Lewis (1984)

Da Kine Sounds: The Function of Music as Social Protest in the New Hawaiian Renaissance
Author(s): George H. Lewis

Source: American Music, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Summer, 1984), pp. 38-52
Published by: University of Illinois Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3051657
Accessed: 17-07-2019 20:51 UTC
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3051657?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
University of Illinois Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to American Music
This content downloaded from 128.95.104.109 on Wed, 17 Jul 2019 20:51:01 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
GEORGE H. LEWIS
Da Kine Sounds: The Function

of Music as Social Protest in
the New Hawaiian Renaissance
Deep in this tortured island all alone

Hear the winds cry, the mountains moan ...
A culture, a land, destroyed by white man's greed
Taking our pride and honor, they planted their seed ...
We followed their rules much too long.
Our protests are heard in our music and song ...
"Hawaiian Awakening"
by Debbie Maxwell
Until the late 1960s and early 1970s, when it became evident that ignoring the im-
pact of popular music on social and cultural protest movements was sociological
folly, there were few serious studies of the impact of popular music as political ex-
pression. Although some ethnomusicologists, such as Alan P. Merriam,1 were ar-
guing that "songs lead as well as follow, and political and social movements, often
expressed through song because of the license it gives, shape and force the mould-
ing of public opinion," there were only a handful of social scientists who took such
an idea seriously enough to allow it to inform their own work. Therefore, with a
few exceptions,2 most treatments of popular music as political expression were
likely to be journalistic or historicaP rather than sociological.
Although the 1970s and the early 1980s saw some studies of this important
phenomenon by sociologists,4 it has been a topic that, strangely, has had compara-
tively little attention accorded to it, given its importance in the study of social and
political stability and change.
This paper is an attempt to analyze the role of da kine (pidgin for "right on")
music in an ongoing social movement that is an important and focal concern of the
people of Hawaii-a contemporary movement both political and cultural in nature,
which is popularly known as the Hawaiian Renaissance. In contrast to most pre-
George H. Lewis is a member of the Department of Sociology at the University of the Pacific,
Stockton, California.
American Music Summer 1984
? 1984 Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois
Da Kine Sounds: Music as Social Protest 39
vious studies of the place of music in social movements, this study does not
heavily on a content analysis of lyrics, as many of the most influential son
sung entirely in Hawaiian, a language a majority of those in the audience eith
not understand or are familiar with only certain key words and phrases. Alt
lyric content is considered in this study, the larger focus will be on the sy
meaning of the Hawaiian song,5 as well as on nonverbal aspects of the mus
accompanying dance-an area of analysis that is sadly lacking in most studi
musical performance.6
Social movements arise not only in response to conditions of inequality o

justice but, more important, because of changing definitions of these condi
Those involved must recognize and define their plight as an injustice, and on
is intolerable to live with, rather than just passing it off as the result of luck or a
twist of fate.7 In addition, participants in such a movement must come to b
that an alleviation of these intolerable conditions is possible and that their e
will be important in obtaining the desired changes in political and social c
tions.8
There are four major stages in "consciousness raising" associated with s
movements. (1) Social discontent must be associated with the social conditi
which persons find themselves.9 (2) These problematic social conditions mu
defined not as unchangeable and due to fate, but, instead, as due to the poli
the present social order, which can be changed-thus moving persons from
discontent to social unrest, or a readiness to challenge the political structu
change social conditions.10 (3) From this base of social unrest, a definition of wha
wrong with present social conditions and proposed solutions to these proble
well as accepted rationales for participation, and assurances that such partic
is both necessary and efficacious must be developed-in other words, a social
ogy must be created." (4) Social legitimization of the ideology and the goals
movement must be sought by tying it to the common values of the larger p
tion in which the movement is operating.12 This process of social redefinition, o
mobilizing and eventual legitimization of discontent which turns mere dissat
tion with the social order into a force for change, is a crucial and relative
studied topic in the literature of social movements.
Music and popular songs can play an important role in this process of sym
redefinition and the creation of a social ideology for social movements. As Fi
has noted, if one examines just the lyrics of protest songs associated with
movements, one can find many examples of diagnoses of what is wrong wit
present order of things, proposed solutions to these wrongs, and rationales f
ticipation in the movement-all key elements in the definition of a social m
ment ideology.
In addition to the development of ideology through the content of lyr
something that has been to some extent examined,14 a second important fu
of music in social movements is in the development of social solidarity am
members and potential members.15 The songs of social movements attempt
40 Lewis
peal to and rein

tive members. Th
often gives mus
than would be po
ined earlier wi
American prote
pealing to comm
the social movem
matized within t
In addition, th
ments that help
tained strictly i
protest musician
the oppressed g
dies, transforme
ticipants as deri
Also, familiar f
terns or tradition
that are a part o
symbolically the
music, the body
usually in oppos
larger society-a
ances as part of
In considering
take note also of
feelings of iden
been brought int
ings can, unques
solidarity. Such
the interests m
rights and surr
This function of
effectively thr
phlets, or other
the context of re
vitalizing, and i
function of mu
one considers th
tions, for whom
and, at the least
Therefore, in su
of discontent w
state of social discontent and develop the elements of a soc

and rationalize the social movement; (2) it is less likely to
thus less likely to be censored or repressed, than the more rat
of communication, such as speeches or pamphlets; (3) it c
protest to the traditional values and symbols of the group thr
tional musical forms, instruments, dress, and modes of pre
ject a powerful emotional message that may be more effective
ity than more "rational" modes of communication; and (5)
communication, can charge the interests of the group, elev
sity of moral rights.
In the remainder of this paper, I shall present an analysis o
has become known as the "Hawaiian Renaissance," a conte
movement that illustrates and amplifies the points made in
On March 22, 1977, George Kanahele addressed the Rot

on the subject of the resurgence of interest in Hawaiian cultu
ing around the state since the beginning of the decade. "S
chological renewal,' a purging of feelings of alienation and inf
is a reassertion of self-dignity and self-importance. . . . W
Hawaiians today is probably the most significant chapter
since the overthrow of the monarchy and loss of nationhoo
tant with this cultural rebirth, is a new political awareness
transformed into an articulate, organized but unmonolithi
This speech, published in full by the Honolulu Adve
quoted extensively by local politicians, social activists, and
ing the arts and culture of Hawaii. Kanahele entitled his
aissance," thus giving a name to this fast coalescing value
ment.
The movement was anticipated in Hawaii. As early as 1959, the Kamehameha

School faculty were discussing the "psychological rebirth" of Hawaiians, as they
began showing interest in, and exploring, their culture.2 This interest in Hawaiian
culture at Kamehameha revolved around the efforts of Nona Beamer, who fought
in earlier years to establish a Hawaiian Club at the school. By the 1950s, Beamer-
who had obtained a graduate degree in anthropology at Columbia while studying
Hawaiian culture-was teaching part-time in Kamehameha.
"I coined the word Hawaiiana in 1949. The word 'ana' is a very important
word to me, because it means to measure, to evaluate, to glean the very best of the
Hawaiian culture. This is what we choose to teach, the very best of the culture. So it
wasn't chosen idly. I think Kamehameha was the first to pick Hawaiian Studies as a
cultural program for students, and then the University of Hawaii picked it up for
their summer sessions."23
Then, in 1964, John Dominis Holt published an important essay entitled, "On
Being Hawaiian." This essay, which called for a definition of identity in cultural
42 Lewis
terms, was circul

stage for what w
in, and response
This cultural flo
in the field of Ha
this time, Hawaii
commercial musi
mainland Americ
This commercial
Hawaiian musicia
Hawaiian Quartet
tion in San Franci
and, later, Weste
land music compo
rial for mass cons
The result was a
ics like those of
who came to the
songs into their r
popular jazz beat
As the first tour
sic was the natur
the tourist indus
with Hawaiian the
in Waikiki and ac
the world on the
in films such as Bi
"Sweet Leilani" w
This music, muc
defined as authen
enly assumed to re
and into the 1960
flourished comm
and 1940s) and in
Paralleling this c
development of t
came a rage in v
dancers, most pe
and movements, m
form of "hula"
Crosby. Thus, it
was incorporated
By the late 1960s,
minorities to asser
cally empty commercial music and dance of Hawaii fused

concerns revolving around identity to create the beginnin
in Hawaii.
In November, 1966, a local radio station, KCCN, made the decision to broad-
cast Hawaiian music only, twenty-four hours a day. Although a good deal of this
music was of the hapa haole variety, some of it was authentic and traditional, the
work of a few (such as Andy Cummings, Gabby Pahinui, Genoa Keawe, and Nona
Beamer) who were performing in the old styles and keeping alive a tenuous and
fragile musical tradition.
In 1969, the station entertained the idea of dropping the all-Hawaiian format,
but abandoned their plans when they received 4,200 letters of protest in one week's
time.29 In April, 1971, KCCN sponsored a four-hour concert at the Waikiki Shell
that featured over fifty local musicians, many of whom played traditional music in
the old styles. The concert was a sellout and a symbolic watershed in the resur-
gence of interest in authentic Hawaiian music.
Much of this interest was from the young Hawaiians who were searching for
some sort of cultural roots. In so doing, not only did they begin to support the mu-
sic of the few traditionalists who were still performing, but they also began to play
this music-and to create new music within the old traditional forms. As Krash
Kealoha, then station manager of KCCN, explained it in 1973: "Up until that point
(1970) we were playing old Hawaiian music and hapa haole tunes. Then several kids
started talking to me, and it turned out they were disappointed because they were
writing their own music and coming up with their own style, and some were even
going into the studios and spending their own money-$5,000 or whatever it
cost-to produce a record. But when the record came out, it wouldn't get on any
radio stations ... At first there was a lot of resistance from our steady listeners (to
us playing the music), some of the older people who felt anything that wasn't sung
in Hawaiian was rock and roll."'3 KCCN, with its exclusive focus, became a key in
dissemination and popularization of the music of the Hawaiian renaissance, as
well as a source of information about the music and the people who were creating
it.
A second key to the launching of this movement was the interaction between
an aging traditional singer, Phillip Pahinui, and two young musicians, Peter Moon
and Palani Vaughn. Pahinui, better known as "Gabby" or "Pops," had been active
musically in the 1930s, 1940s, and early 1950s, playing mostly traditional music,
though he was, at times, heavily influenced by mainland jazz. But his music had
not been popular enough on which to base a career, and he made his living work-
ing on street crews for the city of Honolulu. By the 1960s, he remembered: "I had
just about given up, was working with the City and County then. The only time
we'd play music was when we'd finish work on the road and sit down under a tree
and strum."31 In addition, Pahinui had been a heavy drinker his whole life, and this
had influenced his behavior-making him erratic enough so that he could never
sustain the effort to develop a successful career.
Peter Moon, and others, attracted by Gabby's knowledge of the old songs and
44 Lewis
the techniques o
genius, you know
of 40 years bein
times a year. He'
me as if to say,
Moon to learn fr
became Pahinui's
reer that was to l
At the same tim
Pahinui, Palani V
of material upon
family going ba
know, but then
the same gradua
I asked him if h
Manoa was formed."33
The Sunday Manoa, first recorded in 1969 and the most influential of the new
Hawaiian groups, originally consisted of Moon, Vaughn, Baby Kalima, and two of
Gabby Pahinui's sons, Cyril and Bla.34 Also important for the early success of the
group was a young songwriter who was another member of that Hawaiian art his-
tory course, Larry Kimwa. Kimwa wrote five of the songs for the first Sunday Ma-
noa album, and went on to become one of the most influential and prolific of the
songwriters of the renaissance.
Later, as Vaughn left the Sunday Manoa to begin his solo career resurrecting
musical material from Hawaii's last monarchical era, the Cazimero brothers-
products of Kamehameha School and its emphasis on Hawaiian culture-joined
the group and helped to shape its distinct sound throughout the early 1970s. To-
day, in addition to The Brothers Cazimero's highly successful career in Hawaiian
music, Roland Cazimero also teaches music, singing, and hula at Kamehameha,
while Peter Moon continues to record as The Peter Moon Band and sponsors an
annual concert of traditional Hawaiian music, Kanikapila, held at the University of
Hawaii since 1971.
Moon, whose considerable talents were responsible throughout the 1970s for
the organization and developmnent of Hawaiian music, eventually hopes to focus
on the teaching of slack-key guitar and to open a school of music. "All I've done,"
he says, "is organize. My real contribution has been in working with people. That
is, enhancing people by developing their talents and ideas ... I know how to
teach and I enjoy developing people's talents. I want to help young people
grow. "3
The third factor in the musical launching of the renaissance in the early 1970s
was the establishment, in February 1971, of the Hawaiian Music Foundation, set
up by George Kanahele to preserve and perpetuate Hawaiian music. In 1972 the
Foundation held its first slack-key guitar contest and, in 1973, began sponsoring
falsetto and steel guitar contests. Since 1975, the Hawaiian Music Foundation has
published Hacilono Mele, a monthly (now quarterly) newsletter dea

ian music, and, in cooperation with St. Louis High School, offers c
ian music which, over the 1970s, were taken by well over one thou
As Kanahele said, looking back over the decade, in 1979: "There
more young and old people learning to play Hawaiian music, mor
more performing it, than at any time in the past 20 or 30 years. .
the impetus for the resurgence in Hawaiian music has come essent
tirely, from the local community: The lyrics are in Hawaiian, the them
ian, the composers, for the most part, are Hawaiian. It has not com
side, nor from the tourism industry; the most popular Hawaiian
disdain the tastes of the visitors."37
Along with this resurgence in the performance and the creatio
music came a renewed interest in the traditional forms of the hula.38 The Merrie
Monarch Festival, a hula competition begun in 1964, was attracting large numbers
of contestants by 1971 and, in 1972, the King Kamehameha Celebration hula com-
petition was begun. Both events became increasingly popular throughout the
1970s, drawing sellout crowds by the end of the decade.
In 1969, the Nanahuli dance troupe, devoted to preserving traditional forms of
the hula, was formed by lolani Luahine, who used the troupe to spearhead her
successful efforts to get the State Commission on Hawaiian Heritage formed.39 The
Commission, since the early 1970s, has sponsored annual dance conferences
which are always sellout events.
Also, in 1972, Maciki Aiu began a school for hula instructors and, in 1973,
turned out a first class of twenty-eight. Most of these instructors, graduated
throughout the 1970s, began their own schools of hula during the decade.40 As
Kanuhele remarked. "It is important to note that today's interest is for the ancient,
rather than the modern or hapa haole, hula. The more traditional the dance, the
keener the interest. It is as if people want to get as close as they possibly can to the
first hula and, because of this, the Hawaiians have finally retaken the hula from the
tourists."41
Thus, the hula-perhaps the world's best-known symbol of tropic sensuality

and, since the early 1900s, a trademark of foreign exploitation of Hawaii-was
transformed in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s into a potent symbol of re-
discovered pride and one of the most important signposts of the Hawaiian renais-
sance.
Although centered around music and dance, the Hawaiian

not exclusive to these activities. The 1970s saw a concomitant incr
the Hawaiian language, as well. In 1972 an organization, cAh
was formed around those who wished to retain the traditio
cOlelo Hawaici grew in numbers and activities throu
sponsoring-among other things-a weekly talk show, "K
KCCN radio, conducted entirely in Hawaiian.
Increasingly, since the early 1970s, Hawaiian words and p
entering the common language of Hawaii, serving as sym
46 Lewis
Hawaiian-ness. Suc
ers and movemen
responds appropr
The decade saw, a
high schools and a
Hawaiian State Co
stood and spoken
glish) of the state.
Ancient crafts, su
the 1970s, as was
reached a high poin
the Hokuleca, to T
of the first Hawaii
This voyage, the
rated in a song cy
and performed by
Tauca, a member
of the ceremonies
And that's where I
launching. ... Any
enough to capture
instrumental and
take from it and
The new songs of

test movements,
They are national
tion to the cultural domination of the mainland United States and the entertain-
ment needs of the booming tourist industry.
Groups formed in the 1970s refused to continue the tradition of "cute" names
of the past, like the Royal Hawaiian Serenaders or the Waikiki Beachboys-names
that conjured up images of happy-go-lucky brown lackeys of the Hawaiian films
and nightclubs. Instead, they named themselves after Hawaii, the land: The Sun-
day Manoa, Hui Ohana, the Makaha Sons of Nicihau, Olomana.
This concern with the land is a theme strongly reflected in the lyrics of the new
songs (such as "E Kuu Morning Dew" and "Nanakuli Blues"), which celebrate the
beauty of various island places and lament their destruction by contemporary off-
island concerns, or the fact that the land-once Hawaiian-is now owned by for-
eigners who refuse to treat it with the care and reverence it demands. As the late
George Helm, musician and political activist, said in description of these songs:
"Hawaiian views on nature are the subject of many songs and contain a true re-
spect for nature. Many of the songs now openly express, if one understands the
words, the language-pain, revolution; it's expressing the emotional reaction the
Hawaiians are feeling to the subversion of their lifestyle."43
Such songs have been written and sung in support of polit

since early 1970, when protesters sought to prevent the Bishop E
a pig farmer from their lands in Ohaucs Kalama Valley. Suc
actions of the large landowners and real-estate developer
through the 1970s and are a major consideration in the politi
in the early 1980s. As Olomana's Jerry Santos put it: "Kawela
have been rezoned for resort areas, and the people who live
have to move out because their leases were traded suddenly t
pany on the mainland. And nobody even knew about it. . . . B
about it, all kinds of people will know. .. ."44
Perhaps the most significant social protest of the 1970s that i
cern for the land and the support of the new music was the m
U.S. Navy to stop using the island of Kahocolawe for bombin
they had been doing for many years. Activists such as Geor
Ritte, supported by local musicians, held huge rallies in prote
cies and, in January 1976, crept onto the island and "occ
Among other efforts in support of this occupation was the recor
chant by Kelici Tauca, a member of Hokuleca, and the writing
protest as Debbie Maxwell's "Hawaiian Awakening," and Harr
O Kahocolawe."
Such efforts have been critical in legitimatizing the goals of the activists and
obtaining popular support for them. The Kahocolawe movement is now accepted
even by members of the traditional Hawaiian Civic Clubs, who earlier took out
newspaper ads in opposition to it. Even more significant is the fact that the earlier
militant image of the movement has now taken on mystical and spiritual overtones
and its goals have become almost a cultural demand of the people, a phenomenon
aided to a great extent by its legitimization and incorporation as a part of the cul-
tural renaissance. "What we needed was to get Hawaiians active. . . . Music is the
easiest way I know, because people tune into music. . . . That's what I use music
for."45
Another related topic addressed in the lyrics of the new music is hostility to-
ward tourists and criticism of their impact on Hawaii in terms of land use, real-
estate development, and bastardization and cooptation of traditional Hawaiian
culture. "I hate tourists. Oh, I don't hate the tourist person-I hate the industry. We
have no control over that industry. It's like a giant malignant cancer and it's eating
up all our beaches, all the places that are profound for our culture. It's grabbing
them. They take the best."46
Songs like "Hawaii '78" can be quite blunt in their condemnation of tourism,
or they can be very subtle, focusing on the daily lives of people in some romantic
past before the influx of tourism, making their points in the traditional Hawaiian
style of Kaona, or hidden meaning. "Hawaiian music reflects the attitudes toward
life and nature. These are basically clean protests and not harsh, but with a deep
hidden meaning, which Anglo-Saxon reasoning cannot appreciate."47
A third theme, that of an urgent concern for preserving the traditional ways of
48 Lewis
Hawaii, and even th

songs, such as "Al
Vaughn said of his wo
ing things like 'The
but my answer is th
foster its survival."48
With respect to thi

le Ca is a clear and si
ten by Roland Cazim
ends with: "Why mu
mana, notes: "The new
Hawaiian lifestyle. W
of people, a lot of the
remember the old va
Many of these song
port because-even w
1970s-the majority o
tions given by perfo
liner notes on their r
Because of this, son
by their titles, and t
more general symbo
guage and its replace
tening to songs sung
that it is a reaffirmat
Many of the song
tradition-from the ch
tarists. Many also wi
tural repertoire of t
Keawe, with only pa
pose. Thus, the new
music, which enhanc
sis for identification
The instrumentatio
their appeal. Many of
Hokuleca, use indige
that had not been a p
The slack-key guita
along with it came st
(a gourd drum), cili ci
gourd rattle). The m
tional rural songs an
never have occurred
ments has emphasiz
aimed at establishing an identification with those tradition

use of such instruments is a self-conscious act in opposition to th
mentation found in mainland "pop" music or the tourist loun
the selection of instruments is also a political statement abou
Hawaiian traditions and to oppose mainland domination and
by the tourist industry.
Many of these musical groups will perform with hula dan
of the music into the symbolic form of the dance or, in other c
musical accompaniment for the dance, thus tying the two cu
as symbolic expressions of new ethnic pride and identity. Th
have a halau of dancers, trained by Roland, who have become
show5? and, since the late 1970s, the music journal Hacilono M
equal time to both music and hula. Many of the new groups w
for various halaus in the Merrie Monarch and King Kameham
support the dancers at many local shows and benefits.51
Finally, mention should be made of the general style of p
singers, groups, and dancers. In dress, they often wear the s
Hawaiian working class or the traditional clothes and leis of
opposed to the flashy uniforms and suits of many of the W
Israel Kamakawiwaole of the Makaha Sons of Nicihau says; "
wear our own clothes, what our momma made for us. You d
tough. You better leave, yeah?"52
The development of a "new" music in Hawaii in the late 1

and its focal position in what has been termed the Hawaiian
illustrates the points made concerning the place of music in
made in the first part of this paper.
The new music, in its choice of lyrics, its use of the Hawai
modes of presentation, serves to identify sources of disconte
tion and to address, to a great extent, three major issues pro
cerns in Hawaii: (1) land use issues, (2) ecological and cultural
ism, and (3) the destruction of traditional culture and the dying
race.
Although not pointing specifically at modes of solution to these

most cases-the Naval bombing of Kahocolawe being a strong excep
sic is more apt to imply solutions in a more traditional and subtle mann
or hidden meaning in the lyrics and the style of presentation. That it h
tive is implied in the comments of John Waihee, leader of the 1978
tional Convention, at which amendments were passed to establish
Hawaiian Affairs and to address problems of traditional Hawaiian
tion, and lands. Waihee stated flatly that the renaissance was "the
the package together," and that "you cannot understand how it all
out understanding the renaissance.""53
In addition, by tying these pressing social issues to the tradition
50 Lewis
musical forms,
the Hawaiian pe
tional urgency.
feelings that K
waiians. . . . The
of the resurgen
whole movemen
roots."54
As George Kanahele implies, the new music is also extremely effective as a
unifier, a vehicle through which general social solidarity can be achieved. Kanahele
has remarked elsewhere, "We are seeing the 'Great Gathering' of the Hawaiians--
at hula competitions, musical concerts, song contests, . . . and church meetings.
There are far more occasions for Hawaiians to gather today than at any other time
in recent memory, and consequently, many more are being thrown together, lead-
ing to better communication and acquaintanceships-what the Maoris call 'group
rhythm.' "55
That these social rituals, with Hawaiian music and dance as the focal point in
many cases, have been effective in helping to establish a common consciousness
and concern with pressing social issues on the part of Hawaiians can be seen in
many areas of life in the state. The Honolulu Advertiser remarked in an editorial on
March 23, 1982: "A movement which some people dismissed as short-lived and
superficial has become well established in many areas. Political changes have been
the most visible. The unique office of Hawaiian Affairs is now a reality and fact
finding by the Native Hawaiian Study Commission is well underway. . . . Most
people here have a special concern for the Hawaiian people and culture, stemming
in part from a sense of injustice at the disadvantaged circumstances in which many
find themselves."56
The contribution of the music of the Hawaiian Renaissance to the social
changes underway in the state should not be overlooked. Before dismissing music
as "epiphenomenal," as some do, one should at least consider the question of
whether it may be of more basic influence as an impetus to social change and as a
support and legitimizer of social protest movements-as the case study reported
on in this paper clearly suggests it to be.
NOTES
1. Alan P. Merriam, The Anthropology Lore:

of Its Meanings and Uses," Industrial Re-
Music (Evanston: Northwestern Universitylations, 4 (1965), 51-68; Charles Keil, Urban
Press, 1964), p. 147. Blues (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1966).
2. R. Serge Denisoff, Great Day Coming:
Folk Music and the American Left (Urbana: 3. Phillippe Carles and Jean-Louis Cor-
University of Illinois Press, 1971); R. Serge
nolli, Free Jazz, Black Power (Paris: Champ
Denisoff and R. A. Peterson, The Sounds Libre,
of 1971); Joe Ferrandino, "Rock Culture
Social Change (Chicago: Rand McNally, and the Development of Social Conscious-
1972); Archie Green, "American Labor ness," Radical America, 3 (1969), 11-34;
Jerome Rodnitzky, Minstrels Zurcher

of the and D.Dawn
Snow, "Collective Behavior
(New York: Nelson-Hall, 1976).
and Social Movements," Sociological Contri-
4. Ernest Cashmore, Rastaman:
butionsThe Ras-
to Social Psychology, Rosenberg and
tafarian Movement in England Turner, eds. (New York: Basic Books, 1981),
(London:
pp. 247-61.
George Allen and Unwin, 1979), pp. 1-134;
Marco d'Eramo, "The Rhetorics12. of Protest:
Malcolm Spector and N. Kitsuse,
Constructing
Brassens and Dylan," Cultures, 2 (1975), Social 53-
Problems (Menlo Park,
Ca.: Cummings,
104; Barbara Finlay, "Nonverbal Aspects 1977), of
pp. 111-29.
Nationalism in Musical Protest," (Corval-
13. Barbara Finlay, "Nonverbal Aspects
lis, Oregon: unpublished); George
of Nationalism H. Protest" (Corval-
in Musical
lis, Ore.: Unpublished,
Lewis, "This Bitter Earth: Protest and Style 1980).
14. d'Eramo,
in Black Popular Music," National "The Rhetorics of Protest:
Forum,
Summer (1982), 37-41; Joseph Nalven,
Brassens and Dylan," pp. 53-104; Joe Fer-
"Some Notes on Chicano Music as a Path-randino, "Rock Culture and the Develop-
way to Community Identity," The New ment of Social Consciousness," Radical
Scholar, 5 (1973), 73-93; Tim Patterson,America, 3 (1969), 11-34.
"Popular Culture and Organic Intellectual- 15. Cashmore, Rastaman pp. 64-124; Wil-
liam Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest
ity," Insurgent Sociologist, 5 (1974), 67-72;
John Robinson, R. Pilskain, and P. Hirsch, (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, 1975), pp. 51-89.
"Protest Rock and Drugs," Journal of Com- 16. George H. Lewis, "The Structure of
munication, 25 (1976), 125-36. Support in Social Movements," British Jour-
5. George H. Lewis, "Popular Music:nal of Sociology, 27 (1976), 311-26.
Symbolic Transformer of Meaning in Soci- 17. George H. Lewis, "Social Protest and
Self Awareness in Black Popular Music,"
ety," International Review of the Sociology of
Music, 12 (1983), 247-58; George H. Lewis,Popular Music and Society, 4 (1973), 37-42;
"The Meaning's in the Music: Popular Mu-Lewis, 'This Bitter Earth: Protest and Style in
sic As Symbolic Communication," Theory, Black Popular Music," pp. 37-41.
Culture and Society, 3 (1983), 56-68. 18. Malcolm Spector and N. Kitsuse,
6. Norman Denzin, "Problems in Ana- Constructing Social Problems (Menlo Park,
lyzing Elements of Mass Cultures: Notes on CA: Cummings, 1977), pp. 47-89.
the Popular Song and Other Artistic Pro- 19. Lewis, "Social Protest and Self
ductions," American Journal of Sociology, 75 Awareness in Black Popular Music," pp.
(1970), 1035-38; George H. Lewis, "The So- 37-42.
ciology of Popular Culture," Current Sociol- 20. Randall Collins, Sociologist Insight
ogy, 26 (1978), 26-28. (New York: Oxford, 1982) p. 71.
7. David Aberle, "A Note on Relative 21. George Kanahele, "Hawaiian Renais-
Deprivation Theory as Applied to Millenar- sance," Honolulu Advertiser, March 24,
ian and Other Cult Movements," Reader in1977, p. 1.
Comparative Religion, Lessa & Vogt, eds. 22. Jerry Hopkins, The Hula (Hong Kong:
(New York: Harper and Row, 1965), pp. 84-Apa, 1982), pp. 14-18.
98; Neil Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior 23. Nona Beamer, "Interview," Da Kine
(New York: Free Press, 1963), pp. 36-57;Sound (Hawaii: Press Pacifica, 1978), p. 142.
Ralph Turner, "The Theme of Contempo- 24. George E. K. Awai, "Interview,"
rary Social Movements," British Journal ofHacilono Mele, 3, 8 (1977) 5.
Sociology, 20 (1969), 390-405. 25. Jerry Hopkins, "Hawaiian Music and
8. John Wilson, Social Movements (Bos- Dance," Insight (Hong Kong: Apa, 1980),
ton: Basic Books, 1973), pp. 12-74. pp. 319-28; Johnny Noble, "Hawaiian Mu-
9. David Aberle, Reader in Comparative sicians in the Jazz Era," Paradise of the Pa-
Religion (New York: Harper and Row, cific, 45 (1943), 22.
1965), pp. 214-36. 26. Tony Todaro, The Golden Years of Ha-
10. Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict waiian Entertainment (Honolulu: Tony To-
and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs,daro, 1974), p. 17.
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973), pp. 7-38. 27. Hopkins, The Hula, p. 5-8.
11. Mayer Zald and J. McCarthy, The Dy- 28. Nathan Kent, "A New Kind of Sugar," A
namics of Social Movements (Cambridge,New Kind of Sugar (Honolulu: East-West
Mass.: Winthrop, 1979), pp. 1-12; Louis Center, 1977), pp. 172-77.
52 Lewis
29. Krash Kealoha

42. Robert Kamohalu and B. Burlingame,
Why He Da Kine SoundLeft
(Hawaii: Press Pacifica, KC
(1981) 1
1978), p. and
122. 6-8.
30. Krash Kealoha, "Interview," Hono- 43. George Helm, "Language-Pain Revo-
lulu, 10 (1973), 35. lution," Hacilono Mele, 2, 6 (1976), 3.
31. Phillips Pahinui, "Interview," Hono- 44. Olomana, "Interview,' Da Kine Sound
lulu, 13 (1978), 38. (Hawaii: Press Pacifica, 1978), p. 47.
32. Peter Moon, "Moon Bridges Gap," 45. Helm, "Language-Pain Revolution,"
Hacilono Mele, 3, 2 (1977), 7. p. 3.
33. Palani Vaughn, "Interview," Hono- 46. Walter Ritte, "Interview," Honolulu,
lulu, 14 (1979), 146. 15 (1982), 68.
34. Moon, "Moon Bridges Gap," p. 6. 47. Helm, "Language-Pain Revolution,"
35. Peter Moon, "Peter Moon: A Man For p. 3.
All Seasons," Hacilono Mele, 1 (1981), 5. 48. Vaughn, "Interview," p. 147.
36. Hacilono Mele, "HMF's Tenth Anni- 49. Olomana, "Interview," p. 45.
versary," Hacilono Mele, 7, 3 (1983), 1-8. 50. Roland Cazimero, "Interview," Da
37. George Kanahele, "Hawaiian Renais- Kine Sound (Hawaii: Press Pacifica, 1978), p.
sance Grips, Changes Island History," 113.
Hacilono Mele, 5, 7 (1979), 4-5. 51. Israel Kamakawiwaole, personal con-
38. Jerry Hopkins, "Interview," Hacilono versation, Honolulu, 1982.
Mele, 7, 7 (1981), 9-11; Hopkins, The Hula p. 52. Ibid.
136. 53. George Kanahele, "Hawaiian Renais-
39. Ibid. sance Grips, Changes Island History," p. 7.
40. Jerry Hopkins, personal conversa- 54. Ibid., 8.
tions, Honolulu, 1983. 55. Kanahele, Hawaiian Renaissance p. 30.
41. George Kanahele, Hawaiian Renais- 56. Honolulu Advertiser, "Editorial,"
sance (Honolulu: WAIAHA Press, 1982), 15. March 23, 1982, p. 8.

Lewis (1984)

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Lewis (1984)

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Da Kine Sounds: The Function of Music as Social Protest in the New Hawaiian Renaissance

Author(s): George H. Lewis

Da Kine Sounds: The Function

Deep in this tortured island all alone

Social movements arise not only in response to conditions of inequality o

peal to and rein

state of social discontent and develop the elements of a soc

On March 22, 1977, George Kanahele addressed the Rot

The movement was anticipated in Hawaii. As early as 1959, the Kamehameha

terms, was circul

cally empty commercial music and dance of Hawaii fused

published Hacilono Mele, a monthly (now quarterly) newsletter dea

Thus, the hula-perhaps the world's best-known symbol of tropic sensuality

Although centered around music and dance, the Hawaiian

The new songs of

Such songs have been written and sung in support of polit

Hawaii, and even th

With respect to thi

aimed at establishing an identification with those tradition

The development of a "new" music in Hawaii in the late 1

Although not pointing specifically at modes of solution to these

1. Alan P. Merriam, The Anthropology Lore:

Jerome Rodnitzky, Minstrels Zurcher

29. Krash Kealoha

You might also like