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Alice Echols - Cultural Feminism
Alice Echols - Cultural Feminism
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Social Text
ALICE ECHOLS
PREFACE
This article offers a critique of the dominant strain in current radical feminism, cultural
feminism, whose ideology, I argue, mirrors dominant cultural assumptions about gender and
sexuality. This is a critique which has developed from within the women's movement and it
reflects the author's involvement in the lesbian-feminist community over the past eight
years. Within this movement in general there has been a stifling of debate over the last
decade. For instance, anti-pornography feminists try to discredit their feminist critics by
labeling them non-feminist or by suggesting that they represent but a "tiny offshoot" of the
movement. Cultural feminism's selective reevaluation of femininity has contributed to this
prohibition against dissent. Cultural feminists have not only characterized criticism as
"unsisterly" or a carryover from the "trashing style" of the male left, but as "male-
identified." It is hoped that this paper will contribute to the re-opening of debate around the
crucial areas of gender and sexuality.
For any oppressed group it is tempting to seek solace in the reclamation and rehabilita-
tion of that identity which the larger culture has systematically denigrated. This approach
becomes especially compelling when the possibilities for radical structural change seem
remote, and the only alternative seems to be the liberal solution of token representation an
assimilation into an oppressive and inegalitarian system. Unfortunately, as recent feminism
has become synonymous with the reclamation and establishment of a so-called female
principle, it has come to reflect and reproduce the dominant cultural assumptions abou
women.
This is particularly ironic since early radical feminists, rather than accep
tions about women, had sought the abolition of gender as a meaningful
ALICE ECHOLES is a Ph.D. candidate in History at the University of Michigan. She teach
Studies Program at Michigan and deejays in gay bars.
I want to thank the following individuals for reading and commenting on an earlier draft of
Contratto, Constance Samaras, Kathleen Stewart, Ellen Willis, Marilyn Young, and Patricia
efforts by Sandra Silberstein, Ann Snitow, and Sharon Thompson have improved this paper
version of this paper is forthcoming in Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, ed. An
Thompson and Christine Stansell.
1. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Personal Is Not Political Enough," Marxist Perspective
p. 94.
34
2. Bonnie Kreps, "Radical Feminism I" in Radical Feminism, ed. Anne Koedt, Ellen Levine, and Anita
Rapone (New York: The New York Times Book Co., 1973), p. 239.
3. Adrienne Rich, Mary Daly, and Susan Griffin are the best known proponents of these views: However, the
notion that women's more extensive experience with nurturance makes them natural pacifists is fairly widespread
among feminists.
4. Julia Penelope, "And Now For the Hard Questions," Sinister Wisdom (Fall 1980), p. 103.
5. Janice Raymond, The Transsexual Empire (Boston: Beacon Press, 1979), p. 114.
6. Ibid.
7. Solanas achieved some fame when she shot Andy Warhol in 1968.
8. The reconstituted Redstockings, a N.Y. radical feminist group, termed this theoretical tendency cultural
feminism in their 1975 publication Feminist Revolution. Although their critique did identify some of the problems
with cultural feminism, it was seriously marred by its paranoia and homophobia. More recently, Ellen Willis has
critiqued cultural feminism especially as it informs the anti-pornography movement and eco-feminism. See her
fine collection of essays, Beginning To See The Light (New York: Knopf, 1981) and her Village Voice articles.
9. Major cultural feminist texts include: Adrienne Rich, Of Woman Born (New York: Norton, 1976); Mary
Daly, Gyn-Ecology (Boston: Beacon Press, 1978); Janice Raymond, The Transsexual Empire; Kathleen Barry,
Female Sexual Slavery (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1979). The now defunct L.A.-based magazine Chrysalis
also served as a major outlet for cultural feminist work since its founding by Susan Rennie and Kirsten Grimstad in
1977. The best single radical feminist anthology is Koedt, Levine, and Rapone, op. cit. Additionally, see
Shulamith Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex (New York: Morrow, 1970).
This paper
basic charac
70s phenom
sade. While
possible to
(FEN) and
studies allow
How does cultural feminism both derive and depart from radical feminism? Compare
today's cultural feminists, radical feminists of the late 60s and early 70s seem like r
materialists. Some radical feminists, especially the Redstockings, stressed the material b
of partiarchy."I For instance, the Redstockings suggested that a woman's decision to ma
should be interpreted as a rational strategy rather than confirmation of false conscious
At the same time, most radical feminists understood sexism as a primarily psycholo
dynamic that was manifested in material conditions. Cultural feminism exaggerates
tendency and subordinates material reality to a supporting role. Andrea Dworkin,
instance, argues that "freedom for women must begin in the repudiation of our mas
ism." 2 Thus the goal of feminism becomes the development of an alternative consc
ness, or what Mary Daly terms "the spring into free space."'3 Unlike most radical femin
cultural feminists assume that individual liberation can be achieved within a patriar
context. This analysis has the disadvantage of denying agency to those "unliberated"
"male-identified" by cultural feminist standards. It can also encourage a dangerously e
attitude among those who consider themselves "woman-identified." For instance,
suggests that heterosexual women are pre-conscious lesbians who should simply "choo
be agents of be-ing":
It is obvious to Hags that few gynecologists recommend to their heterosexual patients the
foolproof of solutions, namely Misterectomy. It is women who choose to be agents of be-ing w
have pointed out that tried and true, and therefore, taboo, "method." The Spinsters who pr
this way by our be-ing, liv-ing, speak-ing can do so with power precisely because we are
preoccupied with ways to get off the hook of the heterosexually defined contraceptive dilemm
10. There are two major feminist anti-pornography organizations. Women Against Violence in Pornog
and Media (WAVPM), a Bay Area group, was formed in 1976 and Women Against Pornography (WAP), a
York group, was established in 1979. Since the two groups take essentially the same position on pornogr
will refer onvly to WAP in this paper when discussing the organized anti-pornography movement.
11. Here I am referring to the original Redstockings.
12. Andrea Dworkin, Our Blood (New York: Harper and Row, 1976), p. 111.
13. Daly, Gyn-Ecology, p. 12.
14. Ibid., p. 239.
15. Robin Morgan, Going Too Far (New York: Random House, 1978), p. 93.
potentiality, the male is internally barren. ... ."' Daly has even suggested that men are
"mutants," who may, like other mutations, "manage to kill themselves off eventually."''
While radical feminists viewed female biology as a liability and thus in some cases
mirrored the culture's devaluation of the female body, cultural feminists have over-reacted
to this earlier position by arguing that female biology is in fact a powerful resource.20
Although Jane Alpert's 1973 article, "Mother-Right," is the earliest articulation of this
position, Adrienne Rich is its most eloquent exponent:
I have come to believe, as will be clear throughout this book, that female biology ... has far more
radical implications than we have yet come to appreciate Patriarchal thought has limited female
biology to its own narrow specifications. The feminist vision has recoiled from female biology for
these reasons; it will, I believe, come to view our physicality as a resource, rather than a destiny. In
order to live a fully human life we require not only control of our bodies . .. we must touch the
unity and resonance of our physicality, our bond with the natural order, the corporeal ground of
our intelligence.'"21
Unlike radical feminists who argued that the identification of women with nature was an
oppressive patriarchal construct, these cultural feminists, especially eco-feminists and paci-
fist feminist
natural orde
and ecologica
conditioned f
which they
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This rather skewed idea of androgyny seems characteristic of those radical feminists who
found "femininity" even less attractive than "masculinity." By contrast cultural feminists
explicitly reject androgyny as a "masculinist" concept and propose the reclamation of a
female principle. Sally Gearhart suggests that: ". . . in the spirituality arena of the women's
movement there is the world's most radical political potential, for in its redemption of female
feminist movement." This prompted 00B reporter, Madeleine Janover to ask with great prescience, "What does
this mean for radical feminism?" See OOB (December, 1974) p. 5.
28. Rich, Of Woman Born; Pauline Bart, review of The Reproduction of Mothering, in OOB (January 1981,
p. 19.
29. Daly, Gvn-Ecology, p. 39.
30. For the cultural feminist view see Florence Rush, The Best Kept Secret (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall,
1980). For an honest, trenchant feminist analysis, see Judith Herman and Lisa Hirschman, "'Father-Daughter
Incest," in Signs (Summer 1978).
31. Raymond, The Transsexual Empire, pp. 109-110.
32. Joreen, "'The Bitch Manifesto," in Koedt, Levine, and Rapone, p. 52.
values and
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dismissed
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lesbianism
many lesb
grounds.
Lesbian recognition was achieved by locating the discussion within the already estab-
lished framework of separatism.36 Lesbian separatists, like the Washington D.C. Furies
collective, argued that heterosexual women were impeding the movement's progress. Rita
Mae Brown opined: "Straight women are confused by men, don't put women first. They
betray lesbians and in its deepest form, they betray their own selves. You can't build a strong
movement if your sisters are out there fucking with the oppressor."37 By defining lesbianism
as a political choice, implying the immutability of gender differences, and promoting a
sentimental view of female sexuality, lesbian-feminists deprived heterosexual feminists of
one of their favorite charges against lesbianism-that it was male-identified.38 However,
33. Sally Gearhart, "The Spiritual Dimension: Death and Resurrection of a Hallelujah Dyke," in Our Right to
Love, ed. Ginny Vida (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1978), p. 192. See also Daly, Gyn-Ecology, p. xi, 387;
Rich, Of Woman Born, pp. 76-77; Raymond, The Transsexual Empire, pp. 154-164. Raymond argues, "andro-
gyny becomes a synonym for an easily accessible human liberation that turns out to be sexual liberation" (p. 162).
34. Ann Snitow, "The Front-Line: Notes on Sex in Novels by Women, 1969-1979," in Women: Sex and
Sexuality, ed. Catharine Stimpson and Ethel Person (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1980). p. 174.
35. T. Grace Atkinson, "Lesbianism and Feminism" from Amazon Odyssey (New York: Links Books, 1974),
p. 86.
36. The conviction that feminism is conditional upon separation from men predated lesbian separatism. For
instance, the radical feminist group, The Feminists, established a quota system to limit the number of members
involved in relationships with men.
37. Rita Mae Brown, "The Shape of Things to Come," from Plain Browni Rapper (Baltimore: Diana Press,
1976), p. 114.
38. See Brown, ibid.; Bunch and Myron, eds. Lesbianism and the Women's Movement; Martha Shelley,
"Notes of a Radical Lesbian," in Sisterhood is Powerful, ed. Robin Morgan (New York: Random House, 1970),
p. 309.
FEN was the brainchild of the Oakland Feminist Women's Health Center (OFWHC)
the Detroit Feminist Federal Credit Union (DFFCU)-two organizations whose leader
favored hierarchy, centralized decision-making, and capitalist methods.41 Although
39. Susan Chute, "Backroom with the Feminist Heroes: Conference for Women Against Pornogr
Sinister Wisdom (Fall 1980), p. 2.
40. Quoted in Belita Cowan and Cheryl Peck. "The Controversy at FEN," Her-Self (May 1976).
41. My account of FEN has been culled from the following sources: Cowan and Peck, op. cit.; Jackie S
in Big Mama Rag (BMR), v. 4, no. 1; Martha Shelley, "What Is FEN?", circulated by author in fem
communities; Janis Kelly, et al. in Off Our Backs (OOB) (March 1976); Kathy Barry et al. in OOB (January
feminists h
were "set u
both group
tions and h
workers and
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FEN grew o
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42. Florence
favorable view
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43. In late 197
permission to
the expansion
44. Shelley, i
45. See St. Joan in BMR, v. 4., no. 1.
46. FEN by-laws were reprinted in Cowan and Peck and St. Joan.
47. When the women of OFWHC, DFFCU, and Diana Press realized that their bylaws would be defeated unless
drastically rewritten, they simply walked out of the conference. Two-thirds of the conference participants joined
the Feminist Economic Association (FEA) whose vision was much less grandiose. See St. Joan in BMR.
48. Eight individual women applied for $31,250 each in loans from the DFFCU to circumvent the NCUA's
regulation prohibiting federal credit unions from granting loans to businesses. The eight women then bought the
City Club and assigned their interest in the Club to the FEN corporation. In return they received a promissory note
from FEN.
49. Barry, et al., in 00B (January 1977).
Big is bad. Feminists don't want anything to do with it because women will strangle in frozen
hierarchies .... Perhaps what we don't acknowledge is that big means successful in America.
Many feminists may die before they admit it but they are terrified of success. Failure, in
patriarchal terms, defines women. Success means you're a ballbuster, acting like a man. .. . -
The Furies believed that feminist businesses offered a solution to women's economic
dependence upon men and could dissolve the material barriers to woman-identified con-
sciousness. They argued that feminist businesses were the "wave of the future" which
would both empower the movement and allow feminists to become "full-time revolutionar-
ies."5' It should be noted that Furies' members helped establish Diana Press, Olivia
Records, Quest/a feminist quarterly, and Women in Distribution.
While the Furies had suggested that feminist businesses adhere to the feminist ideals of
collectivity and accountability, the women of FEN openly repudiated these principles. For
instance, Barbara Hoke of the OFWHC and FEN suggested that accountability would be best
understood as a sexist concept rather than a feminist principle: "But think about the sexism
of these kinds of questions that we're being asked. Again, when men set up a business
nobody comes in and asks them, "Where did you get your money?" Why does some woman
who comes to the building demand to know?''52
Of course, it wasn't only FEN's abandonment of collectivity and accountability that
many feminists found distressing. Most critics of FEN questioned its premise that capitalism
is a relatively benign system which could be enlisted in the struggle to defeat patriarchy.
And, as Joanne Parrent's comments indicate, the leadership of FEN justified their actions by
whitewashing capitalism: "I know that people have been saying that they feel that I
shouldn't be on the board of directors [of FEN] and the credit union. I think that's our petty,
small narrow minds as women .... If you look at the male corporate world, you'll see many
men who are on the Board of directors of many corporations and the reason for this is so that
those corporations can work together, so that there's liasons between those corporations. "53
The problem for Parrent was not capitalism, but rather the debilitating influence of female
socialization which encouraged women to think small and remain powerless. The cultural
feminists of FEN attempted to disarm their critics by suggesting that they were intimidated
by the bold and visionary nature of the venture. They maintained the feminist commitment to
50. Rita Mae Brown, "The Lady's Not For Burning," from Plain Brown Rapper, p. 209.
51. Jennifer Woodul, "What's This About Feminist Businesses'?", 00B (June 1976).
52. Quoted in Cowan and Peck, op. cit.
53. Quoted in Cowan and Peck, op. cit.
the princip
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women, the
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immense ch
created.'"6
politics" and
feminism w
FEN leaders attributed their failure to the infiltration of leftist ideas into the women's
movement and its presses.57
How could FEN advocate retaining capitalism while dispensing with democracy? The
cultural feminists of FEN negotiated this rather awesome contradiction by invoking the
power of sisterhood. They maintained that all women share a commonality of interests
which ensure, as Laura Brown stated, that "each time an individual woman gets power, we
all have more power.'"" And Debra Law of the OFWHC and FEN argued that sisterhood is
the foundation of feminism: "I see no arbitrary separation between myself working in a
feminist institution and the community, because I see no separation between my best
interests and any other woman's best interest . ... One of the basic principles of feminism
is that there is a basic commonality between women. It's an extremely important assump-
tion . . . and the only one I can work on."'9 Faith in sisterhood allowed these cultural
feminists to maintain that women could disregard democratic practice and embrace capitalist
methods without exploiting one another.
FEN and WAP represent cultural feminism at different stages in its development. In
54. Barry, et al. in 00B (January 1977). According to Martha Shelley's "What Is FEN?" Nancy Stockwell of
the Bay Area feminist newspaper, Plexus, discovered that although Barry has assumed sole authorship of this
article, it had been a collaborative effort involving Hoke, Parrent, and Brown as well. When Stockwell questioned
Barry about this she maintained that an article favorable to FEN had to "come from a community source" rather
than from within FEN. Plexus refused to publish the piece.
55. Quoted in Cowan and Peck, op. cit.
56. Quoted in Shelley, op. cit., p. 19.
57. Barry et al. remark that "the influence of the Left on women who have been trashing FEN was apparent in
two ... issues of Big Mama Rag," op. cit.
58. Quoted in Cowan and Peck, op. cit.
59. Quoted in St. Joan, op. cit.
Take Back the Night, a recent cultural feminist anthology on pornography, opens with
this excerpt of an 1853 letter from Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Susan B. Anthony:
Man in his lust has regulated long enough this whole question of sexual intercourse. Now let the
mother of mankind, whose prerogative it is to set the bounds to his indulgence, rouse up and give
this whole matter a thorough, fearless investigation.""
One fears this citation is more appropriate than its anthologizer intended. For despite the fact
that the circumstances confronting today's feminists differ significantly from those faced by
19th century women, the current cultural feminist view of sexuality bears a striking similar-
ity to that articulated by activists a century earlier. For the most part, 19th century feminists,
many of whom were active in the temperance movement, held conservative views on
marriage, the family, and sexuality. They viewed men as dangerously over-sexed violators
of the moral code and women as the chaste regulators of morality.6'
Although radical feminists of the second wave sometimes spoke of sexuality as incom-
patible with feminism, they were far more likely to identify women's subjugation with the
repression of female sexuality."2 They understood that women's sexual inhibition was
related to the lack of accessible and effective contraception which rendered women sexually
vulnerable. They believed that women's attachment to traditional morality stemmed less
from the immutability of female sexuality than from women's socialization and their
economic dependence upon men. This consciousness was reflected in the radical feminist
struggle for abortion and safe, effective contraception. Radical feminists understood, as
does the New Right, that the fight for reproductive rights is the struggle for women's sexual
freedom and self-determination. Of course, radical feminists were by no means uncritical of
the sexual revolution. They acknowledged that the sexual revolution had been more success-
ful in promoting sexual objectification than in validating women's right to sexual pleasure.
However, they remained committed to reconciling sexual liberation with women's liber-
ation. As we shall see, cultural feminists, by contrast, argue that sexual freedom and
feminism are unalterably opposed.
The cultural feminist perspective on sexuality has emerged and crystallized only recently
60. Laura Lederer, Take Back the Night (New York: William Morrow, 1980), p. 21.
61. The temperance movement was by far the more popular of these movements claiming a membership of
245,000 by 1911. Temperance women defined sexuality as a male pursuit and advocated virginity until marriage
and infrequent sexual contact thereafter for both men and women. Women's Christian Temperance Union
president, Frances Willard, was fond of referring to such a lifestyle as "the white life for two." (Barbara Epstein,
paper presented at Organization of American Historians, Spring 1981).
62. For the minority view see Dana Densmore, "On Celibacy," in Voices from Women's Liberation, ed. Leslie
Tanner (New York: New American Library, 1970). For the majority views see Anne Koedt, "The Myth of the
Vaginal Orgasm," in Koedt, et al., op. cit.
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63. Quoted i
64. This slog
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65. Judith B
66. See Rich's
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67. Penelope
68. Diana Russell, "Pornography and Violence: What Does the New Research Say?" in Lederer, p. 231. In
Homosexuali,t in Perspective, Masters and Johnson report that in their sample heterosexual men's second most
frequent fantasy was forced sex. And these men fantasized being forced slightly more frequently than they did
forcing another.
69. Morgan, in Going Too Far, p. 181.
70. Dworkin, "Why So-Called Radical Men Love and Need Pornography," in Lederer, p. 152.
71. Rich, "Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence," p. 73. Rich praises Catharine MacKinnon,
author of Sexual Harassment of Working Women for criticizing Brownmiller's "unexamined premise that 'rape is
violence, intercourse is sexuality.'"
72. Rich, ibid., p. 81.
73. Ethel Person, "Sexuality as the Mainstay of Identity: Psychoanalytic Perspectives," in Stimpson and
Person, p. 50; p. 57.
74. See Larry Bush and Richard Goldstein, "The Anti-Gray Backlash," Village Voice (April 8-14, 1981);
Deidre English, "The War Against Choice," Mother Jones (February/March 1981).
75. Snitow, ibid., in Stimpson and Person, p. 165.
76. Rich, "Compulsory Heterosexuality," in Stimpson and Person, p. 79.
77. Ibid., p. 85.
78. Ibid., p. 79, p. 82.
79. Raymond, ibid., p. 31.
80. Ibid., p. 104.
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Respect and Repression. Because the sexual revolution is seen as enslaving women by
promoting the male sexual values of promiscuity and rapacity, cultural feminists propose the
establishment of a female standard of sexuality. Their alternative to the sexual revolution lies
in the resurrection of so-called female principles. Thus Barry suggests: "In going into new
sexual values we are really going back to the values women have always attached to
sexuality, values that have been robbed from us, distorted as we have been colonized
through both sexual violence and so-called sexual liberation."''9 Cultural feminists advo-
cate a "return" to maternal values through the establishment of maternal authority. Thus
Morgan reflects: "Today, I can affirm my mother and identify with her beyond all my
intricate ambivalence. I can confront ersatz "sexual liberation" and its pornographic mani-
festos for what they are--degrading sexist propaganda." Io
The cultural feminist solution to male lasciviousness is the re-establishment of old-
fashioned respect which the sexual revolution has destroyed. This analysis confuses respect
for equality and fails to recognize that respect is merely the flip side of violation. More
importantly, this view suggests that sexual repression is a satisfactory solution to the real
problem of violence against women. Diana Russell has admitted that censorship will not
prevent the emergence of a blackmarket in pornography. However, she reasons that it is
better "to have it underground than to see it flourish as an accepted part of our culture." II
Why does the leadership of the anti-pornography movement, while recognizing it cannot
eliminate pornography, continue to define it as the feminist issue? On one level the anti-
pornography movement represents a highly pragmatic attempt to unify a movement which
has been seriously divided by the issues of class, race, and sexual preference. The cultural
feminists of WAP appeal to women's sense of sexual vulnerability and the resilience of
gender stereotypes in their struggle to organize all women into a grand and virtuous
sisterhood to combat male lasciviousness. Thus, when Bat-Ada argues that to fight pornog-
raphy "a coalition of all women needs to be established, regardless of race, color, creed,
religion, or political persuasion" [emphasis mine], she abandons feminism for female moral
outrage.112 On a less obvious level, this movement's belief in men's utter depravity suggests
that it is concerned with something more than the reformation of male sexuality. To a great
108. See Willis, Beginning To See The Light for a good analysis of the relationship between feminism and
individualism.
109. Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, p. 227.
110. Morgan, Going Too Far, p. 16.
111. Russell and Lederer, "Questions We Get Asked Most Often," in Lederer, p. 29.
112. Bat-Ada, op. cit. in Lederer, p. 132.
113. See Deidre English, op. cit., for a insightful analysis of the anti-abortion movement.
114. Tom Hayden, "The Future Politics of Liberalism," in The Nation (February 21, 1981), p. 209.
115. Michael Lerner, "Recapturing the Family Issue," in The Nation (February 2, 1982). For a pithy resp
to Lerner, see Barbara Ehrenreich, "Family Feud on the Left," The Nation (March 13, 1982).