Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2021-08 Sex Work - FINAL - 202103120849532237
2021-08 Sex Work - FINAL - 202103120849532237
“engage in . . . private conduct in the exercise of their liberty.”9 “[A]bsent injury to a person or
abuse of an institution,” the Supreme Court has emphasized, the right to engage in consensual
private conduct “should counsel against attempts by the State . . . to set . . . boundaries”
pertaining to a sexual relationship.10 Laws banning consensual sex between adults thus generally
violate the United States Constitution.11 It is only when sex is exchanged for money that such
activity may be banned.
But even once money enters the equation, sex is not consistently criminalized.
Pornography, for example, is generally legal in the United States. Sex can thus be exchanged for
money so long as a camera or a video camera is recording the act. But as soon as the camera is
removed or turned off, the consensual exchange of sex for money may be punished.12
The criminalization of sex work, in short, is in serious tension with established norms
related to bodily autonomy and personal liberty. That factor, standing alone, “counsel[s] against”
prosecution.13
Second, research demonstrates that the criminalization of sex work “enhances sex
workers’ vulnerabilities to violence and exploitation.”14 Because sex work “is regarded as
criminal activity . . . sex workers are easy targets for abuse and exploitation.”15 Criminalization
forces sex workers to operate in “isolated conditions and locations,” thereby increasing their
“physical vulnerability.”16 And because sex workers can be criminally charged for engaging in
sex work, they are “less likely to report instances of violence or exploitation.”17 The
criminalization of sex work, in short, creates a “climate of impunity,” in which people feel free
“to abuse sex workers’ rights.”18
In this regard, the criminalization of sex work reflects the effects observed from other
prohibitionist policies. Time and again, the United States has attempted to criminalize activity
that runs counter to purported social mores. From 1920-1933, the federal government
criminalized the production and sale of alcoholic beverages. And for decades, the United States
9
Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 564 (2003).
10
Id. at 567.
11
Id.
12
The doctrinal reason for the distinction between pornography and prostitution is that the criminalization of
pornography arguably “impinge[s] unconstitutionally upon First Amendment values.” People v. Freeman, 758 P.2d
1128, 1131 (1988). The inconsistency between the American criminal system’s differential treatment of
pornography and sex work has been highlighted by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, who noted the oddity of
“otherwise illegal conduct . . . made legal by being filmed.” California v. Freeman, 488 U.S. 1311, 1313, 109 S. Ct.
854, 856, 102 L. Ed. 2d 957 (1989) (O’Connor, J., in chambers).
13
Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 567.
14
Erin Albright & Kat D’Amado, Decreasing Human Trafficking Through Sex Work Decriminalization, AMA J. Ethics
122, 122 (2017).
15
Id. at 123.
16
Id.
17
Id.
18
Michelle Decker, Anna-Louise Crago, Sandra K.H. Chu, Susan G. Sherman, Meena Seshu, Kholi Buthelzi, Mandeep
Dhaliwal, & Chris Breyer, Human Rights Violations Against Sex Workers: Burden and Effect on HIV, The Lancet 186,
192 (2015).
has been engaged in the so-called “War on Drugs,” which imposes severe criminal penalties on
personal drug use and possession.
These policies, however, failed to have their desired effects. Prohibitionist policies did
not prevent Americans from consuming drugs and alcohol. And the data demonstrates that
prohibition significantly increased the violence associated with the drug and alcohol trade.
“[P]rohibitions create black markets, and in black markets participants use violence to resolve
commercial disputes.”19 As a result, researchers have concluded that “drug and alcohol
prohibition have substantially raised the homicide rate in the United States over much of the past
100 years.”20
The same is true with sex work. Criminalizing sex work forces participants to operate in a
black market. That, in turn, leads participants to resort to “violence to resolve commercial
disputes.”21 And the victims of such violence are typically sex workers themselves.
Third, and relatedly, the criminalization of sex work threatens public health. Because sex
work is illegal, sex workers have “little control over their working conditions,” including their
ability to “enforce condom use with clients.”22 Indeed, physical and sexual abuse perpetuated by
clients often “occurs during condom negotiation.”23
The criminalization of sex work thus prevents sex workers from insisting on condom use.
The results are predictable. Unprotected sex work facilitates the spread of HIV and other
sexually transmitted infections. For that reason, a series of research papers published in The
Lancet—the world’s leading independent general medical journal24—concluded that
decriminalization of sex work would have “the greatest effect,” worldwide, on reducing new
HIV infections in the next decade.25
Fourth, like many crimes, the criminalization of sex work disproportionately affects
minority populations. According to Amnesty International, nearly 40 percent of adults and 60
percent of youth arrested for prostitution in the United States are Black.26 Transgender women
“are also especially likely to be arrested on sex work charges, even if they’re not doing sex
work.”27 Declining to charge consensual sex work is thus consistent with the Washtenaw County
Prosecutor’s Office’s mission to ensure that justice is dispensed evenhandedly, irrespective of
sex, race, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, religion, national origin, or immigration
status.
19
Jeffrey A. Miron, Violence and the U.S. Prohibition on Drugs and Alcohol, National Bureau of Economic Research
Working Paper No. 6950 (1999), available at https://www.nber.org/papers/w6950.pdf
20
Id.
21
See id.
22
Decker et al., supra n. 19.
23
Id.
24
Elsevier, The Lancet, available at https://www.journals.elsevier.com/the-lancet.
25
The Lancet, Keeping Sex Workers Safe (Aug. 8, 2015) (emphasis added), available at
https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(15)61460-X/fulltext.
26
Anna Nort, The Movement to Decriminalize Sex Work, Explained, Vox (Aug. 2, 2019), available at
https://www.vox.com/2019/8/2/20692327/sex-work-decriminalization-prostitution-new-york-dc.
27
Id.
Fifth, and finally, criminalizing sex work can have the perverse effect of forcing people
to remain in the sex work industry. The Washtenaw County Prosecutor’s Office is well-aware
that choice to engage in sex work is sometimes made out of desperation. 28 Some people who
engage in sex work would prefer to do so for only a limited time. But criminalization—and the
cascading employment-related consequences of a criminal record—can trap people in the sex
work industry. That is because “[b]eing convicted of sex work-related offenses . . . gives sex
workers a criminal record, which can make it hard to find . . . non-sex work employment.”29
At the end of the day, laws which seek to avoid exposing people to the trauma, stigma,
and violence associated with sex work may be well intentioned. When those laws carry criminal
consequences, however, they can have the effect of increasing stigma, and foreclosing other
employment options for sex workers. In that respect, criminalization of sex work is reminiscent
of long-discarded “paternalistic” laws which sought to shield female workers from purportedly
harmful consequences associated with a chosen profession—but, “in practical effect,” placed
them “not on a pedestal, but in a cage.”30
In any event, criminalization does not appear to prevent people from engaging in sex
work. In the years following decriminalization of sex work in New Zealand, for example, “[t]he
number of sex workers . . . does not appear to have meaningfully changed”—though “the vast
majority” of sex workers enjoyed better, safer working conditions as a result of
decriminalization.31
***
Accordingly—given the demonstrated public-safety and public-health benefits of
decriminalizing sex work—the Prosecutor’s Office will decline to bring criminal charges that are
based solely on the consensual exchange, between adults, of sex for money. The Prosecutor’s
Office, however, will continue to vigorously pursue sex work-adjacent criminal charges,
including charges involving violence, trafficking, or the victimization of children.
II. Policy Directive
1. Consensual Sex Work and Solicitation: The Washtenaw County Prosecutor’s Office will not
file criminal charges based solely on:
(a) the consensual exchange, between adults, of sex for (i) money or (ii) another thing of
value, or
28
See id. (quoting a sex worker: “If I could get a normal job as a black transgender woman that paid me sufficiently,
that would make a bit of difference[.] [But] our government has chosen to continue to criminalize people instead
of increasing resources, expanding opportunities, and giving people the ability to thrive.”
29
Nort, supra n. 26.
30
Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S. 677, 684 (1973); see Goesaert v. Cleary, 335 U.S. 464, 466(1948) (upholding law
generally prohibiting women from being bartenders because such a profession may “give rise to moral and social
problems”), overruled by Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190 (1976).
31
New Zealand Parliament, Prostitution Law Reform in New Zealand (July 2012), available at
https://www.parliament.nz/mi/pb/research-papers/document/00PLSocRP12051/prostitution-law-reform-in-new-
zealand/
32
See MCL 750.520e.
33
See MCL 750.455 (criminalizing “procuring or inducing person to engage in prostitution”; MCL 750.457
(criminalizing the knowing acceptance or appropriation, without consideration, “from the proceeds of the earnings
of any person engaged in prostitution.”).
Prosecutor’s Office may, consistent with this Policy, file charges related to the automobile theft
if the evidence dictates. Similarly, if in the process of engaging in the exchange of sex for
money, a person engages in indecent exposure (e.g., has sex in a public place), the Prosecutor’s
Office may, consistent with this Policy, file charges of indecent exposure, if the evidence dictates
and it is in the interest of justice.
6. Charges Should Be Supported by Evidence and in the Interests of Justice: Nothing in this
Policy shall be interpreted to mandate or encourage the filing of charges that are not covered by
this Policy. If an Assistant Prosecuting Attorney (APA) believes that filing charges other than
those covered by this Policy are not supported by the evidence, or are not in the interest of
justice, the APA should not file those charges.
7. Expungement: The Prosecutor’s Office will not contest any application for expungement
where the underlying charge arose solely from the consensual exchange of sex for something of
value, or the solicitation of such an exchange.
8. No Substantive Rights Created: This Policy is an exercise of discretion by the Washtenaw
County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office. Nothing in this Policy purports to affect the legality or
propriety of any law enforcement officer’s actions. Nothing in this Policy shall be interpreted to
create substantive or enforceable rights.
9. Solicitation of Prostitution in Commercial or Residential Areas: Nothing in this Policy
should be construed to encourage the solicitation of, or engagement in, prostitution in
commercial or residential areas. The Prosecutor’s Office expects that law enforcement will
continue to respond to calls for service related to solicitation or engagement in prostitution from
such areas, and will respond as appropriate. This Policy covers only the upstream charging
decision by the Prosecutor’s Office.
10. Exceptions: Requests for deviations from this Policy shall be made in writing, and require
the approval of the Chief Assistant Prosecuting Attorney or the Prosecuting Attorney. A
deviation from this Policy will be granted only in exceptional circumstances, and where public
safety requires that deviation.
Eli Savit
Prosecuting Attorney, Washtenaw County
Acknowledgements
The Washtenaw County Prosecutor’s Office believes in co-created change. The Prosecutor’s
Office is indebted to the many community leaders and subject-matter experts who provided
guidance, input and counsel on this Policy. Those leaders include:
• Angela Amison, Mutual Aid Coordinator, American Friends Services Committee
• Jacob Blevins, Evaluation Assistant, University of Michigan School of Social Work
• Victoria Burton-Harris, Chief Assistant Prosecuting Attorney, Washtenaw County
• Sam Damren, former Assistant Prosecuting Attorney (Wayne County); former Assistant
United States Attorney; former member, Dykema Gossett
• Trische’ Duckworth, Executive Director, Survivors Speak
• Krystle DuPree, Board Member, Ann Arbor Public Schools Board of Education
• Bob Gillett, Michigan State Planning Body
• Lisa Greco, Program Evaluation Group Manager, University of Michigan School of
Social Work
• Mike Henry, Cavanaugh Advisors, LLC
• Mary Ann Hergenrother
• Deborah LaBelle, Law Offices of Deborah LaBelle
• Lisa Young Larance, Doctoral Candidate, University of Michigan School of Social
Work
• Shawna Lee, Associate Professor, University of Michigan School of Social Work
• Barbara Niess-May, Executive Director, SafeHouse Center
• Meghan M. O’Neil, Social Science Research Fellow, University of Michigan School of
Law
• John Reiser, Senior Assistant City Attorney (City of Ann Arbor), former Assistant
Prosecuting Attorney, Washtenaw County
• Sierra Sharpe
• John Shea, Law Offices of John A. Shea
• Rebecca Shiemke, Family Law Project
• Alex Thomas, Community Activist, Ypsilanti Township
• Christine Watson, Response Team & Legal Advocacy Coordinator, SafeHouse Center
• Washtenaw County Sheriff’s Office Staff
The Washtenaw County Prosecutor’s Office is also deeply indebted to the staff, interns, and
volunteers that provided research and logistical support towards the creation of these policies.
These include:
• Shruti Lakshmanan, Transition Manager
• Edward Dance, Outreach Director
• Mimi Lanseur, Intern
• Emily Johnson, Intern
• Jonah Rosenbaum, University of Michigan Law School
This Policy represents the views of the Office of the Prosecuting Attorney. The
acknowledgement of those who provided guidance does not imply ratification by them, or by the
organizations with which they are affiliated. Organizational affiliations are for identification
purposes only.