The State of Economic Equity in Detroit

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY
IN DETROIT
MAY 2O21
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THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY
IN DETROIT
A publication of Detroit Future City’s Center for Equity, Engagement, and Research
AUTHORS
Edward Lynch, AICP
Ashley Williams Clark
Anika Goss
Shari Williams
Sema Abulhab
Released: May 2021
2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

PROJECT TEAM
Detroit Future City
Mass Economics
Connect Detroit
PolicyLink
Van Dyke Horn Public Relations
FUNDED BY
The Kresge Foundation
Hudson Webber Foundation
Ralph C. Wilson, Jr. Foundation
JPMorgan Chase & Co.
STAKEHOLDERS
The nearly 500 Detroit stakeholders
who lent their time, knowledge, and
lived experience to inform this report.
PHOTOGRAPHY
Tafari Stevenson-Howard
GRAPHIC DESIGN
Susana Castro-Pollard
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FOREWORD

Many of us have long worked with the belief that Detroiters as a group possess the resilience
needed to face our challenges. We have worked with the belief that we possess the ingenuity
to find the “solve.” This is the report that we’ve been waiting for, a wake-up call for those
who need waking, a pathway to catalyze public and private sector leaders who are ready
to embrace a new model for economic mobility based on fairness and opportunity.
The pandemic laid bare inequities 400 years in the making, deeply embedded in the design
of our institutions, laws, and systems. Today, at one end of the economic spectrum, the
wealthiest increasingly garner the gains, while at the other, low wages are a given. For all
but the wealthiest, economic life becomes more and more precarious; for the poor, poverty
becomes ever more a trap. For families of color, the burdens are all the more extreme.
What Detroit Future City’s new Center for Equity, Engagement, and Research has given us
is the most comprehensive and sophisticated compilation ever of data to track economic
equity — which is to say, economic inequity — across the region. This groundbreaking
report equips community leaders with the data to inform solutions for inclusive growth
and prosperity. Here we can see why the cause of economic justice must be elevated to
an immediate imperative.
Now is our time to redouble our efforts to build an economy that works for all Detroiters.
An economy in which everyone can benefit and fully participate regardless of race, ethnicity,
gender, or geography.
Now is our time to tap into the potential of Detroiters who have in the past been locked out
of prosperity, so we can all share in the benefits of a more equitable and inclusive region.
Now is our time to join Detroit Future City and embrace the bold, innovative policy ideas
that can transform systems and institutions in our city and region.
Wendy Lewis Jackson

Managing Director, Detroit Program - The Kresge Foundation
Board Chair, Detroit Future City
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FOREWORD

Like most Americans, I was enraged by the summer of 2020 after watching videos
of the killings of George Floyd and Ahmaud Aubrey and learning of Breonna Taylor.
One way to place my rage was to start a summer reading list with my father on race
theory and economics in the United States. My father grew up in the Jim Crow South of
Knoxville, Tennessee, and had a perspective that I needed to make sense of what was
happening around me. It was a heavy summer, fall and winter of reading race theory
and introspection, but I needed to understand not just the racism, but the essence
of the racism. And when millions of people began marching in more than 2,000 cities
and towns across the country, and major corporations and financial institutions began
making announcements of redistributing wealth, leading with equity, and changing
investment strategy, I wanted to know … how did it come to this?
What occurred to me was that the racial violence and police brutality that we were
witnessing was just one part of a complicated, ugly history of being Black and a person
of color in America. If we were to videotape the intentionality of redlining, segregation,
and economic suppression, we would gasp in shock. We are in a rare moment of change
in the United States. A moment not dissimilar from the American Revolution, the Civil
War, or the Civil Rights Movement. The summer of 2020, when a pandemic that left
500,000 Americans dead, race and economics became the agent of change for this
country. We will never be the same. What do we do now?
At Detroit Future City, we decided to dig deeper and lean into the intersection of race
and economic equity. Last year, prior to the pandemic, we launched the Center for
Equity, Engagement, and Research. We thought this would be an opportunity for Detroit
to grow together equitably, in a soft, hand-holding sort of way, asking everyone to do
better. What became clear, is that race and economic equity must be acknowledged
and incorporated into our business practices if we are to grow as a region. This is not a
request. This is imperative.
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Detroit remains a majority Black city, at 77%. It also remains one of the poorest large MY SUMMER

cities in the country, with 31% of the population living below the poverty line. The READING LIST:
purpose of this report is not to make readers angry about these statistics; at DFC, we
want to see change. We understand that the systemic racism of the policies of the 1930s, The Color of Law
’40s, ’50s, ’60s, and ’70s, continue in economic development policy even today. We by Richard Rothstein
point that out, painfully. We also understand that many reading this report want to see Caste
change, whether you are a resident, business owner, elected official, president of a block by Isabel Wilkerson
club or president of a major corporation. We make recommendations for that change Know Your Price
that, I hope, will lead to systemic change for economic equity. by Andre Perry
This will not be an easy report to read. However, I hope you will join us in the discovery The Family Tree
about what can be done and what we, as individuals, can do to make a difference. by Karen Branan
The Deepest South of All
I am dedicating this report to two important people: my father, Tom Goss, who inspires by Richard Grant
me every day and was deeply moved and ready to talk this summer about his own Jim The Sum of Us
Crow segregation experience, and my dear friend and champion of Detroit, Marlowe by Heather McGhee
Stoudamire, who lost his battle with COVID-19 last March. He would have a lot to say
about this report and the change needed for Black and Latinx Detroiters.
Gratefully yours in the struggle,
Anika Goss
Chief Executive Officer
Detroit Future City
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FOREWORD

Did you know that actual medical care accounts for only 10%-20% percent of a person’s
overall health? For our communities to truly thrive, they need access to healthy food and
clean water, safe and vibrant neighborhoods, gainful employment, affordable housing and
transportation, and the right to vote. When any of these fails, the whole outcome can fail.
In many ways, our health care system is a reflection or microcosm of what’s happening
on a broader scale across our American society. Inherent structural barriers continue to
prevent opportunities for our most vulnerable – in this case, sufficient access to care
and coverage.
The connection between poor health and socioeconomic challenges is widely documented.
Vulnerable populations, especially in Detroit, that are disproportionately affected by illness
and chronic disease, often face the added struggle to pay for health care. For instance,
African Americans are nearly 1.5 times more likely to be diagnosed with diabetes, a chronic
disease that also raises a person’s risk for serious complications, including heart disease,
stroke, amputations, end-stage kidney disease, blindness and death. People with diabetes
have medical expenses that are about two-and-a-half times those who do not.
I am certainly encouraged by the progress we’ve made to increase insurance coverage,

as this report highlights. However, this same report also shows the long journey that is
still ahead.
The events of the last year have only underscored this need. While leading Michigan’s
response to COVID-19, we saw how the pandemic severely impacted our communities
of color. African Americans comprise 14% of Michigan’s population, yet represented 40%
of our COVID-related deaths during the first surge in 2020. After feeling left behind by
Detroit’s economic resurgence, many are feeling that the health care and public health
system let them down once again. At the same time, the murders of African Americans
like George Floyd last year triggered a national reckoning with systemic racism and police
violence – erupting in protests across our nation.
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To say our hearts are broken by both would be an understatement. As president and

CEO of a Detroit-based health system, and an African-American man who grew up in
the segregated South, I can attest to that brokenness. It is a sobering reminder of the
painful irony in which we live in America – the world’s most diverse melting pot plagued
by pervasive intolerance and a failure to act on behalf of those who need us most.
As an anchor institution serving the people of Michigan and beyond for more than 105
years, we know our mission is sacred. We are called to improve people’s lives. We do that
by providing the highest quality of care to each and every individual we serve, engaging
in groundbreaking clinical and public health research, and training the next generation of
health care professionals. However, we must also collectively recognize that our mission
extends far beyond the four walls of our institutions.
There are many who remain hopeful that we are at an inflection point and encouraged
that authentic conversations are taking place, both in our health care institutions and our
broader societies. But we also know that hope and dialogue are not enough. We must act
on behalf of every life we serve – by acknowledging our collective failures, embracing the
fight for justice and equity for all, and partnering to earnestly and courageously lift up our
communities. If we fail to do this, we dare not call ourselves successful stewards of health
and wellness.
Wright L. Lassiter III

President and CEO, Henry Ford Health System
Incoming chair of the American Hospital Association
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CONTENTS

Executive summary 11
Introduction 16
A vision for economic equity 17
Measuring economic equity 18
How to use this report 19
In context: the region’s economy 20

Jobs per working-age resident 24
Job growth 25
Total payroll generation per capita 26
Middle-wage jobs 27
Income & wealth building 28

Median household income 32
Share of population that is middle class 34
Non-wage income per tax return 36
Average home value 38
Access to quality employment 41

Employment status for the working-age population 45
Distribution of middle-wage jobs 48
Hourly wage for workers by education level 51
Distribution of part-time, part-year, and full-time year-round employment 54
Cost of commute 56
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Business & entrepreneurship 58

Entrepreneurship rates per capita 62
Average business size 65
Capital access for small businesses 67
Education 69
Educational attainment 73
Third-grade English and language arts proficiency 75
Career and technical education completion rates 77
Health 79
Life Expectancy 83
Infant Mortality 85
Percentage of residents with health insurance coverage 87
Neighborhoods & housing 89

Share of population living in a middle-class neighborhood 93
Residential vacancy rate 95
Homeownership rate 97
Housing cost-burden 99
Conclusion 101
References 105
Appendix 106
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The future of Detroit must benefit all Detroiters and
unleash the economic promise and well-being of its
residents. However, the current reality is that, in spite of a
decade of growth, substantial economic inequities persist in
Detroit. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the median income
in Detroit was half that of the region and the average home
value of a white Detroit resident is approximately $46,000
higher than a home owned by an African American.
The current state of inequity does not have to be, nor should
it be, Detroit’s future. As Detroit begins recovering from the
COVID-19 pandemic, there must be an acknowledgement
of the economic inequities that exist, a commitment to
close these disparities, and intentional work toward a more
economically equitable future. Building a more economically
equitable city will build a stronger region. We must ensure
that the recovery is one that includes all residents, and that
we are building an economically equitable city where all
residents, both old and new, can thrive.
Art created by Liza Polaskey
Throughout 2020, Detroit Future City’s Center for Equity,
Engagement, and Research engaged nearly 500 community
stakeholders representing residents, youth, nonprofits, the In an economically equitable Detroit:
private sector, the public sector, philanthropy, and others. All Detroiters are meeting their unique
The time and input from these stakeholders were critical
in shaping a shared vision for economic equity, providing a
needs, prospering, and fully and fairly
guidepost to collectively work toward in hopes of making a participating in all aspects of economic
more economically equitable city. life within a thriving city and region.
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The State of Economic Equity in Detroit is a resource for those in the private and public sectors,
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
foundations, nonprofits, community organizations, and residents to inform their actions to advance
economic equity. These actions can include agenda setting, advocacy, policy, subject area research,
and goal-setting.
Detroit Future City has identified 22 indicators across six focus areas. These indicators provide clear,
measurable, and accurate data points that not only illustrate the current state of economic equity
in Detroit, but can also be used to track economic equity over time.
The six focus areas are:
Income and Access to quality Business and

wealth building employment entrepreneurship
Neighborhoods
Education Health
and housing
In addition, this report’s six focus areas look at the broader economic context within the Metro Detroit
region and examine economic equity from geographic and racial/ethnic equity lenses.
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SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
INCOME & ACCESS TO QUALITY BUSINESS &
WEALTH BUILDING EMPLOYMENT ENTREPRENEURSHIP
Middle class remains Employment remains Small businesses need

out of reach for many out of reach for many more access to capital.
and inequities persist. African-American
Detroiters.
1/2 Median income in
Detroit is half that The unemployment
Among the top 100 cities,
of the region. rate for African
Americans is Detroit ranks 99th in
entrepreneurship rate.
Median income
1.5 times that
of white people. In 2018, Detroit
increased 60% made up about
for white Detroiters
compared to 8%
for African-American
9%
of the region’s
Detroiters. $17.58 small businesses,
Median wages without but accounted
Tax filers in the region a bachelor’s degree for only
3x claimed 3x interest,
dividends, and capital 6%
gains per tax return of the value of
compared with
$32.68 the region’s small-
Median wages with business loans.
Detroiters.
a bachelor’s degree
See pg. 28 to learn more See pg. 41 to learn more See pg. 58 to learn more
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SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
NEIGHBORHOODS
EDUCATION HEALTH & HOUSING
The Michigan Life expectancy in Detroit’s neighborhoods

educational system is not Detroit is lower than must be strengthened.
adequately preparing surrounding areas.
all students for Only 5% of
the workforce. Someone living in Detroit’s residents
Detroit has a life live in a middle-
expectancy of class neighborhood,
In Detroit, only
5 years compared to
17%
of residents have
less than someone 59% in the
region.
in the region.
a bachelor’s
degree or higher.
Only 72% of
62% of
renters are housing
foreign-born cost-burdened.
Only 17% of residents who have
not yet become Homeownership
Detroit’s third-graders
citizens have rates:
are proficient in
English language
health insurance, 47% 53%
compared to
arts, compared to
to
43% across 92% for the
city as a whole.
African
Americans 55% Hispanics
the region.
White people
See pg. 69 to learn more See pg. 79 to learn more See pg. 89 to learn more
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Achieving economic equity in Detroit is both necessary and
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
obtainable. To do this, there must be deliberate steps taken
to close existing gaps and address the region’s enduring
challenges. Even with a decade of steady economic growth,
the many disparities highlighted throughout this report
persist. To build toward a more economically equitable city,
we must work to close gaps in income, employment, and
education and ensure that all in the region are able to earn
at least a middle-class wage.
As the city works toward economic equity, there must

be an understanding that this a challenge that requires
improvements across many interrelated areas to truly
benefit all residents. These are also challenges that cannot
be addressed by one sector alone, and will take the work of
many organizations to achieve a city in which all residents
can meet their unique needs and prosper.
To achieve economic equity in Detroit we must:
Improve educational outcomes at all levels.

Increase the number and share of middle-wage jobs.
Increase capital access for minority-owned small businesses.
Improve access to affordable quality health care.
Grow and strengthen middle-class neighborhoods.
Increase access to quality affordable housing
See pg. 101 to learn more details.
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INTRODUCTION

A more economically equitable Detroit is critical to As part of the work to achieve economic equity, it is
unleashing the shared potential and overall economic important to understand the current inequities, use data
well-being of all residents. Prior to COVID-19, Detroit was to inform solutions, and track progress on these inequities
experiencing a rebound and renaissance following the Great moving forward. This report offers a clear look at the state
Recession. However, the renewed prosperity in the region of economic equity prior to the onset of the COVID-19
did not benefit all Detroiters, and inequitable and racially pandemic, which has had drastic effects on the economy
discriminatory systems, policies, and processes continue to and exposed vast rifts that existed prior to the onset of the
contribute to the inequities that Detroit experiences today. pandemic. This report introduces 22 indicators across six
Despite income growth, the median household income in categories that represent the key aspects of economic equity.
Detroit is half that of the region; despite increases in home Throughout this report, these measures of economic equity
values, the average value of a white Detroit resident’s home examine disparities that exist across racial and ethnic groups1,
is approximately $46,000 higher than a home owned by and also across geography to shed light on the inequities
an African American; and despite increases in job growth, that exist between Detroit and the surrounding region.
median wages declined. These inequities have deep roots, and changing them will
require structural changes in systems, policies, and processes.
This current state of inequity does not have to be, nor These indicators are an important step in the path toward
should it be, Detroit’s future. As Detroit works to recover economic equity.
from the COVID-19 pandemic, we must acknowledge that
the previous “normal” was vastly inequitable. There cannot
be a return to the continued disparities of the past, rather As the recovery from the pandemic begins,
there must be intentional steps to work towards a shared
vision for economic equity in Detroit, in which all Detroiters
we must ensure that it is one that includes
are meeting their unique needs, prospering, and fully all residents, and that we are building an
participating in all aspects of economic life within a thriving economically equitable city in which all
city and region. residents, both old and new, can thrive.
1
Note: For the purposes of this report, racial, ethnic, and gender categories are reflective of those used in federal data sources. DFC recognizes that people may
choose to identify by other terms. Additionally, due to large margins of error and data quality, certain groups may not be reflected in the data below, but DFC
recognizes that people within these groups are an important part of the Detroit community. Additionally, though racial, ethnic, and geographic equity are the focus
of this report, there are many additional factors of human identity that may impact economic equity, such as age, physical ability, sexual orientation, and others.
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A VISION FOR ECONOMIC EQUITY

Building a more economically equitable Detroit cannot
be undertaken by any single organization or sector alone.
Progress toward economic equity will require many
groups working toward change and building collaborative
partnerships. Detroit Future City’s commitment to
collaboration with community stakeholders led to the
development of a shared vision for economic equity that
could serve as a common guidepost, galvanize collective
action, and track progress.
Throughout 2020, DFC’s Center for Equity, Engagement,

and Research held 10 engagement events to leverage
the collective voice and expertise of nearly 500 Detroit
community stakeholders representing residents,
youth, nonprofits, the private sector, the public sector,
philanthropy and others. The time and input from these
stakeholders were critical in shaping a shared vision for
economic equity and identifying indicators that illustrate
the challenges facing Detroit.
In an economically equitable Detroit:

All Detroiters are meeting their unique needs, prospering,
and fully and fairly participating in all aspects of economic
life within a thriving city and region.
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MEASURING ECONOMIC EQUITY

To measure progress towards this shared vision for economic equity, Detroit Future City identified
22 economic equity indicators across six focus areas that collectively provide clear, measurable, and
accurate data on the current state of economic equity in Detroit. These indicators were informed
by the priorities identified by community stakeholders and were selected based on national
research, the potential to track over time, and the ability to look at equity through both a racial and
geographic lens. It is important to track the state of the regional economy to measure the amount
of economic activity and opportunity generated to complement our measures of how the benefits
of the economy are distributed. 2
This set of economic equity indicators was selected to provide clear, measurable, and accurate data
points that illustrate the current state of economic equity in Detroit and across the region. The
report is divided into six sections for each of the six economic equity indicator focus areas. Within
each focus area, indicators are analyzed over time and through both a racial/ethnic and geographic
equity lens.
The six focus areas for economic equity are:
Income and Access to quality Business and

wealth building employment entrepreneurship
Neighborhoods
Education Health
and housing
In this report, the region is defined as the six-county Detroit-Warren-Dearborn Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA), which includes Wayne, Oakland, Macomb,
2
Livingston, Lapeer, and St. Clair Counties.
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HOW TO USE THIS REPORT

The economic equity indicators in this report highlight where policy and action are necessary to improve
economic equity across the city and region. In addition to measuring the current state of economic equity
and tracking it over time, this set of indicators is intended to be used by the private and public sectors,
foundations, nonprofits, community organizations, and residents to inform action. This action can include:
Agenda setting, Use insights from the data to develop and advocate for more equitable
advocacy, and policy policies, programs, and processes.
Use the indicators to identify subjects for additional research to better

Subject area research
understand the forces affecting each indicator.
Goal setting Establish goals and track progress toward reaching goals over time.
As these indicators are tracked over time, they can help determine whether and how Detroit is progressing
toward economic equity:
Is progress equitable? Is progress just? Is progress reparative?

Are all groups sharing in the same Are gaps between groups Is the growth sufficient to close
rate of progress, but gaps remain? closing? gaps and offset past inequities?
Equitable Just Reparative
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IN CONTEXT: THE REGION’S ECONOMY
IN CONTEXT:
THE REGION’S ECONOMY
20
All Detroiters should be able to fully
and fairly participate in all aspects
of the region’s economic life.
21

When looking at economic equity in Detroit and across the region, it is crucial to consider What if?
not only how opportunities and outcomes are distributed, but how the total system is
performing. The regional nature of the economy and its ability to produce income and
In an economically
generate wealth for Detroiters, and the rest of the region’s citizens, is an important equitable region, all
component of economic equity. Detroit does not exist in isolation, and its ability to thrive workers would earn at
is interconnected with the surrounding region. This regional interconnectedness is most least a middle-class
evident with the flow of workers around the region, as nearly 70% of Detroiters leave the wage.
city each day for work, and hundreds of thousands of people in the region cross municipal
boundaries each day as they travel to and from work.i
Economic growth in the region will not in and of itself improve the situation for Detroiters,
as the impact of systemic racism, segregation, discriminatory hiring practices, and
exclusionary zoning have prevented Detroiters from equitably benefiting from the growth
in the region. However, the strength of the region’s economy is a key foundational support
for achieving economic equity in Detroit. The region’s economy plays a crucial role in
driving economic equity for the city.
OVERVIEW
Economic growth in Detroit region was steadily improving prior to COVID-19.

Over the past decade, there has been steady improvement in the region’s economy. Jobs in the region grew by 21%
between 2010 and 2019, resulting in about 312,000 more jobs. Compared to the top 50 regions, Metro Detroit’s growth
ranks 27th, just above Los Angeles and just below Columbus, Ohio. The increase in jobs has caused wage income per
capita to grow, as accessible but low-wage jobs have grown by 32% and middle-wage jobs have grown by 23%. With
this growth, hourly wages in the region are still higher than the U.S. average, however they are below 2010 levels.
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INDICATORS
Jobs per Job Total payroll Middle-
working-age growth generation wage jobs
resident per capita
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JOBS PER WORKING-AGE RESIDENT

What is it?
The total number of jobs divided by the number of working-age residents (ages 16 to 64). Jobs per working-age
population
Metro Detroit, 2010 and 2019
Why is it important for economic equity?
64
The ratio of jobs to working-age residents is an indicator of the size of the economy
relative to the population. As the size of the economy grows relative to the population, 51
there are more opportunities for workers to engage in the economy. Beyond just the size
of the economy, when this metric is paired with others found in this report, it gives a
clear picture about how these jobs are distributed.
What does it show?

When compared to the top 50 metropolitan regions across the country, Metro Detroit
ranks 25th for jobs to working-age residents, with 64 jobs per 100 residents. The
2010 2019
improvement in the economy over the last decade has led to a steady increase since
2010, when there were 51 jobs for every 100 working-age residents. This trend has been Source: Mass Economics analysis of
driven by a steady increase in jobs and a slight decline in the working-age population. QCEW data; U.S. Census Bureau,
American Community Survey, 2010
and 2019 1-yr release
Jobs per 100 working-age residents

50 largest metros and the U.S., 2019
64 60
Metro Detroit U.S.
Source Mass Economics analysis of QCEW data; U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2019 1-year release
24
JOB GROWTH

Change in private-sector jobs
2010 to 2019
What is it?
The change in the total number of private-sector jobs between Detroit 12%
2010 and 2019.
Metro
21%
Why is it important for economic equity? Detroit
The number of private-sector jobs in the city and region is one
of the metrics that shows the strength of the economy and Michigan 19%
the amount of economic opportunity. Like other metrics of the
overall economy, it can tell us whether the economy is growing
or contracting. The ability of the region’s economy to provide U.S. 19%
employment opportunities for all workers in the region can have
substantial effects on economic equity. Source: Quarterly Workforce Indicators, 2010-2019
What does it show?

From the end of the Great Recession in 2010 to the onset of the Change in private-sector jobs
Metro Detroit, 2001 to 2019
COVID-19 pandemic, there had been steady growth in the number
of private-sector jobs across the region, with the number of jobs
increasing 21% — or by nearly 312,000 — from 2010 to 2019. Though 1.9M 1.8M
this shows strong growth in the region, and outpaced the rate of 1.5M
growth in the country as a whole, there was slower growth in the
city of Detroit, with employment growth of only 12%.
The growth in jobs since 2010 has been consistent, but that
growth has not fully replaced the more than 400,000 jobs lost
in the 2000s, and the number of private-sector jobs in the region 2001 2010 2019
remains below where it was in 2001.
Source: Quarterly Workforce Indicators, 2001-2019
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TOTAL PAYROLL GENERATION PER CAPITA

What is it?
The total wage income generated in the region divided by the total population of Wage and salary income
the region. per capita
Metro Detroit, 2010 and 2019
(2019 dollars)
Total income generation per capita is a measure of the robustness of the region’s $24,870
economy and its ability to support the prosperity of its residents. As the region
$19,400
becomes more prosperous, it is vital to make sure that all Detroiters are able to
engage in the economy and benefit.
What does it show?

Much like the number or jobs per working-age residents in the region, Metro Detroit
places 21st among the largest 50 metros for total income generated per capita,
outperforming the country as a whole by more than $2,000. Income generation per 2010 2019
capita in the Detroit region rebounded from the Great Recession, with income per
capita increasing by more than $5,000, or 28%, since 2010 3 , outpacing the U.S.’s 22%. Source: American Community Survey, 1-year
estimates, 2010 and 2019; Mass Economics
analysis of QCEW data, 2010 and 2019
Total income generated per capita

50 largest metros and the U.S., 2019
$24,870 $22,790
Metro Detroit U.S.
Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates, 2019; Mass Economics analysis of QCEW data, 2019
3
Adjusted for inflation in 2019 dollars.
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MIDDLE-WAGE JOBS

What is it? Share of private-sector jobs by type
2010 and 2019
Jobs that pay more than a median wage and are held by a
worker without a bachelor’s degree.4
Accessible but Middle-wage Bachelor’s degree
low-wage jobs jobs or higher jobs
Why is it important for economic equity? Metro Detroit U.S.
Middle-wage jobs, which are sometimes referred to as
“opportunity jobs,” can provide quality employment for 37% 37%
residents who have not earned a bachelor’s degree. Though
the default has been to point to a four-year degree as the only 35%
way for significant economic advancement, the fact remains 34%
that only 33% of Americans 25 years or older have a bachelor’s 33% 33% 32% 33%
degree. In a more economically equitable Detroit, all workers, 32%
regardless of education level, would earn a middle-class 31%
wage. Providing opportunities for workers without a degree 30%
to prosper and enter the middle class should be seen as a
2010 2019 2010 2019
primary focus of a strong, growing, and equitable economy.
Source: Mass Economics analysis of QCEW data, 2010 and 2019; IPUMS USA, 2010 and 2019
What does it show?

Over the last decade, as the overall economy has seen steady
improvement, there has been steady growth in middle-wage Share of private-sector jobs by type
2019
jobs. In 2019, approximately 600,000, or 34%, of the region’s
1.7 million jobs were middle-wage jobs, an increase of 23%, Accessible but Middle-wage Bachelor’s degree
or 110,000 positions, since 2010. The growth in middle-wage low-wage jobs jobs or higher jobs
jobs in the Detroit region outpaced the country as a whole, Metro
Detroit 33% 34% 34%
which saw an increase of only 14%. Though this is a positive
sign, the growth in middle-wage jobs in the Detroit region
has been outpaced by the growth in accessible but low-wage U.S. 33% 35% 32%
jobs, which grew by 32%.
Source: Mass Economics analysis of QCEW data, 2019; IPUMS USA, 2019
4
Based on IPUMS USA, the median wage in the Detroit region was $37,000 in 2019.
27
INCOME & WEALTH BUILDING
INCOME &
WEALTH BUILDING
28
All Detroiters should be able to meet their
unique needs and prosper by accessing,
generating, and maintaining income
and wealth.
29

Income and wealth building are related but distinct concepts that can be viewed as a high-level
assessment of Detroit’s progress towards economic equity. The indicators within this category measure
whether everyone is fully participating in the economic opportunity of the region and able to meet their
unique needs and prosper. Many of the economic inequities that exist in Detroit and the region are rooted
in the inability to directly access, generate, and maintain income and wealth.
Factors like the ability to gain a quality education and being able to access employment opportunities in
the region have a substantial effect on income and wealth creation, but will not close the racial wealth
gap alone. There are other factors that have a profound effect on the ability to build wealth beyond just
income. Wealth creation is complex — it is multifaceted in how it is generated, cumulative in how it is built
across generations, and systemic in the policies that inhibit or promote wealth creation. Systemic barriers
to wealth creation can be seen, for example, in how home values appreciate at lower rates for African-
American homeowners than for white homeowners, challenges in getting a mortgage to purchase a
home, and access to capital to start or expand a business.
OVERVIEW
Middle class remains out of reach for many and inequities persist.
Following the Great Recession and the City’s bankruptcy in 2013, there have been gains in income across the city, but
incomes remain low overall, and only a small share of households are considered middle class. Inequities persist between
the city and the region, with a sizable gap in median household income. There is a growing gap within the city between
white and African-American and Hispanic residents. Housing, which can be a wealth generator, continues to see
increases in value since the depths of the Great Recession, but the value of housing remains extremely low in absolute
terms and when compared to most places around the country.
30
INDICATORS
Median Share of Non-wage Average
household population that income per home
income is middle class tax return value
31
MEDIAN HOUSEHOLD INCOME

What is it?
The household income at which half of households have an income above that Change in median
amount and half have an income below that amount. household income
Detroit, 2010 and 2019
(2019 dollars)
Median household income provides one of the clearest indicators of overall $33,970
$30,230
economic equity by allowing for the comparison of incomes across geography and
demographic groups and providing insight on the ability of different groups to meet
their unique needs and prosper. There are many systemic factors that can influence
a household’s ability to generate income, such as the strength of the economy,
the types of jobs being produced, the location of those jobs, how much the jobs
pay, and workers’ ability to access those jobs. Beyond just income from wages,
households can generate income from government programs, such as Social
Security, supplemental security income or temporary assistance for needy families,
or from wealth such as investments, businesses, and retirement savings.
2010 2019
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American

What does it show? Community Survey, 2019 1-year release
Though the Great Recession caused a decline in household income, that trend has
reversed, and since 2015, there has been a slow but steady increase in incomes
across the city.5 Despite the increase in incomes, the median household income in
Detroit is just under $34,000.
5
32
Geographic equity Racial / ethnic equity

The median income in the city of $34,000 is Within Detroit, incomes across all racial groups are lower than the median
slightly more than half that of the region’s income for the region as a whole. However, there have been substantial
median income of $63,000 — a difference of gains in recent years in median income among white people, with the
over $29,000. median income increasing more than 60%, compared with 8% for African
Americans and 5% for Hispanic residents. The median income for white
Detroiters is over $16,000 more than that of African-American Detroiters
and about $12,000 more than that of Hispanic Detroiters.
Median household income Median household income by race /ethnicity

2019 Detroit, 2010 to 2019 (2019 dollars)
Detroit $33,970
White African Hispanic
American
Metro
Detroit $63,470 $50,000
•
$40,000 •
Michigan $59,580 • •
• • •
• •
•
$30,000 • •
• • •
• • •
• •
U.S. $65,710 •
$20,000
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey,
2019 1-year release
$10,000
$0
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2010 and 2019 1-year release
33
SHARE OF POPULATION THAT IS MIDDLE CLASS

What is it?
DFC defines middle class as the share of the population that has an income between 80% and Share of middle-class
200% of the national median, which translated to an income of between $52,600 and $131,400 households
in 2019. This range is based on the national median income, which has risen since 2017, causing 2010 and 2019
the minimum household income required to reach the middle class to increase by about $8,000.
27% 27%
The ability of households to meet their basic needs is of paramount importance. However, the
bare minimum for survival is not sufficient as a measure of economic well-being. Everyone in
the region must be able to achieve not only a basic standard of living, but also be able to meet
their unique needs and move into the middle class. To ensure that Detroit is growing equitably,
it is important that the share of middle-class African Americans is brought in line with that of
the region. Growing the middle class, both in number and increasing the standard of living for
the middle class, is key to growing an equitable and prosperous Detroit.6
2010 2019
What does it show? Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American

Community Survey, 2019 1-year release
Detroit has seen little to no growth in its middle-class households since 2010, resulting in one
of the lowest shares of middle-class households in the country. In 2019, only 27% of Detroit’s
households were in the middle class. When compared to other cities across the country, only
Cleveland, Ohio, had a smaller share of middle-class households. What if?
If Detroit had the
Share of middle-class households same share of
100 largest cities and the U.S., 2019 middle-class
39% 75% households as the
67% 27% region, 34,000
more households
would be considered
U.S. Detroit middle class.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2019 1-yr release
6
To learn more about the African-American middle class in Detroit see DFC’s report: Growing Detroit’s African-American Middle Class.
34
Geographic equity Share of middle-class households

There is a much larger share of middle-class 2019
households in the region, 40%, than in Detroit, 27%.
Over the past 20 years, Detroit has experienced a Detroit 27%
loss of African-American middle-class households,
while the region has seen an increase — 54% of the
African American middle-class in the region now Metro
Detroit 40%
lives outside of Detroit.
Michigan 40%
U.S. 39%

2019 1-year release
Racial / ethnic equity Middle-class households by race / ethnicity

White households in Detroit are more likely to Detroit, 2019
be middle class than their African-American
and Hispanic counterparts, with 35% of white
households falling into the middle class, compared
Detroit 27%
to 26% and 28% for African-American and
Hispanic households, respectively.
African
26%
American
White 35%
Hispanic 28%

2019 1-year release
35
NON-WAGE INCOME PER TAX RETURN

What is it?
Income derived from interest, dividends, capital gains and businesses, as reported Average non-wage income
by the IRS through tax filings. per tax return
Detroit, 2010 and 2018 (2018 dollars)
$2,430
Tracking household wage income is only one aspect of economic equity. To truly
measure equity, there must be a sense of a household’s ability to build savings
and assets. These can take many forms, from equity in housing to retirement or
$1,820
other savings, and can be a strong indicator of whether a household is not only Business/
able to meet its day-to-day needs, but is also prospering. Non-wage income professional
provides a critical insight into both savings and wealth. Directly measuring wealth income $1,630
at the local level is extremely challenging; tracking non-wage income through
tax filings is one measure that allows for the tracking of wealth at the local level.
Closing the income gap is not sufficient; the wealth gap must also be closed. Interest,
dividends $920
and capital
What does it show? gains
The amount of non-wage income per tax filer is relatively low in Detroit, but is
improving. From 2010 to 2018, the average income per tax filer from interest,
2010 2018
dividends, and capital gains doubled to $1,820. Income from businesses and
professional income increased by close to 50%, from $1,630 in 2010 to $2,430 Source: IRS Statistics of Income, 2010 and 2018
in 2018.
36
Geographic equity Average non-wage income per tax return

2018
In Detroit, there is a substantially lower amount of non-wage
income per return than in the region. In 2018, there was an
Interest, dividends, and capital gains income
average of $1,820 in interest, dividend and capital gains per per return
tax return compared to approximately $6,500 in the region
— more than triple. This indicates that there is significantly Business / professional income per tax return
less wealth in the city than in the region as a whole.
Not only is the average amount of non-wage income in $1,820
Detroit
Detroit lower, but the share of people reporting non-wage $860
income on their tax returns is substantially lower compared
to the region, as well. Detroit’s share of tax returns reporting $6,490
Metro
non-wage income is about one-third of the region’s. Since
Detroit $1,860
2010, the average amount of interest, dividends, and capital
gains per return grew dramatically in the city, nearly doubling,
outpacing the growth in the state and U.S., but trailing $5,820
Michigan
the region. $1,790
$8,680
U.S.
$2,320
Source: IRS Statistics of Income, 2018
Note: Non-wage income is not available by race/ethnicity.

37
AVERAGE HOME VALUE

What is it?
The average value of a home.7

In the U.S., homeownership has long been considered one of the
primary ways to accumulate wealth. Among homeowners, housing
value accounts for nearly one-third of their net worth, on average.ii
The ability to derive wealth from the investment of purchasing a
home depends on the rise in the value of that home. There are several
neighborhood-level factors that can contribute to whether the value
of a house increases, such as location, market demand, condition of
the neighborhood, public and private investments, and the perceived
quality of schools. However, there are also policies and practices
that have hindered wealth creation through homeownership that
disproportionately impact communities of color, such as discriminatory
lending practices, disinvestment, devaluation of homes, and the legacy
of redlining.8 For Detroit to become more economically equitable, all
homeowners should be able to generate wealth from their homes.
What does it show?

Home values in Detroit dropped drastically as a result of the Great
Recession and the subsequent financial crisis. Since reaching a low
in 2013, the median home value in the city has steadily increased.
However, even with the steady recovery, home values in the city
remain low by regional and national standards.
7
American Community Survey home values are based on homeowners’ estimates, which may vary from
other data sources that are based on actual property transactions. Using the ACS value allows for the
disaggregation of home values based on the demographic characteristics of the owner, not just geography.
8
To learn more, see Rothstein, Richard. 2018. The Color of Law. New York, NY: Liveright Publishing Corporation.
38
Geographic equity

The value of the average home in the city of Detroit is substantially lower —
less than half — than that of the region. However, the region overall has lower
housing values than that of the country as a whole. This only further highlights
the substantially different market conditions that Detroit and similar cities
exhibit from the surrounding suburbs and other cities across the country.
Average home value

2010 to 2019 (2019 dollars)
$332,940
U.S.
$293,810
LOW
$269,780 $234,420
Metro Detroit
$183,070 $209,390
LOW $169,080
Michigan
$179,360
LOW $164,320
$99,790
$78,160 Detroit
LOW
$55,590
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, 2010-2019 1-year release
39
Racial / ethnic equity Average home value

Detroit, 2019
Within the city, the average value of homes owned by white
residents is $46,000 more than homes owned by African-
American residents and $39,000 higher than Hispanic African
$76,090
American
residents. This is a reversal of trends in the previous decade, in
which the value of African-American-owned homes exceeded
that of those owned by white people. The gap in values for White $122,180
both African-American and Hispanic residents is a vivid
example of how the collapse of Detroit’s housing market and
residential segregation has not only inhibited the ability of Hispanic $82,860
residents to build wealth though housing investments, but
stripped wealth from homeowners. Source: IPUMS USA, 2019
40
ACCESS TO QUALITY EMPLOYMENT
ACCESS TO QUALITY
EMPLOYMENT
41
In a more economically equitable Detroit,
all residents, regardless of education,
should be able to enter the middle class.
42

The size and growth of the regional economy are important
drivers for the capacity to build prosperity and economic equity.
However, the presence of jobs alone is not sufficient to support
economic equity across the region. In addition to looking
at broader economic indicators (see the Regional Economy
section), it is important to understand how access to jobs varies
across demographic groups.
Though there has been broad job growth over the past decade,
with the number of jobs in Detroit increasing by 12% and in
the region by 21%, there remain stubborn and persistent gaps
in who has access to and benefits from those jobs. Building a
strong economy that can work for all residents of the city and
region will have profound effects on not only the prosperity of
the region, but the prosperity of all its residents.
OVERVIEW
Employment remains out of reach for many African-American Detroiters.

Employment outcomes are not evenly distributed, and there have been persistent gaps in labor force participation
between Detroit and the region. In the city, African Americans have an unemployment rate that is 1.5 times that of
white people. Disparities in education have further exacerbated these gaps, as those without a four-year degree earn
substantially less than those with one.
To help those without a degree enter the middle class, middle-wage jobs are an important element. Currently, 35% of
the city’s jobs are middle wage, but low-wage jobs are the fastest growing segment. In part due to lower wages and
incomes, Detroiters spend a larger share of their income on commuting.
43
INDICATORS
Employment Distribution of Hourly Full-time and Cost of
status for the middle-wage wage by part-time commute
working-age jobs education employment
population
44
EMPLOYMENT STATUS FOR

THE WORKING-AGE POPULATION
What is it?
Labor force participation rate measures the number of the people who are working or looking
for work as a percentage of the total non-institutionalized working-age population, ages 16 to
64. The unemployment rate is the share of people who are in the civilian labor force but do not
have a job.

These two related indicators show how engaged people are in the broader economy and what
happens when people engage with the economy. Ensuring that people who enter the workforce
are able to find a job is a foundational step toward building economic equity.
EMPLOYED + UNEMPLOYED
(Looking for work) LABOR FORCE
PARTICIPATION
EMPLOYED + UNEMPLOYED + NOT IN LABOR RATE
(Looking for work) FORCE (Not looking
for work)
UNEMPLOYED
(Looking for work)
UNEMPLOYMENT RATE
EMPLOYED + UNEMPLOYED
(Looking for work)
45
What does it show? Unemployment rate and labor

In the city, 67% of residents are participating in the labor force. This ranks Detroit force participation rate for
16- to 64-year-olds
last among the top 100 cities by population. Detroit also ranks last with an 11%
Detroit, 2019
unemployment rate, highest among the top 100 cities.
67%
Labor force participation rate for 16- to 64-year-olds

100 largest cities and the U.S., 2019
75%
67%
11%
Labor force Unemployment

participation rate rate
U.S. Detroit
Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates, 2019 Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates, 2019
46
Geographic equity Employment status for 16- to 64-year-olds

The labor force participation rate in 2019
Detroit has been lower, and remains
substantially lower, than that of the
25% 25% 25%
region, with 67% of Detroiters versus Not in labor force 33%
75% of residents in the region currently 4% 4% 3%
in the labor force. Unemployment has Unemployed* 8%
been persistently higher in the city,
with the rate in the city being about Labor 71% 71% 72%
Employed
two times higher in the city than in force 59%
the region.
Detroit Metro Detroit Michigan U.S.

* This number differs from the unemployment rate, which is the number of unemployed workers divided by the total labor force.
Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates, 2019
Racial / ethnic equity Employment status for 16- to 64-year-olds

Across the city, there is little difference Detroit, 2010 and 2019
in labor force participation across
racial groups. However, while the
Employed Unemployed Not in labor force
unemployment rate has declined
since the end of the Great Recession, African American White Hispanic
racial disparities have remained, with
61% 61%
African Americans in the city having an 59% 57%
unemployment rate 1.5 times that of
their white and Hispanic counterparts. 43%
41% 42%
37% 33% 34% 34%
28%
22%
15% 15%
8% 5% 5%
2010 2019 2010 2019 2010 2019
47
DISTRIBUTION OF MIDDLE-WAGE JOBS

What is it?
Middle-wage jobs are jobs that are accessible to those without a Share of jobs by type
bachelor’s degree and that pay more than a median wage. Detroit, 2010 and 2019

Middle-wage 38%
Middle-wage jobs are important for creating opportunities for 38%
jobs
those without a four-year degree. However, to have an economically Bachelor’s degree
equitable Detroit and region, it is of the utmost importance to 37%
or higher jobs
examine how these middle-wage jobs are distributed, so that all 35%
Detroiters can earn enough to enter the middle class regardless
of their level of education. The creation and distribution of these
middle-wage jobs has the potential to be one of the most potent 27%
forces in closing income gaps and improving the economic Accessible but
situation for residents across the region. low-wage jobs 25%
2010 2019
What does it show?
Detroit is home to a relatively high share of middle-wage jobs, 35% of Source: Mass Economics Analysis of QCEW data,
2010 and 2019; IPUMS USA, 2010 and 2019
jobs in the city are middle-wage jobs. However, over the past decade,
middle-wage jobs were the slowest growing segment of Detroit’s
economy, growing only 3%, compared to 14% in the U.S. and 23% in
the region. The shifting of the city’s economy towards more low-wage
jobs and jobs that require a bachelor’s degree or higher indicates a
growing gap in the economy.
48
Geographic equity

In Detroit, there is a similar share of middle-wage jobs compared to the region. Currently,
35% of the city’s jobs and 34% of those in the region are middle-wage jobs. However,
over the past decade, the share of middle-wage jobs in the city has been decreasing,
despite increasing across the region. The largest growth segment in both the city and
the region has been in low-wage jobs, which increased 21% in the city and 32% in the
region. The declining share of middle-wage jobs, and the increasing share of low-wage
jobs and jobs requiring a bachelor’s degree, point to a growing gap in the economy.
Share of jobs by type

2019
Detroit Metro Detroit U.S.
Accessible but
27% 33% 33%
low-wage jobs
Middle-wage
35% 34% 35%
jobs
Bachelor’s degree
38% 34% 32%
or higher jobs
Source: Mass Economics Analysis of QCEW data, 2010 and 2019; IPUMS USA, 2019.
Percentage change in jobs by type

2010 to 2019
Detroit Metro Detroit U.S.
Accessible but
21% 32% 29%
low-wage jobs
Middle-wage
3% 23% 14%
jobs
15% 12% 16% Bachelor’s degree

or higher jobs
Source: Mass Economics Analysis of QCEW data, 2010 and 2019; IPUMS USA, 2010 and 2019
49
Racial/ethnic equity Share of private jobs by race/ethnicity

Detroit, 2019
In Detroit, African-Americans are less likely than their white or
Hispanic counterparts to work in a middle-wage job, with 28% Accessible but Middle-wage Bachelor’s degree
of African-American workers currently holding a middle-wage job. low-wage jobs jobs or higher jobs
This compares to 39% for white people and 25% for Hispanics.
African Americans also have a higher share of those working in Detroit 27% 35% 38%
accessible but low-wage jobs, at 38%.
African
38% 28% 34%
American
White 20% 39% 40%
Hispanic 32% 35% 33%
Other 23% 35% 42%
Source: Mass Economics Analysis of QCEW data, 2019; IPUMS USA, 2019
50
HOURLY WAGE FOR WORKERS BY EDUCATION LEVEL

What is it?
The median hourly wage by educational attainment for residents age 25 to 64 Hourly median wage for workers with
years old that worked full-time. Half of workers earn more than this amount, and without a four-year degree
and half earn less. Metro Detroit, 2010 and 2019 (2019 dollars)
With a
$35.59
Why is it important for economic equity? four-year
degree
This metric shows the difference between the wages earned by those with
and without a four-year degree and provides a comparison between the two $32.68
groups. It is also a barometer for the ability of those without a four-year degree
to enter the middle class. Education cannot continue to be the only path to the Without a
four-year $20.32
middle class. In a more economically equitable Detroit, all workers, regardless of
degree
education level, would be able to earn a middle-class wage.
$17.58
What does it show?

In the Detroit region, the median wage for a person with a four-year degree
is more than $15 higher than for a person without a four-year degree. Though
there have been many improvements in the regional economy since 2010, 2010 2019
there has been a stagnation and decline in wages9, with the median wage for
Source: IPUMS USA, 2019
both those with and without a degree declining by nearly $3 per hour between
2010 and 2019. Despite a decline in inflation-adjusted wages, there remains a
substantial premium for those with a four-year degree.
9
51
Geographic equity

There is a substantial gap in wages between residents of the city versus the
region. Across the region the median hourly wage for workers without a four-year
degree is $17.58, which is $3.36 more than for workers without a four-year degree
in the city. For workers with a four-year degree, the gap in wages between the
region and city is $7.15. Within the city, the gap in wages by education level is
much smaller, in large part due to lower wages for those with a four-year degree.
Median hourly wage for job holders with and without

a four-year degree
2019
Without a four-year degree With a four-year degree
U.S. $17.16 $30.50
Metro Detroit $17.58 $32.68
Detroit $14.22 $25.53
$0 $5 $10 $15 $20 $25 $30 $35 $40
52
Racial / ethnic equity Median hourly wage for job holders with and without

a four-year degree
There is a substantial gap in wages between
Metro Detroit, 2019
African-American and white workers, both with
and without a four-year degree. For those without Without a four-year degree With a four-year degree
a four-year degree, African Americans make $4.90
less then whites, and for those with a four-year
degree the gap is nearly $8. This amounts to African Metro Detroit $17.58 $32.68
Americans earning $.75 for each $1 that whites
earn. For Hispanic workers, those without a four- African American $14.71 $25.82
year degree make $4.41 less per hour than their Hispanic $15.20 $31.86
white counterparts. However, for Hispanics with
a four-year degree, the gap is much smaller, at White $19.61 $33.73
a difference of less than $2 per hour.
Male $19.61 $39.22
Female $15.39 $28.01

Other aspects of equity
Foreign-born $14.71 $36.76
In Detroit, foreign-born workers earn $3 per hour less
than U.S.-born workers, regardless of whether they U.S.-born $17.83 $31.86
have a four-year degree. However, in the region and
the country as a whole, foreign-born workers with a
four-year degree earn more than U.S.-born workers. $0 $10 $20 $30 $40

Across the board, male workers earn more than
female workers, both with and without four-year
degrees. The wage gap is highest for workers in
the region with four-year degrees, where female
workers earn 71 cents for every $1 earned by male
workers. In Detroit, the gap between male and
female workers without a degree is smaller than in
the region or country, a result of men making $5
less per hour than elsewhere.
53
DISTRIBUTION OF PART-TIME, PART-YEAR, AND FULL-TIME

YEAR-ROUND EMPLOYMENT
What is it?
The share of workers age 25-64 years old working full time and the share of Share of workers working more than
workers working year-round. 35 hours per week or 48 weeks per year
Why is it important for economic equity? 83%

In addition to being in the labor force and employed, the quality of that Working
35+ hours 82%
employment is important. Though not the only indicator of job quality, per week
full-time and year-round employment can be a good metric to capture
underemployment and access to employer-based benefits, such as health
insurance. Working
48+ weeks
per year 80% 80%
What does it show?

Since the end of the Great Recession, a smaller share of Detroiters are working
full time and year-round. 2010 2019
Source: IPUMS USA, 2010 and 2019
54

Although most Detroiters are working full time and African Americans are less likely to be employed full time
year-round, they are more likely than their suburban than their white or Hispanic counterparts. While Hispanic
counterparts to be employed part time and to work residents are more likely to be working full time, they are less
fewer than 48 weeks in a year. likely to work year-round.
Share of workers working more than Share of workers working more than
35 hours per week 35 hours per week
2019 Detroit, 2010 and 2019
Hispanic 87%
Detroit 80%
84%
Metro African 83%
Detroit 84% American 82%
White 81%
85% 79%
U.S.
2010 2019
Share of workers working more than Share of workers working more than
48 weeks per year 48 weeks per year
2019 Detroit, 2010 and 2019
85%
83%
Detroit 83% White 83% 81%
African 80%
American
Metro
Detroit 87%
U.S. 89% Hispanic 71%
Source: IPUMS USA, 2019 2010 2019

55
COST OF COMMUTE

What is it?
The estimated percentage of a workers’ wages spent on commuting Total commute costs as a percentage
to and from work. This measure combines multiple aspects of of wages
commuting costs, both out-of-pocket costs and value of travel time. 2019
Metro Detroit Detroit

21%
The ability to physically access employment can play an important 4%
Total 16%
role in one’s ability to gain and keep employment. Additionally, excess
costs, not only in money but also in time, can place an undue burden Out-of-pocket costs 3%
on some residents as they have to travel further and pay more for
transportation. This is especially important in Metro Detroit, where
the dispersion of employment across multiple job centers in places like Travel time costs 13% 17%
Southfield, Dearborn, or Troy, combined with lack of a regional transit
system, causes Detroiters to travel further to access employment.
Public transit
What does it show?
24%
When compared to residents of the region, Detroiters spend a larger
share of their income on transportation, regardless of whether they
are commuting by public transit or private automobile. Currently,
Detroiters who use public transit for their commute spend 21% of Total 16%
their income commuting, compared to 16% for other residents in the
region. For those who commute by private automobile, Detroiters
spend 24%, compared to 16% for residents across the region. Out-of-pocket costs 11% 19%
Though the lower incomes of Detroiters is one factor here, it is not

the only factor. For those who commute using public transportation, Travel time costs 6% 5%
the cost of time is significant. For those who drive, the disparity is
mainly the result of high auto insurance rates. Automobile
Source: IPUMS USA, 2019; BLS; BTS; DDOT; Value Penguin
56

Working Detroiters spend more as a share of their wage Among commuters who live in Detroit, African Americans
than do their suburban counterparts. While lower wages for are spending a larger share of their income on travel. On
residents is one factor, it is not the only factor. For Detroiters average, African-American commuters are spending 25%
that commute by public transportation, the average round of their income on travel, with white commuters spending
trip commute is 13 minutes longer. For those who drive 19%. For those traveling to work by car, the primary driver is
to work, out of pocket costs, most notably automobile the differential in wages. For riders of public transportation,
insurance, are a driving factor. slightly higher wages for African Americans are offset by
longer commute times.
Total commute costs as a percentage Commute costs as a percentage of wages

of wage by race/ethnicity
2019 Detroit, 2019
Metro Detroit Detroit White African American

25%
24% 23%
19%
Total 16%
12%
13% 13% 13%
Out-of-pocket costs 10% 18%
Travel time costs 6% 6%
Public transit Automobile
Source: IPUMS USA, 2019; BLS; BTS; DDOT; Value Penguin Source: IPUMS USA, 2019; BLS; BTS; DDOT; Value Penguin
Note: There is a small number of public transit commuters who identify as white. (n <30)
57
BUSINESS & ENTREPRENEURSHIP
BUSINESS &
ENTREPRENEURSHIP
58
Growing minority-owned businesses
can transform our economy.
59

Small minority-owned businesses and entrepreneurs have the potential to have a profound effect on
economic equity in Detroit. Creating and scaling minority-owned businesses can generate wealth for
entrepreneurs and, through hiring, increase opportunities for Detroiters. In addition to creating local jobs,
these businesses also keep money circulating within the local and regional economies, through the purchase
of goods and services from other local businesses, and the spending of its workforce.
Access to small-business capital, at all stages, is one of the most important — and often limiting — factors in
the establishment and growth of businesses. The ability of a city and region to support diverse entrepreneurs
is also an important component of national competitiveness. Building a diverse base of entrepreneurs builds
a more attractive business environment and expands networks that can provide better supports as new
businesses start and expand.
Beyond wealth creation for entrepreneurs and job creation for residents, small businesses have the
opportunity to transform Detroit’s neighborhoods. Business retention and creation is an important step
toward the revitalization of desirable middle-class neighborhoods, where residents have access to a range
of services and amenities within a short distance of their homes.
OVERVIEW
The entrepreneurship rate in Detroit is low when compared to the region and state.
It is especially low for minority-owned firms10, with just four minority-owned firms per 1,000 residents. Though the
entrepreneurship rate is low, firms tend to do comparatively well in terms of the number of employees or revenue, but
African-American-owned firms lag in both categories. In the city, there is a limited amount of small-business capital
available, with lending rates at about 75% of the region or state.
10
The entrepreneurship rate is measured by the count of firms with employees by race/ethnicity divided by the working population (25 to 64 years old) for each racial/ethnic group.
60
INDICATORS
Entrepreneurship Average Capital access
rates per capita business for small
size businesses
61
ENTREPRENEURSHIP RATES PER CAPITA

What is it?
The number of privately held businesses with employees per 1,000 working- Entrepreneurship rates
age residents. 2012 and 2017
32
U.S. 32
Why is it important for economic equity? Metro Detroit
31
31 30
Tracking the number and rate of businesses with employees can be Michigan 29
an indicator of opportunity for entrepreneurs in the city. Within an
economically equitable Detroit, race, ethnicity or geographic location
would not be a barrier to business ownership or growth. However,
entrepreneurship rates can and do vary dramatically by demographic group,
as well as by geography. These differences point to different strengths and
weaknesses in the business support and capital ecosystems, and can be
an important data point in crafting small-business policy and supports.
17
Detroit 16
What does it show? 2012 2017

In 2017, the entrepreneurship rate for firms with employees in the city
was 17 per 1,000 working-age residents. Detroit has one of the lowest Source: U.S. Census Bureau Annual Business Survey, 2017;
entrepreneurship rates among U.S. cities, ranking 99th among the country’s Survey of Business Owners, 2012; American Community Survey,
5-year estimates, 2017; Decennial Census 2010
100 largest cities. However, over the past decade, the entrepreneurship rate
in the city increased 3% between 2012 and 2017, which was similar to the
rate for the country as a whole.
What if?
If Detroit had the same entrepreneurship
rate as the region, the number of businesses
with employees would nearly double.
62
Geographic equity Growth in entrepreneurship rate

2012 to 2017
The entrepreneurship rate in the city is low when compared to the
region, state, and U.S. The region has a rate of 32 firms per 1,000
working-age residents, almost double the rate in the city. The rate Detroit 3.4%
in the region is similar to the state at 30 per 1,000 working-age
residents, and the same as the U.S. rate of 32 per 1,000 working-
age residents. Metro
Detroit 4.0%
Michigan 3.6%
U.S. 3.5%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau Annual Business Survey, 2017;

Survey of Business Owners, 2012; American Community Survey,
5-year estimates, 2017; Decennial Census 2010
63
Racial / ethnic equity Entrepreneurship rate by race/ethnicity

Detroit, 2017
The rate of entrepreneurship for African-American-
and Hispanic-owned businesses in Detroit is 94
particularly low, with three African American-owned
firms per 1,000 working-age African-American
residents and eight Hispanic-owned firms per
1,000 Hispanic residents compared to a rate of 94 17
3 8
white-owned businesses per 1,000 working-age white
residents. From 2012 to 2017, the entrepreneurship
All privately African White Hispanic
rate for African Americans in Detroit increased by held American
3%, and by 41% for Hispanic-residents of Detroit.
During the same period, the entrepreneurship rate
Source: U.S. Census Bureau Annual Business Survey, 2017; Survey of Business Owners, 2012;
for white-owned firms declined 15%. American Community Survey, 5-year estimates, 2017; Decennial Census 2010
Growth in entrepreneurship rates

2012 to 2017
41%
Detroit Metro Detroit
10%
6%
3% 4% 3% 3%
–15%
All privately held African White Hispanic
American
Source: U.S. Census Bureau Annual Business Survey, 2017; Survey of Business Owners, 2012;
American Community Survey, 2013-2017
64
AVERAGE BUSINESS SIZE

What is it?
The size of businesses as measured by the average number of employees and average revenue.

Beyond the creation of businesses, the ability of businesses to expand and grow is an indicator of
the potential to grow the economy and provide additional opportunities for Detroiters. It is important
that all businesses, especially those owned by African-American, Hispanic, and foreign-born residents,
are able to grow and expand. Similar to the rate of entrepreneurship, this indicator can also be used
to guide the creation of programs and policies to support small businesses.
What does it show?

When compared to the 100 largest U.S. cities, Detroit ranks highly for both average number
of employees and average revenue per firm. However, this does not translate to prosperity for
African-American-owned firms, which rank substantially lower in both metrics.
Average revenue per firm

100 largest cities and the U.S., 2017
$4.2M
$2.3M
Detroit U.S.
Source: Annual Business Survey, 2017
65
Geographic equity Average revenue per firm Average employees per firm

2017 2017
Overall, Detroit fares well both
in firm size and revenue when
compared to the region and Detroit $4.2M Detroit 17
other cities across the country. In
Detroit, privately held firms have
Metro Metro
an average of 17 employees. When Detroit $2.8M Detroit
13
compared to other cities across the
country, Detroit ranks 10th. Detroit
also ranks high when compared Michigan $2.5M Michigan 13
to other cities for average firm
revenue, which in 2017 was $4.2
U.S. $2.3M U.S. 12
million a year. Detroit also does well
by this metric when compared to
the region, where Detroit firms are Source: Annual Business Survey, 2017 Source: Annual Business Survey, 2017
larger, on average.
Racial / ethnic equity Average revenue per firm by Average employees per firm
Detroit ranks lower than the region race/ethnicity in Detroit by race/ethnicity
Detroit, 2017 Detroit, 2017
in terms of both size and revenue
for minority-owned firms. African- Detroit U.S. Detroit U.S.
American-owned firms in Detroit
tend to be smaller, averaging just Detroit
Detroit $4.2M 17
under 10 employees, and earn less
revenue, at $1.4 million per firm, African
$1.4M
African
10
indicating the need to evaluate American American
and improve the processes, White $4.7M White 18
programs, and policies in place
to support these businesses. Hispanic $3.4M Hispanic 14
Source: Annual Business Survey, 2017 Source: Annual Business Survey, 2017
66
CAPITAL ACCESS FOR SMALL BUSINESSES

What is it?
The value of small-business loans divided by the number jobs at Value of loans per job at
small businesses
firms with fewer than 500 employees.
2018

Detroit $2,950
One major component of a business being able get off the
ground, to grow and to expand is access to capital. The availability
of funding, from microloans to traditional bank loans, has a major Metro
impact on the formation of new businesses and on the growth or $4,120
Detroit
failure of existing businesses.
Michigan $4,150
What does it show?
In Detroit, the total value of small-business loans made per job is
72% of that in the region. In 2018, there was $2,950 in loan capital U.S. $4,500
per job at firms with fewer than 500 employees in the city. This
compares to $4,118 in the region and $4,147 in the state. Detroit Source: FFIEC-CRA, 2018; SBA, Avg. of 2017-2019; CDFI, Avg. 2015-2017;
makes up about 9% of the region’s jobs at firms with fewer than Quarterly Workforce Indicators, 2018
500 employees, but only 6% of the value of small-business loans.
What if?
If businesses in Detroit had the same access
to capital as those in the region, there would
be $90 million more to help businesses start
and grow.
67
Geographic equity Value of loans per job at small businesses

2012 and 2018 (2018 dollars)
The value of loans per small-business job in the city is small,
and has declined, dropping 21% from 2012 to 2018. This is a
trend that holds for the region and state, while the value of
loans per job in the nation as a whole is growing. Overall, Michigan $5,230
Metro $5,140
between 2012 and 2018, Detroit experienced a decline of 18% Detroit
in the value of business loans.11
$4,500
U.S. $4,380
$4,150
$4,120
Detroit $3,710
$2,940
2012 2018
Source: FFIEC-CRA, 2012 and 2018; SBA, average of 2011-13 and average of 2017-2019;
CDFI, average of 2011-2013 and average of 2015-2017; QWI, 2012 and 2018
11
Note: Capital access for small businesses is not available by race/ethnicity.
68
EDUCATION
EDUCATION
69
EDUCATION
the education system would adequately
prepare all residents for the workforce.
70
EDUCATION
EDUCATION
A quality education system can have a dramatic impact on the city and region, and can continue to
grow the opportunities for Detroiters to participate, compete, and succeed in the workforce. Quality
educational opportunities can prepare the city’s future workforce, and continuing education can increase
residents’ opportunities to build skills and networks. Building the talent base and investing in the people
of the city is not just a vital component of improving the economic prospects of residents but a vital
component of the economic development and competitiveness of attracting new jobs to the city and
the region.
There are links between education and workforce outcomes, and disparities remain in wages across racial
and ethnic groups. Across the region, those with a bachelor’s degree earn 86% more than those without,
which translates to an additional $15 per hour. Furthermore, there are declines in unemployment and gains
in labor force participation as the level of education increases. Though a college education is an important
factor and a goal for many, it cannot be the only path for one to access the middle class. To contribute
to building a strong and competitive workforce, there also must be a strong community college and
career and technical education system to provide the necessary skills to expand the pathways to enter
the middle class.
OVERVIEW
The educational system in Michigan is not adequately preparing all students

for the workforce.
In Michigan, 45% of third-graders are reading at grade level. In Detroit, the number is only 17%. The share of Detroiters
with a bachelor’s degree remains low when compared to the region and other cities across the country. Racial disparities
in educational attainment persist — only 13% of African Americans and 11% of Hispanic residents have a bachelor’s
degree compared to 40% for white residents. Completion rates for career and technical education programs remain low,
both in Detroit and across the region.
71
EDUCATION
INDICATORS
Educational Third-grade Career and
attainment English/language technical education
arts proficiency completion rates
72
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
EDUCATION
What is it?
The share of the population 25 years or older by their highest level Educational attainment for
of education. Detroiters age 25 and older
35%
High school 33%
There is a strong link between educational attainment and
workforce outcomes. Those with a bachelor’s degree have greater Some college 26%
success in both earnings and being able to gain employment. The 25%
improvement in workforce outcomes, in the form of higher wages, No high school 23%
can have substantial effects on a resident’s ability to build wealth.
17%
Educational attainment is also important for building a strong 16%
workforce that can attract jobs to the region. Bachelor’s
or higher 12%
What does it show? Associate’s 6% 7%
Over the past decade, educational attainment across the city has
improved, with a declining share of residents without a high school
2010 2019
diploma and an increasing share of residents with high school
diplomas and bachelor’s degrees or higher. The share of residents Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates,
with a bachelor’s degree has increased despite a declining share 2010 and 2019
of the city’s high school graduates going on to attend college.iii
73
Geographic equity Educational attainment for Detroiters age 25 and older
EDUCATION
2019
The city of Detroit has a smaller share of residents
with a bachelor’s degree than the region or state. U.S. Michigan Metro Detroit Detroit
Among the 100 largest cities, Detroit has the second No
lowest share of residents with a bachelor’s degree. high school 11% 9% 9% 16%
Currently, only 17% of city residents 25 and older have High school 27% 29% 27% 35%
earned a bachelor’s degree, about half of the rate of
the region. There is also a smaller share of residents Some college 20% 23% 22% 25%
who have obtained an associate’s degree, with 7% of Associate’s 9% 9% 9% 7%
Detroiters earning this credential, compared to 9% in
Bachelor’s
the region as a whole. or higher 33% 30% 32% 17%
Racial / ethnic equity

Though there have been increases, the share of Educational attainment for Detroiters age 25 and older
African-American Detroiters with a bachelor’s degree by race/ethnicity
remains low. Currently, 13% of African Americans in Detroit, 2019
the city have a bachelor’s degree, compared to 40%
White African American Hispanic
of white residents. In Metro Detroit, 61% of African
No
Americans with a bachelor’s degree or higher live high school 14% 15% 42%
outside of the city of Detroit. Educational attainment
High school 24% 37% 32%
for Hispanic Detroiters remains low, with nearly half,
42%, having not completed high school — three Some college 16% 28% 13%
times higher than African Americans, at 15%, or
Associate’s 6% 8% 2%
white Detroiters, at 14%.
Bachelor’s
or higher 40% 13% 11%
Other aspects of equity Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates, 2019
For the foreign-born population living within the city

of Detroit, there is a notable divide in educational
attainment. Compared to the city as a whole there
is both a larger share of people who are foreign-
born without a high school diploma, 38%, and a
larger share of people who are foreign-born with a
bachelor’s degree, 21%.
74
THIRD-GRADE ENGLISH AND LANGUAGE ARTS PROFICIENCY
EDUCATION
What is it?
The share of third-graders that scored “proficient” or “advanced” on the English Share of third-graders
and language arts component of the Michigan Student Test of Educational Progress proficient or advanced in
(M-STEP). English/language arts
Why is it important for economic equity? 17%

16%
Early learning is important for students’ success as they continue on in their
education. Students who lack proficiency in reading at an early age are less likely
to complete high school. Meeting early benchmarks, like third-grade English and
language arts proficiency, is important for students as they progress through their
education. Falling behind earlier makes it more difficult for students to climb the
ladder to success and reach their full potential.
2015 2019
What does it show?
Source: Michigan Department of Education,
The majority of third-graders in Detroit are not proficient in English and language 2015 and 2019
arts, with little progress over the last five years and gaps growing by race/ethnicity.
75
Geographic equity
EDUCATION
In Detroit, third-grade English and language arts Share of third-graders proficient or advanced
proficiency levels are substantially lower than across in English/language arts
the region and state. In 2019, only 17% of the city’s 2019
third-graders were proficient or advanced in English
and language arts, compared to 43% in the region.
Over the past five years, the rate of proficiency Detroit 17%
across Detroit’s schools has held steady but not
improved, while it has declined across the region
Metro
by 5.3 percentage points, and in the state by 4.9 Detroit 43%
percentage points. As a result, the closing gap in
proficiency between students in Detroit and those
across the region appears to be a positive, however, Michigan 45%
the gap is closing due to the decrease in proficiency
rates across the region regardless of race. It is Source: Michigan Department of Education, 2019
important that all students, whether in the city or

region, are uplifted through better education and
attainment.
Racial / ethnic equity Share of proficient or advanced

African-American students meet or exceed third-graders by race/ethnicity
standards in English and language arts at half the Detroit, 2015 and 2019
rate of white students, and the gap is growing in 31%
the city.
Hispanic 21%
White 20% 19%
African 16%
American 15%
2015 2019
Source: Michigan Department of Education, 2019
76
CAREER AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION COMPLETION RATES
EDUCATION
What is it?
The enrollment rate and completion rate for career and technical education (CTE). Career and technical education
completion rates
A four-year degree cannot be the only pathway to the middle class. Residents need 34%
access to quality career training, which can be provided by CTE. These programs
provide the opportunity for those entering the workforce and changing fields to
gain necessary skills and certifications to be competitive in the job market. They
also allow those currently employed to add to their existing skillsets. Upskilling 16%
workers to increase the diversity of the talent in the region creates a stronger
employment base.
What does it show?

2011 2019
More students in Detroit complete CTE programs than community college. CTE
completion rates are substantially higher, at 34%, than the share of students who Source: Michigan Department of Education,
2011 and 2019
complete community college programs, 11%. Since 2011, the share of students
completing CTE has been doubled.
77
Geographic equity Career technical education completion rates
EDUCATION
In Detroit, about one-third, or 34%, of students who 2019
start CTE complete the program, which is lower
than both the region, 39%, and the state, 43%. % Completing % Not completing
Detroit 34% 66%
Wayne-Oakland-
39% 61%
Macomb Counties
Michigan 43% 57%
Source: Michigan Department of Education; National Center for

Education Statistics, 2019
Racial / ethnic equity Career technical education completion rates by

CTE completion rates in Detroit are higher for race/ethnicity
Hispanics, 39%, compared to African Americans,
34%, and white people, 30%.
2011 2019
African 17% 34%

American
White/Asian/ 14% 30%

Other
Hispanic 9% 39%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Source: Michigan Department of Education, 2011 and 2019
78
HEALTH
HEALTH
79
HEALTH
all Detroiters would have access to quality
affordable health care.
80
HEALTH
HEALTH
Race or where someone lives should not be a predictor of how long they will live. The social determinants of
health are the social, environmental, and economic factors that contribute to a person’s health and well-
being. These factors include discrimination, employment, income, wealth, education, workplace conditions,
quality housing, clean air, and health care access.iv The social determinants can compound and lead to
vast disparities in health outcomes. With the onset of the global COVID-19 pandemic, disparities in health
outcomes have once again been laid bare.
Many of the economic equity factors described in this report influence the social determinants of health,
influencing health challenges, access to health care, and health outcomes. Positively influencing social
determinants of health is necessary for improving outcomes and reducing the impact of health on economic
equity. Beyond improving the social determinants of health, there must be access to quality, affordable
health care. This extends beyond just the availability of health insurance. Residents must be able to afford
the cost of, and physically access, medical care. Depending on the type of health insurance plan, out-of-
pocket costs can be considerable, and impair the ability of low-income Detroiters to access quality care.
OVERVIEW
Life expectancy in Detroit is lower than surrounding areas, and disparities by

race/ethnicity persist.
Over the past decade, life expectancy in the U.S. has declined, but life expectancy in Detroit has slightly increased.
However, this increase is due to a substantial increase in life expectancy for the white population, resulting in a widening
gap in life expectancy by race/ethnicity. Most Detroiters are covered by health insurance, with only 8% uninsured,
however, Detroiters are less likely than their peers in the region to have employer-sponsored health insurance.
81
HEALTH
INDICATORS
Life Infant Percentage of residents with
expectancy mortality health insurance coverage
82
LIFE EXPECTANCY
HEALTH
What is it?
The number of years a person born today can expect to live.

The ability to live a healthy life is both an input to, and
outcome of, economic well-being. Life expectancy can serve
as a proxy for differences in quality of life across racial/ethnic
groups and for residents of different neighborhoods across the
metropolitan area. This can also be an indicator of negative
environmental factors, such as living near polluters or other
social determinants of health, such as stress, blight, and
violence.
What does it show?

Life expectancy increased slightly in Detroit, and has remained
stable in Wayne County since 2010. This contrasts to Michigan
and the country as a whole, which have seen decreases over
the past decade due to an increase in mid-life deaths, caused
in part by the opioid epidemic.v
83
HEALTH
The life expectancy for a Detroit resident is 73 years, two In Detroit, the life expectancy for African Americans is
years lower than for Wayne County, and five years lower 72 years old, seven years lower than for white residents.
than for the state. Over the past decade, the life expectancy for white
residents in Detroit has increased by just under five years,
while remaining unchanged for African-American residents.
Life expectancy (in years) Life expectancy (in years) by race

2018 Detroit, 2018
Detroit 73 Detroit 73
Wayne
75 White 79
County
African
Michigan 78 American 72
Source: Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, Centers

For Disease Control and Prevention, County Health Rankings, 2018.
U.S. 79
Source: Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, Centers

For Disease Control and Prevention, County Health Rankings, 2018.
84
INFANT MORTALITY
HEALTH
What is it?
The number of infants who died prior to 1 year of age Infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births
per 1,000 live births. 2010 to 2019

Detroit Wayne/Oakland/ Michigan U.S.
Economic inequity directly impacts infant mortality, Macomb Counties
which is one of the most important indicators of a
community’s overall health and reflects the social • •
determinants of health. In addition to being an • • •
13.3
• • •
important indicator of overall community health, 11
it is also an indicator of maternal and child well-being. 7.9
• • • • • • • • 7.2
7.1 • • •
• •
• •
• •
• •
• • 6.4
6.1 • 5.6
What does it show?
In Detroit, 11 infants out of 1,000 live births die before
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
their first birthday, which is 1.7 times the rate for
the state of Michigan. However, there are signs of Source: Michigan Resident Birth and Death Files, Division for Vital Records & Health Statistics,
progress. Since 2010, the infant mortality rate in Detroit Michigan Department of Health & Human Services, 2010 to 2019
decreased by 17%, which was entirely driven by a

decrease of 14% for African Americans. The decrease
in the rate of infant mortality for African Americans
corresponds with a substantial and coordinated public-
private effort to reduce infant mortality in the city.
85
HEALTH
The infant mortality rate is higher in Detroit Within Detroit, there are disparities in infant mortality rates by race,
than in other geographies. The current infant although the gap closed significantly from 2018 to 2019. The infant
mortality rate in the city is 1.5 times higher than mortality rate for African-American infants, at 12.3 infant deaths
the region and 1.7 times higher than the state. per 1,000 live births, is 1.25 times the rate for white infants, which
is at 9.7 infant deaths per 1,000 live births. The African-American
infant mortality rate declined 14% since 2010, with a sharp decrease
from 2018 to 2019. Though the recent declines are promising, the
infant mortality rate for African Americans remains high.
Infant mortality rate per 1,000
live births
2019 Infant mortality rate by race per 1,000 live births
2010 to 2019
Detroit 11
Wayne/ African American White

Oakland/
7.2
Macomb •
Counties • • • • •
14.3 • • 12.3
Michigan 6.4
9.6 • • • • • 9.7
• •
U.S. 5.6
2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
Source: Michigan Resident Birth and Death Files, Division for Source: Michigan Resident Birth and Death Files, Division for Vital Records & Health Statistics, Michigan
Vital Records & Health Statistics, Michigan Department of Department of Health & Human Services, 2010 to 2019
Health & Human Services, 2019 Note: 2011 white infant mortality rate is not available
86
PERCENTAGE OF RESIDENTS WITH
HEALTH
HEALTH INSURANCE COVERAGE
What is it?
Share of residents with health insurance coverage. Health insurance
coverage rate
2010 and 2019
92%
Health insurance coverage is an important measure of access to health care and overall
79%
economic well-being. Health insurance coverage can also be an indicator of job quality,
depending on whether an employer provides insurance coverage.
What does it show?

Currently, 92% of Detroiters have health insurance coverage, which is lower than the
region but slightly higher than the national rate. However, there are also high rates of
coverage for the city’s younger and older populations. Ninety-six percent of Detroiters
19 or younger, and over 99% of Detroiters older than 65, have coverage. Given the
2010 2019
relatively low incomes of Detroit residents, this is an indication of the effectiveness of
public support programs such as Medicare, which covers 96% of people 65 and older, and Source: American Community Survey,
Medicaid, which covers 47% of residents. The number of uninsured Detroiters has declined 2010 and 2019
63% since 2010, when only 79% of Detroiters were insured.
87
Geographic equity Health insurance coverage rate
HEALTH
2019
In Detroit, the share of residents with health
insurance is slightly lower than that of the region.
Currently, 92% of Detroiters have health insurance Detroit 92%
coverage, compared to 94% of residents across the
region. However, Detroiters are insured at a slightly Metro
higher rate than the country as a whole, at 91%. Detroit 94%
Michigan 94%
U.S. 91%
Source: American Community Survey, 2019
Racial / ethnic equity Health insurance coverage rate

Within the city, white and African-American Detroit, 2019
residents have similar health insurance coverage
rates, however, there is a large disparity for Hispanic
Detroit 92%
residents, who are insured at a rate 9 percentage
points lower than African-American and white
African
residents. American 93%
Additional aspects of equity White 92%
In Detroit, foreign-born residents who have not yet

become U.S. citizens have considerably lower rates Hispanic 84%
of health insurance coverage, with just 72% having
health insurance. Foreign-born,
non-citizen 72%
Source: American Community Survey, 2019
88
NEIGHBORHOODS & HOUSING
NEIGHBORHOODS
& HOUSING
89
A more economically equitable Detroit
would invest in its strong and vibrant
middle-class neighborhoods.
90

Strong and vibrant neighborhoods are an important part What if?
of any city and play an essential role in supporting strong If household incomes were brought up
communities. Building strong neighborhoods that provide
a high quality of life for residents and access to a range of to $50,000, cost burden would be nearly
amenities is an important factor in the ability for Detroit to eliminated.
retain existing residents and attract new residents to the city.
Despite the challenges, Detroit has been a place of
For decades, there has been a strain on the city’s opportunity for many. For decades, Detroit has been home
neighborhoods and housing stock. African-American and to some of the highest rates of homeownership for African
immigrant neighborhoods were choked off from mortgage Americans. However, over the past 20 years, this has begun
credit by redlining, and the housing policies of the 20th century to shift, and the majority of Detroit’s households now rent
pulled residential development and residents into the suburbs. their home. In the first decade of this century, the collapse
These racially discriminatory policies and the resulting of the economy resulted in the loss of over 400,000 jobs in
population loss, combined with the overproduction of housing the region, accelerating population loss and leading to the
in the region during the same period — where more housing drastic decline of the city’s neighborhoods. The combination
units were built than there were households to fill them — left of economic collapse, population loss, and predatory lending
many neighborhoods in Detroit with vacant housing, many of practices led to drastic increases in foreclosures, which hit
which eventually became blighted homes or vacant lots. the African-American community particularly hard, causing
homeownership rates to plummet and eliminating a vast
amount of wealth from the community.
OVERVIEW
Detroit’s neighborhoods must be strengthened.

There are many issues facing Detroit’s neighborhoods. There is a small and declining number of middle-class neighborhoods,
and an increasing number of middle-class African Americans living outside of the city. There has also been a continued
decline in homeownership following the Great Recession. The number of vacant housing units has been decreasing since
2014, however, this remains a serious issue affecting most neighborhoods. Across the city, the low incomes of residents drive
the affordability issues, as indicated by the number of cost-burdened residents dropping drastically for households that earn
$50,000 or more.
91
INDICATORS
Share of Residential Homeownership Housing
population living vacancy rate cost-burden
in a middle-class
neighborhood
92
SHARE OF POPULATION LIVING IN

A MIDDLE-CLASS NEIGHBORHOOD
What is it?
Middle-class neighborhoods are defined as census
tracts where more than half of households are
middle or upper middle class. Middle and upper
middle-class households range in income from
80% to 300% of the national median income,
which is $52,500 to $197,000.

Middle-class neighborhoods are amenity-rich places
that can provide residents with a high quality of life.
For residents, middle-class neighborhoods are places
with the potential to build wealth for those living
within them, not only from appreciation of home
values, but by providing a range of assets, including
high quality schools. Middle-class neighborhoods Change in middle-class
can continue to be the backbone of the city’s neighborhoods
revitalization, by retaining existing residents, and 2010 to 2019
attracting new ones. Stable
New
Lost
What does it show?
In Detroit, only 5% of residents reside in middle- Source: American Community Survey, 5-year estimates, 2010 and 2019
class neighborhoods. Currently, there are only
11 census tracts that meet this definition, down
from 22 in 2010.
Note: To learn more about the African-American middle class in Detroit see DFC’s report: Growing Detroit’s African-American Middle Class.
93
Geographic equity

As poverty has continued to concentrate in the city, the
number of middle-class residents and share of residents
residing in these neighborhoods has declined. Currently,
in Detroit, only 5% of residents reside in a middle-class
neighborhood. By comparison, 59% of residents of the
region live in middle-class neighborhoods.
Racial / ethnic equity

Across the region, African-American and Hispanic residents
are much less likely to reside in middle-class neighborhoods,
with only 23% of African-American and 43% of Hispanic
residents currently doing so. This compares to 72% for white
residents. Closing the gap across the region must include
building strong middle-class neighborhoods in the city.
Share of residents living in middle-class neighborhoods

by race/ethnicity
2019
Detroit Metro Detroit 72%
59%
43%
23%
8%
5% 4%
1%
Total African White Hispanic

American
94
RESIDENTIAL VACANCY RATE

What is it?
The share of housing units that are vacant.

The amount of vacancy and blight in a neighborhood can
provide multiple insights on the conditions within that
neighborhood. The amount of vacancy can be an indicator of
the physical condition and market demand for housing in the
neighborhood. Large amounts of vacancy, or hyper vacancy,
can be an indicator of decline, destabilization, and blight
within a neighborhood and contribute to a decline in housing
values impacting the ability of nearby homeowners to benefit
from building equity in their homes and generation of wealth
for current owners.vi
What does it show?

Within Detroit, the number of vacant housing units skyrocketed
in the first 15 years of this century, by some estimates exceeding
114,000 units citywide. This staggering number does not include
commercial or industrial properties. Though the amount of
vacancy is still a major concern, there has been improvement.
Since 2014, the vacancy rate has steadily declined and there are
currently 22,000 fewer vacant housing units.
95
Geographic equity

In the region, the vacancy rate is 10% and has
remained substantially lower than the vacancy
rate in Detroit, which is 26%. This is a decline of
two-percentage points since 2010.
Residential vacancy rate

2010 and 2019
Detroit 29%
26%
Metro
Detroit 12%
10%
2010 2019
Source: American Community Survey, 1-year estimates,

2010 and 2019
Note: Vacancy rate is not available by race/ethnicity.

96
HOMEOWNERSHIP RATE

What is it?
The percentage of households that own the home in which they live. Homeownership rate

53%
48%
Homeownership has long been an important indicator of economic stability. It
has also provided the opportunity for homeowners to build wealth through the
appreciation of the home’s value. However, homeownership is not an opportunity
that has been available to many due to racially discriminatory policies such as
redlining and lack of credit access. These policies, among others, have resulted in
racial segregation, low property values, and the inability to generate wealth from
homeownership. 2010 2019
Homeownership is of extra importance in a city like Detroit, which has one of the Source: American Community Survey,
highest rates of homeownership for African Americans compared to other large 2010 and 2019
cities. Detroit reached its homeownership peak in 2000, with more 53% of African-
American households owning their home. Since then, there has been a decline
in homeownership, caused by a wave of foreclosures, and an increase in vacancy
across the city, wiping out a substantial amount of wealth across the city.vii
What does it show?

Over the past two decades, in the wake of the Great Recession, homeownership in
the city of Detroit has declined dramatically. The number of households that owned
their home declined by 39,000, and since 2012, the number of renters in the city has
outnumbered the number of homeowners.
97
Geographic equity Homeownership rate

2019
Compared to the region, Detroit has lower rates of
homeownership, with only 48% of households owning
their home, 22 percentage points lower than the rate for Detroit 48%
the region. This is the result of housing policies that pushed
homeownership and development into the region, and the Metro
region-wide economic collapse of the first decade of this Detroit 70%
century and accompanying foreclosure crisis that has not
only reduced the number of homeowners in the city by 31%
since 2000, but also has limited the availability of mortgage Michigan 72%
credit for new home buyers.
U.S. 64%
Source: American Community Survey, 1-year release, 2019
Racial/ethnic equity Homeownership rates by race

In the city, rates of homeownership have declined across the Detroit, 2010 and 2019
board, but the rate of homeownership for African Americans,
at 47%, remains lower than that of white people, 52%, or White 59%
Hispanic residents, 53%.
African 53%
American 53%
52%
47%
Hispanic 46%
2010 2019
Source: American Community Survey, 2010 and 2019
98
HOUSING COST-BURDEN

What is it?
Renters and homeowners that spend more than 30% of their pre-tax Housing cost-burden for renters by
income on housing and basic utilities are considered cost-burdened. household income
Renters and homeowners are considered severely cost-burdened if Detroit, 2019
they spend more than 50% of their pre-tax income on housing and
basic utilities.12 Cost- Severely
burdened cost-burdened
Less than
Why is it important for economic equity? $10,000 11% 84% 95%
Housing cost-burden can impact the ability of a household to save
money and can be used to detect financial hardship. This measure takes $10,000 to
24% 63% 87%
into account the cost of the housing itself and other costs, such as basic $19,999
utilities like heat, water, and electricity. However, it does not take into
account the quality of the housing and the costs to maintain it. When $20,000 to 53% 21% 74%
$34,999
a household is cost-burdened, it can have limited ability to save and
2%
generate wealth, to financially weather an unanticipated event, and to
spend money on other basic needs, such as health care, transportation, $35,000 to 35% 37%
$49,999
and education. If the financial hardship persists, it could also lead to 1%
foreclosure for homeowners or eviction for renters. $50,000 to
10% 11%
$74,999
What does it show?

$75,000 to 0%
In Detroit, there is a substantial cost-burden for both renters and $99,999
homeowners, which is largely driven by low incomes. More than 62% of 4%
renters and 40% of homeowners in Detroit are cost-burdened. Unlike $100,000
4% 33%
or more
many other cities around the country, the cost-burden is caused by low
incomes, not the cost of housing, which is quite low in Detroit. The cost
burden for renters in the city drops drastically once a household has an Source: IPUMS USA, 2019
income greater than $30,000 and significantly decreases at $50,000.
The calculation of the share of renters that are cost-burdened excludes renters whose gross rent as a
12
percentage of household income was not calculated because the renter did not pay rent or have income.
99
Geographic equity Housing cost-burden by tenure

2019
Across the region, about half of renter
households spend more than 30% of Homeowners Renters
their income on housing. In Detroit, this
number is substantially higher, at 62%. Cost- Severely
Cost-
burdened
Severely
cost-burdened
Detroit 13% 12% 25% Detroit 25% 31% 56%
Metro Metro
12% 8% 20% 23% 26% 49%
Detroit Detroit
Michigan 11% 7% 18% Michigan 24% 24% 48%
U.S. 13% 8% 21% U.S. 25% 24% 48%

Note: Numbers may not total 100 because of rounding.
Racial/ethnic equity Housing cost-burden by tenure

African-American and Hispanic Detroit, 2019
homeowners in Detroit are more Homeowners Renters
likely to be cost-burdened than their
white counterparts. Forty percent of Cost- Severely
Cost-
burdened
Severely
cost-burdened
African-American and 44% of Hispanic
African 29% African
homeowners with a mortgage spend American
15% 14%
American
27% 34% 62%
more than 30% of their income on
housing, compared to 27% of white White 13% 14% 26% White 20% 33% 53%
homeowners with a mortgage.
Similarly for renters, there is a gap of
Hispanic 14% 9% 24% Hispanic 22% 26% 48%
9 percentage points between white,
53%, and African-American,63%,
cost-burdened renters. Hispanic renters Note: Numbers may not total 100 because of rounding.
have the lowest cost-burden rates
overall, 48%.
100
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION
101
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION
Achieving economic equity in Detroit is both necessary
and attainable. Though progress has been made over the
past decade in improving the economies of Detroit and the
region, the economic equity data in this report, the recent
COVID-19 pandemic, and the nationwide racial awakening
have displayed clearly that challenges endure. As we begin
the recovery from the pandemic, we must ensure that we are
not only focused on growth, but also on ensuring that growth
is equitable, just and reparative.
Although there are many issues facing the city and its
residents, the disparities in income and wealth, both across
the region and by race and ethnicity, are paramount.
Increasing incomes will require strategies to both increase
educational attainment and to increase the number of
middle-wage jobs. All Detroiters must have the ability to
enter the middle class, meet their unique needs, and fully and
fairly participate in all aspects of economic life, regardless
of educational achievement. The region must attract more
middle-wage jobs that provide a middle-class salary to
those without a college degree, while also attracting jobs
and growing small businesses that allow for income growth.
At the same time, the educational system must adequately
prepare Detroiters to participate in the workforce. Detroit
must also be a place that grows, retains, and attracts the
middle class by strengthening its middle-class neighborhoods.
102
The collective effort to build a more economically equitable Detroit must include strategies that:
CONCLUSION
Improve educational outcomes at all levels. Improve access to affordable quality health care.
From an early age, students must be building the skills The city must be a place where all residents are able to
necessary to climb the ladder of educational success. access affordable, quality health care. Access to health
Students must be provided with the tools and resources care includes not just the provision of health insurance or
necessary to progress through their education and build the increasing the number of primary care physicians in the city,
skills necessary to succeed and achieve their goals. it also includes ensuring that residents are able to access
benefits, such as paid leave, so that they can utilize their
health care and manage their health.
Increase the number and share of middle-wage jobs.
Though an important factor, education cannot be the
only path to success. Every worker in the city and region, Grow and strengthen middle-class neighborhoods.
regardless of education, should be able to earn at least a Strong middle-class neighborhoods are the backbone of an
middle-class wage. Increasing middle-wage jobs will be a economically equitable city. The continued drain of African-
critical component of ensuring economic equity, but only if American middle-class households out of Detroit prevents
it is also paired with efforts to eliminate disparities in wages the city from growing its middle-class neighborhoods. There
for African-American and Hispanic Detroiters. Finally, high must be continued investment in Detroit’s neighborhoods.
quality jobs must be accessible to Detroiters regardless of The city’s neighborhoods should provide residents with not
race or neighborhood origin, eliminating the labor market only a high-quality, amenity-rich place to live, but also
penalty that Detroiters of every education level have provide the opportunity to build wealth through their
historically encountered. investments in housing.
Increase capital access and supports for Increase access to quality affordable housing.
minority-owned small businesses. Access to quality affordable housing and the stability it
An intentional and coordinated effort to grow and support provides is a critical component to the health and safety
African-American and Hispanic small businesses must be a of families, building strong neighborhoods and a more
priority. To do this, there must be an increase in the amount economically equitable city. There must be a coordinated
of capital available to start and expand businesses, and the strategy to increase access to high quality stable housing
removal of barriers that limit minority-owned small businesses for all residents across housing types and price points.
from accessing support and growth opportunities.
103
The goal of creating an economically equitable city and
CONCLUSION
region is one that cannot be undertaken by any one
organization or group alone. Now is the opportunity
to change course and work together toward a more
economically equitable future. No longer can the only focus
be on growth — there must be a renewed focus on ensuring
that growth is not only equitable, but that it is just and
reparative, and that all residents have the opportunity
to participate. All sectors have an active role to play in
developing solutions. It is through this collective action that
we can and will build an economically equitable future
for Detroit.
Now is the opportunity

to change course and
work together toward
a more economically
equitable future.
104
REFERENCES

U.S. Census Bureau. (2021). LEHD Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (2002-2018).
i
Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau, Longitudinal-Employer Household Dynamics Program.

Retrieved from https://onthemap.ces.census.gov. LODES 7.5
ii
Survey of Consumer Finances, 2019
iii
MI School Data. Retrieved April 19, 2021, from https://www.mischooldata.org/
Centers for Disease Control & Prevention. (2021, March 10). About Social Determinants of Health (SDOH).
iv
https://www.cdc.gov/socialdeterminants/about.html
v
Woolf, S. H., & Schoomaker, H. (2019). Life Expectancy and Mortality Rates in the United States, 1959-2017.
JAMA, 322(20), 1996–2016. https://doi.org/10.1001/jama.2019.16932
Mallach, Alan (2012) The Empty House Next Door: Understanding and Reducing Vacancy and
vi
Hypervacancy in the United States. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy.

Sarah Mikhitarian on Apr. 25, 2. (2020, October 05).
vii
How the housing bust widened the wealth gap for communities of color.
Retrieved April 19, 2021, from https://www.zillow.com/research/housing-bust-wealth-gap-race-23992/
105
APPENDIX

Commute costs as a percent of wages are calculated based on three components for public transit riders
and automobile commuters: out of pocket costs, travel time costs, and aggregate wages. The out of
pocket costs for public transit riders reflect a daily round-trip bus fare of $4 ($2 purchase of a “4-Hour
Dart Pass” fare, each way, which allows for unlimited transfers and rides on the DDOT, SMART, and QLine
transit systems for four hours).13 This $4 daily cost was then multiplied by the number of work days in a
year (261) which, when multiplied by the number of public transit riders in Detroit and the rest of the MSA,
respectively, provides an aggregate public transit rider out of pocket cost value. The out-of-pocket costs
for automobile commuters is more complex and reflects the sum of gas, depreciation, taxes, maintenance
costs, and insurance costs calculated on an hourly basis. These hourly costs are then multiplied by
automobile commuters’ aggregate travel times to and from work which, when multiplied by the number
of work days in a year, creates an aggregate automobile commuter out of pocket costs estimate.14
Travel time costs for both automobile and public transit commuter reflect the duration of their roundtrip
commute per day in hours multiplied by 50% of their hourly wage, which is an industry standard
discount to measure the value of workers’ time spent commuting. Both of these statistics are derived
from American Community Survey IPUMS data (2019 5-year release) and reflect transportation mode-,
geography-, and race-specific values. When these values are multiplied by the number of work days in
a year, an aggregate travel time cost value is produced.
Finally, when the aggregate out of pocket and aggregate travel time costs are divided by the mode-,
geography-, and race-specific aggregate annual wages—also calculated from the ACS IPUMS data
source—we can assess the out-of-pocket costs as a percent of wages, the travel time costs as a percent
of wages, and the total commute costs as a percent of wages.
13
https://detroitmi.gov/departments /detroit-department-transportation/transportation-fares
14
Data on mode splits and travel times is from the American Community Survey IPUMS 5-year release dataset. It is worth noting that the driver of the
difference in the out of pocket costs on a per hour basis for automobile commuters for Detroit and the rest of the MSA is the cost of automobile
insurance – the other costs are the same on a per hour basis for the two geographies.
106
2990 W. Grand Blvd. #2
Detroit, MI 48202
www.detroitfuturecity.com
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The State of Economic Equity in Detroit

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THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY

Released: May 2021

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

Wendy Lewis Jackson

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

Gratefully yours in the struggle,

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

I am certainly encouraged by the progress we’ve made to increase insurance coverage,

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

Wright L. Lassiter III

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

In context: the region’s economy 20

Income & wealth building 28

Access to quality employment 41

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

Neighborhoods & housing 89

The six focus areas are:

Income and Access to quality Business and

Middle class remains Employment remains Small businesses need

The Michigan Life expectancy in Detroit’s neighborhoods

As the city works toward economic equity, there must

To achieve economic equity in Detroit we must:

Improve educational outcomes at all levels.

See pg. 101 to learn more details.

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

Throughout 2020, DFC’s Center for Equity, Engagement,

In an economically equitable Detroit:

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

The six focus areas for economic equity are:

Income and Access to quality Business and

Livingston, Lapeer, and St. Clair Counties.

THE STATE OF ECONOMIC EQUITY IN DETROIT

Use the indicators to identify subjects for additional research to better

Is progress equitable? Is progress just? Is progress reparative?

Equitable Just Reparative

IN CONTEXT: THE REGION’S ECONOMY

Economic growth in Detroit region was steadily improving prior to COVID-19.

IN CONTEXT: THE REGION’S ECONOMY

What does it show?

Jobs per 100 working-age residents

Metro Detroit U.S.

IN CONTEXT: THE REGION’S ECONOMY

What does it show?

IN CONTEXT: THE REGION’S ECONOMY

What does it show?

Total income generated per capita

Metro Detroit U.S.

IN CONTEXT: THE REGION’S ECONOMY

What does it show?

INCOME & WEALTH BUILDING

INCOME & WEALTH BUILDING

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American

INCOME & WEALTH BUILDING

Median household income Median household income by race /ethnicity

INCOME & WEALTH BUILDING

What does it show? Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American

INCOME & WEALTH BUILDING

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey,

Racial / ethnic equity Middle-class households by race / ethnicity

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey,