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Brianna Buentello v. Lauren Boebert Order
Brianna Buentello v. Lauren Boebert Order
Brianna Buentello v. Lauren Boebert Order
BRIANNA BUENTELLO,
Plaintiff,
v.
Defendant.
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BACKGROUND
The material facts here are not in dispute.1 Lauren Boebert, then a
restauranteur in Rifle, Colorado, created a Twitter account with the
handle @laurenboebert on December 8, 2019. The same day, she an-
nounced her candidacy for U.S. representative for Colorado’s Third Con-
gressional District. (Doc. 27-1 at ¶ 2.) Her campaign was successful, and
she was declared the winner of the election on November 4, 2020. (Id. at
¶¶ 2, 8.) Before she assumed office in January 2021, the Committee on
House Administration created a separate, official Twitter account for
Ms. Boebert with the handle @RepBoebert. (Id. at ¶¶ 9–10.) She also
continued to use her @laurenboebert account. Representative Boebert
does not use government staff to operate the @laurenboebert account.
(Doc. 27-1 at ¶¶ 1, 3, 18.)
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Representative Boebert did not block Ms. Buentello from the official
@RepBoebert House account, and Ms. Buentello can fully view the
@RepBoebert feed and participate in discussions created by that ac-
count’s tweets. Since taking office, Representative Boebert has used her
@laurenboebert account to discuss political issues, her legislative
agenda, and bills she has introduced. (See Doc. 29 at pp. 2–4 (collecting
tweets).)
LEGAL STANDARD
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under the injunction; and (4) that the injunction is not “adverse to the
public interest.” Mrs. Fields, 941 F.3d at 1232; accord Winter v. Nat. Res.
Def. Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20 (2008). Injunctions that would change
the status quo are disfavored and require the movant to meet an espe-
cially heightened burden. Mrs. Fields, 941 F.3d at 1232.
ANALYSIS
A. Cause of Action
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Living Ctr. of S. Cal., Inc., 565 U.S. 606, 619 (2012) (Roberts, C.J., dis-
senting) (noting that it is unsettled “whether and when constitutional
provisions as a general matter are directly enforceable”). Ms. Buentello’s
assumption that the Court may enjoin Representative Boebert merely
by leaning on its general equitable powers runs counter to the axiom
that “equity follows the law.” Id. Article III “does not extend the judicial
power to every violation of the constitution which may possibly take
place.” Cohens v. Virginia, 19 U.S. 264, 405 (1821). The law must instead
provide a judicially cognizable right to relief for the violation. See Collins
v. Yellen, No. 19-422, slip op. at 3 n.1 (U.S. June 23, 2021) (Thomas, J.,
concurring). That Congress provides aggrieved plaintiffs explicit causes
of action to assert constitutional claims in other contexts,2 but not in this
context, suggests there is none.
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B. State Action
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Neither the Supreme Court nor the Tenth Circuit has yet analyzed
state action in the context of social-media blocking. Lacking controlling
precedent, Ms. Buentello cites out-of-circuit authority. One decision she
relies on involved the chair of a county board who blocked and banned a
constituent from participating on the “county Facebook page.” Davison
v. Randall, 912 F.3d 666, 673 (4th Cir. 2019), as amended (Jan. 9, 2019).
There, the Fourth Circuit agreed with the district court’s finding that
the chairwoman was “acting under color of state law” pursuant to 42
U.S.C. § 1983. Id. at 679–81. The circuit and district court looked to
things such as the title of the social-media page, the page’s categoriza-
tion on Facebook, the contact information listed on the page, and the
content of the page’s posts to determine whether a ban or block consti-
tuted state action. Id. at 678–81.
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The Court nevertheless has doubts about whether the text of the
Constitution supports a process of adding up the content of an official’s
social-media posts to determine whether some critical mass of state ac-
tion has been reached that would make the entire operation of the ac-
count state action. These factors might tell us if an official is using an
account for official business, but that seems far afield from answering
the question of whether a member of Congress’s blocking a Twitter fol-
lower meets the requirements for state action the Supreme Court laid
out in West. That an account might be used for official purposes in one
instance does not necessarily turn everything the account holder does
into state action (just as, for example, a public official’s use of a particu-
lar phone to take various official actions would not be determinative of
whether every action taken on that phone amounted to state action).
Perhaps with an official account of the type the House created for Rep-
resentative Boebert, blocking a user might be considered “the exercise
of some right or privilege created by the State.” 487 U.S. at 49. But the
same does not necessarily follow for an account created by an individual,
which is what is at issue here. Nor can it be argued that in general “the
State is responsible” for the actions of members of Congress. Id. (finding
that State was responsible for doctor employed as contractor for state
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5 See Texas v. Rettig, 993 F.3d 408, 417 (5th Cir. 2021) (Ho, J., dissent-
ing from denial of rehearing en banc) (“As judges, we have sworn an oath
to uphold the Constitution. So if we are forced to choose between uphold-
ing the Constitution and extending precedent in direct conflict with the
Constitution, the choice should be clear: Our duty is to apply the Con-
stitution—not extend precedent.” (brackets and internal quotation
marks omitted)); see also Edmo v. Corizon, Inc., 949 F.3d 489, 506 (9th
Cir. 2020) (Bumatay, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc)
(arguing that lower courts have a “duty to interpret the Constitution in
light of its text, structure, and original understanding” in absence of
binding precedent).
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U.S. 149 (1978) (noting that “under color of state law” and state-action
analyses are “two separate areas of inquiry”). Several of the other legis-
lator decisions that Ms. Buentello cites are distinguishable based on
their procedural and factual posture. For instance, in Windom v. Harsh-
barger, 396 F. Supp. 3d 675, 685 (N.D. W. Va. 2019), the court weighed
the Davison factors and concluded that those factors weighed against a
finding of state action, but nevertheless found it “premature” to dismiss
on a Rule 12(b)(6) motion. In Felts v. Reed, No. 4:20-CV-00821 JAR, 2020
WL 7041809, at *6 (E.D. Mo. Dec. 1, 2020), the court found only that the
plaintiff stated a plausible claim that an alderman’s social-media block-
ing constituted state action.
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Nor does Ms. Buentello’s claim appear to implicate any Tenth Circuit
caselaw developed to address when a litigant seeks to hold a private
person accountable as a state actor. The Tenth Circuit has developed
four tests for that situation: the “nexus test,” the “public function test,”
the “joint action test,” and the “symbiotic relationship test.” Wittner v.
Banner Health, 720 F.3d 770, 775 (10th Cir. 2013). The “nexus test” asks
whether the state has exercised coercive power over a private actor’s
decision or action. Id. at 775–76. The “public function” test asks
“whether the challenged action is a traditional and exclusive function of
the state” and “is difficult to satisfy.” Id. at 776–77. The “joint action
test” asks whether a private actor acted in concert with state officials to
deprive the plaintiff of constitutional rights. Id. at 777. And the
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The facts of this case do not fit neatly into any of these four tests. For
instance, the state has not exercised “coercive power” over Representa-
tive Boebert (nexus test); blocking someone on Twitter is not a tradi-
tional and exclusive function of the state (public-function test); and Rep-
resentative Boebert did not act in concert with state officials (joint-ac-
tion test). Perhaps the “entwinement” test is a better fit, but that doc-
trine appears to have been developed to address action by private enti-
ties engaged in business relationships with the state, such as contrac-
tors for correctional facilities. See id. at 777–80 (collecting cases under
this test applied to entities with government contracts or that accept
state funding).
Under the unrebutted facts before the Court, Ms. Buentello cannot
demonstrate that Representative Boebert’s use of the @laurenboebert
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publish whatever he will on any subject, being responsible for all abuse
of that liberty.”8 Id.
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Since Ms. Buentello has not shown she is likely to succeed on the
merits of either of her claims, the Court need not address the other pre-
liminary-injunction factors. Her request for a preliminary injunction is
denied.
CONCLUSION
Since she is not likely to succeed on the merits of either of her claims,
Ms. Buentello’s Motion for a Preliminary Injunction (Doc. 2) is DENIED.
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