Developmental Science and the Media

Early Brain Development

Ross A. Thompson University of Nebraska—Lincoln

Charles A. Nelson University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Campus

Media coverage of early brain development not only has development, for several reasons (Dunwoody, 1986; Mc-
focused public attention on early childhood but also has Call, 1987, 1988; Tavris, 1986). First, there is considerable
contributed to misunderstanding of developmental neuro- public interest in human behavior and its practical impli-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

science research. This article critically summarizes current cations. Although this interest contributes to extensive cov-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

research in developmental neuroscience that is pertinent to erage, it can also result in overgeneralizations and inappro-
the central claims of media accounts of early brain devel- priate applications of research findings in media accounts.
opment, including (a) scientific understanding of formative Second, in contrast to research in the physical sciences,
early experiences, (b) whether critical periods are typical social science research is perceived to be easily compre-
for brain development, (c) brain development as a lifelong hended and applied. However, this means that the validity
process, (d) biological hazards to early brain growth, and of research findings in the social sciences is judged by their
(e) strengths and limits of current technology in develop- consistency with intuitive theories and prior beliefs, and
mental brain research. Recommendations are offered for research can be reinterpreted in media accounts to make it
strengthening the constructive contributions of research more consistent with what journalists believe to be com-
scientists and their professional organizations to the accu- mon knowledge about human behavior (Lindblom & Co-
rate and timely coverage of scientific issues in the media. hen, 1979). Third, research in the social sciences is often
relevant to policy problems in education, human welfare,
the justice system, family functioning, and many other

A n uneasy partnership exists between research sci-

entists and the media. It derives from the informal
ways that scientific knowledge enters the popular
media and the different orientations and goals of the sci-
entific and journalistic communities (Lindblom & Cohen,
areas. This means that social science reporting is com-
monly framed in terms of broader public debates, even
though the research is seldom designed to directly address
these debates (Caplan, 1976; Weiss & Bucuvalas, 1980).
These difficulties are especially true of media coverage of
1979; Melton, 1987; Weiss & Singer, 1988). In their search developmental science because (a) almost everybody is
for newsworthy stories, journalists seek what is new, in- interested in questions of human development and their
teresting, and unexpected. This approach contrasts with applications to child rearing and education; (b) folk theo-
scientists' efforts to contribute to cumulative, enduring, ries of human development (e.g., "spare the rod and spoil
generalizable knowledge that will stand the test of time and the child") are influential and constitute the prior belief
critical review. Journalists report information to the public systems of many people; and (c) there are significant policy
that is practical and relevant, whereas scientists report new implications of the scientific understanding of child devel-
knowledge to their peers that may be incomplete, abstract, opment with respect to early child care, parent support,
or esoteric. Their different approaches to knowledge con- family law, and other issues (Melton, 1987; Weiss, 1987).
tribute to the uneven communication between scientists and A fourth reason for the uneasy partnership between
journalists that can result in media representations of sci- research scientists and the media concerns the influence of
entific advances that are criticized by researchers as mis- "campaign journalism" in social science coverage. In con-
interpreted and overgeneralized (Goodfield, 1981; Lynn,
1978). But the ability of scientists and journalists to col-
laborate productively is important. Journalists learn about Editor's note. Melissa G. Warren served as action editor for this article.
significant advances in knowledge from the scientific com-
munity, and scientists benefit from media attention to their Author's note. This article was made possible by financial support from
work because it provides public and professional recogni- the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the James S.
tion; circumvents the lengthy lag times of scientific jour- McDonnell Foundation through their support of a research network, Early
Experience and Brain Development We thank Robert McCall for many
nals; and draws the attention of policymakers to their helpful comments on an earlier version of this article.
research area, which potentially enhances research appli- Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to either
cations and future grant funding (Dunwoody & Ryan, Ross A. Thompson, Department of Psychology, 238 Burnett Hall, Uni-
1985). versity of Nebraska—Lincoln, Lincoln, NE 68588-0308, or Charles A.
Nelson, Institute of Child Development, University of Minnesota, Twin
This uneasy partnership is particularly troubled with Cities Campus, 51 East River Road, Minneapolis, MN 55455. Electronic
respect to social science, especially research on human mail may be sent to rthompsonl ©unl.edu or [email protected].

January 2001 • American Psychologist

Copyright 2001 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. OO03-066X/O1/S5.O0
Vol. 56, No. 1, 5-15 DOI: 10.1037//0003-066X.56.1.5
 critical periods of brain development and the enduring
effects of early stimulation or deprivation. As a result, not
only have developmental scientists witnessed unprece-
dented public attention to important questions of early
childhood development, but they also have seen develop-
mental research applied inappropriately, such as when crit-
ical-period formulations are used to conclude that Head
Start begins too late to stimulate the developing brain or in
reports that classical music instruction stimulates early
intellectual growth. Although parents are encouraged by
media coverage to do the right things for their young
offspring (e.g., talking to and playing with their infants), it
is often for the wrong reasons, thus contributing to unwar-
ranted expectations concerning the long-term effects of
early social stimulation on brain development. At the same
time, other newsworthy conclusions from developmental
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neuroscience neglected by the media—such as the signifi-

cant brain capacities that develop after age three, the bio-
logical requirements of healthy brain development, and the
lifelong adaptability of the brain—have not reached public
attention.
Ross A.
Thompson This article profiles the emergence of public interest in
early brain development and critically summarizes devel-
opmental neuroscience research pertinent to the central
claims of media accounts about early brain growth. Rec-
trast to the relatively piecemeal, focused reporting of sci- ommendations are offered for how social scientists and
ence that is lypicaliy initiated by journalists (particularly their professional organizations should seek to construc-
science journalists), campaign journalism occurs when me- tively engage the media in light of the significance of
dia accounts of social science are collectively provoked by campaign journalism and its growing influence.
a broad public information campaign to advance a partic-
ular perspective or action plan to the public. Just as polit- Early Brain Development and
ical campaigns attract news coverage by creating newswor-
thy events and disseminating information supporting a
the Media
viewpoint, the organizers of public information campaigns As it has been widely reported, the "new" research in the
on topics such as educational practice, the effects of di- developmental neurosciences highlights several character-
vorce on children, child care, or youth substance abuse istics of early brain development that were believed to be
likewise enlist research (and researchers) to attract journal- previously unknown (see Kotulak, 1996; Shore, 1997; and
ists' attention to their issues and point of view. The report- the "I Am Your Child" campaign Web site at http://
ing that results is not necessarily less accurate than tradi- www.iamyourchild.org). First, early experiences are cru-
tional journalism. However, campaign journalism begins cial in shaping the cultivation and pruning of neural syn-
not with the findings of relevant research but rather with the apses that underlie the functional capabilities of the devel-
goals of an advocacy effort that has been initiated by oping brain. The genetic plan guiding brain development
concerned interest groups, political officials, influential ce- relies significantly on early experiences to stimulate the
lebrities, and other nonscienlists. Campaign journalism is organization of neural interconnections. Second, key expe-
not new (past debates about 1Q illustrate its historical riences must occur during sensitive or critical early periods
impact), but it has become more influential in recent years of heightened sensitivity to stimulation because of the
as the popular media has become more commercial, com- cumulative nature of brain development. If these "windows
petitive, and consolidated, raising further concerns about of opportunity" are missed and such periods close, endur-
the accurate dissemination and appropriate applications of ing deficits in psychological functioning are likely. Third,
social science research. among the most important of these early experiences is
nurturant, sensitive care, which stimulates the developing
Recent public interest in early brain development ex- brain because it is multimodal, contingently responsive,
emplifies these concerns. "The Decade of the Brain" of the and calibrated to the young child's capabilities. Finally,
1990s fostered widespread interest in neuroscience that, technological advances promise significant future discov-
when combined with the public's long-standing concern eries about the developing brain.
with child development, permitted enduring questions of
early childhood influences to be addressed with the tech- Media coverage of early brain development increased
nical sophistication and rigor of neuroscience. By the late significantly in scope in the 1990s. A 1994 Carnegie Cor-
1990s, this resulted in a broad range of media reports on the poration report entitled Starring Points: Meeting the Needs
effects of early experiences on young children in relation to of Our Youngest Children (Carnegie Task Force on Meet-

January 2001 • American Psychologist

 tional Research Council, Committee on Integrating the
Science of Early Childhood Development. 2000).
These diverse media accounts have communicated to
the public many important features of current scientific
understanding of early brain growth. By emphasizing that
early processes of brain development are qualitatively dif-
ferent from later stages, for example, they have drawn
attention to the unique developmental opportunities and
vulnerabilities of infancy and early childhood. By empha-
sizing that early experiences and exposure to environmen-
tal stimulation assume an important role in many aspects of
brain growth, they have undermined the traditional (but
inaccurate) notion that brain development is a genetically
hard-wired process. By focusing on the importance of the
quality of early care, these media accounts have provided
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guidance to parents about helpful caregiving practices thai

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are. on the who5e, worthwhile regardless of their effects on

early brain growth (and are contrary to other unfortunate,
but well-publicized, portrayals of the relative unimportance
of parental care; see Harris, 1998), Perhaps most important,
Charles A. the media has drawn attention to the needs of young chil-
Nelson dren and stimulated helpful policy initiatives that might not
have otherwise occurred.
These are valuable contributions. However, these me-
dia accounts have also tended to exaggerate how much is
ing the Needs of Young Children, 1994) and a Pulitzer
actually known about Ihe developing brain, overinterpret-
Prize-winning series of articles on brain research by Chi-
cago Tribune writer Ronald Kotulak (1996) were important ing current scientific knowledge and oveipromising its
early catalysts of public interest. Another significant influ- applications while also unduly narrowing public under-
ence was a national public engagement campaign that, in standing of the range of important influences on brain
April 1997, riveted public attention to these issues in a development. There are many examples, including (a) the
prime-time special on ABC-TV; a While House conference decision by Georgia's Governor Zell Miller to send the
on early childhood development; a weeklong series of daily parents of each newborn infant in the state a classical music
reports on morning broadcasts of Today and Good Morning CD and Florida's policy of playing classical music in
America; a special issue of Newsweek magazine; the re- state-run child-care centers, each based on very limited
lease of a book, video, and CD-ROM designed for parents research findings concerning the "Mozart effect" on early
and practitioners; and other media events. This "I Am Your intellectual growth (see "Bach-a-Bye Baby," 1999); (b)
Child" public information campaign was the result of more claims that early brain damage or stimulus deprivation can
than two years of planning by a group organized by Rob account for recent incidents of school violence, despite no
Reiner (actor, director, and cofounder of Castle Rock En- evidence for this in many of the perpetrators; (c) reports
tertainment) that included media celebrities, representa- that children reared in Romanian orphanages have abnor-
tives of the White House, major foundation officials, child mal brains, as revealed by positron emission tomography
advocates and early childhood experts, and consultation (PET), because of their deprivation; and (d) widely publi-
with the Ad Council (Thompson, 1998). Supported by cized reports that maltreated children have significantly
contributions from major corporations and private founda- damaged brains caused by their abuse or neglect, despite no
tions, the campaign was also distinguished by its attention published research systematically documenting that this is
to state and community child advocacy groups and efforts so (see Biakeslee, 1996). The concern is not simply that the
to engage national, state, and local media. The national scientific picture is far more complex than its representa-
scope and broad media impact of the "I Am Your Child"
tion in the media, or that journalists are inaccurate (some-
campaign crystallized the central messages of early brain
development for the public. It also provoked federal and times simply generalizing from existing knowledge to is-
state legislative initiatives concerning early childhood, con- sues that have not yet been studied or cannot be studied
tributed to the California Children and Families First Ini- well). More important, however, is that valuable public
tiative (which earmarks more than $700 million annually in interest in early childhood may evaporate as quickly as it
cigarette taxes for early childhood programs), spurred in- has emerged if parents, practitioners, and policymakers
terest in brain development at the National Governors conclude that they were misled about how they could
Association and the National Conference of State Legisla- contribute to optimizing early development, especially if
tors, and contributed to the creation of a National Research simplified interpretations and applications of research on
Council committee on eariy childhood development (Na- early brain development do not yield expected outcomes
for enhanced intellectual and socioemotional growth.

January 2001 • American Psychologist

 Media attention recently returned to the topic of early the communication of developmental science to the public,
brain development in discussions of John Bruer's (1999) especially in the context of campaign journalism.
book entitled The Myth of the First Three Years of Life,
which questioned earlier reports of developmental neuro- Perspectives From Developmental
science research and the developmental significance of Neuroscience
early childhood. In focusing on Bruer's description of the Despite the excitement over the "new" brain development
importance of the early years as a "myth," news coverage research, much of the knowledge reported in media ac-
called into question the significance of early brain devel- counts is based on studies that have been around for a long
opment and the importance of early stimulation (see time. More fundamentally, there has been misunderstand-
Charen, 1999), although Bruer's book, albeit its title, ing of several basic concepts in developmental neuro-
adopted a more balanced approach to these issues. As a science, to which we now turn. (See Figure 1 for a basic
consequence, media accounts then questioned whether par- overview of the major events of brain development; see
ents need to be so concerned about stimulating healthy also Nelson and Bloom [1997] and McCall [1999].)
development and whether the initial years of life provide a
significant foundation for later development. The Early Experiences Essential to Brain
Development Are Largely Unknown
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Thus, media attention to early brain development and

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subsequently to Bruer's (1999) critique has provided very Twenty years ago, Rakic and colleagues began to demon-
conflicting messages about the nature and importance of strate in the monkey (e.g., Rakic, Bourgeois, Eckenhoff,
early brain development. For the public, this raises ques- Zecevic, & Goldman-Rakic, 1986) and Huttenlocher began
tions about the meaning and significance of developmental to demonstrate in the human (e.g., Huttenlocher, 1979;
science; for policymakers, it creates dilemmas concerning Huttenlocher & Dabholkar, 1997) that the primate brain
the practical yield of federally funded research into early massively overproduces neural connections, or synapses,
childhood; and for researchers, it poses problems concern- early in development. As a result, the brain of the full-term
ing the accurate and meaningful dissemination of research newborn has many more synapses than the adult brain. This
findings through the media. For this reason, the research on period of synaptic overproduction (synaptogenesis) is nor-
early brain development raises important questions about mally followed by a period of synaptic retraction, or re-

Figure 1
The Developmental Course of Human Brain Development
ExperiencKlependent synapse formation

Neurogenesis in the Hippocampus

18-24
Prenatal
Days
I Ce« Migration (-3 months to 15-18 years?)
(6-24 Prenatal
8 weeks)
•"Myelinatiofl
(-2 Months to 5-10 years)
-9 -8 -7 -6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 101112 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1213141516171819 203040 506070

2 Months t Months Decades

o Age
Note. This graph illustrates the importance of prenatal events, such as the formation of the neural tube (neurulation) and cell migration; critical aspects of synapse
formation and myeltnation beyond age three; and the formation of synapses based on experience, as well as neurogenesis in a key region of the hippocampus (the
dentate gyrus), throughout much of life.

January 2001 • American Psychologist

 duction, that confers efficiency on brain functioning. The experiential influences contribute to the development of
time course for synaptic "blooming and pruning" varies different regions of the human brain, such as those gov-
enormously by brain region in humans (see Figure 1). erning basic sensory and motor abilities, language, emotion
Huttenlocher estimated that the peak of synaptic overpro- and emotion regulation, and thinking and reasoning, but it
duction in the visual cortex occurs at about the fourth is unknown what most of these experiences are.
postnatal month, followed by a gradual retraction until the This issue is important because without a greater
middle to the end of the preschool period, by which time understanding of these processes in human brain develop-
the density of synapses has reached adult levels. In areas of ment, it is difficult to identify the experiences that are of
the brain that govern audition and language, a similar critical importance; precisely when these experiences must
although somewhat later time course is observed. However, occur; and the ways, in turn, that the developing brain is
in the medial prefrontal cortex (the area of the brain where buffered against certain experiential influences. This makes
some forms of higher level cognition and self-regulation it difficult to provide parents with definitive guidance,
take place), the peak of overproduction occurs at around based on neuroscientific research, concerning the influence
one year of age, and it is not until middle to late adoles- of specific parental practices on the developing brain and,
cence that the adult density of synapses is obtained. most important, the extent to which early or enhanced
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What determines the timing and course of synaptic stimulation can have specific consequences for brain
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

overproduction and subsequent retraction? Both genetic development.

guidance and experiential exposure are believed to be in-
fluential. An interpretation proposed by Greenough and his Critical Periods Are Exceptional, Not Typical,
colleagues suggests that the purpose of synaptic overpro- in Brain Development
duction is to capture and incorporate experience into the These considerations are relevant to the concept of critical
developing synaptic architecture of the brain, and experi- periods in early brain development: whether certain brain
mental studies with rodents have provided impressive sup- regions require exposure to particular environmental influ-
portive evidence (Black, Jones, Nelson, & Greenough, ences at specific points in time (or "windows of opportu-
1998; Greenough & Alcantara, 1993; Greenough & Black, nity"). Unless these time-specified exposures can be clearly
1992). Such processes are undoubtedly influential in hu- identified, critical periods may be misleading for concep-
man brain development also, but it is unclear how exten- tualizing early brain growth. It is unfortunate that the
sively and for which brain areas this occurs and at which relevance of critical periods to human brain development is
periods of growth. frequently misunderstood in the media. In the developmen-
This uncertainty exists because the best estimates of tal neurosciences, a critical period typically connotes a very
age-related differences in synaptic density are derived from narrow period during which a particular experience must
human autopsy specimens, with sometimes only a handful occur. A classic example is the zebra finch, which must be
of samples at any particular age. More important, the exposed to the father's song at exactly the right time for
estimates of synaptic density represent static figures and do song to develop (for discussion of sensitive and critical
not indicate whether the synapses that are counted owe periods, see Bornstein, 1989; Knudsen, 1999).
their existence to a genetic program or to experience (e.g., In humans, there are relatively few critical periods for
a synapse "born" a week before death is not distinguished brain development. Developmental scientists know that
from one born 70 years before death). There is evidence exposure to normal speech in the first year confers on the
that genetic processes as well as early experience may be infant the ability to discriminate speech sounds and even-
important. Bourgeois, Reboff, and Rakic (1989) demon- tually to correctly produce those sounds. In a similar man-
strated that the number of synapses in the visual cortex of ner, exposure to patterned visual information in the first
a rhesus monkey born three weeks prematurely was iden- few years of life is essential if some aspects of the visual
tical to that of a monkey born full-term. This finding system (e.g., binocular depth perception) are to develop
suggests that, at least in the visual cortex of the monkey, normally. These phenomena, however, are best character-
experience may assume little role in accounting for the ized as "sensitive" periods rather than critical periods,
number of synapses at this stage of development (leaving because the time period in which they function is broader
open, of course, the possibility that experience does influ- and more flexible (Bornstein, 1989), and whether they can
ence the visual system at a later stage). serve as "model systems" for other aspects of development
In short, scientific descriptions of the overproduction is not clear. For example, conclusions from research in the
and retraction of synapses based on early experience are developmental neurosciences must be considerably more
derived from important research and theory based primarily limited concerning socioemotional and cognitive growth
on comparative data. They undoubtedly generalize to hu- (Nelson, 1999a, 1999b; Thompson, 2000, in press). A very
man brain development—especially in the development of broad sensitive period may exist for the formation of initial
sensory processes—which means that early experiences are human attachments, for example, although there is little
important to the developing brain. However, existing hu- relevant human research on the neurobiological functions
man data provide little clear insight into the relative influ- of attachment relationships (see Gunnar, in press; Thomp-
ences of genetic guidance and experiential exposure for son, in press). In terms of cognitive development, very little
most brain regions or into the types and timing of experi- is known (for a discussion of memory development, see
ences that are most influential. It is probable that different Nelson, 2000). The fact that intervention programs, if they

January 2001 • American Psychologist

 begin early and are sustained, can support cognitive growth erable importance, but not the only important period. In-
for children living in difficult environments suggests that deed, it can be argued that the prenatal months are an even
continued plasticity exists in cognitive development. How- more significant period of brain development during which
ever, as in the case of socioemotional development, this has neurulation (i.e., formation of the neural tube from which
not been examined in terms of neuroscience. eventually evolves the central nervous system) occurs, fol-
It is unfortunate that deprivation studies provide some lowed by the generation, proliferation, migration, and, fi-
of the most important evidence for critical or sensitive nally, differentiation of neurons. Moreover, both myelina-
periods, but they must be carefully interpreted. Evidence tion (the fatty insulation of neurons) and synaptogenesis
concerning critical periods in visual or auditory processing begin during the last trimester of fetal life, and these events
is based on comparative studies involving considerable are essential to the development of the functional architec-
experimental control and on human studies in which con- ture of the brain (see Figure 1 and Thompson, 2000).
founding variables can be monitored or controlled. Evi- During the prenatal months, the developing brain is highly
dence related to sensitive periods in human socioemotional vulnerable to intrinsic hazards (e.g., errors in cell migra-
or cognitive functioning is not as clear. Widely cited re- tion) that can account for significant developmental prob-
ports in the media of children from Romanian (or Russian lems (e.g., dyslexia and possibly schizophrenia) and to
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or Chinese) orphanages, or of children suffering physical external insults resulting from viral infection, drug or al-
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maltreatment, imply that enduring deficits in brain func- cohol exposure, malnutrition, or other teratogens. Thus,
tioning are derived from their earlier experiences of depri- there are significant practical and public health implications
vation or harm during critical periods of early brain of attention to prenatal brain development.
development. It is very important, however, that scien- Furthermore, the emphasis on critical brain develop-
tific conclusions be based on systematic studies in which ment from birth to age three also risks ignoring important
the effects of specific, documented deprivation can be achievements of later years, as well as the enduring plas-
studied independently of other hazards to brain develop- ticity of the mature brain. The brain regions most relevant
ment that may occur in the same samples (e.g., prenatal to higher cognition, including reasoning and problem solv-
maternal alcohol or drug abuse, poor prenatal or postnatal ing, self-regulation, personality, and strategic functioning
nutrition or inadequate health care, or serious parental have a maturational course extending into adolescence,
mental illness) or selective adoption practices in the case of consistent with the research evidence (and everyday obser-
orphanage studies. Such research should use carefully in- vation) of how significantly children develop during this
terpreted neuroscience research methods and study these period in their thinking, social functioning, self-control,
children in relation to appropriate control groups. In addi- and other capacities. The refinement, integration, and
tion, it is important to account for the varieties of devel- growing efficiency of brain functioning occur during child-
opmental outcomes apparent in such children, not just the hood and adolescence (see Figure 1). This means that some
deficits documented in those who are most seriously trau- of the most significant advances in neocortical growth
matized (see, e.g., O'Connor, Bredenkamp, Rutter, & the occur well after the first three years of life.
English and Romanian Adoptees [ERA] Study Team,
Furthermore, even the mature adult brain retains con-
1999). At present, the anecdotal, incomplete, and often
siderable functional plasticity, a point long emphasized by
unpublished evidence currently reported in the media (and
Greenough and colleagues (e.g., Greenough & Black,
by some scientists) does not meet these requirements and
1992), whose studies of experience-related brain develop-
provides a very limited basis on which to derive conclu-
ment showed that the same developmental processes are
sions concerning the effects of early deprivation on devel-
observed in mature as well as juvenile rats. In a similar
oping brain capabilities related to socioemotional or cog-
vein, several research groups have demonstrated cortical
nitive functioning.
reorganization based on adult experience (e.g., Elbert, Pan-
If critical periods are exceptional rather than typical in tev, Wienbruch, Rockstroh, & Taub, 1995; Ramachandran,
early brain development, then it may be more important to 1995). And one of the most exciting research discoveries of
be concerned with the overall quality of early experience the past few years has been the demonstration that neuro-
than with the timing of specific influences. Furthermore, genesis (i.e., formation of new neurons) continues through-
the breadth of the sensitive periods that have been docu- out much of the life span in the dentate region of the
mented for early neurobiological growth indicates that al- hippocampus (Eriksson et al., 1998; Gould, 1999; for a
though sensitive periods may have a relatively abrupt onset review, see Tanapat, Hastings, & Gould, in press) and
(typically at birth or shortly thereafter), their duration is possibly regions of the parietal and prefrontal cortex
prolonged, and their offset is gradual. This provides many (Gould, Reeves, Graziano, & Gross, 1999). This finding
opportunities for exposure to the (usually ubiquitous) ex- suggests that brain growth may occur during adulthood in
periences required for healthy brain development and in- ways not yet understood.
creases optimism for successful remediation when early If human brain development is life course (varying in
disadvantage occurs. the nature and scope of developmental changes), then the
Brain Development Is Lifelong problems of the media focus on the period from birth to age
three become apparent. Influences during the early years of
The emphasis of media accounts on brain development in life are important, but parents, practitioners, and policy-
the first three years of life focuses on a period of consid- makers are mistaken if they conclude that establishing a

10 January 2001 • American Psychologist

 foundation of optimal brain stimulation early in life will as much on public health efforts, especially for pregnant
alone ensure satisfactory development in the years to come. women and young children from at-risk populations, as on
This is due to the significant growth processes that occur public information campaigns encouraging greater parental
after age three and the important influences shaping brain social stimulation of infants and toddlers—although both
development in childhood and adolescence. They are also are important.
misled if they do not understand how much brain growth
during the prenatal period provides a foundation for what The Study of Human Brain Development Is
follows after birth; thus, many important constituents of Still in Its Infancy
brain functioning are established before birth rather than
afterward. Finally, the focus on early childhood suggests Finally, media accounts of early brain development re-
that later achievements in brain growth are primarily the search commonly overestimate the strengths of the new
outcome of early formative influences, but the new discov- technologies used to study the brain and underestimate
eries of continuing brain plasticity suggest that unique their interpretive cautions, but these technologies have sig-
influences on neurobiological development occur after nificant limitations. Although electrophysiological tools
early childhood. Some of the most exciting research dis- (electroencephalograms and event-related potentials) have
been used for two decades to study brain development and
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coveries of the next decade will add clarity to this emerging

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portrayal of continuing brain plasticity. brain-behavior relations, these tools currently possess rel-
atively limited ability to inform us about where in the brain
Biological Hazards Are Significant Threats to functional activity is taking place.
Early Brain Development The "new" technologies of magnetic resonance imag-
ing (MRI) and PET are currently attracting the most atten-
The media's focus on the first three years of life offers a
tion (see Nelson & Bloom, 1997). Structural MRI has
basis for emphasizing the importance of the quality of early
existed for many years and currently provides incredibly
care on brain growth. Although there are few relevant
detailed and rich information about the anatomy of the
human neuroscience data, caregivers are encouraged to talk
brain, but it does not provide any information about brain
and sing to, play with, and sensitively nurture young chil-
function. Rather, that is the domain of "functional" MRI
dren because of how these contingent multisensory expe-
(fMRI). fMRI has revolutionized researchers' ability to
riences provide stimulation to the developing brain. It is
examine both the function and the structure of the brain,
impossible to argue against the value of sensitive, respon-
but thus far, it has seen limited use by developmental
sive care for young children because of the evidence from
investigators. More important, it is currently not feasible to
behavioral studies of its importance in promoting secure
use fMRI to study children younger than approximately six
attachment, self-confident exploration, self-awareness, and
years of age, primarily because of the requirement that the
a sense of well-being.
participant sit very still for relatively long periods of time
However, other features of early care may also be very (e.g., 30 minutes; for a review, see Casey, Thomas, &
significant for brain growth. Nutritional adequacy is a McCandliss, in press).
crucial prenatal and postnatal influence on brain develop-
ment because of the growing brain's reliance on folic acid, The use of PET with children is highly restricted
iron, vitamins, and other nutrients (Morgan & Gibson, because it involves injection of a radioactive isotope. Thus,
1991). Malnutrition is a biological hazard to which the the Food and Drug Administration limits the use of PET to
developing brain is especially vulnerable. Other hazards clinical populations of children who have medical cause for
include fetal exposure to maternal viruses like HIV and the procedure. Moreover, there are only a handful of insti-
rubella, illicit drugs such as cocaine and heroin, maternal tutions in the United States where PET has been used at all
alcohol ingestion, exposure to environmental toxins (e.g., with children. Thus, there have been no studies of typical
DDT, lead, mercury, and PCB), and other teratogens (Son- development using PET, and of the clinical studies that have
deregger, 1992). The vulnerability of the developing brain been published, all have involved children with neurological
to many of these hazards continues throughout the early problems or those suspected of such (e.g., epilepsy). More-
years after birth. over, the spatial resolution of PET is now inferior to what can
be accomplished by fMRI (which is noninvasive), and like
Although considerable work remains to clarify the fMRI, PET also has relatively poor temporal resolution (on
specific hazards posed by these biological teratogens, in- the order of seconds to minutes).
cluding the nature of dose-response contingencies and the
timing of exposure, current evidence is not insignificant. Although these new technologies provide astonish-
There may, in fact, be a stronger scientific basis for arguing ingly greater insight into the developing brain than what
that early brain development is assisted by protections from existed only a decade ago, and they are improving rapidly,
biological hazards (e.g., adequate maternal health care and limitations in their use with children continue to constrain
nutrition, satisfactory postnatal nutrition, avoidance of ex- scientific insight in this field. These limitations will be
posure to environmental toxins and dangerous drugs, pro- overcome with further technological development, but at
tection against viruses, and avoidance of undue chronic present, it is important to be realistic about which tools can
maternal prenatal stress) than by the regularity with which be used to address which questions and for children at what
caregivers talk to or play with their babies. This means that ages. At present, in other words, research on early brain
efforts to enhance brain development should focus at least development remains technologically limited compared

January 2001 • American Psychologist 11

 with research on brain processes in animals or older vision and hearing tests for young children because of the
individuals. importance of early sensory experience for neurobiological
organization. And contrary to the impression created by
Implications for Developmental some media accounts, researchers are at the vanguard—not
Science and the Media the end—of exciting new discoveries about brain develop-
Current research from developmental neuroscience pro- ment. Continued vigorous support of this work is needed
vides a critical, cautionary perspective on many media from funding agencies for which, for some, funding prior-
accounts of early brain development. Critical periods are ities have already shifted to other areas of research.
exceptional rather than pervasive in human brain growth. These new conclusions from developmental neuro-
Windows of opportunity for early stimulation better char- science are important not only because they are more
acterize basic sensory and motor capacities than higher consistent with the research evidence but also because they
mental and personality processes, and even so, most such build constructively on public interest in addressing issues
windows close very slowly with development. The relative of early childhood development with the technical sophis-
influence of genetic guidance and experiential exposure in tication of neuroscience and offer recommendations that
shaping the young brain is complex, and it is unclear what are interesting, practical, and relevant to public policy.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

specific experiences are important, and when they must They are newsworthy. However, this raises the question of
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

occur, for healthy brain development. The first three years why other conclusions, but not these conclusions, predom-
of life are significant, but other periods are also important, inated in the media coverage of early brain development.
and the brain retains its capacity to grow throughout life. To be sure, the uncertainty in knowledge created by new
This means that the developmental significance of the first scientific discoveries almost inevitably contributes to mis-
three years is certainly not a "myth," even though it has understanding, misrepresentation, and omission in news
often been overstated. Protection from biological hazards coverage, which is particularly problematic in the social
(particularly during the prenatal period) is as important as sciences because of the practical implications of this
sensitive, nurturant care in how parents encourage healthy knowledge (Blum, 1999; Dunwoody, 1999). However, me-
brain development. Further conclusions are that the brain is dia attention to early brain development also exemplifies
a complex organ, it does not develop in a homogeneous the challenges presented by campaign journalism, in which
fashion over time, and different influences are preeminent the message and the intended audience of the campaign can
for different areas of brain growth. influence how scientific findings are integrated into a public
In some respects, these conclusions do not seem as information effort. Campaign journalism is very likely to
interesting, provocative, and thus newsworthy as most me- be part of the future landscape of media coverage of the
dia accounts. But consider the following conclusions. Brain developmental sciences (Thompson, 1998). Consequently,
development can be facilitated not only during the first it is important for social scientists and their professional
three years but also at other developmental stages. This is organizations to be constructively engaged in the dissemi-
important news for adoptive and foster parents, child-care nation of scientific findings to the public and to be capable
providers, and parents and teachers of children of all ages. of responding constructively to media accounts of research
Building babies' brains begins at conception, not at birth. that are misleading or incomplete.
This is important news for mothers and their physicians and One of the most important ways of doing so is through
for public health agencies, especially those concerned with a more active, ongoing interaction between journalism and
underserved and at-risk populations. Caregivers are influ- research communities, which are typically in contact only
ential not only relationally but also in the physical care, after a news story has emerged. In the current era of
nutrition, and protections they provide to foster young increasing media competition, currency, and campaign
brains and minds. This is important news for parents, journalism, however, scientists and their professional soci-
grandparents, and child-care providers. Eliminating early eties must become more aware of emerging topics of public
disadvantages is important, but the plasticity of brain de- interest and be prepared to respond promptly (sometimes
velopment means that early deprivation and harm can be proactively) with a clear description of the science that is
treated in later years, especially with carefully designed timely and useful to journalists. This can occur as news
interventions. This is important news for therapists, educa- bureaus associated with scientific organizations become
tors, and others concerned with aiding troubled children. capable of quickly convening one-day meetings (or con-
Adult brains are developing. This is important news for all ference calls) of prominent researchers with science jour-
of us. nalists on emerging news themes identified by journalists.
There are other newsworthy implications of a more It can also occur as "science celebrities" (i.e., the small
careful, acute reading of the developmental neuroscience cohort of researchers regularly consulted by the news me-
research that have not yet reached public attention. En- dia; see Weiss & Singer, 1988) work more with their
hanced public information about the importance of prenatal professional colleagues to provide timely and accurate in-
care, early nutrition, immunizations, and elimination of formation to the media, often as they work with specific
environmental toxins may accomplish as much to promote science journalists. Indeed, journalists value the unsolicited
early brain development as public information campaigns contacts they receive from recognized experts as one way
focusing on the significance of talking and singing to young of updating their own knowledge of current trends on their
infants. It is very important for parents to schedule early coverage beat (Weiss & Singer, 1988). Developmental

12 January 2001 • American Psychologist

 scientists should also carefully examine the example of ize in communicating developmental science to the public.
professional journals in other fields that profile significant These include the Office of Child Development at the
research findings that have practical or policy implications University of Pittsburgh (http://www.pitt.edu/~ocdweb),
in editorials that are reliably (and rapidly) reported by the which provides review articles and other resources, and the
media or that solicit timely review articles on important public education and media unit at the Bush Center in Child
public concerns. These and other efforts to develop new Development and Social Policy at Yale University (spon-
avenues of continuing dialogue between journalism and sored by the Pittway Foundation; http://www.yale.edu/
research communities are important and worthwhile in bushcenter). These units are especially important because
light of the findings that government administrators, foun- they typically involve scientists and professional writers in
dation officials, and the public learn about science primar- collaborative work and thus offer a valuable resource for
ily through the media but that news stories are derived scientists who wish to contribute to accurate, timely media
primarily from the initiative of journalists, not from the reporting of critical research issues. They are also a valu-
public information efforts of researchers (Caplan, 1976; able resource for journalists who, under increasing finan-
Weiss & Singer, 1988). cial pressure, benefit from the legwork provided by these
There are additional ways of improving this dialogue professionals (Muenchow, 1996).
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

(McCall, 1987, 1988). Professional organizations like the Researchers are thus not alone in their effort to be-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

American Psychological Association (APA), the American come more constructively engaged in the dissemination of
Psychological Society (APS), and the American Associa- scientific findings to the public. But scientists themselves
tion for the Advancement of Science can convene symposia also have important responsibilities for the accurate, clear,
at professional conferences that are designed to convey a and timely dissemination of their research (Melton, 1987;
balanced account of current research conclusions in a con- Weiss & Singer, 1988), especially in light of the limited
cise, clear manner. These meetings are typically well at- capabilities of the public information offices of local uni-
tended by journalists and are significant sources of science versities (Dunwoody & Ryan, 1983). Social scientists must
news reporting (Dunwoody, 1997). Professional organiza- be willing to understand the needs and priorities of jour-
tions can also regularly prepare briefing papers for journal- nalists, learn how to speak clearly and cogently to those
ists that provide integrated, clear, news-ready statements of outside the academic community, and become committed
the status of current research on topics of public concern. to sharing their research knowledge as their contribution to
On a broader level, the APA Public Policy Office and new public understanding (Tavris, 1986). This effort requires
journals like Psychological Science in the Public Interest learning how to integrate new information with the prior
provide ongoing avenues for accurately disseminating be- knowledge and implicit beliefs of the public (e.g., "brain
havioral science to the public. Professional organizations development in early childhood is significant and so is
are especially well suited to these tasks because they have brain growth at later ages"), create appropriate outcome
the resources and the media contacts to quickly gather expectations (e.g., "parental talking, singing, and nurturant
needed information in response to rapidly breaking media care start young children down positive developmental
events or in response to "news pegs" (e.g., a school-yard pathways that are influenced by a lifetime of experiences"),
shooting) for which journalists are seeking timely, accu- emphasize responsible practical applications (e.g., "good
rate, and current scientific information (Weiss & Singer, prenatal care, attention to nutrition, and early childhood
1988; Zigler & Hall, 2000). vision and hearing screening are important contributions
Professional organizations such as APA and APS and that parents can make to early brain development"), and
the research scientists they represent can also collaborate clarify the scientific basis for recommendations to parents
productively with other organizations that contribute to and policymakers (e.g., "a secure attachment is associated
media coverage of issues concerning children and families. with psychosocial competence even if its effects on brain
Foundation staff have become skilled at identifying and growth are unclear"). These skills require learning how to
studying emerging public concerns and effectively dissem- speak and write for public as well as professional audi-
inating research conclusions (Muenchow, 1996). The Car- ences, which is not typically taught or encouraged by
negie Corporation, the Harris Foundation, and the Charles research-oriented graduate programs (Dunwoody & Ryan,
A. Dana Foundation were each significant contributors to 1985).
the "I Am Your Child" campaign, for example, and remain One of the additional challenges faced by research
committed to child and family concerns. The Annie E. scientists who communicate with the media derives from
Casey Foundation has also emerged as a significant na- another feature of their professional socialization. Al-
tional resource for coverage of children's concerns, having though scientists are conventionally characterized as equiv-
established the Casey Journalism Center for Children and ocal, qualifying, and uncertain in their conclusions, com-
Families at the College of Journalism at the University of petition in research funding and editorial review can also
Maryland, which sponsors an annual conference for jour- cause scientists to significantly overstate the importance of
nalists and publishes a quarterly magazine, The Children's their research or the significance of a single study. Indeed,
Beat, that is a resource for journalists concerned with the misrepresented findings and exaggerated applications
children and families (see http://www.casey.umd.edu). commonly criticized in media accounts of science some-
Other organizational resources include professional times result from scientists' overstatements of the signifi-
groups, typically associated with universities, that special- cance of their work, which may occur because it can

January 2001 • American Psychologist 13

 contribute to professional prominence and potential exter- regulation of synaptic overproduction. Proceedings of the National
nal funding (McCall, 1988; see also "Science, Technology, Academy of Sciences, 86, 4297-4301.
Bruer, J. T. (1999). The myth of the first three years of life. New York:
and the Press," 1980). Moreover, when public attention is Free Press.
focused on an important topic (e.g., the needs of young Caplan, N. (1976). Social research and national policy: What gets used, by
children), albeit for potentially misleading reasons (e.g., whom, for what purposes, and with what effects? International Social
critical periods of brain development), it is tempting for Science Journal, 28(1), 187-194.
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Starting points: Meeting the needs of young children. New York:
diminishing much-needed public interest in their field. This Carnegie Corporation of New York.
tendency can be true even for the science celebrities who Casey, B. J., Thomas, K. M., & McCandliss, B. (in press). Applications of
are often consulted by journalists. It is thus very important magnetic resonance imaging to the study of development. In C. A.
for researchers to be capable of distinguishing how to Nelson & M. Luciana (Eds.), Handbook of developmental cognitive
neuroscience. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
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Charen, M. (1999, September 22). Child's first three years not as critical.
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public understanding while correcting mistaken beliefs. J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Reporting science (pp. 67-81). Hillsdale, NJ:
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Erlbaum.
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Conclusion Dunwoody, S. (1997). Science writers at work. In D. Berkowitz (Ed.),

Social meanings of news (pp. 155-167). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Dunwoody (1999) recently proposed that scientists and Dunwoody, S. (1999). Scientists, journalists, and the meaning of uncer-
journalists are in the midst of developing a "shared culture" tainty. In S. M. Friedman, S. Dunwoody, & C. L. Rogers (Eds.),
Communicating uncertainty: Media coverage of new and controversial
in which the interests of each professional community are science (pp. 59-79). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
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For social scientists who have increasingly had to defend ators between scientists and journalists. Journalism Quarterly, 60,
public funding for research, media attention that is accurate 647-656.
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January 2001 • American Psychologist 15