International Journal of Innovation, Creativity and Change. www.ijicc.

net
Volume 15, Issue 5, 2021

Outstretching Feminism and

Rerouting the Course of Society: A
Pakistani Perspective
Ali Ammara, Saima Yasinb, aAssistant Professor (English), Govt. Gordon
College, Rawalpindi, bLecturer, Department of English, University of Jhang,
Email: [email protected], [email protected]

The current paper focuses its attention on the theorising of feminism;

activism based on these theories and politics within. It holds the
hypothesis that the off-shoots of contemporary feminist theories have
become common and established clichés to challenge the established
principles that are beneficial for both sexes. Current feminist agenda
has fallen prey to its internal politicising and extreme activism in
different spheres of life which has disturbed the essential
appropriateness of social institutions and needs to be revised with
peaceful minds in order to avoid the already deteriorating harmony in
roles of sexes and the extremists positioning of biases of both sexes.
Applying textual analysis on the currents of feminist theory, its
activism and politics within, the paper probes into the practical
manifestations of feminist politics activism from Pakistani society and
places it in juxtaposition with the evolution of feminist theories to
enumerate the gap between the theory and practicalities which seems
to be evermore increasing. The results of this exploration try to
establish the concept that in finding their freedom and equality,
feminist theorists have boarded on an extremist agenda which has
harmed them more politically, socially and psychologically than
putting them at par with male sex in different spheres of life.

Key words: Activism, Currents, Equality, Feminist Theory, Freedom, Politics.

Introduction

The word ‘feminist’ is devoid of a consensus definition which, having negative implications,
also marks the gradually growing ‘disinterest in feminism as radical political movement’ (Hooks,
1984, p. xi). In all its waves and their further subsequent dimensions, feminism has outgrown its

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very essence that upheld itself since the works of Virginia Woolf (1929) and Simone de
Beauvoir (1949). “By feminists, we mean each and every politically and socially conscious
woman or man who works for equality within or outside the movement, writes about feminism,
or calls her or himself a feminist in the name of furthering equality” (Richards & Baumgardner,
2000, p. 54). Yet, these researchers tend to argue that labelling is sufficient but which feminist
attitudes are central to defining and marking the boundaries of feminism. DeVault (1999) argues
that feminists believe that males are the oppressors and the females are the oppressed since long
in history. In a speech in UN on September 22, 2014, Emma Watson seems to remark that she
feels the word feminism has become ‘synonymous’ to ‘man-hating’, however, feminism is all
about equal rights in society for both sexes. But then there are different modifiers attached to the
very word feminism in different researches that it has become difficult to finalise the extent to
which equality and liberty might be ascertained. The off-shoots of feminism since its first wave
have drawn its different shades and concepts which sometimes also seem to contradict each
other. As Lotz (2003) notes that there is Black, third world, postmodern, third-wave, liberal,
radical, post-colonial, lesbian, and cultural feminists (p. 2). These concepts also sometimes seem
to be at cross roads with each other. Feminism as a rider has mounted various horses coming on
its way, be it postmodernism, modernism, deconstruction, Marxism, socialism, structuralism or
any other.

The current paper discusses the internal politicising and extremism in activism in feminism
theory, for which a comprehensive understanding of the chronological development of feminist
theory and its practice is impertinent especially in the context of Pakistani society. Like most of
the popular theories the origin of feminist theory is also westernised. The authors would be
relying on the conceptual framework of Judih Lorber’s work on varieties of feminism in 2001.
This paper explores the basic questions of what women wanted and where they came to. It is
essentially not an anti-feminist paper, but it is antifemocracy.

Lorber (2001) groups the various perspectives of feminism into three: gender reform feminism,
gender resistant feminism and gender revolution feminism (p. 8). There are also further various
shades of each group. Gender reform feminism consists of liberal feminism, Marxist and
socialist feminism and development feminism. Lorber (2001) argues that “Each of the gender
reform feminisms face contradictions in their theories and their practical solutions” (p. 15).
Liberal feminists hold the view that men and women are similar so they should have equal space
in the social acts. But in practice there is a contradiction that why women should be doing
specific jobs while men some other specific ones. In Marxist and social feminism, women are
also allowed to do jobs even outside the houses. Yet in practice, they are also the mothers while
workers are the property of state which can be owned and disowned anytime according to the
need of state. Development feminism focuses on rights of women at universal level yet comes

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face to face with cultural values and traditions that make males responsible for their wives and
daughters. In practice in 1970s, women made their ways in the open social set up of societies like
doing jobs, administering, studying and so one where they faced tiny inequalities in different
social arenas of life. The inequalities discouraged them which further gave birth to other forms of
gender feminism. In late 1970s started another perspective of feminism which Lorber (2001)
names as gender resistant feminism. Gender resistant feminism gave birth to radical feminism,
lesbian feminism, psychoanalytical feminism and standpoint feminism. These feminisms made
the feminist theory further complex and gave birth to different controversies which further
confused the feminist theory and movement. For example, cultural feminism emphasised the
essential difference between male and female. This very much challenged the concept of
developmental feminism which emphasises the equality at universal level and special treatment
and rights of female in society like childcare units and special economic packages to the serving
mothers.

Moreover, these resistant feminisms created further questions and made the issues even more
complex. Lorber (2001) states these questions that “Are women so monolithic that they can be
expected to always have similar experiences and a unitary perspective? Do gender resistant
feminisms create a universal Woman that is actually middle-class, Western, heterosexual, and
white?” (p. 24). Their answers further develop the complexities of feminist theory when
heterosexual and bisexual feminists tend to assert that they can have autonomy even while
having relationships with males, and civil libertarian call a ban for pornography which
contradicts the liberal feminists’ notion that there has to be complete freedom of females in
society in all spheres of life. In 1990s, there emerged another perspective of gender feminism
that was revolutionary in outlook and had the potential of disturbing the very structure of
hierarchy in the society. This perspective, known as gender revolution feminisms, is current in
the society with is various facets as Lorber (2001) argues and comprises of further various
dimensions like multi-ethnic feminism, postmodern feminism and queer theory, men’s feminism
and social construction feminism. Gender revolution feminists argue that binary oppositions are
fluid in nature and there is no fixed identity of anyone in the society. One human being might be
associated with different cultures tastes and even sexual groups. This concept challenges the
clear demarcation of categories and the very principles in society that are impertinent for
balance. Concepts, ideas, activities and practices thus get mixed up and there is nothing for
certain. This type of feminism further confuses the concepts and makes the ideas mixed up with
no clear and definite ways and roles in the society. Resultantly, a generation of such human
beings is created that holds nothing as fixed and remains in the fluidity of ideas and practices.
Lorber (2001) suggests that “There are at least six sexualities; heterosexual woman, heterosexual
man, lesbian, gay man, bisexual man, bisexual woman” (p. 36). And all these sexualities have
different emotions and experiences for the individuals in the society.

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Seldon, Widdowson & Brokker (2005) make another type of distinction in the chronological
order and concepts of feminism by dividing the struggle of feminists into three. The first wave of
feminism started in the mid-19th century from the Seneca Falls Convention, when 300 men and
women voiced for the equal rights of women publically. The suffrage of women was demanded
in the social and political set up of the society. Their proponents like Virginia Woolf’s A Room
of One’s Own (1929) and Simone Beauvoir’s The Second Sex (1948) advocated for the equal
rights, representations and opportunities for women in the society. The second wave continuing
from 1950s to 1990s became more radical and highlighted the issues related to sexualities and
reproduction and the rights related to these issues. Their issues even became nationalised and
drew the attention of females all over the world not just focusing the white folks. The third wave,
starting in mid 1990s was predominantly influenced by post-colonialism and postmodernism that
challenged everything that made one sex dominant over the other and advocated for the mixture
of identities in the societies (p. 117). The mixture of conflicts, identities and concepts that gave
birth to different social practices is the chief concern for the researchers here in this paper which
argues that the currents of feminism in the world today has fallen prey to internal politics,
conflicts and extremism in activism of feminists in different spheres of life which has taken up a
hardliner stance by disturbing the essential appropriateness in the society. However, these and
the struggles from the past have given rise to femocracy which is purely anti-democratic in
nature and favours the supremacy and dominant popularity of female in the society.

However, the way feminist theory has been treated and presented in historical records is summed
up by Hemmings (2005):

A shift from the naïve, essentialist seventies, through the black feminist critiques and ‘sex
wars’ of the eighties, and into the ‘difference’ nineties and beyond, charts the story as one
of progress beyond falsely boundaried categories and identities. A shift from the
politicized, unified early second wave, through an entry into the academy in the eighties,
and thence a fragmentation into multiple feminisms and individual careers, charts the
story as one of loss of commitment to social and political change (p. 116).

This conclusion suggests that there are two versions of historical records of feminist theory
upheld by feminists. Some consider it a story of success while some theorists and researchers
take it as a story of pain, loss and grief. In both cases, most of the feminists (Lorber, 2001;
Judith, 1995; Toril, 1985; Rosemarie, 1989) agree that feminist theory is yet to go a long way
although entangled in the complex web of postmodernism and cultural theories which emphasise
the presence and value of cultures in all societies. As Guillaumin (1995) argues that women are
appropriated in sex-age having four dimensions i.e. appropriation of women’s time;
appropriation of the products of women’s bodies; appropriation of women’s sexual obligations;

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and appropriation of women’s obligation to care all the family members (p. 79). The purpose of
this appropriation is to diminish the individuality of women in patriarchal society. Guillaumin
(1995) emphasises that women are assigned such tasks that men do not want to do. Women are
thus the social tools used by men. The debate has further heightened in challenging the ongoing
principles of society with the third wave of feminism which has shifted its attention from politics
to culture. The cultural values thus being challenged to be replaced by feminists’ agenda of
freedom and equality, puts feminist theory in direct confrontation with cultural values and
principles that can create a balance and maintain balance in the social positioning of both men
and women. Feminist theories in Pakistan and their practices are being presented here as an
example to explore how feminism is in direct confrontation with the norms and values of
Pakistani society on the one hand and how feminist practices have outstretched themselves in
order to gain liberty and equality. The very centre of feminism seems to have been lost in the
complexities and dimensions of current feminist theories.

Saigol (2016), in her report on feminism and women’s movements in Pakistan draws four
conclusions: the consciousness of female has been moulded and aligned with the western
feminist theories; feminist movement and practices have gone through various changes overtime
in Pakistan from accommodation to conflict to collusion; the practices of feminists in Pakistan
changed from education to politics and economic rights; and a consistent tension between the
secular segments of society and extremists stance, sometimes, resulting in violent acts (p. 40).
Shaheed (1999) argues that the contemporary feminist movements in Pakistan have shifted from
focused and intense activism to a diffused movement due to confrontation with the powers
embedded in politics and Pakistani culture. One significant commonality between these two
researchers’ conclusions is that feminist activism has come face to face with the cultural values
that are either being supported by those in power or are deeply rooted in the consciousness of the
masses. Tinted by the postmodern and deconstructionism, feminist theory has come to a fixation
with extremity in the advocacy of culture as well as feminism. The social and political activism
of the feminists has created different feminist groups in Pakistan chiefly the one belonging to
upper class that tries to remain at one extreme and the middle class feminists that try to follow
the upper class yet with more force and revolutionary ideas. Resultantly, the very cultural values
of Pakistani society like balance of responsibilities, child care issues, family as a basic unit of
society, matrimonial, divorce and job issues are at stake with the westernised version of feminist
theory. Women need their identity and individuality, yet to what extent and in which spheres of
social and political life is an unanswered question.

Besides the struggle by the feminists in Pakistan, the condition of female is deploring. According
to Human Rights Commission Pakistan (2014) 828 rape cases have been registered, 47 thousand
lady health workers have been regularised in their service after lots of public protests and rallies

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by themselves, 73% ladies and children have been dislocated due to war on terror in South
Waziristan, house violence has been legally considered crime by Baluchistan government, and
minimum age for marriage has been fixed as 18 years by Sindh government. These are some of
the salient features of activism of women in Pakistan. The Global Gender Gap Report (GGGR,
2014) states that Pakistan is second last in giving access to women to health, education and job
facilities. In the wake of these conditions and considering Pakistan an ideological state where
ethnic and cultural matters are in extreme sensitive conditions, the confrontations and challenges
for the feminists here are going to result in extremities. Moreover, there are clearly conflicts and
confusions within the broader framework of feminist theory besides the slogans that there is a
need to be equality and liberty for female in the society. The same confusion has also been aptly
stated by Lorber (2001) that “But to fulfill their political potential, the gender revolution
feminisms need to spell out what precisely has to be done in all the institutions and organizations
of a society; family, workplace, government, the arts, religion, law, and so on to ensure equal
participation and opportunity for every person in every group” (p. 37).

In a recent study conducted by Minhas et al., (2020), it has been suggested that media is feeding
a western kind of feminism in which detestation of male sex is predominant and that it has
negative implications for the youth. Although the youth is aware that there has to be gender
equality in the society but the portrayal of westernised concepts of feminism are causing hurdles
for the very movement of feminists in Pakistan. The feminist ideologies are being outstretched to
such an extent that the concept of gender equality is at stake. Qazi and Javid (2021) conducted
the qualitative analysis of the school textbooks and have suggested that since the advent of
second wave of feminism, the east has been hysterical in emphasising the awareness regarding
feminist ideologies but in doing so such textbook materials have been created and developed
which have stereotypical and disproportionate representation of the females. This kind of
representation is further reinvigorated through teachers’ lectures. Both reactionary and
apologetic approaches to over-emphasis on feminism issues have developed these kinds of
approaches towards feminism resulting in vague and confused condition without arriving at
clearly defined gendered equalities. As reactions to outstretched discourses of feminism, Salam
(2021) argues that Pakistani men are consistently emphasising and upholding the stereotypical
and discursively constructed socio-cultural norms. This finding substantiates the view that
reactionary approaches are also being adopted in spite of the Pakistani’s agreement on the idea of
gendered equality. This reaction is due to outstretching the feminist ideologies by dispelling the
balance in society.

In postmodernism where the centre is lost, there is an unending chain of meanings and no
definite meanings could be clear, the feminist theory also seems to lose its meanings.
Schizophrenic and hyper tense meaning making activities of texts make the case of feminist

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theorists even worse all over the world (Hassan, 1982). Deconstruction, pluralism, end of
metanarratives, disintegration, multiculturalism, schizophrenia and irony are major recurrent
themes of postmodernism where the author is dead, the centre is lost and every individual is
caught in the complex web of search for his real identity, the feminist theory in itself is in
confusion (Lyotard, 1984; Ihab Hassan, 1982; I. M. Milne, 2009; Rauol Eshleman, 2001).

As discussed earlier in the previous paragraphs that feminist theory has been influenced by the
other major critical theories of the time like modernism, postmodernism, industrialism,
capitalism, Marxism and socialism, postcolonialism and the others, the feminist theory has not
been able to develop its own clear metanarrative to rely upon (Lorber, 2001). Yet, gender
revolution feminism, taking its leads from postmodernism, deconstructs its own narrative and
also challenges the existing metanarratives of various cultures where it has tried to assert its
influence. The results have been unending confusions and extremism on both ends; the culturists
and the feminists. Even the nations have to develop different strategies in their texts and
narratives to fight for their national identities (Wodak, 2002). Different cultural forces and
groups are struggling to realise their own identities and fight for their survival; the feminist
theory in a country like Pakistan needs to define clearly its demarcation of liberty and equality
and its arena of activism.

Conclusion

The hypothesis of the current research that feminist theories have become clichés’ to challenge
the established and balancing principles of the society chiefly the family structure which are in
face a danger to identity of the feminists themselves. The western feminists and societies have
witnessed the death of family structure as Winfry (2009) suggests that American family life has
become shattered due to the ongoing thrusts and results of individualities and so called liberties.
Those who are following the feminist theories dogmatically have outstretched its domains and
perspective to such an extent that a movement for the rights has turned into a womb of different
theories which at times challenge the very meaning on which feminism is based like
postmodernism and deconstructionism. The course of social life, as seen in the west, has rerouted
to other directions whose physical manifestations and practices are inadvertently opposite to the
existing principles of many cultures and ways of social and political activism. The result is, thus,
a direct clash, that in Pakistan sometimes results in violent outbreaks. Therefore, feminists need
to redefine and realign themselves by maintaining a balance and harmony between the
metanarratives of cultures and possible practicalities.

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