he had acted rationally he would have taken a
different airline. (I take it that he wouldn't wish to have died for his country in this
particular way, even if ordered.) Therefore, Mr Gannon must have had an assurance
(from the Agency itself) that it would be safe to travel on that flight, whatever the
tapes were saying. But it was not. So Mr Gannon must have been lied to, by Agency
staff in on the plot. It's that inability of the investigation ever to begin to consider the
Agency's innermost motivations at the outset that is one of the places where the
investigation begins to break down.
I know nothing about the other deaths, whether they were intended, incidental or
otherwise. But reasonable disquiet about McKee's and Gannon's death is surely
enough to need an enquiry to be opened.
The almost immediate arrival of agents at Lockerbie and their pantomime efforts at
the recovery of Mr McKee's suitcase seem to be a ploy to assess how the Scottish
police (and their CIA's BSS handlers) would respond to the Agency as interlopers.
The BSS allowed the CIA to cope on their own to see how they fared, and it was
badly.
I believe a reasonable take on what happened would show that certain Americans
ran the serious risk of arrest for the offence of interfering with the scene of a crime. In
Scottish legal jurisdiction as separately in England, there are very strict rules (Judges'
Rules), not actually legislated for, but as a part of court procedure that render people
who interfere in the scenes of what is obviously or possibly a crime, make
themselves the possible subject of criminal procedures.
The watchword of the process is 'the integrity of the evidence chain', which can be
demonstrated in court by showing that proper procedure has been observed every
step of the way.
The actions of the CIA cannot in any way be presented as preserving the integrity of
the evidence chain!
Perhaps the CIA did not know how seriously the Scots would take proper procedure.
They found that their intrusion was unwelcome, (and when they had done their
necessary business) the Agency quickly and pointedly had nothing to do with the
investigation until June 1990, when it began the promote the Libyan story. In the
background, of course, it was doing everything necessary to distract and mislead the
investigation, probably informed of developments by the JIG, and they began that
operation even before locating Mr McKee's suitcase. The extent to which BSS were a
party to these machinations is unknown.
The Agency located the suitcase, because of its transponder (which we can infer, for
how do you locate one particular suitcase on a hillside of nearly a thousand in the
dark on a wet windy, winter Scottish hillside)? The Agency said it contained papers of
value, which the Agency claimed it needed to recover. It need not have. None are
said to have been officially recovered, though a plan of a flat in the Lebanon would (it
is claimed, Johnstone, 1991, Guardian, 27 June 2001) was recovered from an army
range at Otterburn, about 80 miles to the south of Lockerbie. The flat it was inferred
was one where some of the Lebanese hostages were being held.
The fact that there is the story that the CIA cut a hole in the side of McKee's suitcase
suggests (a) it was locked and (b) had survived intact its fall to earth. Possibly a
special issue one!
But papers might not have been from the same suitcase. However the need to locate
McKee's suitcase was needed for a far more sinister reason than any incriminating
papers it could have contained.
If McKee's suitcase transponder had been damaged so it did not work, or he had
omitted or forgotten to set it, or he had doubts about his return to the US, and
decided to leave a 'non-clue' behind about his death, he CIA would not have been
reliably able to pollute the remains of AVE4041 PA. It would therefore have been
harder suppress the story of the Heathrow break-in, for there would be no distracting
remains for Holmes to work on.
It suggests that whatever doubts McKee had, he observed his security procedures
which he had been trained to use, properly, and hence he did not expect he would
die.
Mr McKee's phone call to his mother can thus either be regarded as an unexpected
filial duty, or perhaps a very human need to communicate with someone very
important to him, because he had begun to doubt that his recall to Washington was
all it seemed. For Mr McKee had a very valuable asset with him in that
transpondered suitcase, which if it were involved in a depressurisation event would
be triggered, and begin to emit a traceable radio signal.
This will always be a difficult area to understand, but please start with my thesis.
Both the Helsinki and the Toshiba warnings are total cod. They are placed there as
part of the deliberate deception of what will happen at Lockerbie, or more importantly
that Lockerbie is an Iranian job with specific American assistance.
The first job facing Mr *Brandon and the CIA was getting US government personnel
off the chosen flight.
At some point a particular flight was chosen, and I think its fair to suggest it
happened before the Helsinki warning was issued. As so much of what later
transpired depends on the circumstances of that flight, I think it is US sources that
selected it.
The Iranians were given a small but essential walk on part and no more. One of their
agents was required to stick a bomb that they had created which in function modelled
a PLFP-GC device, on the inner surface of AVE4041 PA.
All evidence of that bomb was destroyed in the crash. By getting Iran to do that the
Agency demonstrated that it had not killed those who flew on Pan Am 103.
You can't very well say, 'there is a risk of travelling by a US carrier in December 1988,
but it's only dangerous for US government personnel'. Bombs are singularly
undiscriminating devices. And you can't close down US air traffic indefinitely. In any
case, the *Brandon accord is an agreement, in which a US plane must be destroyed,
and must be carried out. I suggest that the operative word was Helsinki.
Now that northern capital is not the most likely centre of terrorism. The phone call, an
Arabic voice speaking poor English, that the US Embassy received, was quite
specific – a Finnish woman would carry a bomb on board a US bound aircraft. Parts
Perhaps the codeword is two part – a phone call to the US Embassy, Helsinki and a
Finnish woman, or three part – Arabic sounding voice, Helsinki and Finnish woman.
Less chance of false positives.
The security man in the Helsinki embassy (who may or may not have been informed
about the full meaning of the words) Helsinki and Finnish, and an Arabic sounding
voice, performed to snuff and the warning appeared on US embassy bulletin boards
(an early form of email) throughout the world. I expect those who did not heed the
warning had their travel arrangements unexpectedly changed for them.
Notice, that only the security man in Helsinki needs to be in the warning loop (and
possibly he doesn't know the full meaning of what he's reporting), and it doesn't
require knowledge by every US embassy security official in every US embassy to be
in the scam. That is why, I suggest, the cod nature of the Helsinki warning has never
come to light. And, of course, the official in the Helsinki embassy would have no
reason to believe he was being warned by his own Government of its decision to
bomb one of its country's own aircraft, because he was simply reporting the essence
of the Arabic sounding English warning! He would simply know that it was the sort of
warning he knew he had to treat as absolutely serious and to be distinguished from
any other.
There are other reasons why the Helsinki warning is cod. Either you have to believe
that a 'bleeding heart' terrorist got a conscience and has decided to warn the
Americans or he was paid a very large sum of money to do so. Nobody, but nobody
has had such a conscience in terrorist circles since the 'Lord Mounteagle' warning in
the Gunpowder Plot, and that, if you recall that was to the brother-in-law of one of the
plotters. As usual there are no signs of payment, nor in this instance any claims of it.
But while the origins of the Helsinki warning are false, its message is true, though
after the Lockerbie bombing the US SD had decided it was a lie, by 10 th December
1988, but did not make that rejection public! By specifically naming Frankfurt, the US
government announced to the world, (though to a specialist audience, its employees)
that it had reached a peace treaty with Iran over the Airbus and all that was
necessary to complete the deal was simply to allow the bombing to take place.
In retrospect the State Department was to claim they knew on the 10 th December
1988 that the Helsinki warning was false. However, if SD passengers had returned to
after that date to Pan Am 103 of the 21 st December 1988, they would have been
killed, so it is a very odd sort of logic that led to say the warning was false. But the
higher diplomatic mind is capable of the finest acts of self delusion.
Could an equivalent of the Maid have been destroyed over the Netherlands?
If the IED had been put on a direct New York bound flight from Frankfurt, it would
possibly downed the Maid near Herrenveen in the Netherlands (365km from
Frankfurt on the main route to the US, the same distance as Heathrow is from
Lockerbie). It would have been brought down in a much more populated area (117-
195 people per km2 versus 10-25 people per km2 ) and at the same toll rate that
would have been between 40 and 200 Dutch people). Perhaps the CIA had some
conscience, or simply management of the consequences of the tragedy would simply
be easier on UK soil.
The warning is almost too efficient and the CIA had to go some lengths to ensure
there were some US Government personnel aboard, especially one or two who had
been selected to die.
The Toshiba warning is an entirely different kettle. It is the beginning of the distraction
plan.
Consider the situation from the Administration's point of view. The *Brandon accord
has been a brilliant coup that has avoided a possible nuclear or a least very serious
war. However, its major downside is that it requires the destruction of a full American
civil airliner. Firstly, no Government can ever admit to the fact that it knowingly
allowed its citizens to fly to their deaths, and agreed to that, using one of its
intelligence agencies to ensure it took place. Secondly, there's an agreement with
Iran that it will not be finally fingered for the tragedy.
Yet Iran is the most obvious culprit. When Lockerbie happens everyone's going to
assume that Iran is behind it, simply because of the causus belli of the Airbus (let
alone the other factors such as the adjacency of the Iran Air and Pan Am facilities at
Heathrow). The press release of 22nd December 1988 admits as much. And the
investigation would inevitably start with an Iranian premiss. Persuading the Lockerbie
Inquiry to start 'from the evidence on the ground' filtered through the complex but
flawed HOLMES computer system, will be both a challenge and a lucky
happenstance for the CIA.
When I write about the CIA, I must be careful not to fall into another undistributed
middle which runs:
What the CIA actually did to execute the *Brandon accord is also typical of the
Agency. Having allowed a foreigner to bring down an American 747 they had every
intention that it should be done properly, and they did not think a foreigner could.
Firstly, there was the matter of the size of a device that could be planted on the Maid
using the stratagem of a stuck on bomb. Then perhaps the CIA's experts came up
with a similar calculation to the question 'what size of explosion can be relied upon to
bring down a hardened 747 and got the same result as the New Mexico investigators'
– 5kg-10kg. Gloomily they must have concluded that the CIA would have to supply its
own explosion besides that of the Iranians, though in fact they were wrong to the
extent that the IED proved sufficient to down the Maid, for the whole cockpit was
ripped off the plane and the pressure skin was more than ruptured (as in TWA 840),
which was probably their damage model.
Whilst it may have been possible for an Iranian to carry say up to half a dozen copies
of the stuck-on device and attach them to the rear side of AVE4041 PA, that
explosion say of 4kg-6kg might still be too small to achieve the desired producing
many survivors, if some were mortally injured. The *Brandon accord demanded
deaths not survivors. Every extra device the Iranian stuck on increased the possibility
of the interference being noted, and the possibility of glue failure. Make, therefore,
the Iranian's job as simple as possible and the CIA would clear up the consequences.
The Iranians followed their instructions to the letter, and did not try to substitute the
device they were told to place for one of a larger size. If the CIA did check during the
21st that the Iranians had placed their device they were partly there to see that the
Iranians had worked exactly to their instructions.
But is may just show that the Iranians thought the leading intelligence agency of the
Great Satan was as evil as the regime of the country itself, it was an evil to be
trusted. Having started the destruction of the Maid the Iranians could ensure the CIA
finished the job off for them.
But that left the CIA with a dilemma, how to carry out the coup de grâce. It could not
be an independent (or seemingly independent) destruction. It could not be a missile
(sorry Mr Vialls), for that would clearly been two independent attacks and been seen
as such (and the timing would have been much too complicated to work out). So the
explosion had to be aboard the Maid. What was the safest (I am sorry to have to use
that unintended irony, but trying to understand what the CIA does, tends to invert
one's concepts of good and bad and right and wrong. The solution lay in the CIA
pallet. The Maid had been hardened for reason. To allow it carry weaponry, so that
when a weapon fired accidentally, it would not bring the whole aircraft down. Despite
the claims of certain commentators, I have found no instructions making the carriage
of materiel on civil flights illegal. If there were, why was the Maid hardened and a part
of the CRAF (Civil Reserve Air Fleet)? If the CIA deliberately allowed a weapon to be
loaded with the safety switches in the off position or more likely placed a specially
designed explosive charge that would be arranged to blow after the Iranian device
went off. The easiest way to ensure that this took place was a simple pressure
transducer switch that would be activated when the pressure hold of the Maid was
breached. In fact I believe that the Maid had fallen less than 1000m when this second
device blew, which it did less than 14 seconds after the pressure hull failed.
When I tried to account for a fourteen second gap between the first explosion and the
second, I honestly believed that depressurisation of the Maid could take that amount
of time. It doesn't. If the nose is torn off the front of a large commercial aircraft
depressurisation is almost immediate. Indeed it takes about 1/20 th of a second to
depressurise an aircraft from about atmospheric pressure to 1/10 th atmosphere for
the size of a large aircraft (about 3000 cubic metres) and a hole the width of the
aircraft (about 75 sq metres) See: www.geoffreylandis.com/higgins.html. Possibly
though, as the hole blown in the side of the Maid as shown a the puff of air from the
small puncture in the AAIB report, the process of the ripping off of the nose took
some seconds.
It's appropriate to look at Figure C-14 which shows the situation at 68578 seconds
(after some arbitrary starting point). It shows 6 secondary radar blips at 11 second
intervals leading up to 68578 seconds and 4 primary radar blips at 68578 that time.
The two on the left are bits of debris, the third one the main body of the aircraft
proceeding northwards and the one on the right the sheared off fore cabin and
cockpit. It is heading off at a velocity of about 250km/hr at right angles to the direction
of the flight (but still, of course with a forward component). The speed along the track
of the flight was 804 km/hr, before break-up.
The time of the explosion of the cockpit voice recorder was 19:02:50, and the last
radar sweep (final secondary radar reflection was 19.02:46.9. The next would have
been at 19:02.57.9 (assuming an 11 second interval between sweeps), so the earliest
anyone watching (with radar equipment) would have known about the explosion on
the Maid would have been at that time, or nearly 8 seconds after the break-up had
begun. This is the position shown in the composite secondary and primary scans in
Figure C-14.
Suppose a watching CIA operative (and not just the ever attentive Alan Topp) has
before him a two radar receivers. The first is tuned to the 1090 MHz (or thereabouts)
the frequency of the primary radar signal emitted by Shanwick. The emission of the
radar itself, is of course blanked and the much weaker reflected signal is picked up.
The second is tuned to the IFF transponder signal which emits its more informative
signal at 1030 MHz, and is triggered by the primary radar.
On the second screen (and indeed on the first) we see a series of signals at 11
second intervals. However, on the second screen the signal at 19.02:46.9 is the last,
but on the first screen (showing the primaries), not one but four points are seen. By
that time the Maid has been disintegrating for nearly 8 seconds.
When the absence of the secondary radar return is seen and the primary has broken
into 4 parts and as a result the operative has 'dialled' the CIA bomb materiel trigger
exactly 14 seconds, or exactly the difference in time between the start of the southern
debris trail and of start the northern.
I was utterly astonished at the closeness of the figure derived from the debris trail
map and the calculation from the radar tracks and mobile phone call connection that I
have no doubt this is the way that the CIA brought down the dying Maid.
I am sure that *Hantzau dialled that call to the device in the belly of the Maid. He did
not delegate. (I have considered the possibility that an Iranian accompanied
*Hantzau actually to make the fatal mobile call, but I think it's unlikely. It wouldn't
actually reduce the CIA's culpability by much, would it?)
It is exactly the stratagem that the Madrid commuter bombers used to trigger their
devices 15 years later. It is a tribute to the sanity of so many Muslims and members
of the CIA that the mechanism of triggering explosions in this way does not seem to
have been used since.
If I kill a man certain of death, without just cause, can I be called a murderer?
Suppose a wicked man is about to die in the electric chair and all the preparations
have been made. An incensed witness of the performance pulls a gun and shoots
him dead first.
Yes, certainly. Every death must be by due process and shooting a man in this
extremis of his life does not alter the fact.
More cogently, for the Lockerbie example, even if the passengers in the main cabin
of the Maid would not have survived their fall to earth, the killing of them by the
second device would be murder.
The doctor who kills a dying man is still in the UK culpable of murder and a charge
can be brought against him, however much the 'victim' may have wanted that end. I
am sure nobody on flight Pan Am 103 even wanted such an eventuality.
Curiously
Mr Gannon and Mr McKee were travelling in the first class passenger cabin at the
front, which was torn away when the IED went off and so they never experienced the
explosion aft, but only that of the device 'placed by an Iranian hand'. Small comfort.
If it is true what you have written about the CIA's involvement with the downing
of the Maid, is their responsibility one of criminality as to murder?
Yes
Was the CIA legal department aware what *Hantzau was actually doing
The CIA is above all a secret organisation. It may be difficult to get even simple
statements properly understood, internally.
If the CIA legal department had been asked, 'Can a CIA operative down an aircraft
already in the process of being destroyed', I am sure they would have said 'No' for
the reasons outlined above.
So *Hantzau, who might have outlined the Heathrow (Iranian) ploy, did not tell them
about what he intended to do at or near Lockerbie.
*Hantzau thus went on to destroy the Maid without being properly advised as to his
liabilities under law.
21st December IED detonated Interpreted as the From the stop of the
1988, 19.02:50±1 explosive CVR
second destruction of the
IED (stuck on
AVE4041 PA)
21st December Cockpit and nose
1988, break off and travel
19.02:52,approxima in an easterly
tely direction for 4km
before crashing at
Tundergarth
21st December No point on
1988, 19.02:57.9 secondary radar
Now 4 points on
primary radar
21st December *Hantzau initiates
1988, 19.02:58.2 mobile phone call to
detonating device
he CIA pallet
Not a missile
There are two reasons I believe a moderately sized bomb was used rather than an
unsecured missile. Firstly, there would be a danger a missile would not go off, and
would have been recovered from the wreckage. A CIA tidy-up team in their Pan-Am
engineering garb might have been able to do it. But no missile was found and
whisked away, for there was, I believe, a second explosion of materiel. A missile firing
would have been exceptionally revealing, for a randomly directed missile would leave
a visible trail and could end up anywhere.
No reports of a missile firing were reported by passing air traffic, or seen from the
ground. A massive explosion in the air was reported by a policeman in Lockerbie, and
an early television report claimed a fireball rising nearly 250 metres in the air had
been seen (which, by definition cannot be the IED). There are no reports or rumours
of reports about a missile being recovered from the moors. So I believe it was a
second and more massive explosion from a large bomb, probably Mr McKee's
materiel supplied by the CIA itself.
The exact timing exactly fits that of a known PFLP GC device the pressure
transducer and ice-cube timer. There is no reason why it should. (This is by far
the strongest point)
The protagonists of the theory say, though they have not carefully worked out
the steps that electrical or radio interference between radio transmission such
as ATC, LRMS or the like
I can find no reliable evidence that any such crash has happened
If it were an issue in wars enemies would fire off their opponents weaponry
using Radhaz
The proponents usually simply say electrical interference without recognising
that the device to explode and the transmitter must be on the same frequency,
and the transmitted signal must be modulated in such a way it that the
receiving device interprets it as a valid trigger signal
Two sets of frequencies are usually suggested VHF radio (such as Shanwick
ATC) or those in the UHF band for LRMS and curiously garage doors
Even the UHF frequencies are banded differently (315 MHz) for garage doors
and (380-399.9MHz) for LRMS
There is a case of garage doors in Toronto being operated by LRMS signals,
but not of garage doors signals operating LRMS, I suspect as garage doors
are a very simple domestic product simply detecting the presence or not of a
signal, while the LRMS systems would have more sophisticated modulated
control frequencies
It requires the CIA (if an industrial accident) to have forgotten to switch off the
systems (unlikely on a civil flight)
The current claim is that what were said to be sewing machine needles at the
trial were not – they were either hypodermic syringes or military flechettes
The authors of the theory seem to be incapable of understanding that sewing
machine needles are a very high value product (about $5000/kg, greater than
the value (per kg of the PC I am writing this on, which almost certainly was
flown to the UK),
They forget that they buy superior air imported vegetables from Kenya costing
about $5/kg
So sewing machine needles do not need to go by sea, and need not be
flechettes
I must return to one of the stories that tells of this second explosion in the final AAIB
report. I am sure there is a much fuller internal report, which expands that single
sentence, which technically spells out the duplicity of the CIA. The problem is over
I believe the AAIB to have been naïve, if they hadn't worked out that the most logical
cause of the second explosion was that it was mobile-phone triggered, but I can go
no further than that.
The conundrum rebounded on the AAIB. What was the essence of IEDness; that it
was not a bomb officially carried, or it was not primed to do so. They decided
therefore that something officially carried, though designed to explode, and had done
so accidentally, could not be an IED, and therefore they could claim in one single
sentence in their report that there was not a second IED, whist not commenting on
the possibility of a second explosion. It was 'angels dancing on pinheads', coupled
with that elasticity of language for which English is famed, and senior British civil
servants know all about that. It was semantics on a par with the Channon statement
that the IED was 'hidden amongst suitcases, which meant it wasn't in a suitcase.
Were indeed the Channon statement and the AAIB report written by the same man?
There are lots of problems with the AAIB report. At one point it simply says the
aircraft was destroyed whilst not going into details.
But why go to the complication of allowing Mr McKee to fly with damaging papers?
Assume for the moment that McKee and Gannon have not volunteered to die and so
know nothing of the fate that is intended for them. To convince them of this, the CIA in
Washington allows them in Beirut to pack their cases in the normal way together with
McKee's secret papers, McKee setting the transponder so that it will operate, if there
is a crash. Mr McKee must have been well trained in his trade-craft for he set it, not
thinking that if he omitted to, his suitcase could not be located when it came to earth,
it would immensely complicate the cover-up. That he set his suitcase transponder,
meant he did not believe he would be killed.
He had papers relating to his now blown operation and he stuffed them in a suitcase,
which may not have been the transpondered suitcase (which, just to remind us, was
not the one said to have carried the Toshiba cassette). There was no report that the
transpondered one had broken open when it was seized by the CIA, but if a map of a
flat in Beirut was found by the army at Otterburn it had come from a burst suitcase
(but not bombed).
McKee, though he had doubts, evidenced by the phone call to his mother must have
Perhaps, once in the airline baggage system, then, it was too difficult to remove the
suitcase containing the incriminating papers either in London or Frankfurt, perhaps
because they were carried by McKee in the cabin, and the CIA lacked sufficient
authority to do so even on what was essentially its own airline, so its was better to
clear up the mess later.
I hope Mr McKee died before he knew he had been betrayed. Mr Gannon too.
Then there is the question of operationalising the *Brandon accord and laying a false
trail to deflect inquiry from Iranian, or heaven forfend, American lines, and a CIA
responsibility. These two questions began to see the light of day when a curious
warning, the so-called Toshiba warning came to light. In fact this was three separate
warnings all issued by the FAA, on the 2 nd, 17th and 18th November 1988.
Interestingly, the BKA raids were no later than the 26 th October 1988.
One week is a very short time to cook up a plot about the destruction of an aircraft by
a Toshiba bomb, so if you can agree with my theory, if only conditionally just for a
moment, the breaking of the Palestinian ring in Germany begins to seem as if it is
part of the agreed plot, by the Iranians (a group of whom have begun to commission
the between 5 and 12 bombings) and the Americans (who have allowed them the
'just one and one only' reprisal). Bear in mind also the point in *Hantzau's
autobiograpjy.
Blowing up a suitcase
So by mid-November all the elements of the Lockerbie plot are in place. There is just
one more thing to do before Pan Am103 is destroyed. What's that? Why to blow up a
suitcase that contains a copy of a Toshiba cassette and a very carefully made
collection of miscellaneous items, of course! But no chip from a timer!
Who's doing it? The CIA, of course! Where? Some private facility of theirs in the
USA.
I'll develop this point at length when we come to consider what happened at
Lockerbie.
As usual, there isn't enough information as yet to more than partially reconstruct what
happened. When I began seriously to work out 'Iran theory' I thought that an Iranian
must have flown into London on 20 December 1988, placed the device and flown out.
The story ran thus... On the daily Iran-Air flight to London from Tehran is a calm,
passionate and dedicated young Iranian Revolutionary Guard. I expect he was clean-
shaven, as when you're going on a bomb planting exercise it's as well to look as
inconspicuous as possible, and a bearded man might just arouse suspicion.
He was dressed in a conservative black suit and for it was winter in London wore an
overcoat. It was the dress that might be worn either by an airline functionary or a
businessman. He carried no luggage, or none that has come to light, and had a pair
of bolt cutters. These will never be recovered. Those boltcutters will never be
recovered because either the agent arrived by air, and there is no security control for
inbound passengers or he arrived landside from London or elsewhere.
I do not know whether it was obligatory for all staff airside to wear high visibility vests
in December 1988. If it was, he would have carried such a vest under his overcoat
and put it on just before the break-in. He would have removed it as he left but carried
it away with him. Discarding a security vest would be more problematic than leaving
behind a broken padlock, for if the break-in is to be portrayed as a break-out by
somebody airside, who would have been wearing a vest, the miscreant would have
faced an inquiry when he next returned to work as to why he had lost his vest.
Inside a large inner pocket (8 inches by 8 inches) of his overcoat was a working
functional copy of a Palestinian bomb – barometric circuit, timer, detonator, battery,
and Semtex, of Iranian manufacture. It was 8” square. (My original estimate was A4,
until I re-read Mr Claiden's (AAIB) evidence at Zeist)
Only this bomb is not scrunched up inside a Toshiba cassette. It's in the form of a
square, about 7mm-8mm thick, painted a dull silver-grey on one side (metal or
aluminium paint), with a peel-able sticky surface on the other. The thickness is
derived from the consideration of an 8” square package containing 423g of Semtex.
Where does my information come from? It can be deduced from the circumstances of
the evidence and the evidence itself that was revealed both at the Zeist trial and the
Zeist appeal.
Now let's go to a possible mechanism by which the bomb came to London. Here I
tread ice so thin, it scarcely exists, and not any proof other than a single assertion of
what happened. You may not wish to believe it, and I wouldn't do, if it did not fit. But it
seems to.
Once here, it might have been assembled in the Iranian Embassy, a 'safe address' or
a hotel room, prior to its final land journey through the break-in at Heathrow Airport.
The answer to that question we are hardly likely ever to know. But given that the
'piece' fits, and does not suffer the objections of other stories, it must be treated as a
more than a possibility.
When Mr Megrahi was first convicted, he was allowed an appeal, which was held at
Zeist. One new fact emerged. There had been a break-in at Heathrow on the evening
of the 20 December, 1988. It had been discovered by a BAA security patrol just after
midnight on the morning of the 21 December. The security guard who discovered it, a
Mr Manly, had properly reported it to his superiors and an entry had been made in the
BAA incident book, which was produced at the appeal, so we can have no doubt it
happened. Mr Manly stated that it was the worst breach of security he had
encountered in his 17 year career with BAA. (I shall exploit that particular fact in my
analysis below).
A break-in is not properly reported and the Met sent back to London
Dr Swire, I think, has said he believes that the Metropolitan Police were deliberately
instructed not investigate the break-in. One thing we know. The Metropolitan Police
were involved at the start in Lockerbie in the form of the Anti-Terrorist squad. The
Lord Advocate (a Scottish politician) is said to have demanded that they pull out. A
much more reasonable explanation is that the political leader of the Met, the Home
Secretary (Douglas Hurd) having been told that Lockerbie was very much an
American matter, decided to ask Sir Peter Imbert to pull his officers out, and that this
fitted with parochial Scottish prejudices that the Scottish Police should be allowed
investigate their most serious plane disaster. The Lord Advocate may well have been
made aware that Lockerbie was very much a matter where UK Government's
John Crawford, who has written a thoroughly bad book on Lockerbie, sees this as a
sort of Scottish victory, having a typical provincial policeman's distaste for the Met
coupled with an intense kailyard nationalism. But what the Met was doing was
casting the Scots to the wolves of the CIA.
There seems to be no evidence that the Met told the Scots about the break-in, and
indeed the circumstances by which the defence became informed about it is
unknown, so they could register it as grounds for appeal, are mysterious, and
probably did not start with Mr Manly.
A week after Lockerbie, the security officer concerned handed the evidence, which
consisted of a bar and a padlock cut through the hasp (like butter, said Manly (in
other words, it was a professional job)) to a Metropolitan police officer and also made
a statement. It promptly disappeared, and was presumably handed to the CIA, I
suggest, and may be held as an exhibit in the Langley Black Museum. Perhaps the
BAA should ask for their property back? They had been of no help whatsoever in
developing this explanation, for they would prefer a story that only touches on
Heathrow tangentially and not as the heart of the mystery.
That is one story. But Mr Manly does not seem to be a particular perspicacious
person. I do not want to do him a disservice, but did the idea of getting his story into
the public domain start with BSS? A fact made public, which can be discarded for it
fails to become important by process is easier to deal with, because it has be
rejected, than a fact which remains hidden, is suddenly revealed and acquires a
momentum that might lead to a campaign to release the convict and quash the
verdict.
Better then, manage the prospect of bad news as early as possible. BSS assessed
three or four factors. If knowledge of the break-in emerged, would the defence realise
that suitcase theory was wrong and the IED must be a stick-on, what would be the
likelihood of the Appeal Court accepting the appeal on these grounds, and what
quality of witness Mr Manly would make. They were helped by the fact the Mr
Megrahi continued to retain Mr Taylor, and might have made a different choice had
he retained Mr Keen, who certainly understood the matter of the square hole in
AVE4041 PA. Manly must have looked as if he would not make a good witness,
which would have been attractive to BSS. Appeal Courts have a habit of rejecting
early appeals, as they seem to form a post facto argument that such claims are
simply a form of special pleading. So BSS may have decided that the risk of a early
Manly was admitted as a witness for the defence at the appeal, and apparently did
not make a good impression. But the failure to be a good witness: polite, deferential
and concise doesn't make you a liar or a deliverer of falsity, though that would be
sufficient to allow prosecuting counsel to portray you as such. An appeal court does
not like retrying cases and often tends to refuse to do so, so the appeal bench (now
of five) could be seen as wishing to sum up for a dismissal of the appeal. Prosecuting
counsel used all the tricks a good prosecutor will use to discomfit Mr Manly – such as
suggesting the door had been broken from airside, when his evidence was clearly
that it had been broken from landside.
What I concluded from this, and it came at the end of a long period where I had tried
to put Lockerbie to one side, was that there must be some truth in what Mr Manly
was saying.
Firstly, that there had been a break-in meant there was necessarily a different
possibility of how the bomb got onto Pan Am 103. It could have been 'loaded' at
Heathrow. Mr Manly has been informative about his career as a BAA security guard.
He said the break-in was the worst security incident in his 17 year career with the
company. So it seemed that major security incidents of this scale are rare, but how
rare?
For this I needed to use a different approach. One based on statistics and probability
rather than the 'rule of the undistributed middle'.
After all, the court had deliberately ignored that rule, for the simple demonstration of
an alternative route by which the bomb could have been delivered aboard Pan Am
103 ought to have been sufficient to have acquitted Mr Megrahi. By demonstrating
that there was an alternative mechanism by which a bomb could have been put
aboard the plane ought to have led to Mr Megrahi's immediate release. But the
appeal court deliberately ignored the force of this logic (using almost a balance of
probabilities argument, inappropriate in murder case), and declined to free him. The
court simply said the break-in was too remote from the departure of the Maid for
there to have been any connection.
If you are not happy with a statistical argument, such as the fact you are a lawyer
(and if you consider that an insult to lawyers, consider how badly statistics was
treated in the Professor Meadow affair by the courts), please jump to point %, and I
shall try to simplify without essentially changing the argument when you come back .
How frequent are security incidents, given we aren't told how often they
happen
The important factor was to work out the rate of serious incidents (based solely upon
the incident that Mr Megrahi found most serious in his career) at Heathrow. I found
out (using such figures as the size of the BAA workforce, the proportion of them
employed as security guards, the proportion on duty at any time (it takes about 5
people to cover 1 'job' position, for that position to be covered 24 hours a day (a
figure I knew from my career as an operational research analyst)) and the proportion
of BAA flights through Heathrow (40%)) that there were about 13 incidents as serious
as the one that had happened to Mr Manly, in a year (at Heathrow).
About one a month seems reasonable. Some of them become public and there are
about 1-2 cases about Heathrow security a year become well known. Usually stories
about “Thiefrow”, or the easy availability of security passes. Not every case comes to
court or even to public notice, of course.
I converted that figure into a figure of flights per incident, and ended up with a figure
of 1 in 40,000. (I also tried the calculation with different sorts of statistics and came
up with a figure within 30% of the same value, more than sufficient for this sort of
exercise).
I then looked at the relationship of flights to actual terrorist incidents over the period
around Lockerbie. There had been two that we know about, Lockerbie and the
Hindawi affair. Lockerbie, because it seems to be a Heathrow issue and Hindawi as a
security failure which took place at Heathrow, for although it did not result in the
destruction of an Israeli aircraft, the bomb was only detected by superior El Al
security and not BAA's). I made that a figure of 1 in 600,000 flights.
Dividing the two figures I arrived at the figure that in the case of a serious incident as
described by Mr Manly as the worst in his BAA career there was a 15:1 chance
against there being a connection between a possible aircraft bombing and a security
failure.
But this analysis had been conducted as if the two events had happened in the same
year – the Pan Am device exploded just 18 hours after the break-in.
I hope you will agree with my assumption that any genuine terror incident is properly
prosecuted by the authorities and hence must be made public. In that case there
have been only three real incidents of a terrorist nature at BAA in recent times.
They are:
We are made painfully aware that BAA addresses its failed security issues every time
our shoes are examined at a British Airport. Nothing that is a real terrorist incident
had appeared in the courts since Reid.
If I present myself aged 17 to be insured with a large new and expensive motor-car,
with no insurance background, the insurer doesn't offer me the same rate as if I'd had
have driving experience (providing it were good). It is very, very expensive, for he
makes the worst possible assumptions about my driving abilities and he does that
without any other knowledge about me.
I expect the time of queueing and the time of security examination are in some sort of
balance. The actual business of inspection takes say, just over two minutes and there
will be about 3-8 officials operating machine or hovering round. So I have probably
consumed about 10-15 minutes worth of BAA's time for one person.
Reduce the scope of inspection to the 10% and you'd be able to go after the
remaining 10% ten times as hard for the same security expenditure. It'd be about 2
hours a target.
A couple of hours extensive examination of that 10% would almost certainly yield
more benefit as EL Al demonstrated to BAA by their identification of the Hindawi
mule. Unlike BAA, El Al's security processes are designed to address its unique
position as possibly the world's prime terrorist target.
For me, I factor in whether it is worth flying into my calculations and if possible, I don't
fly. I now do it as a matter of necessity.
BAA staff I find unhelpful, rule-bound, self-absorbed, and introduce new and
complicated finesses to the regulations, so one is often reduced to repacking in the
security line to meed the latest faddish demand.
They can demand it as they are a virtual monopoly. Travelling through the DDR/BRD
frontier in Berlin in the 1970s was infinitely less stressful than using an airport today.
So how likely was it that the broken padlock was associated with the Lockerbie
incident just after.
Reducing the calculation to this a (I made it 24 hourly) basis led to a conclusion that
rather than there being a 15:1 chance against a connection, there was now a 6:1 on
chance of a connection.
Police who seek slender leads might image that a 15:1 chance against would be
good odds that there was a connection, but here we have odds that are so clearly in
favour that only the naïvest tyro could conclude that there was none.
% (Welcome back) Using a bit of elementary statistics I proved that the break-in and
the downing were connected beyond reasonable doubt.
If you don't like the thought of statistics at all, consider the following argument. You
return home one day to find your front window broken and your television missing.
Do you (a) say that there is no connection between television loss and window
breakage (the position of the appeal court), (b) say there might be some connection,
but decide to ignore the matter or (c) say that there is a connection, call the police,
and start filling in a insurance claim form?
But I had a further need. If I could prove (to my satisfaction) that there was a break-in
at Heathrow, how had it been exploited?
The fact was Mr Manly appeared to patrol on an hourly basis, meant there was a
period from about 23.05 on 20 th December 1988 to 00.05 on the 21 st December when
the break-in had been discovered.
Was that sufficient time to place a break in, place a device and leave the airport?
It can't be in a suitcase!
I also worked out that a suitcase sitting from midnight on the 20 th/21st in AVE4041 PA
was unlikely, because it would have probably been noticed by someone, and if it
didn't become a terrorist issue, (unlikely), the label would have been looked at and it
would have been sent on by the first available flight. Another reason why the bomb
wasn't in a suitcase. (Note that this argument is entirely independent from the AAIB
On the 20th December 1988 a Pan Am aircraft (arguably the Maid) landed at
Heathrow in the mid-afternoon. It discharged its baggage containers, which were
emptied and placed in their various locations for re-loading.
The major point is that the baggage containers (any of them) discharged by the
incoming Maid of the afternoon of the 20th December 1988 become the outgoing
containers of the Maid of the 21st December 1988, on the third flight of the day the
delayed 18:00 flight
So the containers have to sit around for more than 24 hours at Heathrow, for we
need three sets of containers to handle all the flights of the service.
The trouble is there are three flights a day by Pan Am to New York.
After the Maid landed on the afternoon of the 20th, another Pan Am flight of the same
three-a-day service would have landed later, and another probably the early next
morning.
Each flight would have discharged its containers and they were quietly lined up
behind each other.
Now assume at midnight or a few minutes before our Iranian having broken in to the
airport drops a suitcase down.
A baggage handler coming across it will not treat it as a bomb, but as a stray; and put
it on the 'first available flight'.
Now consider the situation that it is not labelled. He also won't treat it as a bomb, but
simply as a bag that lost its label. It will go into a pile of lost baggage.
Now suppose the case (in either variant) did contain a bomb.
It proves logically and beyond reasonable doubt that the Lockerbie bomb cannot be
in a suitcase.
It is just possible the baggage handler would have slung the case in the wrong
container (say the one going out on the evening of the 21 st). It would have been a bit
obvious, sitting there on its own, until joined by other bags delivered to the airport or
later by Frankfurt transfers.
You could claim that Heathrow baggage handlers were bribed; no-one has ever done
that, nor even insinuated as much as an iota of criminality of their part.
In other words the Iranian agent breaking in just before midnight on 20 th December
1988 chose exactly the container designed to go out on 21 st December 1988 at 18:00
that would contain the baggage of the Frankfurt transfer of that afternoon and bring
down the Maid.
Why didn't the Iranian choose the morning or midday flight. Because all the other
parts of the plot were designed to happen on the evening flight and the CIA never
expected a completely suspicious bastard like me to follow their tortuous plots!
I'll look at this in steps. I suggest the logical thing is that baggage containers from an
incoming flight are placed in the positions they will be loaded onto the outgoing flight
the next day, as soon as possible. An airline having set up a satisfactory system will
want to change it as little as possible and won't want to push empty containers
around, unless it were absolutely necessary.
Our Iranian knows to plant his IED on this container not because it is labelled
'AVE4041 PA', though that might be a useful check, nor because it is labelled 'Pan
Am 103 21st December 1988' for it won't be until 7 o'clock the next morning, or 'Pan
Am 103 21st December 1988, interline baggage from Frankfurt' (it might never be),
but because of its position in the rank of lined up containers.
It might have carried a label which would say 'First Class', Interline, 'Last on, First
Off', for that would define it in such a way that McKee's transpondered suitcase would
be put in it. Or have no such extra label.
If it were impossible to work out in advance which container would be used by the
Frankfurt incoming luggage, one would be able logically to decide which container to
stick the IED on, for it would have occupied to same literal position in the baggage
container line up for each flight. - but it exploded in AVE4041 PA, which carried
McKee's transpondered suitcase.
Did the CIA phone the Iranian agent somewhere in the evening of the 21 st to tell him
to be sure to place his device on AVE4041 PA?
This is a very strong point for arguing for CIA malfeasance just to ask the question:
'by what mechanism did the IED and the McKee suitcase end up in the same
baggage container?'
There is no need, in my view for the Iranian gentleman to stick around in the Interline
Shed until the late morning, as my critic has suggested.
It was a 20 minute walk from the break-in door to the interline shed where AVE4041
PA stood.
I reckon three minutes would be more than enough time to place the device, and so
in three-quarters of an hour the device could be introduced, placed and the agent
disappear.
It was then that an issue that had long troubled me came back to mind. My account
here is a highly rationalised account of different issues that often bothered me for
months or even years.
One point that bothered me from about one year after UT-772 was 'why were the
Lockerbie bombs and the UTA bombs so different in size and construction'?
As a thought, this was not terribly productive except to point out that the devices
were obviously the product of different organisations, which tended, in my opinion, to
suggest (by, at earliest 1991, even before the indictments) Lockerbie wasn't kosher
and therefore not Libyan.
The argument went thus: Anybody airside illicitly had to behave in a manner
appropriate to being there, or he would be challenged.
That restricted the sort of people to one of four sorts: a BAA security guard, a
baggage handler, a loader, a minor airline functionary, or some kind of maintenance
person. Landside, to blend in a person would have to look like a holidaymaker, a
businessman, a BAA security guard, a maintenance person or an airline official, but
not a loader. Disguising oneself as a BAA security guard posed the problem that the
work routines of such people are highly regulated and other officers might become
suspicious of a colleague, who though he might be dressed correctly, was unfamiliar.
I believe the CIA to be devotees of Chesterton. They use his plots so frequently. That
would permit the bomb planter firstly to move around landside without interference
(he could go to check in, the security gate or boarding) or airside. One problem. He
could not walk around airside with a suitcase – that's baggage handler's work, and
such a man as my agent could not be seen with a suitcase. So the device ends up
hidden in the inside pocket of an overcoat. That restricts its dimensions. It really isn't
possible to hide 2kg of explosive in an inside pocket, but 340g-450g (or 12-16oz) of
the Lockerbie bomb is entirely possible.
This is how the concept of the stick-on device developed. Some thin thing of about
A4 size. I had thought that I had exhausted this line of thought, but then I returned
the evidence of the original trial. An AAIB witness, Mr Claiden was very persuasive.
He had discovered that on the inside rear of AV4041 PA a square hole 8” square had
been punched through the thin aluminium!
This was news to me, for like most people, I had never read the trial transcript that
carefully. No one ever does.
He was badgered by prosecution counsel into asserting that it was possible for a
suitcase to explode and direct the blast through this particular hole. Essentially
counsel argued that the suitcase was a like a shot-gun with a square bore, which it
isn't. When a suitcase explodes the produced debris is distributed in all directions
and does not go in one direction.
Counsel rarely understand scientific matters (or even matters of common sense) and
freely make claims that defy the laws of physics and this Scottish prosecutor was no
exception.
Whilst Mr Claiden may have had to concede the theory that the bomb was in a
suitcase, or at least not openly challenge it, as the prosecution, though they did not
prove it, came relentlessly to assert and the court and the appeal court accepted, he
could not be diverted from the curious nature of his evidence. Indeed the contention
of the suitcase had been one of the particular conclusion of the FAI, years before.
The Procurator Fiscal had come to conclusion that the suitcase containing the bomb
had been 'ingested', his curiously inappropriate alimentary phrase in a suitcase at
Frankfurt.
At this point one of my over-ingenious critics will say that the CIA would not have
done something as obvious as allowing the padlock to be left around. I fail to follow
this logic. Presumably the CIA looked at the possibility of stealing the key and
concluded that two attacks on Heathrow (which it would have required) was just too
difficult. So why not take away the padlock and replace it with another? The problem
is that the security guard on duty will not be able to open the door on the morning of
the 21st. That surely have raised a major alarm at the airport, for one could not
possibly overlook it as the work of a baggage loader eager to get home early four
days before Christmas by taking a short cut.
Having gained access to airside, our man walked purposefully to the interline shed (a
twenty minute walk), took the device out of his pocket, peeled off the backing layer,
revealing a sticky surface and carefully stuck it on the inner rear body of AVE4041
PA, a foot or so above the bottom of the container.
There was, of course, the possibility of his being apprehended. But airline officials
presumably have to visit parked aircraft even at such unholy hours as midnight. As a
test might I suggest disbelievers spend a few minutes counting the number of people
airside that they can see next time they are waiting for a plane in a terminal with a
good view of airside operations. Properly badged (and he need not have had an Iran
Air badge, it might even have been a Pan Am one, but any Heathrow using airline
might do) it would be most unlikely he would be stopped and questioned.
Reaching the Interline shed he pushed open the door and found it lit but abandoned.
Work had ceased for the night, and would not being again until the next morning
when early flights began to arrive.
Firstly, I then carried out a similar probability calculation if the bag had been in a stray
suitcase loaded into AVE4041 PA, and found the probability of a stray suitcase (as
As usual the full detail of this analysis is available to any who care to ask. No one
ever has. No one likes complexity and Lockerbie is just one damn problem after
another.
There are other points, but these are the two substantial ones.
The trouble is that we are not finished with the CIA's deception operation. By God
they're clever.
Let's go to the point sometime after the crash to the confusion on the ground at
Lockerbie. A number of unidentified Americans have barged in upon the scene, and it
is reported that the CIA, AAIB, Metropolitan Police - Anti-terrorist Branch and BSS
(MI5 and MI6) were on a private flight to Carlisle immediately after the disaster. (Mike
Charles of the AAIB asserts to the CIA presence). One group makes its behaviour
very, very public. Why are they there, what are they doing?
You will recall that Mr McKee and his 'team' are returning from the Lebanon. It is a
sort of operation is disapproved of by the CIA itself, and possibly hated by a senior ex
CIA leader, no less that George Bush senior himself and Mr Gannon is bringing Mr
McKee back to the US.
No. 10 tells MI6 to give the Americans every help they want
By the time the head of MI6 has fully checked with No 10. the Maid is a wreck on a
Scottish hillside. BSS instructions are 'to give the Americans every help they want'.
By 20:30 or 20:40 at the latest a plane full of CIA and MI5 and MI6 staff are flying off
to Carlisle Airport, though there is a second story of a 737 arriving at Carlisle Airport
at midnight.
'The CIA was at Lockerbie' is the claim of every other unofficial story of Lockerbie.
The presence of the CIA will be denied by Henderson, Marquise and Crawford,
minimised by others and ignored by many. Crawford, for example, ignores the issue,
not analysing why US officials seem to be amongst the dead, whilst not denying they
were there and does not refer to other US citizens, who were clearly 'innocents'.
(That particularisation is absolutely deliberate).
But, if you accept, even if unofficially reported, there were (living) CIA personnel at
Lockerbie, how did they get there? I don't think anyone would wish to argue that
It must have been a strange and rather awkward flight north, probably conducted in
silence. This was no team but two parties or more, rivals and antagonists. On the one
part the hosts, BSS, the Met, AAIB were accompanying their guests the CIA and
possibly the US State Department to a plane crash that only the latter parties had
any real knowledge of, and that the former had only just been informed by their
political masters about their duties in.
I don't think we can portray BSS and the CIA as in on some sort of joint operation.
However, BSS had to be there to vouch for the CIA at the site.
At some point the CIA must have briefed BSS first then more specialist agencies like
the nascent Lockerbie Inquiry team, the AAIB and senior military staff about what
they had done and what they expected the British to do about it. Their ultimate
authority for their behaviour was a telephone call from the White House to Number
10 between Mr Reagan and Mrs Thatcher, which allowed the US to conduct this
dreadful black farce on UK soil. And, having little understanding of the well oiled
complexity of the British establishment at these levels, they thought that it would be
simply a case of mentioning Mrs Thatcher's authority and getting compliance from
the various UK agencies. They were to have some disabusement of their
presumption.
In particular, the Police, as well as MI5 and MI6, would allow no political interference
with the investigation of what even in the CIA's essentially limited imagination was a
crime. At the same time, I am sure each agency was only admitted to the CIA's dirty
secret on a need to know basis. British government is very compartmentalised and
the CIA could be certain that if it shared a item of knowledge with one agency, it
would not necessarily shared with another.
I am sure the CIA offered the assistance of US agencies. For example, they might
have suggested to the AAIB that the US NTSB take over the investigation. AAIB
would have taken one look at this and said politely and firmly that they would do their
own work for themselves, but of course the NTSB would be offered all the facilities
usually offered to the accident investigating agencies of the 'sending' country.
At one point I had the delicious reason to enquire what would have been the
compensation for my brother's life if it had been decided in a Nigerien (sic) court. The
answer is one hundred head of cattle. In fact, that would probably have been more
valuable than if it had been decided in either the French or the English courts, for the
compensation payments for both Lockerbie and UTA were not decided by court
processes. Confusingly the claims against Libya for the UTA US relatives were,
though this was a judgement in default. If you are interested in the value of a US life
in the US Federal Courts it is an astonishing $840million (sic). Please check, if you
don't believe me. The award was made in 2006!
Jobs
Here is a table of the various jobs and how they must have been parcelled out.
After the short drive over the border, so important in jurisdictional terms, the party
piled out of their cars and the CIA began to go about its business.
When did anyone realise there was dirty business going on at Lockerbie?
Anyone seeing what the CIA was doing at this point could have come to no other
conclusion that that there was dirty business going on. The Scottish Police must have
been persuaded not to take the matter any further by the BSS if the case the CIA had
seized was returned, but it must have been close to becoming an international
incident, being the sort of behaviour one does not expect from one of the agencies of
one's stoutest allies. What favours BSS had to call in to prevent this appalling
débâcle from becoming public we'll never know, but any journalist who had reported it
would have had the scoop of their career.
Why go to all this trouble? I think the CIA just wanted to assess how the Scottish
police would react to their interference as a way of deciding how they would have to
conduct themselves through the long months of diversion and distraction that lay
ahead. It also provided a cover for part 2 of the operation that night, or on the next
day or a short while later.
The suitcase was placed in such a way that it could seem to have produced the
punched hole in the rear of AVE4041 PA, and appears to have been entirely
successful in deluding everyone but the AAIB.
But whatever guilty knowledge he learnt I am sure that the MI5 or MI6 men were not
parts of the plot to subvert the Scottish police and judicial system. He was just there
to supervise the CIA.
The FBI would not turn up until the next day (22nd) and then through Newcastle
Airport. Late as usual.
The explanation, if anyone has not twigged yet, must have been to hide the
recognition that the destruction of the Maid was caused by a stuck on bomb, and not
a suitcase bomb.
But, your are entitled to say that there is a flaw in this theory. If the plan was to allow
the discovery of the break-in at Heathrow, then why did the CIA supply a blown-up,
carefully packed suitcase with clues point to all sorts of perpetrators at all? The
solution lies in the fact the CIA hoped to win over BSS to their Heathrow theory, but in
the event they couldn't, supplied themselves with a blown up suitcase. The
alternative, which they must have been sorely tempted to use was not to turn up at all
and necessarily allow the story of the break-in to emerge. I don't think that's in the
'emotional climate' of the Agency. But without the CIA giving direction about the
cleansing of the site, Mr McKee's 'secret papers' would necessarily have come to
light, which would have endangered the secrecy of the project from that angle.
But they could still have turned up to carry out the cleansing without the need to
pollute the site, surely? This bedevilling hypothetical suggests that MI6 had some
inkling of what the Americans intended to do, and required the CIA to turn up with the
pre-blown. Either that or the CIA did it off their own bat.
A German argument
If the Germans were not happy about a pre-blown suitcase, they would have been
quite happy with a Heathrow break-in. Once the Germans knew that Heathrow was
The reason is that the evidence of the suitcase with lead to a trail that will link to
Malta (though I don't think that had been fully thought out in December 1988) is that
neither the Germans nor the British will allow the CIA to use their airports as the
place the device was loaded. Libya would be introduced into the equation late in the
day, although the CIA would have been aware from the start that by picking that
island they could set a number of hares running.
These, given that the CIA were barred from using Heathrow of Frankfurt were
probably that Middle Eastern elements were involved. As the number of ideas grows,
I'll simplify with another of my tables. This one includes all the 20 explanations I think
don't work and the one that I think does, though the nineteenth is the one the CIA told
AAIB had happened.
Though I won't reproduce all the arguments against each alternative here, I have
necessarily been through some of them in great detail to be able to produce this
table. I'll willingly assist anyone who is seriously interested in understanding my
reasons.
Yes
if mule is
carrying hold
baggage
14 Crashes with other Because the no remains of any other no no
aircraft aircraft are reported.
Mike Charles
I now come to one of the most difficult parts of my story. None of people I've been
talking about I have met, have any relation to, and feel I can say what I want about
them.
Not Mike Charles. After UTA was bombed I formed a close working relationship with
John Sumner, brother of Peter who had had died on that flight. Like his brother, John
was an engineer, a commissioning engineer for British Railways (as it then was). A
man of intimidating intellect, but a slight political naïvety (in my opinion) John became
concerned about the intermediate report of the Bureau Enquête, (the French
equivalent of the AAIB) into the UTA crash.
Though I have a slight acquaintance with scientific issues, most of what was said
passed over my head. At the end of the meeting John approached the speaker, and
explained our situation, and without any hesitation, he said he would ask one of his
colleagues to get in touch with us.
A few weeks later, John and I have been invited to Farnborough and are sitting in
Mike's office. John wants to know whether the French UTA report is any good. Mike
assesses us carefully. John, like his brother has a first class degree in engineering
from Cambridge. I admit to a qualification in chemistry.
Satisfied that at least one of us has some technical knowledge, Mike explains the BE
report, saying it is a perfectly professional piece of work. I make a comment that the
UTA bomb was 1kg, but the Lockerbie device is only 1lb. That, I infer Mike as
implying, is not publicly known, so, after that, I decided to keep quiet.
I am sure the 1lb figure is about right. Estimates I have read are from about 336g to
1kg, but the latter is probably a misprint in Crawford, not picked up by his copy-editor,
if he had one. Different values are given in the various trials, and all experimental
destructions seem to have used something around the 1lb mark, and it would not be
credible to scale up or down from an explosion of massively different size.
We shown the computer simulation of the last radar images (or possibly the black
box recording replayed on a computer) of the last moments of the Maid's flight and
then were taken down into a hangar to look at the re-construction of the important
sections of the Maid, which of course had ended up at Farnborough. I found it a
humbling experience.
I cannot recall any technical details of looking at that reconstruction, which was of
course not of the aircraft my brother was on.
There are two other points. I told Mike that my brother was a glider pilot, and without
further ado he placed before me copies of various obituaries about his flying career
from magazines that I'd never read.
For the first time I would read that 'Tony was a real friend of flying'. It was touching,
very, very human, and when I passed them over to my mother gave her much
comfort at that terrible time.
He also said that when AAIB got involved with Lockerbie they had come to the
And DA made it a policy to ask agencies and bodies to approach the relatives and
friends of disasters in the spirit of 'treat us in the way you would wish to be treated'.
That comment by a perceptive AAIB officer had a great impact on our developing
thinking. Mike probably does not that, but I salute him, now.
But...
I took home the impression that Mike Charles was a very straightforward, open and
honest. There was no sloppy thinking here. It gave me much confidence in the
authoritativeness and accuracy of the AAIB report into the crash. But he was still a
cabined, cribbed and confined British civil servant.
I hope the AAIB and Mick will not see what I am writing here as any form of betrayal
of confidence, for in reality, I learned nothing technical of their arguments from my
visit and everything else I know from reading about the trial or the public AAIB report
into Pan Am 103.
Firstly, there was the matter of the CIA plot to permit an Iranian to stick a device on
the inside of AVE4041 PA.
AAIB witnesses at the Zeist trial, who were in the main speaking not of the location of
the blast but on its effects upon the Maid, were challenged by defence technical
witnesses that the centre of the explosion had been much nearer the side of the Maid
than their evidence said.
I don't know the full resolution of that argument, but it was not enough to disrupt the
prosecution's claims and so Mr Megrahi was convicted. Actually, the claim of it being
nearer the skin of the Maid fitted my argument of being a stuck on device marginally
better.
Because the AAIB had produced a report which was designed to be misread,
defence counsel never put the obvious question, 'Was there a second explosion on
the Maid'? If that question had been allowed by the Bench, and I am sure it would not
in that bald way, the intent might have been, by the examination of the contentions in
para 2.4 and Appendix F.
The prosecution might have decided to drop the trial at that point, for any question
about the existence of a second explosion, would immediately raise the question of
why there was one. And here I think the CIA had lied to the AAIB.
That explosion was described by Mr Claiden at the trial as relatively mild, a view
which is not consistent with the huge break-up of the craft that took place.
Much more worrying were claims that there had been a second explosion on the
plane. This explosion was said to be caused either caused by a bomb that the CIA
was carrying back to the US, or happened in materiel that Mr McKee was bringing
back with him. Those who argue that Mr McKee was returning from a failed hostage
release trip (either voluntarily or under duress) have no difficulty in suggesting that
the material is of CIA origin. No one has suggested another source of this other
explosion (neglecting Vialls, missiles and an industrial accident).
A variant of this claim was there had been a single large explosion in CIA materiel.
If a second explosion took place, the one argument one could dismiss is that it was
coincidental, though it may have be accidentally triggered by the first.
The AAIB reference to this second explosion is written in that accurate but perfectly
misleading style of which the British civil service is such a master. The full statement,
placed as the last line of Appendix F of the report reads as follows:
(a) “No evidence was seen to suggest that more than one IED had
detonated on Flight PA103.”
It must have been very difficult for the AAIB to say even this much. Perhaps when
BSS (and/or the CIA) saw the draft report they were horrified and demanded removal
of every reference to a second explosion. 'Not so fast said', the AAIB. 'We're
employed by the British Government, not the US one, and if we say there was a
second explosion, there was.' They came down to what this bare statement
conceded as a compromise. It is a very special form of British civil service writing.
(b) There was no evidence to indicate that there was more than one explosive
charge. (para 2.4)
Firstly there is no doubt these sentences either singly or concatenated are present in
the document and they are in some way true valid and correct.
(a) refers to the impossibility of there being two IEDs, which I suggested might be
explicable that if there were two explosions one was not a IED.
That fits in with statement (a) with that statement's incredibly precise and undefined
use of the word IED.
Statement (b) is problematic. To repeat: “There was no evidence to indicate that there
was more than one explosive charge.” If you have come as far as I have and now
accept the AAIB was saying that two 'destructive events', to use a new coining, took
place aboard the Maid in two places about 15 metres (and 14 seconds) apart (on the
aircraft) (and 3.1km in flight distance) that I hope you will regard as unambiguous in
meaning, then what is the meaning of sentence (b). It must either refer to the device
that is an IED or the one that is not. It refers either to the explosive charge that sets
the IED off, which is little more than a perverse form of elegant variation designed to
deceive, or it is relating the CIA bomb or matériel. Perhaps it doesn't really matter
which, for by its peculiar particularisation the statement wants one to believe there
was only one 'destructive event' rather than two.
The statement is however the final line of paragraph 2.4 entitled IED position with the
aircraft, which is entitled 'IED position within the aircraft', so it is not a general
statement on explosions, but explosions which originated in IEDs. The point there
was only one IED will be made fully and unequivocally at the end of paragraph F, but
here it's almost as if it were said: 'An explosion of an IED is an illegitimate thing to be
happening in an aircraft, and ought to be investigated. We the AAIB do that, but any
other explosion that might have happened on the aircraft might have had a legitimate
Humpty Dumpty
'When I use a word', Humpty Dumpty said in a rather scornful tone, 'it means just
what I choose it to mean - neither more nor less'. 'The question is', said Alice,
'whether you can make words mean so many different things'.
'The question is', said Humpty Dumpty, 'which is to be master - that's all'. - Lewis
Carroll, Through the Looking-Glass.
To quote 'Who is going to be the master here.' The AAIB uses words precisely but
elastically defined in the context they are used. They are the master.
Take that sentence from out of its context in Paragraph 2.4 and it says there is only
one explosion; keep in its context and it says something entirely different.
Read with the care and precision by a lawyer who fillets the gem from the dross, that
man is told without doubt, no second explosion, but he's only come to that conclusion
because in that process he's stripped off the localisation of the reference to the IED.
It's the way any diligent lawyer works. But in this case the diligence does not work for
the special application of the paragraph title allows the notion of a single explosion to
be promulgated when in actuality there were two.
So common is the trick put the other way around where the specific issue is hidden
away in a careless throw-away sentence in a general paragraph, that it is easy to
forget that the trick can be carried out the other way about.
Can the AAIB in its report use words 'to mean so many different things', or as Humpty
is saying do we have the right to pull apart its words in this chop-logic way to extract
real meaning?
Yes, because they did it. It's for us to understand their code, and not to read it at its
face value but to extract the meaning of what's being said.
Perhaps the most telling artefact the come out of the AAIB investigation was an about
1:100 scale model of the Maid. That, I think, clearly demonstrates there was a
second explosion aft.
'There can, therefore, be no doubt that the loud noise on the CVR was directly
associated with the detonation of the IED and that this explosion initiated the
disintegration process and directly caused the loss of the aircraft'.
This is placed at the end of section 2.2. Placing the 'spin' of an argument in the last
sentence of a section seems to be a common way of delivering burden of what the
'second author' wants to say. It is a very awkward sentence. The sound on the CVR
was of course the detonation of the IED and not associated with it. It sounds like the
'second author' is not technical but desperately wishing to sound so. But the
predicate of the sentence is not about the sound but rambles of on a trajectory of its
own. We have to be told that the 'explosion initiated the disintegration process'.
'Process' is an awkward officialese sort of word and while the two word phrase
'distintegration process' is used elsewhere in the report it is always about specific
aspects of the disintegration (e.g. petalling) and the 'first author' or 'first authors'
never use it as a synonym for the break-up of the whole aircraft.
Taken as a whole the meaning of the sentence seems to be 'The noise on the CVR is
from the explosion of the IED and that explosion caused the aircraft to break up'. In
other words, the second author is saying, there was no second explosion.
However the CVR had no back-up power supply but was wired into the 'mains', and
when that was interrupted during break-up simply stopped. The second explosion
took place 14 seconds later, necessarily unrecorded.
Vialls' theory works if there is one and one only explosion on the Maid. But it's
impossible to explain a second explosion. The second explosion, which is necessary
to ensure that the aircraft is destroyed is forced on the CIA by the expediency of
having to use a CRAF aircraft. If Shanwick radio can be used to trigger the first
device why should the transmission not be used to trigger a second simultaneously.
From the point of view of evidence that would be preferable, as there would be only
one debris trail, not two.
Accidental or deliberate
Unless that second device blew up accidentally, against which I will argue in a
moment, it must have been deliberately triggered. The difference in time is so small,
Why?
But why was it necessary? We've got to apply two arguments here. Firstly the Maid
was not an ordinary 747. It had been 'hardened' in 1987 and belonged to the Civil Air
Reserve (CRAF). This 'hardening' largely related to the strengthen of the junction
between the wings and the fuselage, sometimes called the 'box'. It has been argued
by researchers at the Centre of Explosives Technology Research, Socorro, New
Mexico that the explosion in AVE4041 PA was not even enough the fracture the skin
of the aircraft and that a charge of 30lbs would have been needed to cause the sort
of damage that the Maid suffered, for it broke into at least five large pieces. That's 15
times the size of the UTA device and between 20 to 30 times the recorded size of the
Lockerbie device charge. If the skin were not breached by the AVE4041 PA
explosion, then why did it not continue to fly. As it broke up, we must come to the
conclusion that the small explosion was enough to penetrate the skin and trigger the
pressure drop sufficient to cause the second device to blow. And was also sufficient
to bring down the Maid for the cockpit was torn off.
Diagrams
Here, I am a little suspicious of the diagram of the Maid showing a single puff of blast
discharging through the side of the aircraft, as the only extant image showing a blast.
A more reasonable interpretation is possibly that the explosion of the IED caused the
failure in the pressurised fuselage of the aircraft which permitted the CIA materiel to
explode, by the mechanism expounded above. That caused the its break-up. Is it
being a little too ingenious to say that in the eventuality that the IED had failed to
cause the failure of the pressure hull, and the aircraft had still been flyable, it would
have been arranged for the materiel to explode as the aircraft dropped below 8000'
and began to re-pressurise to ground pressure? That would not have happened. The
crew would have been aware of the blowing up of the device, even if the pressure
hold had held and arranged for an emergency landing at Prestwick or Glasgow. So
the CIA would have achieved its goal, to allow the carrying out the provisions of the
*Brandon agreement, although they would have had to admit that the Maid was
carrying CIA materiel which detonated.
Secondly, a police officer on the ground saw a flash in the clouds over Lockerbie.
This is scarcely to be squared with Mr Claiden's description of a relatively mild
explosion in AVE4041 PA.
Are Mr Claiden and the ground witness reporting the same thing?
One resolution that works therefore is that both the policeman and Mr Claiden, who
does not seem to have been involved at Lockerbie itself, but worked quietly on
reconstructing the baggage containers around position 14L on the front left hand side
of the Maid, in a hangar at Longtown, near Carlisle, Cumbria are reporting two
different explosions. The second major device was thus seen by the policeman, and
is described in the TV report, the first skin-breaking was reconstructed by Mr Claiden,
who did not concern himself with whatever may have been found in baggage
positions on the right rear of the plane, where the CIA pallet was.
The compounding of the two is no more than astute prosecutor's trick. Take the
partial views of a number of witnesses and weave them together so they appear to
make a seamless whole.
A very good account of this process in reverse in given in A.L. Rowse's, The last
days of Hitler, where the author, an academic, takes a series of muddling intelligence
reports (eyewitness accounts from those who survived the end of the Berlin Bunker)
and weaves them into a credible story to show that Hitler was indeed dead. The task
was undertaken because the Soviets would not release the fact that they had
discovered the Führer's body, and MI6 wanted to nip stories of his 'miraculous
survival' in the bud.
There is the account on TV of a fireball extending hundreds of feet into the air. This is
not compatible with Claiden's 'mild explosion', and the fuel did not burn in the aircraft
in the air but on the ground at Sherwood Crescent, Lockerbie.
If this is not bad enough at least one participant in the investigation (as a facilitator,
not an investigator, but who had had experience of bodies recovered from munitions
explosions) quoted by de Breackeleer, claimed that at least one child's body had
suffered from what appeared to be shrapnel wounds. Again, journalists, who
interviewed the chief pathologist at Lockerbie and challenged him with the account of
another doctor at the scene, who claimed he seemed to be standing in a field of body
parts said they had been created by the break up of bodies by 'air friction'.
Even a tyro of pathology like me knows that bodies do not break up when they fall
through the air. An object the size of a body accelerates to a velocity of around 200
miles an hour downwards and then reaches terminal velocity. It does not break up.
Another way to argue this is why if bodies break up as a result of air friction, they only
do in over a single part of the crash site.
Medical evidence
Forensic evidence was very limited at the trial as it had been at the FAI. May I
suggest that there is at least evidence of selection is going on here. No evidence of
shrapnel damage to bodies was presented (though the word was used freely by AAIB
witnesses). Relatives were discouraged or prevented from viewing their dead before
burial, and there is rumour than shrapnel was removed from some bodies. Perhaps
an exhumation or two would begin to satisfy the matter.
I walked round the entire reconstruction of the UTA plane in a hangar at Le Bourget
airfield, Paris, though again it was only the fore to mid part that had been
reconstructed, as in the Lockerbie reconstruction.
Remember these visits were back in the early 1990s before talk of a second
explosion at Lockerbie had ever come to light, so I have no deep recollection of what
I saw.
Causality
I shall leave this matter as a conundrum. The important point is that if two explosions
took place in Lockerbie, in sequence the smaller stuck on bomb was placed by a
non-American hand (which I say was Iranian) and therefore and the cause of the
destruction of the Maid. It is the first device not the second that we must lay the
blame. In other words, the Iranians (if you believe my story) caused that destruction
and not the Americans, for if the Iranian device had failed, the CIA one would not
have been activated.
You have every right to say: Charles, this is very far-fetched and relies on many
conditionals, and the extremes of recall; but if you care to follow the logic (which goes
step by step), you will see that it possesses a rationality. You may attack me on
grounds, for instance that you do not wish to blame the Iranians – then produce the
proof that the PFLP GC or Syrians are responsible, for I have seen nothing of that; or
if you disbelieve in the second explosion, which I can see may difficulties with, then
please explain how such a small device as the IED (remember 423g) in AVE4041 PA
There is an important point that Dr Swire raises. He says the PT 35 chip was not
tested for explosive residue. I believe that to be true. There's a very good reason for
that. The finding of explosive residue would not necessarily have been indicative that
it came from Lockerbie. Because the RARDE forensic laboratory was located in a
munitions factory the whole laboratory was necessarily contaminated with explosives.
When the Maguire case came up with explosive residues they had most probably too
come from the factory contamination, and *Thorne had been wounded (professionally
mortally, but not yet fatally) when he began work on Lockerbie.
Actually he didn't need any evidence of an explosion. That was obvious from the fact
of the crash. So he used his expensively learned gas chromatographic skills as little
as possible. If he had subjected the chip to that test, he would have come up with a
positive result for explosives, but as light follows day the Appeal Court would have
knocked him down for the conclusion. Cost was never the issue, contamination was.
A typical example of the sort of problem RARDE faced is that an 'intake' unit carefully
opened all sample and then distributed them for analysis. That process necessarily
meant contamination.
A further process was that all samples were checked for fingerprints. That process in
itself, however carefully carried out, by an untrained (in forensic techniques)
policeman, and not a forensic scientist necessarily implied contamination. *Thorne's
description of the precautions used to prevent contamination at the trial are laughably
inadequate consisting of covering bench tops with sheets of plastic.
Poor Mr *Thorne who understood these issues, as a good scientist, must have been
driven almost mad by the sloppy procedures, he was reduced by the short-
sightedness of his bosses to use.
Essentially for the next 18 months or so the CIA appeared to do nothing, and are
conspicuously absent from the Lockerbie inquiry. Let's see what's been achieved.
They have fulfilled their part of *Brandon agreement and an Iranian has been
enabled to down a US aircraft in full commercial flight. With the exception of the
awkwardness on a Scottish hillside and the sequelae, which may either have been
an attempt, to assess the response of the Scots, to a team that had acted too
brashly, ignorantly, or arrogantly (or even a combination all three), but has been
carefully swept under the carpet thanks to the Met and the BSS, there's no hint of
Neither the Helsinki warning nor the Toshiba ones appear to have any obvious CIA
link.
And yet, on a bloody Scottish hillside a US aircraft lies dead, the product of the worst
criminal catastrophe in UK history.
The most important clue (if clue it be, as the court doubted) is the break-in at
Heathrow. In my argued opinion, the CIA had everything to do with this and nothing.
The everything is that they proposed to the Iranians a way that they could extract
their revenge; the nothing is that if the intruder who planted the device discovered
during the break-in is not a CIA man or identifiable as one. I believe that there would
have been a tacit (or even explicit agreement) that if the intruder had been arrested,
some other attempt would have been permitted, and the Iranian extricated from his
predicament, provided he did not say that he had been put up to the job by the
Americans. If he had done, (and remember we are dealing with parties who
essentially distrust each other) the Americans would have said all bets are off. You
blew your chance.
Need to simplify
Another thing is that the idle commentator like me (or many others) must not do is not
to try to overcomplicate the story. For example, one criticism that has been put to me,
by people who accept that there was a break-in at Heathrow and Mr Manly's story is
correct, is that 'obviously' if it had been the method of the introduction of the device,
the padlock and bar would not have been left around to be found by him. There are
several answers to this, but they require the planter at least to have had a spare
padlock, and require the old one to be carried away. In my early version of my story
where the planter leaves the country, he would have had to take the padlock through
security, which even in 1988 would have risked detection. But my main reservation is
that every interference in the security of Heathrow, deliberate to plant the device or a
decoy, runs the risk of detection, and if the break-in is a decoy, what is the real
method of the deployment of the device. You would surely not cause a decoy break-
in, to hide the fact that the real bomb was in a suitcase that had been introduced by
another means.
Secondly, an explanation should try to provide fewer mysteries and confine those that
remain in strictly defined limits. Alternative explanations are permissible, following
Occam, but should be avoided where possible and the simplest argument used.
Now that the Lockerbie inquiry was getting into its stride, the CIA could relax for a
little, and do no more than fan the embers of accusation, if necessary, and carry out
other subtle and invisible steps. Thee are just two points in this complicated plot that
require comment.
HOLMES
The other was the use of HOLMES, the computerised inquiry system which amazed
Mr Marquise, when he encountered it, until he became aware of its singular
limitations. That system made investigators follows 'clues on the ground' and not
'investigators' hunches'. As I believe all the significant clues indicated an unlabelled
blown planted suitcase had been responsible, but was not the real cause of the blast,
it could not produce an outcome until a further operation to blame particular Libyans
came to be necessary.
If you think it not necessary to raise the issue of that squalid north of England serial
murderer, I do.
Peter Sutcliffe, the Yorkshire Ripper revolutionised police procedure in the UK. The
traditional investigator George Oldfield became convinced that the perpetrator was a
Wearside man, because the investigation had received a telephone call from a man
with what was determined to be such an accent. It lead Oldfield to discount every
lead that did not relate to Wearside, despite the opinions of his colleagues who knew
that information the Wearside man claimed to have, had been made public. In fact
Sutcliffe who never phoned the police was from Bradford, and had an accent entirely
different from that of Wearside. Several women died because of that police bungle,
so the Home Office decided to automate large scale inquiries to make them
'investigator proof'.
The CIA has never told us what it thought of HOLMES, but it played the instrument
like professionals. It became skilled in providing the sort of lead that HOLMES in its
plodding way was good at handing out as assignments to individual policeman. And
so the CIA used it, for its own purposes.
But why did the CIA go to all this complicated bother? I think it's a result of
*Brandon's Mephistophelean bargain. Suppose the evidence of the broken padlock
had come out, but no blown suitcase had been dumped. The police would have been
left with an unsolvable conundrum, and eventually some bright spark would have
said “Iran”, especially of the adjacency of the facilities at Heathrow. On the other
hand there would be no further evidential trail, and the CIA could the 'hold hostage'
whom it wanted, including, if necessary, the Iranians. The CIA had to act honestly
towards its masters in this operation – the Iranian Revolutionary Regime, but only
during their 'good behaviour'.
But, I suggest the BSS would not have allowed that solution for that would have lead
to a Heathrow implication.
In the following months, while the Lockerbie inquiry though busy, effectively goes to
sleep, the CIA promotes various misleading lies. I do not intend to deal with them in
any detail.
Distractions
My view is that the CIA had to uphold a rationale in which Iran was not to be held
responsible. It used a number of 'distractions' to keep the focus of attention away
from Iran. The most usual of these was to suggest large sums of money had been
paid – a typical figure in Lockerbie is $10M – a documentary trail if necessary made
with named beneficiaries and intermediate banks, but I have yet to see even to see
such paperwork, or been able to comment on it, and I have never heard of anyone
benefiting from this fictional CIA largesse.
Channon would have had no inkling what the answer was. He would have simply
passed the question to his PS or PPS to get an answer. They, of course, would not
have known either, but eventually it must have landed up on an AAIB desk (Mr
Charles's?) and he could have written the extraordinarily accurate but misleading
response. It then would have made its way inexorably back to Channon, and been
issued, probably without any other gloss by him.
I suppose AAIB could have stalled. But it would have been difficult to maintain the
authorities had no idea where the device was that caused the destruction four
months after the tragedy.
UT-772
On 19 September 1989 UT-772 a French aircraft flying from Brazzaville, Congo via
N'Djamena, Tchad was brought down by explosion near the Massif de Termit, Niger.
Three days later the crash was held to be a terrorist attack, and Jean Louis Bruguière
France's leading terrorist investigator (an examining magistrate of formidable
reputation) was put in charge of the case, a man whom even Mr Marquise has told
me was 'above his pay level'.
I can find no issue of CIA involvement over this. However, it would become a linchpin
of the CIA's resolution of what would become its Lockerbie dilemma. There were two
problems. Firstly, a tragedy such as Lockerbie needs resolution, or else the
investigators will be seen as not doing their job. Secondly, no resolution can so much
hint at Iran.
By deciding to blow up the French jet, the Libyans inadvertently sealed what was to
be their responsibility over Lockerbie.
Understanding UTA
I shall not spend any time considering Libyan culpability over UTA, except to say it
took me 14 long years before I understood it sufficiently, though I had fully accepted it
by 1999, and had had doubts about the attribution of both Lockerbie and UTA to
And my doubts were not fully cleared up until the UTA criminal case papers were
published in English in the pursuance of a civil claim in the US courts by the relatives
of the 6 US citizens who died on board that plane.
On 20th September 1990 in a unique meeting between the French juge and the partie
civiles, mainly the relatives of the deceased, he tell us (I am a partie civile, for my
brother had the misfortune to board UT-772 at N'Djamena in Tchad) that Congolese
are to be found guilty of UTA with Libyan assistance.
I stand up and bring greeting from the Lockerbie families, and ask, 'Is there any
connection between the two cases. The Juge says 'maybe'.
Nothing in the Lockerbie investigation (or UTA) appears to relate to this article. It is
my suggestion that a CIA agent placed the story with ǂ Raufer, for an attribution they
had yet to tell the Lockerbie investigation.
On 9th October 1990, the Scottish police, the FBI and the CIA met for the first time in
the same room in Washington. On 10th October 1990 the New York Times carried an
article mentioning Libya for the first time in connection with Lockerbie. On 21 st
November 1990, a Swiss newspaper had an article that Lockerbie is a Libyan
atrocity. Marquise becomes angry with *Cattermole of the CIA over this. On 22 nd
November another article by Xavier ǂ Raufer appears in the L'Éxpress blaming Libya.
On 14th December 1990, an article appears in The Independent, London, blaming
Libya. Whose telling porkies?
I can see no events in my extensive time line, which runs to over 50 pages and has
over 1000 items in this period which relates to a huge breakthrough by the
investigation of a Libyan attribution. The attributions which are progressive appear to
be placed with journalists, and are certainly unsourced, except perhaps by some
undisclosed agency which wishes to promote an agenda.
If anyone says 'but journalists always make things up', why the consistent
directionality towards Libya, revealing matters that will be important in the court case
that will be brought nine years later?
A CIA origin?
I believe they all came from the CIA. Who else would wish to avoid the obvious
Iranian attribution, and needs to disguise their own duplicity? Now why should the
CIA, which had had nothing publicly to do with Lockerbie since those unfortunate
scenes on a Scottish hillside 22 months before suddenly be leaking stories that Libya
carried out Lockerbie.
If the CIA were a straightforward investigative agency, why not tell the Lockerbie
inquiry directly, rather than resorting to a second-hand approach through the public
prints?
Kuwait
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 100 of p 126
The reason I suggest is quite simple. On the 2 nd August 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait.
That immediately transformed Syria (where the PFLP GC was formally based) into a
putative ally and made Iran unassailable. Neither country could not now to be seen to
have any responsibility for Lockerbie, even in the negative. In the eyes of the White
House it became essential that there should be an end to continued speculation that
either country could be involved. The issues over each country were rather different.
Whether, there were any negotiations or agreements between the parties over this is
uncertain. But the Administration did not want a putative finding of Iranian,
Iranian/PFLP GC, Syrian, Syrian/PFLP GC guilt or any other combination of the three
during the months leading up to what would be the Allied attack on Iraq. None of the
parties were the natural allies of each other.
When exactly did this volte face take place in US thinking. I think you've got to break
it down into three separate parts at least. The US Government is not a monolith.
There's the White House, (the President and his close cabal), the Administration (by
which one means the broad sweep of Government (called Whitehall in the UK) and in
this case, the CIA.
Normally, the President and his Administration 'sing from the same songbook'. The
view from Whitehall is generally aligned with that of No. 10.
The view of the CIA, the White House and the Administration over the invasion
of Kuwait
Over the period leading up to the first Gulf War, there seems to have been a growing
conflict between the CIA together with the White House and the Administration.
Casey, the CIA director brought his concerns about Iraq to the President as early as
the 1st September 1989. Casey said Iraq was trying to acquire nuclear materials.
(Whether that was true or not is immaterial. It is the impression that the CIA wished to
give the President). Nothing much appears to have developed at that time on this
issue. It's well before the UTA tragedy, so no one can be lining up Libya for a fall.
Casey, of course, still has to hide the US responsibility for Lockerbie and the Iranian
connection.
By contrast some parts of the Administration were seemingly trying to claim that the
Iraqis had not properly invaded Kuwait days before the 1st Gulf War, and intended to
withdraw!
PT 35 photographs
There are very few hints of anything developing until earlyish June 1990, when
*Lightbody who had received pictures of a PT 35 device from Henderson (or *Byrd)
has them explained to him by *Orkin, of the CIA.
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 101 of p 126
Date What happened Meaning
26 December 1988 Mrs Horton finds a manual in her Will in most probably altered
garden form be presented in court as in
same suitcase as the Libyan IED
which, a lie
Early January 1989 Mr Bollier is said to have gone to
US embassy Vienna
13 January 1989 Debris is collected from Kielder
Forest (about 2 km from Mrs
Horton's home
17 January 1989 At Dextar store it gets label 168
19 January 1989 Actual date Mr Bollier went to The ante-dating of Bollier's visit
US Embassy Vienna is to prevent a defence cross-
examination challenge that there
might be some collusion
between Mr Bollier and the
finding of the chip on 13 January
1989
12 May 1989 *Thorne examines item 168
22 June 1989 Lumpert gave a MEBO circuit
board to an American
30 December 1899 CIA (possibly ¶Orkin and BSS All three gentlemen thus commit
induce *Thorne to insert piece of perjury
MEBO chip into shirt collar) (of
wrong size) and call it label 168
15 September 1989 DCI Williamson receives a
photograph of the metal part of
label 168
10 January 1990 FBI is told of PT 35 chip (as it
has now become) by Lockerbie
Investigation
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 102 of p 126
30 December 1990 *Lightbody took the photos to
¶Orkin
It seems to me this this the critical point when the Lockerbie investigation turns
towards Libya. The steps towards the incarceration of Mr Megrahi will seem to be
infinitely slow.
Now begins a period of immense confusion. On the one hand the Lockerbie
investigators will be developing their MEBO chip theory (and changing their story), on
the other the French will be pursuing their more credible Libyan theory.
Remember that in essence neither knows anything about the other's position.
On the 2nd August 1990 Iraq invaded Kuwait. But the manoeuvres regarding the need
to attribute Lockerbie to Libya rather than anyone else might be claimed to have
begun earlier. Would it not be a unreasonable inference that *Orkin's interpretation of
*Lightbody's photograph (when he presented it to him) represented the first point that
the CIA in any published commentary could be said that Libya, rather than any other
party had carried out the Pan Am bombing?
This had been on 15th June 1990. But unlike the Administration, the CIA had been
following an active policy against Iraq for at least 9 months from the time Casey had
presented the White House with his hostile assessment in September 1989, which
was, of course nearly nine months after the downing of the Maid. Casey's
presentation may in part have been directed by the need that the CIA's position
should be seen as consistent. Having befuddled the Lockerbie inquiry from the start,
the CIA knew that such a high profile disaster would need some sort of resolution. It
wouldn't really be satisfactory if a dozen years down the line there was no solution to
the mystery. Had Mr Talib or the PFLP GC been announced by the Lockerbie
Investigation as the culprits, say at the time the actual indictments against the Tripoli
2, from what little one has seen of the investigation they would have been thin. Mr
Talib could be traced to Malta at about (no better than that) the same time as the
clothes in question were bought from Mr Gauci, and he had definitely visited the
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 103 of p 126
island twice before in that year), but he had an alibi for any connection with the
device on 21st December 1988 (which can be thought of as strong); there would have
been the Autumn Leaves material, but it's a long way from those two facts to creating
a prosecution case. Because, and here I'm sorry to have to hammer it home, there
was neither a case against Palestinians/Talib/Dalqamuni/Khreesat/Nidal than against
anyone else, except as I argue here Iran and the CIA.
It's also interesting to ask where were the other players at this time. The British had
their own problems with Iraq – Gerald Bull's supergun (parts manufactured by an
Iraqi owned company in Sheffield) and the arrest and execution of the Sunday Times
journalist Farzad Bazoft in Iraq. Similarly, Israel was deeply concerned about the
supergun.
Only three months earlier Saddam had threatened to destroy half Israel. While one of
the standard explanations says Israelis killed Bull, one theory is that it was an Irani
operation (for Tehran (350km from Iraq) is nearer than Jerusalem (400km from Iraq)
could be threatened by the device). Which is true? Perhaps neither, but one should
always be alert to the possibility that the strongest enemies can have interests in
common. It has been argued that the Israeli agencies are prepared to take
responsibility for actions they actually have not carried out. Might one say pour
discourager les autres?
I have to introduce a new complexity here. It's this. Just because what will become a
clue presented in cold blood in court can be dated to the collection of something on a
Scottish hillside, does not mean that at the point of its collection, it was seen to be a
clue. In fact, almost certainly not. Any number of innocent bits of circuit board, i/c
fragments, even parts of detonators, discharged bullets, manuals and the like, must
have been handed in during those tragic and difficult days after the crash. The
Scottish Border countryside is not exactly tabula rasa.
Mrs Horton
Mrs Horton properly offered it to the police, as possibly having some connection with
the crash, though she had to offer it to them twice. Then for many years, she
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 104 of p 126
probably thought no more about it.
One thing one comes across in researching Lockerbie and any deep dark mystery is
that important facts have a habit of becoming entirely overlooked or forgotten when
they do not fit in with the current dogma. Sometimes you have to go back decades to
find what people were writing at the time. Because the media pay more attention to
what is currently officially being said and commenting on that (ad nauseam), the
prosecution essentially sets the agenda. Criticisms made in the deep past are
overlooked even (and may I say, especially) when they have been entirely ignored.
Mrs Horton failed to recognise the manual at the trial, and the police will maintain that
it has suffered through the forensic tests it has been through. By this time (2000) it
really is about a Toshiba cassette recorder.
The MEBO chip, possibly, but the Toshiba manual and the Malta clothing is surely
ingenuity too far!
Indeed in his section about the Lockerbie conference of 10 th January 1990, Marquise
raises the question whether the Arabic manual for the Toshiba found near Lockerbie
was real, or not.
This will allow items collected on 13th January 1989 which had been collected by
ordinary police finger-tip recovery just outside the town, though it will acquire a much
more colourful alternative history to acquire by 'reasonable association' the date of
Mrs Horton's finding. Two pieces of debris (probably neither to do with the bombing)
have come to the ground in and near Newcastleton. One is deposited almost
certainly by 22nd December 1988 in Mrs Horton's garden, the other collected on 13 th
January 1989. But the inference will be that they blew virtually together across
Scotland into Northern England. (Newcastleton is almost the nearest town to
Lockerbie in England). The choice of location (England rather than Scotland) may
have been deliberate to introduce the possibility of jurisdictional issues, if necessary.
It appears to be on the direct line of the northern debris stream from the stricken
plane, but nearly two and a half times as far as the furthest point on the AAIB debris
map.
A map is prepared that shows a debris trail stretching up into the Newcastleton
Forest. But in reality it is not a debris trail of plane wreckage, but in many instances a
map of pieces of material which had been collected by the Lockerbie investigation
and might have been from the plane. Two very different things. A cautious selection
of data points allows stuff that had nothing to do with the plane as shown as being
from the plane. Thus a biased process is applied to collected materials to show that
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 105 of p 126
the Horton and forest findings were of stuff from the plane.
Interestingly, in accordance with the AAIB's policy that they only report facts that are
true, the data points for either the Horton manual or the PT 35 debris/later chip
finding are not on the map of the debris trail provided in their report
.
A plan of a flat in Beirut found on a moor in Otterburn, Northumberland
Indeed, there is even more evidence of falsity. In his remarkable book David
Johnstone recounts that a plan of what appeared to be a flat had been recovered by
a British Army team from its ranges at Otterburn in Northumberland. He surmised that
this was a plan of one of the flats that Western hostages were being held in in
Lebanon. Now Otterburn is due 140 km due south east of Lockerbie, one would
expect debris to fly taking about one and a half hours in the 60 mph wind at a glide
angle of about 1 in 150 in the prevailing wind direction. Did the Beirut map land after
the disaster, land, get wet and then dry out to be carried by a more usual prevailing
wind towards Otterburn?
Although McKee's suitcase had not contained the bomb it is difficult to believe that
the force of the explosion would be sufficient to propel the map south in the face of
the wind. Perhaps the map landed in a puddle, dried out and then was blown south in
some favourably northerly wind later. Or what Johnstone is telling us is cod. It might
have been from another suitcase McKee was carrying, which burst.
Naturally, this information did not come to light at the FAI or the trial. But a map,
probably produced by the AAIB was shown (Plot of wreckage trails Figure B-4). It is
almost certainly partial. It shows two lines of debris running ENE by E. The northerly
one is clearly shows heavy material that did not blow in the wind and goes through
the centre of the blast.
The second trail is about 1.5km south of the northerly one almost parallel but slightly
deviating from it. If one were to project the centre lines of both distributions of debris
westwards the would meet at a point about 20km in that direction, a little WSW by W
of a line drawn from Lockerbie. The AAIB's account of the debris trails is a little
different, claiming the two trails merged after 5km.
The map does not show the location of the 5 major parts of the blown up aircraft.
Why?
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 106 of p 126
Had there been a plot of the landing points of the major debris pieces, there would
have been 4 or 5 major parts landing on Lockerbie and one outlier, the cockpit, which
had broken off earlier. It would immediately give rise to speculation of the second
explosion, so perhaps that is why the CIA and especially BSS campaigned to have it
removed from the public report.
More and more I believe the numbers of lives lost at Lockerbie could have been
much, much higher and the CIA was really rather lucky so few were killed. Had say,
50 or 100 been killed in the town, the truth might have been outed years ago.
No debris is shown as having landed more than 3km south of the southern line,
astonishing when you consider that the wind as 60mph and that meant that all the
debris fell from 31000' in that distance. That means if any piece of debris had
immediately been caught by the storm after being blown out of the aircraft, and blown
in the direction of that wind, it had to reached the ground in 2 minutes. Do you really
ask me to believe that every single piece of paper and other rubbish blown out of the
aircraft did that, in that wind?
At the same time this debris has the ability to fly 34km ENE by E at the same time as
reaching the ground.
I suggest that this is a highly partial debris map. I am prepared to accept that every
data point represents at actual data collection point, but whether it is right to assume
that each point is of a piece of debris from the Maid is may not untrue. Obviously the
'finger-tip' collecting detectives must have collected any amount of material that was
nothing to do with Lockerbie, though that could not be determined until it had arrived
at RARDE. No piece of material from those dark Scottish hills contained a magic
badge which said 'this is from the Maid'. That had to be determined by experts in
RARDE later, and even then there must have been doubts (let us say honestly
expressed) that a particular item was or was not from the Maid or not.
The southern line probably represents the northern limit of paper debris collected
from McKee's suitcase, as none of that could be presented in court. So to prevent the
possibility of the defence raising issues about adjacent debris, certainly from Mr
McKee's suitcase, the bottom of the map was cut off.
Project the northern line of debris it crosses Newcastleton, and within limits of error,
may I suggest Mrs Horton's garden. If the Toshiba manual had been driven there by
the storm that would have taken about 25 minutes. So it would have descended to
her garden by 19:30 on 21st December 1988.
Assume, for the moment that the northern trail consists of points from the main
explosion and are entirely genuine. The furtherest item (marked by red crosses on
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 107 of p 126
this line is about 10km). Assume that point is entirely genuine. For an item of debris
blasted from the aircraft across the direction of the wind (and therefore not affected
by it), means that it would not have been slowed or accelerated in its descent and
thus would have travelled about 14km (31,000' vertically and 10km horizontally from
the point of being ejected from the aircraft).
If it maintained its initial velocity, it would have take 50 seconds (less than a minute)
to reach this point.
Professor *Byrd expects us to believe that the manual must have been blasted 34km
across the Borders, from the height of 31000'. By Pythagoras, that's still about 34km.
It would have taken 2 minutes 40 seconds at about 600mph.
Similarly for the shirt collar containing the MEBO chip fragment. Professor de
Breackeleer says that the collar fragment found with the chip in it and the shirt found
in the suitcase remains are different, for the collar is of the wrong size.
This means, not so much that someone has been careless but that the packing of the
suitcase and the manufacture of the fabricated detritus associated with the chip were
done at different times, possibly more than a year apart, and quite possibly a small
error of that sort could have been made by the CIA. Though it must be said that this
is a carelessness the original plot does not seem to have suffered from.
*Byrd must have been an accomplished actor, a master of self-deceit, or the fraud
had been entirely carried out by *Thorne.
Mr Lumpert's confession
On 18 June 2007 Lumpert confessed that on 18 June 1989 he gave an 8 layer circuit
board to a person investigating the Lockerbie case. 'It did not escape me that the
MST-13 fragment shown [at the Lockerbie trial] on the police photograph No. PT 35
(he says PT/35(b)) came from the non-operational MST-13 prototype PC-board that I
had stolen', Lumpert added.
'I am sorry for the consequences of my silence at that time, for the innocent Libyan
Mr Abdelbaset Al Megrahi sentenced to life imprisonment, and for the country of
Libya'.
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 108 of p 126
Until the Scottish Courts get it into their head that there has wholesale and complete
fraud by the Crown over the Lockerbie case, and the prosecutors have eagerly fallen
into bed with the CIA over what has happened to Mr Megrahi, the case will never be
properly understood.
It is tradition to show the spirit of justice as blind, as the statute atop the Old Bailey
shows, as a way of indicating justice is equal to all the parties who seek it. But in the
case of the Scots and the idiotic processes that have gone on in Zeist and latterly
Edinburgh, justice had been not only blind, but deaf to argument and entirely without
a brain at all.
Is it possible to prosecute Scottish judges for their failures in their own courts? Some
of them deserve to be there.
I suggest that pcb was taken to the US and given to the CIA's ¶Orkin. He might even
have collected it. (This is not the same as the debate over whether *Byrd took the
fabricate evidence to the US).
Back to UTA
I think the CIA quickly assessed (in a way they would not allow the Lockerbie inquiry
to do (Holmes computer system = facts on the ground)) that UTA was a Libyan job on
the casus belli argument (the lost war in Chad).
A surmise
¶Orkin (or another) is sent to RARDE with the chip cut from Lumpert's board.
¶Orkin is, I think, the only CIA man that Marquise gives a pseudonym to. For that
reason alone this rôle in the plot must be substantial, and would certainly face
charges on perjury in Scotland.
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 109 of p 126
In late 1989 (see why below), or he meets *Thorne and *Byrd with a BSS (probably a
MI5 representative), and possible a boss of *Thorne' at RARDE. If *Thorne has not
retired by this time he is given a choice. Co-operate with the CIA and his pension will
be protected and he may even get a payout, and can go early, and become a
chiropodist (which he did) otherwise he will be dismissed and may be prosecuted for
the Maguire failings (probably an empty threat, as *Thorne could counter that it was
the civil service's own decision to place a forensic laboratory in munitions factory, not
his). *Byrd will get *Thorne's job but only if he too co-operates. *Byrd is eager for the
job as he never expected to rise to the dizzying heights of running RARDE, with a
basic HNC qualification. So embarrassed are the government by the doings at Fort
Halstead, that they later change its name of the forensics unit.
Perjury is committed
They sit down and set a date to attribute to their invention, which is a crime by all five
or so men as they are all (including the CIA man) committing perjury. The CIA man
suggests a date. He says it must be before the date Bollier first contacted the US
Embassy Vienna (19 January 1989, personal information, from Bollier), for otherwise
a clever counsel learning of Bollier's real date of visit will stand up and say 'but the
date of this evidence is after Bollier's visit', creating an impression that Bollier may
have given the CIA a circuit board a bit of which turns up on the ground at
Newcastleton. By antedating the finding of the evidence, this line of reasoning is
forestalled.
They choose label 168 collected 13 January 1989 registered to Dextar store on 17
January 1989. It is a piece of cloth, collected in the Newcastleton forest. But this is a
little remote in time, and counsel may well argue that the collection date is so far after
the bombing (25 days) that it is nothing to do with Lockerbie. A reasonable person will
conclude that the actual date it fell was 22 December 1988, like the Horton manual
finding.
They decide to date *Thorne's investigation of 168 labelled 'cloth' to 12 May 1989,
and that was the actual date *Thorne had looked at it, on that day, but discarded it as
not significant.
Certainly the 12 May date has not been interfered with, unlike the description, which
was. A typical CIA stratagem. A date is sacrosanct; the event is not.
168 is emptied of it now irrelevant material and a piece of shirt collar substituted. The
piece of chip brought from America is slipped into it. *Thorne rewrites the label
(possibly he believes it will be unproblematical, not disguising his handwriting (Bollier
says the rewrite is *Thorne's fist). Perhaps he (*Thorne) is not fully aware of the
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 110 of p 126
problems this will cause Gilchrist.
A bit of carelessness by the fiction factory, perhaps? (But a year or more has gone by
since the two events (the blowing up of the suitcase and choosing the debris to be
placed in 168), and errors are likely to take place). The doctored evidence is slipped
back into the secure store. *Byrd decides to use one of the photos he been supplied
with to send to DCI Williamson with his lame story about the delay in photography .
Mr Leppard
On 29 October 1989 in the Sunday Times, Leppard writes a piece saying that
Lockerbie is Libyan inspired and involves a hard shell suitcase filled with clothing
obtained in Malta. That is the first reference to Malta or a hard shell suitcase in
public. (Surely he didn't invent that claim).
I reckon the lead time for an article to be about 1-2 weeks, so I suggest David
Leppard was infected about 18 October 1989.
I am going so far with inference here that I am not sure exactly of the date of the
interference with label 168. It will become painfully clear in the perjury case.
Though there is nothing about PT 35 or shirt collars in Leppard's piece (perhaps the
CIA thought there was something the Scots rather than they should tell the world, it's
about this time that the Libyan story on the ground is being put together.
There must have been much low level discussion in the inquiry and presumably the
CIA thinks that everyone will believe that Leppard got his story from that.
In fact, the investigation is almost rumour tight, with the exception of the JIG who
learn everything, and say nowt, except to the ever attentive and diligent CIA.
If you think this is far-fetched, then were did Mr Leppard's story come from. The has
been no successful police inquiry into it, no one prosecuted, no sign of a failed one
even, so we must come to the reasonable conclusion that there wasn't one.
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prints, they were never going to have a resolution of the Lockerbie investigation.
I wonder what Mr Henderson really thinks of CIA men in their soft accents and button
down collars.
I can't see how that story could have come from anywhere except the Langley fiction
factory and it is right as far as it goes in all particulars about the Libyan attribution.
Details of the timer are left out, probably because the CIA had not decided to run with
it yet.
This is the USA, and everyone treats the journalist, Levy, with courtesy and respect,
though it is clear Henderson is deeply angered, and the same day threatened to kill
those who disagreed with his findings, borrowing says Jim Swire, the Lockerbie
families' microphone to do so. In the UK, Levy, the journalist, would have been
thrown out. But this is the US of A where journalists are the fourth estate, not shabby
figures in ill-fitting suits with a scrappy note-book and a pocket full of betting slips and
used fivers for 'information', a tendency to drink too much, and do their business in
public houses.
*Lightbody adopts a typical trick when someone in a circumstance like this is being
confronted with awkward truths. He refers to the solemnity of the occasion and
implies Mr Levy's attentions are unwelcome, untimely and inappropriate. It's
happened to me, and I am a relative though not of Lockerbie, but of UT-772. And I
prefer the nasty truth to the comfortable lie.
A curious interview
Mr Marquise's problem
Henderson said the PT-35 had never left the jurisdiction as it was too valuable.
Marquise, who had not be a party the Scots' trip to Washington says it had, though
he later corrects himself.
This may be an honest misunderstanding, for Marquise had not been with *Byrd and
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 112 of p 126
Henderson with *Lightbody.
But if Marquise had any knowledge of this backstory of the chip, he might have
confused the origin of it in Langley and inadvertently blurted out the truth. I think it
unlikely that *Byrd brought the chip with him to the US, though it was almost certainly
in RARDE's possession, as it would have been against RARDE rules and a serious
disciplinary matter, and *Byrd was a man who had to keep his nose very, very clean.
But Marquise has continued to maintain in Professor Black's blog that the chip
crossed the Atlantic. It originally did of course, having been cut up in Langley, having
been obtained from Lumpert before arriving at the strange meeting at RARDE. I think
we must take Mr Henderson's statement at face value (or it is a blatant lie) value to
the extent he didn't take it across the Atlantic, and didn't know it was being taken. It
wouldn't have been in his control anyway but RARDE's so the obvious carrier would
have been *Byrd. Until that gentleman decides to end his self-imposed silence, we
are not going to be any wiser.
If anyone says but this is too far-fetched, I think you're wrong. If you think the PT 35
is a corrupt piece of evidence you've got to come up with a hypothesis that explains
the corruption and not simply repeat the tired old and ill-fitting story that is.
You must explain and simplify apparent complexity and difficulties until you have a
sensible straightforward story that in time can be put to the parties involved.
Mr Ben Areyeah at this point claims in Professor Black's blog that Mr *Lightbody said
the fragments of circuit board had never left the mainland of the UK and when
challenged on this he had shrugged his shoulders. If Professor *Byrd had brought
them to the US, perhaps, for some reason he did not show them to *Lightbody, but
then why bring them? I think we can be certain Mr Henderson had nothing
whatsoever to do with their transport, even if he might not have known what *Byrd
was bringing them. They material was at that point surely in *Byrd's custody at
RARDE, not the Scottish Police's.
Marquise qualifies his story and says *Byrd bought the circuit board to the US and
distinguishes the chip from the circuit board, which are indeed two different kettles.
But the complexities of the chip story between members of the same investigation
team are beginning to look like what a prosecution in court would claim amongst
defendants was a inability to tell the truth.
Very little happens; but on 15 September 1989 DCI Williamson receives photo of a
metal part of label 168 for identification from *Byrd, Mr *Thorne's deputy (last seen by
*Thorne on 12 May 1989). *Byrd apologises for the time it has taken to produce a
Polaroid photograph for Williamson, a matter that would cause defence counsel to
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 113 of p 126
look askance.
It is because of the date of this event that I think that the RARDE meeting with the
CIA tool place in early September, though I realise that a later date is possible, and I
have not quite clarified in my mind which one is correct.
Another point is that the conference revealed that the Scottish Police were refusing to
co-operate with the FBI. This would make their search for the origins of the chip in
the photograph very difficult.
My own view is that the CIA (who, of course were not at the January 1990
conference) had decided (as they often do) to raise problems at the outset, rather
than allowing them to explode disastrously for their case much later. The conference
comes to no overwhelmingly unexplainable conclusions (as I think the CIA hoped it
would). We are well in advance of a position of where investigators will have to nail
their colours to the mast of a particular theory.
It is even before the point where the French have are demonstrably known to have
begun seriously to speculate on a Libyan theory for UTA; it would however seem
extraordinary if the French, who are not constrained to follow the 'facts on the ground'
policy dictated by HOLMES, (the so-called) evidence based approach, had not put
forward the possibility of Libya as the perpetrator of their tragedy at a very early date,
but whether the CIA could have learned of that directly from the French inquiry or
even the Congolese security services (who conducted their own inquiry), is uncertain.
But while investigators and commentators are very willing to comment on other
people's disasters in ways that the investigators are unwilling to do themselves
(compare McNamara's claim that UTA was a revenge by the Libyans for having been
defeated in the Aouzou strip war, and Bruguière's own comment that the downing
was due to 'African reasons' in his talk to the UTA relatives in 1991), it seems quite
reasonable to assume that the CIA in its analytical rôle was assessing the reasons
for the disaster and concluded Libya was a possibility.
Only there was a further problem here. The CIA had packed the suitcase they had
blown up with the wrong sort of Toshiba cassette recorder. They had used a white
RT-8016 or RT-8026 (probably one sold in Germany or possibly the Middle East) and
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 114 of p 126
the model that had been sold in Libya was the RT-SF16, which was black, a
consignment of which had arrived in Libya on 11 November 1988. (No wonder the
prosecution made little of the cassette's origins, but in reality it could have come from
anywhere; do you really think it likely that a competent intelligence organisation
charged with bringing down a jet of another country will have sourced the disguise in
shops of its home country? They'll obviously go abroad.)
On the 31 January 1990, the French sent letters for a commission rogotaire to
Washington. They are answered very quickly and the commission began on 19
March 1990, continuing for an extraordinarily long 11 days. We don't know anything
about what went on, whom the French met, or were allowed to meet. The
commission may well have been as useful to certain US bodies as the French.
At the same time this high-level co-operation is taking place, Mr Caprioli (an UTA
investigator) is given information, helpful to his inquiry, but the Sansomite report (one
of the critical documents produced by the French) says:
'neither the C.I.A. or the F.B.I. (section International Terrorism State-Sponsored) gave
any elements concerning the inquiry carried out after the bombing of Pan Am 103...
They indicated that only the investigating service (British Authorities) could do it.'
(Sansomite report p7 (pdf), D7541)).
The French were told they had to go the Lockerbie to the Lockerbie Investigation
whose plodding computerised investigation they despised. The Juge had already
been (in connection with tha matter of French nations who had dies on Pan Am 103
and I think it fair to say he held what he had seen of it in a fair degree of contempt.
The Juge is not a fan of Scottish, British, American or what he would call Anglo-
Saxon methods, which owe little to Descartes of the French school of inquiry, which
he thought used far too much machinery and far too little of the 'little grey cells' for
him.
The CIA were clearly wishing more to gain information than offer it. My suggestion is
that they wanted to find out the French position on Libya, with regard to making a
similar attribution their own disaster, and which might provide a developing scenario
for Libyan attribution for Lockerbie.
This 'Sansomite' report will not be issued to Juge Bruguière until 9 March 1990 and
not more widely but still internally until 4 September 1990, well after, I believe, the
French investigation had decided to allocate the UTA tragedy to Libya alone, but had
decided to tell the UTA relatives the Congo/Libya story on 20 September 1990. The
world will only learn of it (in its full Libya alone story) when the US UTA relatives' case
is brought to court in 2006.
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 115 of p 126
demonstrations were laid on by Langley of the destruction of a baggage container by
an IED of about 423g of explosive in a Sansomite suitcase. The demonstration was
carried out at a facility in the US and our two investigators were the principal
audience. Buried away in a clothing filled suitcase, the baggage container barely
moves. The CIA has been foolish enough to release the video of this incident and it is
singularly unimpressive. The container, though disrupted, is scarcely destroyed. I
have also seen the equivalent test of the UTA device. The disruption of the container
is much greater, and you can feel that this was capable of bringing down a smaller,
but unhardened, aircraft.
Mr Giaka
On 18th May 1991 Mr Mueller of the FBI said that it might not be possible to progress
the case and bring it to court without further evidence of what Mr Megrahi and Mr
Fhimah were up to in Libya. Almost no problem.
Mr Giaka was spirited from Malta aboard a US Navy ship, an operation for which the
FBI had to pay, and having been debriefed was placed in a US witness protection
program. It is debatable how much Mr Giaka was paid for his evidence and whether
that was in advance or not. (I have considered the matter in detail and decided
whether Mr Giaka were paid or not is irrelevant, given how severely the Zeist court
dealt with his evidence). One wonders why Mueller, who claimed this input was
necessary for a trial went to the of securing Giaka's contribution, so negligible was its
impact. Was the fear really of the CIA's making, for that agency has an overweening
respect for its own abilities.
The UTA relatives are told almost exactly two years later what happened over
UT-772
In September 1991 the UTA partie civiles were gathered again together in Paris by
Juge Bruguiere where we learnt that four Libyan citizens were to be charged over
UT-772. About two years later this was expanded to six Libyan citizens. At the
second anniversary meeting the matter of Congolese involvement was dropped as
the person who was probably implicated died in the UTA crash was a mule, who had
unwittingly carried on board a timer device attached to a plastic explosive, pentrite
which lined a suitcase. The timer was not of MEBO manufacture but Taiwanese and
had been sourced through BRD not Switzerland. The quantity of explosive was 2.4
times that in the Lockerbie IED, which was Semtex.
It immediately raised for Jim Swire, me and others the question 'if a mechanism had
been successfully used at Lockerbie, why go to the trouble of sourcing a different
type for UTA, multiplying the possibilities of detection'.
The commercial relations between MEBO and Megrahi or the German suppliers of
the UT-772 timer were in no way secret, but why increase the chances of discovery,
and the risks that a further attempt wouldn't work. After all Libya had had two failed
attacks on comparable UTA fights from the Congo.
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 116 of p 126
This would not prevent a Mr Thomas McNamara a senior ex-SD man of claiming that
the Lockerbie investigation was ahead of the UTA one. It was a difficult article to write
but it made $840M for the relatives of every US man or woman killed on UT-772, until
the spoilsports in the SD decided to make them accept a rather smaller sum.
With these differences some of which I was aware of by 1991 others only coming to
light in 2006, I had no difficulty in determining that both attacks could not be laid at
the feet of one country, or even organisation and that Lockerbie was not a Libyan
affair.
I was finally convinced Messers Fhimah and Megrahi had nothing to do with
Lockerbie when C4 produced a documentary in 1999 just before the Zeist trial.
Heavily reliant on what must have been the case the Crown had had to detail to the
defence, it was clear that the Lockerbie investigation had been shut down in 1991
and no progress had been made in that time.
By contrast, the French had completed their inquiry, indicting two further Libyans by
1998 and passed the investigation file to the Paris Court Parquet for prosecution in
1996.
The six Libyans were tried in absentia (a valid French judicial process) in 1999 and 6
guilty verdicts obtained. The penalties in all cases were réclusion perpetuelle (life
imprisonment).
I notice that this piece is beginning to develop so many issues that it is beginning to
lose shape, for I shall try just to summarise the steps in the progress of the
investigation
From the outset the police intended to make the inquiry evidence driven, which
removed the need from police officers for intellectual thought and replaced it with a
bureaucratic and computer system that recorded every action by the police and
generated a huge and complex to-do list, which essentially couldn't be amended.
HOLMES would nag away asking why had this man not been interviewed, that lead
not followed up, until it was done.
Had for instance a Luqa issued baggage tag ever been identified on the ground
HOLMES would have found it. Henderson the Scottish SIO was convinced that just
such a clue would be brought in by “his lads and lasses”, which in his rather
infantilising way, he regarded his officers.
But as we've seen the evidence you'd possibly expect was never there, and what
was to be regarded as evidence was either dumped at the crash site by the CIA or
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 117 of p 126
evidence which changed its nature in the RARDE laboratories.
The stages
Having shaken the dust from their feet and returning to plotting in Langley, the CIA
washed its hands of Lockerbie, or seemed to.
Having taken 120 pages to get even to the start of the investigation, and I wanted to
finish in 100, I shall deal with the investigation and its betrayal quite shortly.
The betrayal is quite simple. The Lockerbie Investigation which I think the CIA
followed carefully from the JIG, began its hopeless task of feeding data into the
insatiable HOLMES, which obediently built up an agenda.
By April 1989 the blown up suitcase had been discovered and I believe the AAIB's
real hunch that it was a stuck on device. Hence, the curious Channon statement,
which senior members of the Government were not happy with, as revealing too
much.
The Toshiba chip finding, which became PT 35 is dated to 13 th January 1989 before
Bollier's alleged visit to the US Embassy, Vienna, but after it in actuality.
Mr Gauci studiously avoids identifying anyone through this period, except Mr Talib,
whose picture he has seen in the Sunday Times Leppard articles. By the date this
becomes known, the CIA is not interested in a PFLP GC theory and it's gunning for
Megrahi and Libya.
The latest possible date for the abandonment of PFLP GC theory is the date of the
invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, although the CIA had been warning the White House
about Iraq since September 1989
A useful exercise
A useful exercise is to look at all the places the IED could have been put. Only two of
them can have a Libyan implication and not if stuck to AVE4041 PA
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 118 of p 126
evidence comments on Initial Initial
prosecution prosecution
position position
Damage to Not possible Not possible Not possible Not mentioned Not mentioned Possible Possible
container . but probably but possible
Hole must go not possible
from inside
to outside
Damage to Not possible Possible Possible Possible Possible Possible Possible
hull. Hole
must go from
inside to
outside
Could Libya No No No No No Yes Yes
do it with a
bag bomb
Inference of Explainable Explainable Explainable Explainable Explainable Inexplicable Inexplicable
broken
padlock
Conclusion None None None None Iran Iran,Libya or Iran, Libya
other or other
None of the parties could have had anything to with with a second device (not IED)
as I've argued here on board the Maid. Only the CIA could have done that.
In fact the IED stuck on AVE4041 PA on its own was sufficient to bring down the
Maid, for the front and cockpit were torn off the aircraft, but the CIA was not certain it
would be (their model was TWA 840, flying at 11,000' and not 31,000') and so they
arranged for a second blast that broke up the aircraft. That had to be portrayed to
AAIB as an accident, and AAIB accepted that.
That meant the body of the Maid crashed over Lockerbie and if the second explosion
had not happened 11 people who were killed would have lived.
When I began this piece, I set myself a target that it would be less than 100 pages.
from the highly prejudicial behaviour of the judges at the Zeist trial and appeal
to the relative incompetence of the defendants' counsel, especially Mr Taylor,
and the complete incompetence of Mr Megrahi's current one
the idée fixé of the suitcase case, which came from the FAI and was gently
insinuated at the Zeist trial, but never proven beyond doubt
the lack of a proper jury trial at Zeist
the complete invisible nature of Iran Air, who facilities adjoined Pan Am's at
Heathrow so that the good Ayatollah Khomenei's portrait hung glowering over
Christian, hegemonist, capitalist and sinful excess
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 119 of p 126
a full account of the AAIB report's omissions
a detailed account of the UK Government's toadying during the Reagan years
a longer account of the UTA criminal trial as revealed in the case papers put
into English
The lack of good science at RARDE the result of a stupid decision to place a
forensic laboratory in a munitions factory
especially the failure to produce a map of the location of the major pieces of
the downed Maid by AAIB
the decision of Mrs Thatcher to ignore Lockerbie in one single and erroneous
phrase in her autobiography
the pathetic attempts of the pathologist Basutil to explain the break up of
bodies near Sherwood Crescent as due to 'air-friction'
The falling out of the FBI and the CIA in late 1990
A more exact account of the dealings between the Scots, the French and the
Americans during their two respective investigations
The strange case of the falling out of the FBI and the Scottish police late in the
day over various interviews with shady Middle Eastern types
Mr Lumpert's confession that he had given a person he thought was a CIA
man a copy of the MEBO chip, (which became PT 35)
What a member of the Mr Bush's presidential commission actually told Mr
Cadman, and what he knew, which I believe not much
An account of why UFOs are completely and utterly wrong
The failure of the international community to rise up and condemn the whole
Lockerbie process
The whole development of the UTA case and how different it is to Lockerbie,
when essentially they are claiming to go for the same organisation
especially Mr Thomas McNamara's singular contribution to the UTA civil case
in the US Federal Courts
Particularly important is the trip by the Juge to Washington in late 1990 after
which the CIA fully developed its Libyan theory
The failure of the UK or the US press or media to have covered my concerns
through the years. (Are they all in the pay of the CIA?)
Any reasonably full account of the compensation quantums and processes in
each of the three disasters, which I have done
The US compensation court processes
I just want to hint at the depth in way I have tried to look at Lockerbie, which I
don't think anyone else has had the stomach to, or needed to
Tips for anyone who wants to become an investigator into the CIA
The first thing to remember is that the CIA implicitly believes its own propaganda. Do
not tell such a man, for example that the downing of the Vincennes was in any way
deliberate, for he believes it's an accident.
Next, the presence of either too many or no CIA men is a tell-tale something's up.
Both circumstances happened at Lockerbie.
A tale of three atrocities, version 7 © Charles Norrie, August 2009 p 120 of p 126
If a senior police official says there weren't any CIA (even if in disguise as Pan Am
engineers), be suspicious, but if a respectable on the ground journalist does, trust
him.
The CIA does not go in for ambiguity, nuance and dissimulation much. There is no-
one of the moral ambiguity or complexity of Kim Philby here, who became committed
as a very young man in Austria in the 1930s to the anti-fascist cause (which, at the
time, meant the Communists); then became a fascist journalist disguising his true
colours, got a job with SOE, then the FO and finally MI6. He was gradually outed, the
CIA refusing to work with him and making him virtually p.n.g., perhaps because he
said outrageously provocative things in his cups, which would alarm straight laced
1950s CIA officers, but be treated as an endearing little quirk (of that's the 'just so
Kim' kind) in London. Eventually he did a runner and was found to have betrayed
every important British asset to the Soviet Union since the beginning of WWII. He ran
foul of Soviets over ingenuity, for Stalin had believed he must be a triple spy.
Had it not been decided to use a 'clue' for a plot directed at Libya later, all would have
been well, for HOLMES would have turned up nothing of significance from the
Scottish mud.
But such a (false) clue did turn up and became known in 1990. Why the CIA decided
to make it Libya is uncertain, except for the 1st Gulf War, and there was no other
credible alternative. It was difficult to redirect the meaning of the blown up suitcase
and a number of awkward facts had to be squared like the colour of and number of
speakers in a Toshiba cassette recorder. Libya was indeed well away from Syria, the
PFLP GC and Iran. The pay-off would be high.
So it was worth implicating Libya. The clues were poor, damagingly poor, and the CIA
had to come out of the cold to supervise the debriefing of Giaka. It was the first time
they had broken cover since the crash.
Lockerbie was also costing. *Hantzau makes much of the Agency's financial woes, so
reusing the Maid incident to implicate Libya might have been an economy measure.
We then get into the more standard parts of the battery of techniques used to pollute
the development of a story.
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They planted newspaper articles, and the CIA's contact book is deep is one. But if a
planted story does not have a counterpart development in the investigation story, and
Marquise the SIO reads about a particular development in the investigation for the
first time in a Swiss newspaper, one can be certain that the CIA's fiction factory has
been up to no good, once the obvious point of whether the FBI or the Scots leaked
(which they didn't except through the JIG) is solved. The internet makes the exposure
of these machinations trivially easy.
We must thank Marquise for his blow by blow account of the investigation, though he
might have been astonished that anyone could read it quite so assiduously as I have.
The trouble is, the CIA uses the same tactic again and again and again; Swiss,
French, American and British newspapers. The journalists are of course unwilling to
say they have been dining at the Agency's expense, and I expect the cost was little
more than that of a decent meal.
Beware of Greeks bringing gifts. Nobody has paid me anything over my work.
Perhaps that would not have been fatal, if the accusation had been allowed to die
after the indictments had been made, but by allowing the relatives the possibility of
compensation, by passing three Acts of Congress to encourage them to do so made
it inevitable there would be a trial.
A supine Scottish court, deprived of the usual checks of a jury and a hanging judge,
what more can be said, all conducted in private in a US airfield in a small country far
away. There was no TV coverage.
Pathetic.
It is not possible for a protagonist to say (as *Hantzau did) in 2002 and then again in
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2008 - but oh! It might not be Libya. Once a prosecutor (and the CIA is) had backed
an attribution it is necessarily stuck with that story.
The road to hell is paved with good intentions; Hand-Book of Proverbs, H. G. Bohn,
514, 1855
My reasons
My single most compelling reason for having wasted so much time over this
matter is: I do not want the Libyan Government turning round after the current
Lockerbie attribution has died in flames, its protagonists investigated,
prosecuted and jailed for perjury, conspiracy to murder and murder, saying but
we didn't do UT-772 either.
They did. Please refer to the issues that connect Libya with UTA at the top of this
document.
What I am willing to do
I am willing to assist a properly constituted inquiry into the Lockerbie fiasco. By that I
mean, I shall not agree to any of its findings except on the terms that I've espoused
here, that I roll my own, and come to my own conclusions.
I hope to be able to put this matter aside once I see a full public inquiry, in which
nothing is held back, and those investigated and required to attend, and give full
account of their doings under the threat of contempt, the maximum penalty for which
is detention for full life (a whole life term).
And those who are found to have done wrong by such public hearing should be
prosecuted with the full force of the law.
At the same time if the US authorities are courageous enough to bring a murder case
against these rogues, I should oppose any intent to seek the death penalty as I am
utterly opposed to it.
I hope I shall not be put to the recourse of having to support a campaign for the life of
Mr Tomas *Cattermole, Mr Rupert *Hantzau and the like.
A final plea
Please don't think that the concerns I have raised are antique, old hat, have been
answered before, dealt with by the trial, appeals or whatever. As late as 16 th July
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2009, I teased out a small discrepancy in a book with a friend that suggests, (by his
own admission) that one man mentioned in this letter is guilty of murder. And if this
issue cannot be taken up by you, I can assure you that it will be with me as long as I
can live.
Envoi
But for the first time ever because it was necessary to portray characters who don't
talk and never will, they had to be portrayed as ciphers of their organisations to stand
in for real voices in an actually dialogue between the parties which must have begun
shortly before 21st December 1988 and ended a very short time after, but the
consequences of those dialogues would take some months to be resolved. It was
probably MI5 that lit upon the vulnerability of Professor *Byrd and Mr *Thorne,
because MI5 would have had most to do with them over the Maguire affair and those
two gents would be essential to the plot to lead to Bollier and Megrahi. (These
processes are still working at this moment. Until I had written that last sentence I had
thought it would have been a MI6 man who handled the delicate negotiations of
subverting the two gents, but MI5 is much more probable because of the Maguire
case). Fantasy perhaps, but more compelling than saying I can prove that the shirt
collar came from a different sized shirt and leaving it at that. If that's all that's done
we just stand there staring at the impossibility for years until it evaporates in another
round of 'appeal innuendo'.
My second anecdote is about one of the best local histories, about Kentish Town in
London, ever written, Gillian Tindall's The Fields Beneath. Tindall, also a novelist,
achieved a remarkable success. The less evidence she had, the better the story got.
'Follow with me she would say, to the backs of the gardens in Montpelier Grove, for
there lies a line of scraggly sycamores, which was a field boundary once'. And a field
boundary map of KT popped out from hundred and fifty year old brick terraces.
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My third anecdote is from Imre Lakatos', book Proofs and Refutations which is about
a fictional dialogue set in a mathematics class. The students attempt to prove the
formula for the Euler characteristic in algebraic topology, one bright spark attempting
to prove Archimedes theorem by making hundreds of small models of the gold brick
Archimedes was attempting to find the density of, which he did simply by sitting in a
bath full of water and seeing what he had displaced. The dialogue is meant to be the
actual the attempted proofs which mathematicians throughout history offered for the
conjecture, which are repeatedly refuted by counterexamples. Often the students
quote famous mathematicians.
I tried the fictional approach for the first time only on iteration 4 of this story. But I was
acutely aware of the CIA's debt to G K Chesterton, from quite early on. Chesterton is
a much more satisfying writer than Doyle and psychologically compelling in a way
Doyle is not. I count the plots of three Father Brown stories in Lockerbie: The Honour
of Israel Gow, The Twelve True Fishermen and The Sign of the Broken Sword. Can
anyone find more?
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Private information
Only four facts, in any sense, have been privately made to me: two from the Juge in
front of over 200 witnesses; Mike Charles reference on the size of the Lockerbie
device, though there was a widespread rumour that it was 1lb; and, Bollier's
statement on the date he went to the US Embassy, Vienna.
Conclusion
Several retired CIA agents must be charged for their wrongdoings and tried.
They and other senior US Government individuals face long sentences. Ex
President George Bush senior is amongst them. But *Cattermole and,
especially, *Hantzau face charges of the most serious kind.
Libya must be re-compensated, which must be done at Government, and not victims'
relatives level. (I have a complicated set of proposals to achieve this).
A huge apology must be made to the UK Government, the Scottish Courts, the
relatives of 103, and compensation paid for wasting so much of their time by the US
Government.
The culpability of various British agents and civil servants needs to be inquired into.
But I am not in favour, as some observers are of throwing the book at them. The
major culpability lies with the CIA and its officials.
The CIA requires abolition or the most thoroughgoing reform and must stop its dirty
tricks.
Action against the Iranian who planted the Lockerbie IED must begin. The CIA
certainly knows who he is.
Charles Norrie
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