Buku Orang Rimba AP in English - Revisi
Buku Orang Rimba AP in English - Revisi
Buku Orang Rimba AP in English - Revisi
Adi Prasetijo
i
The True Custodian of The Forest:
Adi Prasetijo
Cover design:
Layout: Nuridin
Published by
ICSD
(Indonesia Center for Sustainable Development)
Jln. Mampang Prapatan VIII,
Kompleks Bappenas No. 53,
Jakarta Selatan 12790
Phone. 62 21 7989548, 70627506, Fax. 62 21 7989548
E-mail. [email protected], [email protected]
Website. www.icsd.or.id
and
KKI WARSI
(Komunitas Konservasi Indonesia WARSI)
Jl. Inu Kertapati No. 12,
Kel. Pematang Sulur, Kec. Telanaipura
Jambi 36124 PO BOX 117 Jbi
Phone. 0741 66695, 66678 Fax. 0741 670509
Website. www.warsi.or.id
ISBN 978-602-71441-1-8
ii
CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION ~1
CHAPTER 2
STRUCTURE LOCALITY OF THE ORANG RIMBA AS AN
ETHNIC MINORITY IN JAMBI ~ 39
CHAPTER 3
NOTIONS OF RIGHTS BY THE ORANG RIMBA ~ 65
CHAPTER 4
RESPONSES IN ENCOUNTERING HEGEMONY ~ 113
CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATEMENT OF THE RIGHTS OF THE
ORANG RIMBA ~ 143
CHAPTER 6
THE SOCIAL PLATFORM UNDERLYING
SOCIAL MOVEMENT ~ 163
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION ~ 199
REFERENCES ~ 205
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
LIST OF TABLES
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I
would like to express my gratitude to Almighty God for the
opportunity to get a better education. With His blessing I can also
finish writing this book in a timely manner. I would like to thank
my supervisor, Assoc. Prof. Dato' Dr. Mohd. Razha Abd. Rashid. He has
guided me well, with good guidance and clear direction. I will miss the
discussions with him about anthropology, Marxist theory, Gramsci and
ethnology. I learned a lot from him. I would also like to thank my second
supervisor, Dr. Fatan Hamamah Yahaya. She has supported me a lot
during my time in USM. My gratitude is also due to Puan Soijah Likin
for introducing me to USM and the amazing people in Penang. And also
to my friend of Orang Rimba and WARSI in Jambi for all the support,
and my office, ICSD (Indonesia Center for Sustainable Development).
Thanks also to the School of Distance Education Faculty staff and
universities, as well as the IPS, many of whom supported me during my
stay in Penang. And last all my gratitude to my dear wife “Nina Ulfah N.
Gaffar”, who accompanied me in joy and sorrow. I am aware this book is
the beginning of my journey to become better. Thank you
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
vi
Introduction
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
T
he Orang Rimba who settled live in the lowland rainforest of
Southern Sumatra, mostly living in the Jambi Province of
Indonesia, and are the minority ethnics1 left in Asia which
subsist as hunter-gatherers. The Orang Rimba have suffered much
marginalization by the rulers and marginalization of ethnic minorities
has impacted in the declining quality of their lives. Reflecting on the
ethnic group cases in Southeast Asia, Sponsel (2000) emphasized that
the extinction of ethnic minority groups was caused by marginalization.
He acknowledged that the disregarding of the rights of ethnic minorities
by the state and community groups and the destruction of the ecological
environment of their habitats will drive them into extinction. He believed
that the destruction of the ecological environment was the main threat
1. Louis Wirth (1945, p. 347) defines minority group as group of people distinguished by physical or
cultural characteristics subject to different and unequal treatment by the society in which they live
and who regard themselves as victims of collective discrimination.
1
The True Custodian of The Forest:
that the ethnic minority groups have to face to survive. The destruction
and change of land usage is due to a variety of reasons: for transmigration
area, oil palm plantations, conservation purposes, for a national park
logging area, privately owned plantations, etc.
Historically the forest of Jambi, and the people within it has always
been part of wider cosmology, cultural and political. The rain forest of
Jambi, like other rain forest in the region is undergoing transformation
from it being part of ‘common property’ to become ‘source’ of variety of
commodities, raging from animal to timer and pharmaceuticals.
Hence, the forest or ‘rimba’ or ‘hutan’, from the central elements
that modulate the social, cultural, and political life of Orang Rimba. It is
the sources of their sustainance as it defines the parameters of their social
and cultural world. In short, their ethnicity and their history. However,
the forest in by means an independent entity.
The situation worsens for ethnic minorities who do not receive
adequate support from the state. They are losing their cultural ethnic
identity because the cultural identity of ethnic minority groups in
Indonesia, as well as in Southeast Asia, is attached to the geographical
landscape and the ecosystem. If the ecosystem of the ethnic minority
habitat is disturbed, it will affect the lives of those groups. As a subordinate
group, the Orang Rimba suffered injustice by being classed in the low
social structure of society. They are often confined by repression imposed
by the state and corporations alike.
The problems of ethnic minorities mostly have to do with issues
of sustainability, often rendered in academic and discussion along theme
of demographic issues, cultural continuity and the structural locality
of the group within the modern political structure. A significant part
of Orang Rimba history can be described as indigenism, expressed
in the notion of ‘right’ to basic needs, to equitable. Treatment in the
bureaucratic administrative framework of the modern state, right to voice
their grievance and appreatiation and right to be recognised as cultural
heritage asset within the cultural plurality of modern Indonesia.
As in all cases within modern notion suppressed minorities, the
fundamental issue has always been the problem of recognition of their
2
Introduction
3
The True Custodian of The Forest:
4
Introduction
of modern society, which has a historical heritage since the era of the
Malay Jambi Sultanate and the Dutch East Indies colonial era. This
long process is what made the Orang Rimba helpless in confronting the
injustice they are experiencing.
They are in a transition position because they do not have the
power to elevate their role within the society of Jambi. Therefore, they
do not have strong social status within the social structure of the Jambi
People. As an ethnographic research, this study is necessary for it will
provide an analysis of the social changes experienced by the Orang
Rimba as an ethnic minority to locate their position in the modern
political structure at the local level and Indonesian context.
The relationship between the Orang Rimba and the people of
Jambi and the state can be viewed through an asymmetric or uneven
social relationship because the Orang Rimba are always at the bottom
position. A social relation is understood as a social relation based on
the economic position and social status. The relationship between those
social classes is actually a relationship between the ruling class and the
sub-ordinate class. The sub-ordinate class is always in a position under
the domination of the ruling class. They are always being marginalized
and their resources and labour exploited by the ruling class for the benefit
of the ruling class.
This condition strains and alienates the sub-ordinate class and
they are considered to be unaware of this condition. Instead, they have
undergone a hegemony process in which the ruling class entrenched a
superficial consciousness about their condition so that they would not
demand their rights. This requires someone to raise their consciousness
and help them to create a resistance. The collective action of the Orang
Rimba as indigenous people can be viewed within the social movement
perspective to create alternative hegemony as a social platform of the
hegemony itself.
The focus of this study is to observe the form of action in the
social movement of the Orang Rimba. This involves the spirit of self-
determination of the Orang Rimba and the ways the Orang Rimba
expresses themselves. This is done to gain a position or status within
5
The True Custodian of The Forest:
the political structure of the Jambi society. This includes their actions to
strengthen their cultural identity, their effort to survive economically and
the role of outsiders in supporting the action of the Orang Rimba against
the state. This action needs external assistance to raise consciousness
about the marginalization process that is happening to them, which
Gramsci termed as organic intellectual. This debate relates to the role of
NGOs as an external party in helping to raise consciousness and support
of the Orang Rimba to alternative hegemony.
This book was based on my doctoral research was conducted in
the Province of Jambi, Indonesia, where the Orang Rimba lives. Most of
the Orang Rimba live in the province of Jambi, Riau and South Sumatra.
Jambi is considered to be the place with the largest Orang Rimba
population in Sumatra. The Orang Rimba living in Jambi are scattered in
three different ecological regions; (1) lowland forest areas surrounding
the Bukit 12 National Park, (2) the south region of the province of Jambi,
which is located in the area surrounding the highway that cuts through
the Jambi Province of South Sumatra Province to the West Sumatra
Province - Jambi Province border region & South Sumatra, and (3) the
northern region around Bukit 30 National Park - the border area between
the provinces of Jambi and Riau. Each group of the Orang Rimba living
in the area has a different ecological character and lifestyle, which highly
depends on the characteristics of the region where they are located.
Bukit 12 National Park is a geographic centre with the largest
concentration of the Orang Rimba living in the same landscape. This is
different compared to the conditions of the Orang Rimba in the south of
Jambi province where they live in separate places. Therefore, Sandbukt
and WARSI (1998, p. 16) stated that Bukit 12 National Park is the cultural
centre of the Orang Rimba. The Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 National
Park also maintain their social system and culture as a coherent whole,
which refers to the world of conceptual cosmology supported by legal
and political structures that emphasizes the separation and autonomy
tradition of the Orang Rimba. The separation and autonomy tradition of
the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 National Park implies the maintenance of
cultural identity of the group.
6
Figure 1.1 Orang Rimba Location in Jambi
7
Introduction
8
Introduction
interacting with them as the background of the basic life story data on
the interaction with outsiders, and how outsiders view them as Orang
Rimba. Literature study and interviews with the government (Ministry
of Social Affairs and Ministry of Forestry) in Jakarta were done in 2011.
I returned several times to have discussion with the NGOs in Jakarta
(AMAN) and Jambi (WARSI, etc.), and in 2012 I returned for a couple
of months for the purposes of this research.
Ethnomethodological method was applied also to capture
the dynamic life of the Orang Rimba, particularly the process of
marginalization they faced and their reaction to this process. More than
simply capturing the Orang Rimba as ‘exotic impression’, Clifford
(1988) said, my focused on to capturing the dynamics of life dilemmas,
intrigues and conflicts that took place and expressed by the Orang Rimba
themselves regarding their aspiration, expectation and their planned
action.
Primary data collection or the methods of data collection used
observation, participant observation and in-depth interviews. I have
collected data both from the Orang Rimba and the non-Orang Rimba
(others). I have visited and stayed with some groups of people for a couple
of months to gain information about the culture of the Orang Rimba and
observe the interaction between them and outsiders. Primary data also
comes from my involvement with them as NGO project staff. Efforts are
made at to capture in-depth description as represented the Orang Rimba
themselves through the specific local concepts pertaining to anticipated
and appropriate actions, which is considered the most accurate from the
outset over a certain time (Barfield & Barfield, 1997, p. 156).
For this purpose several key figures of the Orang Rimba and non-
Orang Rimba were identified and intensively interviewed on a period
of one year. The key Orang Rimba informants included key leaders of
groups and informants of various backgrounds involved in the issue. The
key non-Orang Rimba informants included NGOs activists, project staff,
the government (represented by the Ministry of Social Affairs), the sub-
district government, the leaders of traditional Malay communities and
several informal leaders of the Malay and other communities.
9
The True Custodian of The Forest:
10
Introduction
11
The True Custodian of The Forest:
12
Introduction
13
The True Custodian of The Forest:
has been taken by the state of them. More important than that is also the
right to regulate of their own lives based on their own culture, which has
always been mostly opposing with the rules of the state.
Afterwards all of the movement refers to anyone who deserves to
be called as “indigenous people”. Some scholar has ended the discussion
on this topic. The discussion is base on what the real indigenous people
movement pursued and addressed. Some scholars question the drive of
the movement to get special privileges as indigenous people compared
to the other groups. Opposed, some say that it is accepted they get
privileges that they are not only indigenous people, as the “first people”
but also for the historical process does not support them. They are widely
experienced colonization and misappropriation process for their rights.
In other hand, some also see that the indigenous people movement is not
a pure act of action the right of self-determination, but some things that
are looking for a practical advantage by bringing indigenous people label
(Niezen, 2003) (Dove, 2006; Kenrick & Source, 2004).
Indigenous people movement itself according Niezen (2003)
actually is a global phenomenon that is well recognized by international
organizations, the UN, and developed countries to well contribute
to involved. They use indigenous people issues to entrance in their
own interests in a global world. In this case, indigenous people issue
is attractive matter that became the talk world issues to the global
community.
Discussions concerning Indigenous People arose in 1989 when
the ILO (International Labour Organization) issued Convention ILO No.
169 as an international instrument that called on countries in the world
to fulfil the indigenous people’s social, economic and cultural rights
based on respect for their cultural identity (ILO, 2009). Previously, the
state always used assimilation and a repressive approach to handle such
groups, but the ILO Convention 169 advised the ILO member countries
to develop new approaches based on respecting the IP rights of the group
as an independent cultural entity.
14
Introduction
2. Currently there are 22 countries that have ratified it. Indonesia has not ratified yet the ILO convention
169.
15
The True Custodian of The Forest:
16
Introduction
17
The True Custodian of The Forest:
18
Introduction
released the Village Governing Act No. 5 of 1979 that disregarded local
government policy that has existed for centuries in the archipelago
and replaced it with the general formal system (Prasetijo, 2003). As a
consequence, the traditional governing system held by each ethnic group
in the area vanished and formed a single system as a formal village
governing system. This has led to the situation whereby societies have
several different variations of the system, such as the implementation
of the two systems in the customs procedure and regulatory structure,
or a local customary system disappears, merged into the system
administration of the dominant and majority ethnic group.
The state does not actually recognize the existence of the ethnic
minority groups, in either its legal system or policies. They existed before
the presence of a formal nation, taking advantage of the natural resources
in their environment. The government took all the resources they had
and changed their culture system with the formal governance structure.
Hence, when the state government took over their natural resources,
reactions of resentment arose due to the strong oppressive presence of
the government system.
Based on Government of Indonesia records of minority ethnic
groups such as the Orang Rimba in Indonesia, there are 229,479 families
across 30 provinces in Indonesia (Ministry of Social Affairs, 2009). They
live in the countryside with access and facilities development minimal due
to the mainly isolated location and have a culture deemed unable to adapt
to the progress of modern life, especially the modern political structure.
A transition period took place when the Soeharto regime collapsed
in 1998. The state changed a number of corrections in state policies
and governance structures and the provinces and districts became the
central attention for the development program when regional autonomy
was announced in 1999. This situation had no solid-state structures or
policies, which resulted in quite a number of parallel conflicts demanding
independence. The ethnic communities demanded the nation state
acknowledge their existence and their rights.
What happened was the state and corporations committed a
lot of rights violations. The state omitting to act on poverty and the
19
The True Custodian of The Forest:
3. Konggres Masyarakat Adat: Hentikan Hegemoni Itu, in ASP Edisi IV/April 1999
20
Introduction
21
The True Custodian of The Forest:
22
Introduction
4. According to Heyzer (1995), NGOs have various roles in the development of countries in Southeast
Asia. However, it can be concluded that there are three main goals that the NGOs are focusing on
which are (1) to support community empowerment at the grassroots level, then (2) to get involved
in how to increase political influence, and finally (3) to get involved in taking direction and agenda
of the development.
5. The state then divides NGOs into two types – advocacy and development. Advocacy is those that are
against the state and development is those that support the state (see Agus Sumansara, 1998, 123 -141).
23
The True Custodian of The Forest:
24
Introduction
6. See also the other case in Marschke, Szablowski, and Vandergeest (2008)
25
The True Custodian of The Forest:
26
Introduction
in Asia and Africa. Hence, it further supports the theory that there is
no religion in the area. Another significant description of the Orang
Rimba was the result of the physical measure of the Orang Rimba and
Schebesta categorized it as human with Veddoid race (Hagan, 1908;
Schebesta, 1925). The facts further support the theory that they were
human beings who were not yet cultured, in contrast to normal human
life in the western civilization.
In addition, the distribution of the Orang Rimba was temporarily
known in Palembang or within the borders of Palembang and Jambi
(Dongen, 1910). They were typical classified as the settled Orang
Rimba or nomadic Orang Rimba based on their ways of life. Very few
ethnographic experts investigated and observed in detail the existence
of the Orang Rimba who lived in the forest in Jambi at that time. Forbes
(1885) also noted that The Kubus (Orang Rimba) are a nomadic race
wandering about in the forests on the borders of the Jambi Sultanate and
of the Palembang Residency, along the banks and affluent of the great
rivers, the Musi, and of the Batang Hari.
In a Forbes (1885) also noticed that the Dutch government also
foster the process of civilization to the Kubu (Orang Rimba) as follow,
“The Dutch Government some years ago began the attempt to teach these
people something of the art of agriculture, and have, after much difficulty,
succeeded in getting a few families in some of the districts to assume in
some degree a settled residence in villages made for themselves. It was
owing to these partially civilised communities that I am indebted for a
sight of the people”. It shows the fact that the process of civilization
during the colonial era has occurred and lasted for a long time.
In addition to the works of ethnologists in the modern era, the life of
Orang Rimba we can also found in the work of such modern ethnographer
in Oyvind Sandbukt Oyvind (1984) (1988) (1991) (2000),Gerrard
Persoon (1989) , Muntholib (1995) , and in the report research on "Need
assessment of Orang Rimba" by WARSI and Sandbukt (1998) . In the
works of the anthropologists, Orang Rimba situation are more diversified
in some focus issues that are of interest to the researcher. Such as the
writings of Sandbukt (1984) described the cosmology of the Kubu in "The
27
The True Custodian of The Forest:
Conception of Reality", where he saw that the basic values of the culture
Orang Rimba located on the separation of the world between the Orang
Rimba and Outsider. Sandkbut also wrote the culture of the Orang Rimba
that base on the tradition of trade or economic base in the "Tributary
tradition and relations of affinity and gender among the Sumatran Kubu"
(1988). Article of Gerard Persoon(1989), an anthropologist from the
Netherlands (better known as an expert Mentawai), also discusses the
relationship between the Orang Kubu with the outside world. .
One of the ethnographic work on Orang Rimba written by local
researchers are Muntholib (1995) dissertation work entitled "The Rimbo:
Structural-Functional Studies, Isolated Communities in Makekal, Jambi
Province,". In this dissertation work, he tried to describe the life of Orang
Rimba on the River Makekal based on structural functional studies by
Radclife Brown, where he also created the term of Orang Rimbo to
replace the word of Orang Kubu. As NGO works with Orang Rimba,
WARSI has also released the reports about Orang Rimba. The report was
the research of the survey of bioregion in Jambi to portraits of Orang
Rimba (2008)
Meanwhile, the existence of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic
minority group and the social movement context is rarely discussed
theoretically. Most ethnographic research on the Orang Rimba rarely
discusses the reaction of the Orang Rimba towards the marginalization
they are experiencing from the resistance point of view. For instance,
Sandbukt (1988) wrote about the marginalization process by the Malay
ethnic group as it influenced their cosmology and religion. Also in the
works of Muntholib (Muntholib, 1995) and other anthropologist. The
ethnography works mainly did not mention the action of the Orang
Rimba’s in social movement. Writings of Amilda (2003) viewed the
actions of the Orang Rimba as a part of respond towards the dominant
Malay ethnic group.. Amilda used James Scoot’s theory to explain the
tension phenomenon manifested by the Orang Rimba.
Even so, my research in 2005 (Prasetijo, 2005) showed that
the epitome of the Orang Rimba ethnic is a response towards the
marginalization they receive from the Jambi Malay ethnic group, not an
28
Introduction
29
The True Custodian of The Forest:
Alternative Hegemony
30
Introduction
7. John Stuart Mill and the utilitarians (in Tilly, 1978, pp. 24-25) emphazies that the collective action
as a strictly calculating pursuit of individual interest.
31
The True Custodian of The Forest:
8. Gramsci borrowed the hegemony idea from Lenin. For Lenin, hegemony was a strategy for the
working class against the bourgeoisie, the Tsar and his cronies; by uniting the working-class group
to become a mass, it was thus able to overthrow the bourgeoisie class. The concept was then used
by Gramsci to explain how the capitalist class gained and maintained its power. If Lenin viewed it
as a strategic alliance of the working class, then Gramsci viewed it as a way of the ruling class to
organize and to maintain its power. Gramsci also saw it as a way for the subordinate class to seize
power by creating their own power or hegemony.
32
Introduction
33
The True Custodian of The Forest:
9. For Wolf (2001), structural power was not only a way that produces real impact but also what he
termed symbolic work. Wolf believed that there is a process to construct an understanding that
everything is running, as it should. Symbolic work goes on behind the curtain to make sure that this
process goes on normally.
10. Marxist analysis of alienation comprises three aspects: (1) religious alienation,(2) political
alienation, and (3) economic alienation. Economic alienation for Marx is the most basic alienation
(Israel, 1979, p. 31)
11. Spivak (1988, p. 7), regarding the subaltern view, defined alienation as a failure of self-cognition of
the subaltern class.
34
Introduction
Under these conditions, the workers become depressed and then aware
of the alienation they are facing. For Marx, class-consciousness was
consciousness of the workers that the capitalist class was alienating them
(see Lukacs, 1979). This consciousness will make them realize that they
have to start to fight to achieve the condition of a non-class society.
Gramsci had a different opinion about class-consciousness; he
thought that consciousness couldn’t happen if you are not made aware
of it. Lenin had a similar view on this based on his experience during the
Bolshevik Revolution, but the difference between Lenin and Gramsci is
about who initiates the consciousness among the working class and how
is it done. Both agreed that a member of their own class should initiate
class-consciousness. The difference is Gramsci's emphasis on the role of
intellectuals among the workers to bring class-consciousness and insight.
Gramsci's thought in this context is in accordance with what has been
thought by Weber on the role of intellectuals in society changes
Gramsci’s notion was that the intellectuals are inside the
civil society that is outside the state and capitalist group. Gramsci
described the intellectuals as an educated group that has the ability
to give enlightenment and consciousness to the workers that they are
being alienated. Lenin rejected Gramsci’s view that intellectuals have
an obligation to establish consciousness in the working class (Sasson,
1980). Lenin argued that it is impossible for the intellectuals to do this
because they are a large part of the capitalist class. Gramsci responded
that there are traditional intellectuals and organic intellectuals.
Traditional intellectuals are intellectuals that are accomplices
of the capitalists or the government apparatus (Gramsci et al., 1972, p.
113). They have become a part of the major plan of the capitalist and
government apparatus. Their work is to firmly root and preserve the
hegemony12. Organic intellectuals are the educated individuals who
bring consciousness to their group that they all are being hegemonized.
The organic intellectual is different to the traditional intellectuals.
12. Furthermore, according to Gramsci traditional intellectuals are the deputies of the dominant group that
evaluates the function of the social and political hegemony of the subaltern class (Gramsci et al., 1972, p. 112).
35
The True Custodian of The Forest:
13. Lenin, instead, is more faithful to the thinking of Marx, which says that mass organizing must have
political impact by establishing workers’ organizations and activating the cell system down to the
bottom level.
14. Spivak (1988, p. 7) later restyled class consciousness as ‘subaltern consciousness’.
36
Introduction
ruling class. Hence, this action pattern will always emerge every time a
group receives the same kind of oppression. In Hobsbawm’s perspective,
social banditry is the simplest pattern of a social movement.
In the context of a peasant’s rebellion, Eric Wolf (1999) criticized
those methods of movement. He said that action against the ruling
class or state must have a structure or be organized, have a clear goal
or a clear ideology. A clear organizational structure and ideology will
enable a movement to become a real force of change. This was realized
by Hobsbawm (1959, p. xi) where he said that a movement needs a
“common myth of transcendental justice” that can unite the peasants to
revolt. That is why a social movement does not only need real action and
strong organization, but also an established myth that is the ideology of
the purpose of the movement.
The intellectuals are needed to induce consciousness in the
working class. Gramsci (1971) acknowledged that there are intellectuals
in each class, either in the ruling class or the subaltern class. These
intellectuals manage those classes with their knowledge and power.
He mentioned that there are two groups of intellectuals. The first is
the traditional intellectuals, such as scientists and government officials
that attempt to preserve the domination of the ruling class with their
knowledge. The second is the organic intellectual, which is anyone who
has the knowledge and the will and ability to function as the organizer
in the group. The main role of this organic intellectual is to develop
consciousness in the group.
In his writing, Wolf (1969) said that in the history of peasant wars,
the peasant group was not led or initiated by the people of the same
class. In several cases of farmer’s movements in Cuba, China and several
South American countries, the role of outsiders or other groups in raising
consciousness among the workers or alienated groups is very strong. He
gave one such example as Cuba, which was led by Castro. The group
turned out to be educated people who did not belong to the working class
but came from the wealthier class, such as was also the case with the
Chinese farmers; Mao Tse Tung did not come from the peasant class. In
short, Wolf said that intellectuals from outside the group have the role
37
The True Custodian of The Forest:
38
CHAPTER 2
STRUCTURE LOCALITY OF THE
ORANG RIMBA AS AN ETHNIC
MINORITY IN JAMBI
T
he Orang Rimba’s life is highly affected by the social political
condition, both at the local and national level. Their history and
existence as an ethnic minority group are influenced by local and
national political dynamics. Basically, their lives did not change much
between the time of the Islamic sultanate and the Dutch East Indies colonial
period, and then continued to the time of independence during the Soeharto
era (The New Order period) up until the current Reformation Era.
The existence of the Orang Rimba as a minority ethnic group is
embedded in the history of exploitation and rendition. The Dutch East
Indies officers firstly noted them in the beginning of the twentieth century.
However, it is believed that their existence dates far before the Islamic
Sultanate era. They then became an integral part of Jambi Malay society
in the seventeenth century. It is undeniable that the existence of the Orang
Rimba as an ethnic group relies heavily on their relationship with the
Malay Sultanate in Jambi, and Malay as an ethnic group. When Indonesia
proclaimed its independence, the state had to fulfil the basic rights of its
citizens, including the rights of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic group. Their
needs were physical needs, access to social welfare and a development
program, but also the need for the ability to express themselves as ethnic
groups or for self-determination purposes, the need to be acknowledged
39
The True Custodian of The Forest:
as ethnic groups that have equal rights as other ethnics. This section will
describe their history as an ethnic minority group in Jambi.
They remain in a situation of marginalization by other groups
considered to be more powerful, whether from ethnic groups, government
or industry. They are always in the position of the lower classes in the
order of Jambi society. This circumstance means they do not have access to
contribute to the policies that affect their lives.
15. Population survey conducted by the BPS or National Statistic Agency for each of five years does not
contain a variety of information related to ethnicity.
40
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
16. Sager (2008) notes the number of Orang Kubu (Orang Rimba) has not much changed since KKI
WARSI’s report.
41
The True Custodian of The Forest:
42
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
to 0,117 % Hindu (Badan Pusat Statistik, 2010). Any religion other than
the above was not counted in the survey conducted by BPS. It can be said
that the Malay community has a strong tradition of Islam. They uphold
the traditional values of Islam prevailing in Jambi which states “Adat
besendi syarah, syarah besendi kitabullah, syarah menyanggah adat
memakai”, which means that customary law will base itself on religious
law and religious law itself is based on the holy book the Koran. Legal
religion supports existing customary law. It can mean that the existing
customary law in Jambi Malay society is a reflection of the strong Islamic
religious law.
As the largest population in Jambi, the presence of Malay society
in economic sectors have been the mainstay of the Jambi province,
namely the efforts of natural resource management such as plantations,
agriculture and forestry, especially rubber, coffee, coconut, cloves,
cinnamon, palm, tobacco and oil palm. Data from BPS Jambi 2001
corroborates that assumption. A survey in 2000 (Badan Pusat Statistik,
2001) noted that the majority of the population in Jambi work in sectors
related to natural resource management.
Efforts of natural resource management have long been the
foundation of the Jami economy Jambi, particularly in the plantation
sector. The lowlands of Jambi are relatively fertile for businesses, and
farming estates support this. Also transport along the Batang Hari River
that divides the Jambi region has helped facilitate the distribution of the
produce of rubber plantations and other natural resources. In addition to
the plantation business as described above, an important business income
is the search for the natural resources of traditional non-timber forests
which is still done by rural communities. These include rattan, incense,
resins and gutta-percha, which make fine wood building materials.
The people of Jambi are a diverse community, with a variety
of cultural backgrounds and ethnic groups. With income from natural
resources increasingly limited, there is increased competition and
potential parallel conflicts between communities are higher. The presence
of the Orang Rimba in the majority of the community means they do not
have a position in the local political structure of Jambi.
43
The True Custodian of The Forest:
44
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
45
The True Custodian of The Forest:
sungai, maka kita berdua sama-sama berjalan diatasnya” (take the stem
wood, then whip the skin above the River, then we're both alike and
running on top of it). After hearing what the princess said then Bujang
Perantauan dared to do it, he said “jika kita berdua beradu kepala itu
berarti perkawinan kita sah” (If you met the head of both of us that
means our marriage is valid ).
Their marriage gave birth to four children, two men and two
women. The men were Bujang Mapalangi and Dewo Tunggal and the
women were Putri Selaro Pinang Masak and Putri Gading. According
to Orang Rimba belief, Bujang Mapalangi and Putri Selaro Pinang
Masak then left the forest and lived in the village. They are known as
the ancestors of villagers in the village of Tana Garo. They lived in a
kampong and embraced Islam. Dewo Tunggal and Putri Gading are
known as the ancestors of the Orang Rimba whodecided to live in the
forest. Before they parted, the couples made vows. They would keep
their customs, both in the forest and in the village. They both vowed
abstinence. Thosein the forest would not eat kampong food such as
chicken, eggs, buffalo and goats. And vice versa in the village they
would not touch the food and animals ofthe forest like a wild boar, tapir,
snakes and others.
What is interesting about the story is that it shows a strong
relationship between the Orang Rimba and the Malays of Jambi in that
they are actually brothers. The Orang Rimba have a half-brother and a
mother in the Malays, so the families should not fight each other. This
message is remembered by Orang Rimba elders and repeated by the
Malays. They always try to resolve problems by talking with the Malays
who are appointed by the Sultan of Jambi.
I remember the late Tumenggung Mijah’s words, he said that
Malays always say that we are both brothers and we are the people who
are appointed by the sultan to take care of you, so be good and behave
and follow our words. That is what we have done since ancient times
from generation to generation. We never fight because it would violate
our oath. What they do is avoidance and run into the woods when they
are in trouble with the Malay or someone from outside the forest. It also
46
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
47
The True Custodian of The Forest:
In all the stories of their past there has never been any instance of
Orang Rimba physical action against Malays. The Malays are those who
must be obeyed as a big brother and somewhat as a king. If they find a
problem, the Orang Rimba will usually run into the woods or to other places.
This story is also confirmed by other Orang Rimba sources, who mostly
said that the Orang Rimba rarely used physical force against outsiders. In
addition to fear, they also felt that they did not have the strength to fight.
All they could do was run into the woods. Hidden, life moved on from one
group to another group until the problem was forgotten.
48
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
sultanate also functioned independently from the Java influence that was
held by the Mataram dynasty. The influence of Java had increased in
terms of social and cultural aspects when the sultanate of Malay Jambi
was ruled by the Dutch East Indies. The colonial government brought
their political system, including the tax system, to Jambi to control the
sultanate. According to Andaya (1993, p. 14), the influence of Java was
strongly felt by the people in the coastal area, as it was the center of the
Malay-Jambi Sultanate. The influence of Java was not strongly felt by
the people in inland Jambi because the influence of Minangkabau culture
was much stronger in that area.
Tome Pires (in Lapian, 1992, p. 148) presumed that Malay Jambi
was a strong maritime kingdom in the southern part of Sumatra, while the
Aceh sultanate controlled the northern part of Sumatra from the eighth
century AD. The political structure and Javanese culture still influenced
the sultanate of Malay Jambi though they had serious connections with
the Java Kingdom. Milner (1982) and Locher-Scholten (2008, pp. 51-
52) stated that the Sultan of Malay kingdom was remarkably different
from the Java kingdom. The role of the Sultan served as a symbol of
unity of the nation and prosperity of an empire in order to protect the
kingdom from external threats and to be the mediator to resolve the
conflicts within its kingdom. The Sultan’s authority structure or the
governmental system was not centralistic and dictatorial as in the Java
kingdom, but was moreof a patron-client relationship.
The formation of such society was reflected in people's lives in
Jambi. The Jambi people lived more independently, especially those
living in the rural areas compared to those living on the coast. Jambi
society lived in small groups based on the territory along the river of
Tembesi and Batanghari, and then to the Malacca Straits. Haga (1929)
believed that in the sultanate period of Malay Jambi, the society of
Jambi was divided into small groups of a community called Kalbu or
Bathin. Such a category was based on the position and status of the group
within the sultanate of Malay Jambi. Therefore, the polarization of Ulu
(upstream) and Ilir (downstream) group became a structure and formed
a hierarchy.
49
The True Custodian of The Forest:
50
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
51
The True Custodian of The Forest:
52
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
53
The True Custodian of The Forest:
within the Sultanate itself as it became part and parcel on colonial rule.
All policies issued by the sultanate were made to support the interests of
the Dutch.
As stated by Haga (1929), at that time the Sultan of Jambi was
chosen by the Sultanate council and the Assembly of XII. The council
was comprised of the people’s representatives in the capital of Jambi.
The representatives consisted of the common people, known as “orang
kecil” (little people), and the noblemen (the Raden) of Jambi Sultanate
and the sultan’s family, which was divided into Kraton, Perban, Kedipan,
Permas and Raja Empat Puluh. The Assembly of XII consisted of 12
members whose position was inherited within the family. All social
groups had a responsibility and position, which determined its status
in the sultanate. It was actually based on labour purpose and social
stratification towards the sultanate family closeness. Haga (1929) also
explained that commoners under the Sultanate with no representatives
were divided into the groups and one small group. They were:
1. Legal community based on the Marga. They were Bangsa XII,
people settled on the edge of Batanghari River from Muarasebo
to Muaratebo and Air Hitam, and, further along the Tembesi
River, the Mersam people, the front part of XI and VII district,
the citizens of which did not belong to the XII.
2. People who lived in Tungkal.
3. Legal communities in Jambi Hulu, such as the Onderradeeling
Muarabungo, Bungo, Sarolangun and some of Muaratebo and
Muaratembesi people.
4. Suku penghulu, communities who lived in the coastal area and
delta of the Batanghari River near Muara Sabak. Comprised of
immigrants and outsiders in which the Sultan chose the leader.
The division of society to secure the colonial government’s
policy is evident at the grass root level. Haga (1929) noted that the
communities who lived in Jambi Ulu (upstream), such as Muarabungo,
Bungo, Sarolangun and some of Muaratebo and Muaratembesi people,
were divided into two categories based on their profession. They were
the communities with a fixed job assigned to them (identified as Berajo)
54
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
and the communities who collected and paid the tax (identified as Jajah).
Therefore, the Sultanate collected the tax at the village and family level.
The sultanate developed the tax classification and rules that supported
the enforcement. For instance, they developed a regular tax (identified
as Jajah Biak and Jajah Mantap) and infrequent tax collected from the
borders when there was a coronation of a new sultan. The sultanate
even developed the regulation that the sultan gave something (clothes
or natural produce) to the people when the sultan invited the community
members to the palace to be rewarded. This process shows the power of
reciprocity between the sultan and his people and is referred to as “Serah
naik jajah turun”.
The colonial tax policy impacted on the Orang Rimba’s life.
Tideman (1938) noted that the Orang Rimba (who settled in Bukit 12) had
been acknowledged by the governmental system of the Jambi Sultanate.
They included the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 under the authority of Marga
Air Hitam. It is stated in seloka adat (customary poem) as “Ujung Waris
Tana Garo, Tana Bejenang Air Hitam”. The seloka contains the location
of the boundaries of the Orang Rimba’s territory in Bukit 12, which was
stated as Tana Garo and Air Hitam. The seloka also mentioned the waris
and jenang as the patrons of the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12. This seloka
gave authority to the Malays to control Orang Rimba. Based on this
seloka, the Orang Rimba had the responsibility and obligation to fulfil
the ‘Jajah’ to the Sultanate or ‘Berajo’ because of their territory in Air
Hitam.
The Orang Rimba also experienced violence and coercion from
the Malays. There is evidence that the Dutch (Winter, 1901) even
recorded some incidents where women of the Orang Rimba were taken
violently from their groups by the Malays to be maids in Jambi. Winter
stated that the Orang Rimba were afraid because the Malays abducted
their young girls to work as domestic maids. The Orang Rimba felt
hopeless, as they were not capable of doing anything to prevent it. In
addition, he also mentioned how easily and frequently the Malays were
able to abduct Orang Rimba from the forest and trade them, as they did
not fight back.
55
The True Custodian of The Forest:
56
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
57
The True Custodian of The Forest:
of the burning forest and the El Nino effect. The government assumed
shifting cultivators as the main cause of the disaster (see Barber &
Schweithelm, 2000; Vayda, 1999). Therefore, they were included in the
state resettlement program.
This decision was widely criticized by academics and NGOs
activists. One of the academics was Andrew Vayda. Vayda (1999)
referred carbon dating research and claimed this showed that the forest
burning of 1997-1998 at Kalimantan was caused by the long dry season
during the glacial period of that time, as had happened since 17.500
years ago. Forest fire, whether from natural or human causes, does not
spread widely. For the local community, the use of fire is part of life, a
means for “opening” the forest to start agricultural activities. Indeed,
according to the local community, they have their own ways to control
and exploit the fire to their advantage.
The state marginalized the culture of ethnic minorities because
they regard minority groups, ethnic, religious and other social groups, as
unstable and weak and thus prone to be easily influenced by other groups
who go against the state. As a result, the state created the idea of national
culture to maintain and strengthen unity and used the power of politics,
economy and military to strengthen national culture and ideological
legitimacy and marginalized or even banned the culture of minority
groups, including ethnic minority groups (Foulcher, 1990, pp. 301-
302). This policy resulted in many local and minority cultures groups
vanishing because they were assimilated into the dominant culture. The
state apparatus in a region mostly perceives the national culture as the
dominant culture in the area, both ethnic and religious. Thus local culture
that does not fit the values of the dominant culture will be banned or
forced to assimilate into the dominant culture.
National culture was developed and integrated into the local
culture derived from the culture of the majority and dominant ethnic
group of the area. The appearance of the term “Putra Daerah” in the
reformation era supports this fact. “Putra Daerah”18 is commonly used
18. “Putra Daerah” was always related to the original ethnic of the region, a native.
58
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
59
The True Custodian of The Forest:
60
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
Conclusion
61
The True Custodian of The Forest:
transfer of tax to the ruling class (Jajah), from the Orang Rimba to Jambi
Sultanate. The pattern of this relation between the Malays and Orang
Rimba developed from a background of the relationship between Ulu
and Ilir society in Jambi. The pattern then led to an understanding of the
Malays about the settled Orang Rimba and nomadic Orang Rimba in
regard to the concept of civilized or uncivilized.
During the Dutch East Indies colonial period, the existence of
the Orang Rimba did not experience much change. The colonial policy
applied two laws, customary law (for internal) and colonial law, as well
as further strengthening of the tax law, which resulted in making people's
lives more difficult. The position of the Orang Rimba became increasingly
marginalized as the colonial tax policy was strictly implemented and
affected Malay Jambi lives.
There was a change in the form of involvement of the Orang Rimba
from the Malay Islamic sultanate era to the Dutch East Indies period.
Initially, during the Islamic sultanate era, they supported the Malays and
the Sultanate's economy, mainly as partners in the international trade
through the Malacca Strait. The colonial political situation during the
Dutch East Indies colonial period changed their (Orang Rimba) function
and role, as labour for the Malays with the aim of helping people pay
their tax to the sultanate and the colonial government.
In the Indonesian administration, the Orang Rimba’s status as an
ethnic minority remains unchanged. The state categorizes Orang Rimba
as “isolated people”. In this category, the Orang Rimba is considered
as a vulnerable group, which experiences social problems. The state is
supposed to support them and ensure the rights of all groups are met,
including addressing the issue of ethnic minority rights. Instead, they
create a process of marginalization of the ethnic minority with their
development programs.
These ethnic groups had essentially existed long before the nation
state system. They lived before the existence of a state taking advantage
of the natural resources in their environment. The government then
took all the resources they had and also changed their culture system
with a formal governance system. Thus, when the national government
62
Structure Locality of the Orang Rimba as an Ethnic Minority in Jambi
63
The True Custodian of The Forest:
64
CHAPTER 3
NOTIONS OF RIGHTS BY THE
ORANG RIMBA
T
he society has violated Orang Rimba human rights since the Islam
Sultanate was in power in Jambi continuing through the Dutch
East Indies colonial era to the present day. Not only the violation
of economic rights, but also social and cultural rights. Although times
have changed, the Orang Rimba are still in the lowest social position and
structure of Jambi society.
The process of violation of human rights was carried out through
the marginalization of the Orang Rimba. The marginalization was
not only made by the state but also Jambi society, especially the most
dominant ethnic group, namely Malay Jambi, and corporate or industrial
circles in Jambi. The process of marginalization was performed in various
ways, including violence, cultural and attitude changes, and the process
of Islamization, which has to do with the ideological issue. The biggest
impact was expropriation of land and exploitation of natural resources
belonging to the Orang Rimba.
65
The True Custodian of The Forest:
66
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
67
The True Custodian of The Forest:
from Java because a laborer class did not exist in Jambi. Families or
owner, who had their own rubber, regarded it as golden rain.
In addition to plantations, another important livelihood was
searching for non-timber natural resources existing in the forest. Such
activities were important because their scarcity led to a high price. For
such searches, the brokers relied on the capability of people living in
the remote areas (including the Orang Rimba) in order to find them. The
brokers (toke in local language) would buy such forest products, pay the
price after calculating the cost of the seekers and sell them to the traders in
the City (Jambi) at a high price. Traders in the city would then sell them
to intercity traders. Such a trading route had been established since the
sultanate era. This connected the upstream (ulu) people, as the seekers and
village-level traders, and the downstream (ilir) people as the brokers. Such
trading patterns are still used for commodities such as rubber sap, rattan,
and even illegal timber selling, which involve more extensive parties.
In the era of the Islam Malay Sultanate, the commodity trade
became the basic economy of the Jambi people, not only those who lived
on the coast of Jambi, but also in the hinterlands. Even in 1616, Jambi
was considered as the second richest after Aceh. Not only in trade, Jambi
was also regarded as playing a significant role in international politics.
Elsbeth Locher-Scholten (Locher-Scholten, 2008, p. 44) even stated that
the power of the Jambi Islamic Sultanate in 1670 was equal to that of
Palembang and Johor.
However, the golden era of Jambi did not last long. In the 1680s,
the main pepper port on the east coast of Sumatra collapsed after clashing
with Johor and because of internal conflict between the upstream and
downstream factions. The colonial government also changed. England
decided to leave Jambi in 1678, as did VOC in 1680. Nevertheless,
VOC returned to Jambi in 1688 and captured Sultan Jambi and detained
him in Batavia, resulting in an open conflict between the upstream and
downstream. Sultanates appeared in the upstream and the downstream.
Jambi never dominated again, although it was re-unified in 1720. Pepper
price had gone down and was no longer the main commodity, replaced
by gold. The Sultan no longer had the highest authority. Moreover,
68
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
69
The True Custodian of The Forest:
Orang Rimba and the Malay people was realized in the structure of a
relationship that regulated each social status in accordance with their
roles and functions, referring to the concept of “Serah Naik Jajah
Turun” (The tax goes upstream, the tribute comes downstream). It was
a regulation relying on the control of economic and tax (jajah) channels
by the upstream people to the downstream people in the era of the Jambi
sultanate. In the structure of “Serah Naik Jajah Turun”, there existed the
waris and jenang whose role was to collect taxes from people, including
the Orang Rimba, and distribute them to the sultanate. The existence of
Orang Rimba in the area of Bukit 12 was different to other Orang Rimba
in Jambi. According to Tideman (1938), the Orang Rimba of Bukit 12
were regarded by the sultanate as a part of the Air Hitam clan, to which
the customary laws and principles of the Jambi sultanate applied.
The acknowledgment of the Malay people of the existence of
Orang Rimba in Air Hitam was by admitting their wandering area in
Air Hitam as seen in a traditional saying (seloka) that ”Pangkal waris
Tanah Garo, Ujung waris tanah Serengam, Air Hitam tanah bejenang”.
According to this saying, the Orang Rimba admit that they have a waris
in Garo Land and Serengam Land, and a jenang in the area of Air Hitam.
Pangkal waris is interpreted by Orang Rimba as their home range and
ujung waris as the wandering area for the Orang Rimba, especially when
they wander (melangun) to the area of Serengam River, and Air Hitam
where they have jenang. In addition, they also believed that this area
was the border of their wandering, roaming and melangun. Tana Garo
is located in the north and west of Bukit 12, Air Hitam in the south, and
Serengam area is in the east of Bukit 12.
The existence of seloka adat gives a legitimacy of power and
authorization to the position and status of the waris-jenang of the Orang
Rimba. According to the Orang Rimba, a waris is Malay people who are
regarded as having a hereditary relationship with the Orang Rimba or
their family. According to Sandbukt (2000, p. 11), waris refers to people
who have rights to the natural resources and manpower of the Orang
Rimba living in the hinterland. The waris is appointed by the Malay
Jambi sultanate as the person in charge of the Orang Rimba. Therefore,
70
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
their position in the area of Bukit 12 is in the mouth of the Makekal River
in Tabit and the mouth of the Serenggam River in Tembesi.
Unlike waris, the position of jenang was more hierarchically
structured because he was appointed and acknowledged by the king.
The position of jenang nowadays is understood by the Jambi people
as an innate hereditary position or status. It is unnecessary to have a
kinship with the Orang Rimba. The function of jenang is more about
collecting jajah (tax) from the Orang Rimba for the Jambi sultanate. In
such cases, jenang plays a role as the mediator between the Orang Rimba
and the world outside that is the Jambi sultanate. He is regarded as the
person who represents the interest of the king or sultan. Malay people
or Orang Terang20 who want to enter the area of Orang Rimba must
receive permission from the waris and jenang. Orang Rimba living at
the hinterland will ask them whether they have received the permission
from the waris and jenang. If they do have not, then the Orang Rimba
have a right to expel them. However, the Orang Rimba also have to obey
the orders of the waris and jenang when they say that outsiders have got
their permission. Moreover, they have to help those outsiders and the
waris and jenang will be angry with them if they learn that the outsiders
received inappropriate treatment from the Orang Rimba.
In actuality, the nature of the waris and jenang refers to the
concept of controlling the natural resources and manpower of the Orang
Rimba for the benefit of the Malay people, based on the values or myth in
history. Laman (Orang Rimba from Sungai Tengkuyungan, Air Hitam)
argued that their relation to the waris was different from that to the
jenang. According to Laman, a waris is a sibling (dulur) who has an
obligation to take care of them while a jenang is an individual appointed
by the sultan who has duties to manage them. The primary task of jenang
is to ensure the process of serah naik jajah turun21 can go smoothly. He
20. In the cosmology of the Orang Rimba, they classify the world in two, the world of the Malays and
the world of Orang Rimba. The Malay world is defined as the world of the Malays where they are
characterized as people who live and lived in villages, as well as being Muslims. They call it “Orang
Terang” (Ø. Sandbukt, 1984).
21. All goods given by the sultanate, such as cloth, salt, agricultural equipments and tobacco to the
people, is paid back (suntung naik) by the people in the form of jernang, agricultural products,
balam sap, animal’s gligo (animal bone), elephant’s tusk, etc.
71
The True Custodian of The Forest:
has to collect tax (jajah) from the Jambi people, including the Orang
Rimba. With such a position, jenang is more likely to be a form of power
legitimacy given from the sultanate and the king to himself. For the
Orang Rimba, the position of jenang is actually a symbolization of the
king’s power. In such context, the Orang Rimba also has to pay a tribute
to the waris-jenang, a form of reward for what they have done in taking
care of the Orang Rimba. The offering of forest products became the
custom. If they violated such custom, the waris-jenang would fine them
as much as 100 pieces of clothes. The forest products, which directly
became the rights of the waris-jenang, included red balam (Palaquium
spp), white balam, jernang (Daemonorops sp) and honey. In terms of the
exchange value, 1 kati22 of balam sap equals 1 gantang23 of rice, while
2 katis of white balam equals 1 gantang of rice (size of gantang 12). The
value of jernang sap equals red balam sap.
For the Orang Rimba, Waris is an individual considered to have
a hereditary relationship with them. The Orang Rimba also supports
the context of the waris’ existence by referring to the stories of their
origin, which give a strong impression that they belonged to the same
descendants as the Malay people. The stories include Bujang Mapalangi
and Putri Selaro Pinang Masak, originating from the escape of the Malay
people into the forest. Accordingly, the position of waris may be regarded
as the only individual who has the right of waris and is in charge of
protecting people under his waris. It can be seen from the seloka adat
of the Orang Rimba that ‘waris dipintu hutang’, which means that it is
the waris who solves all problems encountered by the Orang Rimba. By
maintaining their relationship with the waris, the Orang Rimba feel that
they receive protection and attention when they face problems dealing
with the outsiders. They maintain such a relationship by routinely paying
tax (jajah) to the waris, or the so-called turun ke waris. It is expected
that if they pay the tax more frequently, they will be remembered by the
waris and the waris will help them whole-heartedly. The more frequent
72
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
they turun ke waris, the more they will be remembered by the waris.
Furthermore, the waris will enthusiastically help them.
This also applies to jenang. When the Orang Rimba pay their
jajah, a jenang must pay the serah to them. The serah usually take the
form of cloth, sugar, rice or things that will not be found in the forest
(matches and metal tools). The Orang Rimba must give several things
considered important by the sultanate, such as elephant’s tusk, sunguk
(rhino horn), culo tupai (male squirrel’s genitals), cunding (rear part of
female elephant), mustika guliga (a hard substance like stone existing
inside an animal’s body), jata jati (jewelry-naturally shaped gold), and
semambu ulung (black rattan) (Tideman, 1938).
In such cases, the Orang Rimba used to expect the serah from
jenang because at that time the goods included in the serah were difficult
to find in the forest. In addition, they did not have enough money to buy
them. The exchange process was carried out secretly between them and
the Orang Rimba. They usually put the goods in a mutually agreed place
and then hid behind the trees and bushes. Shorty after, jenang or his
envoy would come to take the goods and substitute them with a number
of goods that had become the serah.
For the Orang Rimba, the waris and jenang have an obligation
to solve any problems that they encounter with the outsiders or other
problems between the Orang Rimba, which cannot be resolved by their
tumenggung. The Orang Rimba will report their problems to the waris
and jenang. This also happens when the Malay people have problems
with the Orang Rimba. For example, the problem encountered by the
Orang Rimba with a logging company24, which entered the area of
Bukit 12. The waris and jenang had the right to determine the value
of indemnity that should be paid by the logging company to the Orang
Rimba whose trees were felled by the company’s logging activities.
The logging company was instructed by the waris and jenang to pay as
much as five million rupiahs and 500 pieces of clothes (kain batik)25.
24. Commonly known as HPH (Hak Penguasa Hutan) or Logging Forest Concession.
25. For fines, Orang Rimba have a value for all things. Including human life, valued as 2500 pieces of
clothes. The value is not fixed and depends on negotiation.
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
The money was paid to the Tumenggung of the Orang Rimba who had
been affected. Moreover, the company was obliged to pay a monthly
salary to the leaders of the Orang Rimba, the amount of which differed
in accordance with their level of position.
In order to able to solve problems between the Orang Rimba and the
Malay people or Orang Terang, the waris and jenang not only had strong
social status in the eyes of the Orang Rimba, but also within Malay society
itself. As the legitimacy of the custom was received from the sultanate of
Malay Jambi, the social status of waris and jenang was great in the eyes of
the Malay people of Bukit 12. They are regarded as having a strong role
and the task of entering the world of the Orang Rimba and forests existing
in Bukit 12. Without their permission, the Orang Terang cannot work
peacefully and will be disturbed by the Orang Rimba. The government
also acknowledges their role and function as the mediator between the
Orang Rimba and Malays and they always ask for the waris and jenang’s
helps in socializing development programs for the Orang Rimba.
The status of waris and jenang is also an honor for most Malay
people living in Bukit 12 and surrounding the Orang Rimba’s camp.
They have their status from birth and it will never disappear. They will
not only be highly respected by the Orang Rimba, but also by the Malay
people. The status of waris and jenang is an important position, equal
to the social status of a pesirah (leader of marga). A villager of Lubuk
Jering village, Malay, told me that it is comfortable to live as a jenang.
Being a jenang, he could make money with no effort. Resource materials
from the forests will be given by the Orang Rimba as a means to persuade
him and if the Orang Rimba do not come and give the materials, he can
reprimand them. Furthermore, a jenang will receive other money from
the companies entering the forest to log or open a palm plantation.
For the Orang Rimba, the strong social position of waris and jenang
in Malay society will strengthen their dealing with the Orang Terang.
They will feel strong if their waris and jenang are highly respected by the
Orang Terang. For example, Jenang Bahar has served as a village head
during his lifetime and his son (Datuk Mail) also served a village head.
Being a village head, they were regarded by the Orang Rimba as having
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26. Melangun is the Orang Kubu tradition to leave their camps because someone has died on the land.
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
to help them. Talking about the Orang Rimba jenang from Air Hitam,
Pak (Mr.) Tarib said that Jenang Bahar was considered a good man
because he never prohibits them from selling the forest products (rattan,
jenang, manau, balam, etc.) to the Orang Terang, even though they are
obliged to give it to the jenang. In contrast, the waris of Tana Garo tends
to prohibit Orang Rimba Mengkekal people from selling their forest
products to other people. Even rubber products are prohibited, which is
actually not regulated in their custom.
With their status as the mediator between the Orang Rimba and
Malay people implying they connect two different worlds, the waris
and jenang have a very dominant power over the access of the Orang
Rimba to the outside world. Orang Terang or Malay people who want
to enter the world of the Orang Rimba must obtain permission from the
waris and jenang who have the right to determine which individual or
institution is entitled to enter the forest within the Orang Rimba area
of Bukit 12. The Waris and jenang’s words are orders, which cannot
be refuted by the Orang Rimba. The outsiders often use this, either
personally or institutionally (company and government) to enter and
carry out activities in the forest located within the Orang Rimba area
of. Using the waris and jenang’s legitimacy, they can freely perform
various activities, for example, the takeover of the Air Hitam area for
transmigration and plantation location in the 1980s. The Orang Rimba
in Air Hitam did not believe that they were informed in advance by their
jenang of their village and thought that the jenang had treated them
cruelly. They only found out when suddenly there were many outsiders
coming to their forest. Their forest disappeared within years. However,
they realized that it was the jenang’s right to determine them. They were
also convinced that what had been done by the jenang was for their
best interests. Moreover, they also received money and salary from the
company as an indemnity for their plants.
Having such access control, the waris and jenang can control
all forest resources taken and sold by the Orang Rimba to outsiders. In
order to strengthen their position and legitimacy, the waris-jenang make
additional regulations that oblige the forest products obtained by the
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
77
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
Orang Rimba to open it but they will only be paid half of a Malay
labour’s wage. Malay people are paid Rp 15,000.00 to Rp 25,000.00
per person/day to open a new field, depending on the width. However,
the Orang Rimba are paid only Rp10, 000.00. Sometimes, the waris and
jenang only pay them with cigarettes and basic needs. The Orang Rimba
cannot object to this because they are not courageous enough to say “no”
because they are afraid of the curse of their waris and jenang.
This relationship gradually replaced the role of their previous
waris-jenang. Another interaction includes the relationship with toke
who collect the forest products obtained by the Orang Rimba. The toke
will get benefits from this kind of relationship. The appointment of the
jenang is carried by the Orang Terang and receives an acknowledgment
from the Orang Rimba. To strengthen such appointment, a new jenang
tries to obtain acknowledgment and legitimacy from the local village
head or subdistrict head. However, outsiders who have stakes in the
Orang Rimba, such as illegal loggers, companies or forest squatters,
appoint an Orang Rimba as tumenggung in order to maintain their stakes.
By appointing a tumenggung, they expect the Orang Rimba to guarantee
their business in the forest, or guard their business against other Orang
Rimba. They are rewarded by money from the outsiders. One example
is Tumenggung Jelitai in the area of Kejasung Besak (Besar) and
Tumenggung Ngamal in the area of Kejasung Kecil. Tumenggung Jelitai
was actually appointed by a timber toke who carried out logging in his
area. He then proposed the legitimacy to the local village head. So did
Ngamal, a group leader in the Kejasung Kecil River. Due to frequent
contact with people from Sungai Ruan Village who carried out the
logging in Bukit 12, they finally appointed him as a tumenggung. He
was rewarded by bungo kayu (timber tax) taken from the logger group
coming from Ruang River.
Such relationships cannot be separated from the stakes of Orang
Rimba’s elites who want acknowledgement of their power by the Orang
Terang. This acknowledgement is very difficult to obtain by an Orang
Rimba who wants to extend political power from the waris – jenang
existing in Tanah Garo, Serengam and Air Hitam. Their waris – jenang
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
81
The True Custodian of The Forest:
82
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
Rimba about such phenomenon, they answered that they were actually
offended by such treatment. Laman, an Orang Rimba of Mengkekal
River, said that he felt offended at being treated like that. They often
experienced it they were in the kampong. Laman felt that they, the Orang
Rimba, were treated like a dog. However, they could not do anything.
“We could only follow,” Laman told me. “We were only stupid people
who did not know anything about this world.“
Syargawi also felt the same thing. He told me about an experience
when he, along with his friend, hunted a wildboar. They usually did
this in the evening. It was raining hard at the time and the poison they
had brought would not function if it was wet. They saw a small hut in
the palm plantation and took shelter t. Shortly afterwards, a villager
came and rebuked then, saying: “Go away from here. This is a place
for praying. How dare you sit here? Go away.” Hiding his emotions,
Syargawi immediately left, he could only say,”Alangkah kejamnya
orang kampung ini. Kito dianggap anjing, dak papolah.” (How cruel
this villagers. We are seen as a dog).
The Orang Rimba commonly experience different treatment when
they are in a village of Jambi people. Such treatment is also practised in
public, for example, if there is a crowded event such as a ceremonial feast
in the village. It usually includes a single organ and invites dangdut singers.
Despite a thirst for entertainment, Orang Rimba children were expelled
immediately when they came close. “Apalagi kalau kondangan kami
datang, bisa hilang selera makan mereka jika kami datang. Boleh dibilang
Orang Rimba tak pernah diundang dalam pesta-pesta orang kampong”,
(If we came to a feast, the guests would lose their appetite. It can be said
that we were never invited to the villagers’ parties), said Syargawi.
The Orang Rimba also experience bad treatment from traders
and middlemen (toke). According to the Orang Rimba, they were often
cheated about the price. This was what Orang Rimba felt when they
shopped at Malays living in Malay villages. It is no secret that the sellers
at the stall or shop charged a different price to the Orang Rimba, higher
prices for cigarette or basic necessities. For example, the price of brown
Gudang Garam cigarettes is usually Rp 3,500.00 but increases to Rp
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4,000.00 if bought by Orang Rimba. The same with rubber sap or rattan.
Rubber sap owned by the Tarib group is bought by Haji Saha from Lubuk
Djering. He usually pays Malays Rp1, 700.00, but for Orang Rimba it is
Rp1, 000-Rp1, 300.00. He told the Orang Rimba that the price of rubber
sap in the market is decreasing because of the monetary crisis, so that he
cannot pay expensive prices. Ann Orang Rimba, Melimbu, asked him
why the price of rubber in other places was different, and could be four
hundred times higher than his place; he said that the rubber sap of Orang
Rimba was not as clean as the villagers’. He said there were many types
of dirt, such as wood, leaves and coconut shell in the sap container. He
said that the villagers’ rubber was cleaner so the weight shown by the
scale was equal to its real weight. For Melimbu, Malays always have
reasons to treat them differently.
The conflicts between the Orang Rimba and other ethnic groups
are usually related to land encroachment or illegal logging without
previously asking permission of the Orang Rimba. If there is such case,
the Orang Rimba will ask for indemnity off the person concerned. They
will first discuss with the Malays in order to determine the fault and the
indemnity. However, many unexpected problems arise. First, the amount
of the penalty is not suitable for the current context. For example, the
illegal logger cut down the trees, which have a traditional value for the
Orang Rimba. The value of a log is Setebung Adalah Sebangun Nyawo
(Equal to a human life) and valued at 500 pieces of cloth. Currently, the
value of 500 pieces of cloth is equal to about Rp2 millions, which does
not reflect the selling price of the tree. Second, the Malay concerned
does not obey the rules or the penalty decided by Orang Rimba tradition.
The Malay does not want to follow the customary law for many reasons,
but mostly they do not take it Rimba seriously, except when they have a
particular interest. For example, a Malay from Manawa Village bought
land around the location of Tengkuyungan, near Laman’s location in Air
Hitam. If they do not obey the law they will be disturbed by Laman
and their plants plucked. Therefore, they are forced to obey the penalty
imposed by Laman. However, in the case of an illegal logger, they do
not obey the prevailing laws in Orang Rimba so that conflicts frequently
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
occur between them and end in violence. On the other hand, they do not
receive quick formal legal justice from the government for their cases.
Violent conflict can occur when a Malay does not want follow the
regulations stipulated by the Orang Rimba. This usually occurs in the
activity of illegal logging. For example, two Orang Rimba murders were
committed by illegal loggers in the Kejasung river area, making almost
all of the Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 frightened and anxious. The police
and the regional government have still not legally concluded the two
cases. The Malay carried out the two murders sadistically and such cases
cause deep trauma for the Orang Rimba. They are afraid of the presence
of the Malay in the forest, especially those related to illegal logging27.
In the case of Bungkah and Ngambur (Orang Rimba killed by
villagers of Ruan River), the murderers have not identified by the police28.
They killed two Orang Rimbas, by ganging up upon them, because they
had asked for money at the gate provided for them to collect money
from those who take logs in the forest of Bukit 12. This case was not
solved because the police did not find sufficient evidence. The second
case was the murder of an Orang Rimba using a homemade single shot
pistol (kecepek), which also happened in the area of the Kejasung River.
The regional government attempted to stifle the matter by applying the
law of Orang Rimba to the Malay, the penalty of 1,060 pieces of cloth.
Many Orang Rimba still feel the matter has not been resolved.
They see the murderers still roaming free in their neighborhood. It is
expected that the police or village apparatuses should resolve such cases
in accordance with the customs, a negotiation between the Orang Rimba
and the murderer’s family.
Jambi people admit that the Orang Rimba are a strange and
uncivilized people. They believe this is because the Orang Rimba do not
want to follow the common norms prevailing in society, such as living
27. Commonly, when the Orang Rimba have serious problems or conflict with the Malay and think that
they cannot resolve it, they will move to another place considered safer, i.e. the upstream area. It is
far away and difficult to be reached by the Malay. This is common among Orang Rimba when they
face problems.
28. See Aritong, R., & Taufik, E. (1999). Membela Nasib Bertaruh Nyawa Alam Sumatra dan
Pembangunan Edisi Vol 2/No: 6 September 1999.
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
in the village like normal people; why they should live in the forest
and wear cawot29! Jambi people think that their treatment of the Orang
Rimba has been according to their customs. Another reason why Jambi
people treat them differently is that Orang Rimba are not Muslims. The
combination of being non-Muslims and living in the forest makes the
Orang Rimba look dirty and disgusting to the Jambi people, especially
Malays, because they deal with filthy and dirty things. For example, they
often eat pork, do not take a bath, sleep on the ground, do not wear
clothes, and so on. What was interesting was when I asked Jambi people
whom I met in the village about why they treated other non-Muslim
ethnic groups differently, such as Batak people whom they met in the
transmigration village. They also eat pork and have their own rules that
are different from Malay.
“Batak people are a different case. They are just like us. Although
they are all unbelievers and eat pork, but they live cleanly. They
don’t live in the forest like those persons (Orang Rimba).”
Therefore, the different treatment is because the Orang Rimba are
considered dirty individuals because of living in the forest. The Orang
Rimba are identified with dirtiness and uncivilization because they live
their life differently to other people.
The Orang Rimba believe that the different treatment that they
receive from Orang Terang is something widespread. In principle,
the Orang Rimba classify their world into two clearly distinguished
classifications, namely Malay world and Orang Rimba world (O.
Sandbukt, 1984, p. 86). Malay world is defined by Orang Rimba as the
world of the Malay who live in villages and embrace Islam.
In the Orang Rimba’s view, the Malay people bring diseases. This
can be observed, for example, when they return from a village or other
Malay area, they are obliged to do besasading’on (self isolation) for a
few days in order to remove the residue of diseases acquired from the
village. Although the distance between them and the village is very close,
this custom is still implemented. Sandbukt (1984, p. 94) also mentions
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88
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
Pelakar Jaya village, the assimilation of the Malay and Orang Rimba is
just limited to words, but they still cannot fully accept it. The problem
that weighs on their mind is cleanliness.
“Setiap hari mereka mandi tetapi entah kenapa tetap saja aroma
tubuh mereka berbeda. Sehingga saya tidak terlalu menyalahkan
orang kampung.”
“They take a bath every day, but why is their body odor still
different. That’s why I don’t blame the villagers too much.”
Orang Rimba understand why the Orang Terang often
underestimates them. They understand why the Orang Terang will value
their rubber sap lower than that sold by the villagers. They believe that
it is all because they are stupid. What they can do is behave as well as
possible in the village or in the world of the bright so as to be accepted
by them. There is a change of attitude exhibited by the Orang Rimba
depending on whether they are in the forest, outside the forest or in the
world of the bright. They think that if they are the inside, they should use
the norms existing in the forest.
The different treatment received by the Orang Rimba is actually
not that dramatic if it refers to the interaction between them and other
ethnic groups, such as the Java ethnic group, a major ethnic group in the
transmigration area located around the settlement of Orang Rimba. In the
Orang Rimba’s view, the Javanese have a more tolerant treatment towards
them. The Javanese understand why Orang Rimba behaviour is different to
other community groups. An example is the interaction between the Orang
Rimba and Javanese in the transmigrant area of Air Hitam. A villager of
Pematang Village said that when the Javanese first began living in the
transmigrant area they were afraid of the Orang Rimba.
”We used to be afraid to meet those people. How could we not
be afraid of them? They took knives and spears everywhere. They
rarely smiled. Once I was really frightened. They took a banana
and coconut directly from the garden. Then after some time we
started to get along well. Sometimes they came to ask for rice.
Asking. The most mischievous was when they stole some thing
from the garden. We also often asked for help. Mr. Tarib is able to
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
cure people,” said Mbak (Miss) Pur about the Orang Rimba. She
is a villager of Pematang Kabau Village whose house is close to
Mr. Tarib’s house, the chief of the Air Hitam Orang Rimba group.
In the case of conflict between the Orang Rimba and the Malay
resulting in the death of an Orang Rimba, they were forced by the local
government to make peace by proposing their requirements. Although
Syargawi was pushed to take revenge by the Orang Rimba, he was
insistent that it was useless for them to fight. “I told my brothers, don’t
fight, we will definitely die. They have state apparatus. What about us,
what kind of state apparatus can we use? What we fight is not one against
one. We fight against state apparatus. We will die within the range of 100
meters. We have to think about our children. After all, this is just our
destiny”.
After completing the negotiation, they proposed to value one soul
equal to one buffalo, 100 kgs of rice, 100 coconuts, and selemak manis
(honey). According to Syargawi, it was estimated that the total was Rp
12 million. Therefore, the total indemnity was Rp 35 million divided by
three victims, each of whom received Rp 10 million and one other who
received Rp 5 million. Similar cases relating to the conflict between the
Orang Rimba and the Malay also occurred in other areas. There was a
gentle but forceful pressure on the Orang Rimba to accept peace.
The Orang Rimba realize their position and status in Jambi
society. They realize their disadvantaged position and status. The
process of domination is carried out by the Jambi people, particularly
the Malay, through values and knowledge implanted through hereditary
tradition about how to treat the Orang Rimba. On the other hand, the
Orang Rimba also think that they deserve such treatment. They are used
to living unbearably and being forced to give in to the Malay. “Kami
sering kalah. Belum ketemu caranya sampai sekarang sejak dari zaman
nenek kami dulu.” (We often lose. We have not found a way since our
ancestors until now), said Syargawi. They feel they are in a subordinate
position and that they should accept such reality in order to survive in
this world.
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
30. According to Muntholib (1995), tame Orang Kubu could be found in Tanjung Katung, Serasan
(Pidjon) Tembesi outfall, Pinang Tinggi, PKMT Jangga (Muara Bulian), PKMT Jeruk (Singoan),
Kilangan River (Muara Bulian), Jebak River (Muara Tembesi), Pemurisan (Sarolangun), Sekamis
(Muara Tembesi) and Orang Kubu in Lubuk Kepayang (Air Hitam)
31. As stated by Muntholib (1995) , this type of Orang Rimba could be found in Oleh River, Air Hitam,
Ngai River, Arai River (Batanghari), Senamat River and Tabir River.
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94
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
95
The True Custodian of The Forest:
32. The MOSA mentions characteristics of a community group which belongs to “isolated people”,
namely: (1) having similar physical, socio-cultural and residential characteristics; (2) living
remotely, nomadically, separately and in small groups; (3) in general living by gathering, farming,
hunting fish and cultivating traditionally and nomadically; (4) having a very low healthy life
behaviour regarding self health and environmental health; (5) having improper settlement with poor
environment condition; (6) being bound to their own cultural system; (7) using social system,
ideology and technology that are very simple, static and traditional; and (8) not - or little - reached
by the development service.
33. In 1999, Presidential Decree Number 111 of 1999 appeareds to replace the term of isolated people
into the Isolated Tribe Community (Komunitas Adat Terpencil). It was defined as a socio-cultural
group living locally and separately and not involved in the network of social, economic and political
development (Presidential Decree Number 111 of 1999)
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
national development success and may invite a chain of events that will
disturb national security, particularly natural conservation, such as slash
and burn, although at a small and slow pace (Ministry of Social Affairs,
2000).
Furthermore, in one of the reports, the MOSA (2000) tried to
classify the isolated people into two groups or categories based on
their condition of residence, development level and living. The three
categories included (1) wandering; (2) temporary residing; and (3)
residing. The wandering group was an isolated people whose daily
residence was always nomadic, relying on their source of livelihood
and backward living conditions. The temporary residing group was an
isolated people whose residence was permanent in a simple village, but
sometime they liked to be nomadic, relying on their source of livelihood
and simple living conditions. The residing group was an isolated people
whose livelihood and residence was permanent in a village, but whose
living conditions and life was still very simple.
Regarding the Orang Rimba, based on the classification made by
the MOSA, Fachruddin Saudagar (Saudagar, 1993, pp. 30-32) tried to
classify them into three different group levels, namely wandering level,
a half of wandering level and residing level. The wandering level was
an isolated people whose livelihood and residence was still nomadic,
their condition and life was very simple, and had a strong melangun life
pattern. In the wandering level, the Orang Rimba had characteristics like:
melangun life pattern, in groups of 3-5 households or 5-10 households,
living relying on nature, hunting, without clothes and wearing only wood
bark, house of only tadah angin, dominant role of jenang and closed
communication with outsiders.
The next is a half of wandering Orang Rimba. A half of wandering
Orang Rimba was defined as Orang Rimba who had permanently resided
within a relatively short period and had a simple life pattern. Their
characteristics included living with melangun pattern, living in groups
of 10 to 24 households, living by depending on nature but being able
to manage it, earning their living primarily by gathering forest products
and secondarily by hunting, having worn clothes, weakening the role of
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34. According to the National Coordination for Family Planning Agency (BKKN) , a pre-prosperous
family is a family that has not been able to meet the minimum basic needs, such as the religious
teaching, food, clothing, residence and health. The indicators include : (1) The family members
practice the embraced religion; (2) all family members eat at least twice a day; (3) all family
members have different clothes at home, workplace/school and for travel; (4) the largest part of the
house floor is not made of soil; and (5) if the child and other family member is sick, they are brought
to hospital/healthcare workers( Cahyat, 2004, pp. 4-5).
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order to seek natural resource that exists in the forest. The MOSA argues
that such tradition makes the government difficult to advance Orang
Rimba life because one of the fundamentals is place them in a permanent
settlement.
In addition, the MOSA also observes that the Orang Rimba have a
strong culture of laziness. Such impression emerges from the evaluation
of outsiders, either the government or people in general, when they
see the behaviour of the Orang Rimba as deemed not to be diligent in
working. Such ideas emerged when they saw what the Orang Rimba did
was only to keep walking in the forest to go melangun, to hunt searching
louk, or to earn other livings. Outsiders think that such activities are
insignificant because they do not generate money to meet daily needs.
The government believes that the impression of laziness culture
plays a significant role in obstructing and means the aids given by the
MOSA cannot be used appropriately (Palle & Roni, 1993). In order to
resolve such problems, the Orang Rimba should be guided and directed
so as to live properly like other community groups. The MOSA think
that the inhibiting factors of the Orang Rimba should be eliminated and
changed into a new, better culture. The question is how to eliminate Orang
Rimba’s melangun tradition35, change their nomadic life into a permanent
life pattern and to change their belief into other religions. One of the
government’s programs is a permanent settlement through the PKMT
program, which is an suitable effort to develop Orang Rimba life in order
that it can be proper, focused and normal like other ethnic groups in Jambi.
The development strategy for this “isolated people” is conducted
through a social settlement system which is realized in the form of
settlement type in the place of origin and settlement type in the new place,
development of social facilities and infrastructures, and development
of cooperation between the related institutions and communities. In
order to carry out such guidance, the PKMT was created. Using such
an approach, the government fully determines the indicators of success
and the scope of development (physical and non physical aspects). The
35. Budaya melangun Suku Kubu Sulit Dihilangkan (the culture of melangun the Kubu hard to omitted),
Source: Independent,17/10/1997
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village where the Orang Rimba of Air Panas are considered not totally
Islam, the MOSA will bring a religious teacher from a Malay village.
The next is a belief system that is considered proper. This is realized
in the introduction and teaching of Islam to Orang Rimba in the settlement.
According to the MOSA (Mr. Sapuan), Orang Rimba belief is animism,
the worship of gods in the forest. He argues that Orang Rimba’s belief is
not a proper religion and not suitable as the religions acknowledged by the
government at that time (the New Order Era)36. Therefore, it is appropriate
that the Orang Rimba should be directed to embrace one of the religions
acknowledged by the government. Islam is always the main choice. He
said that Islam is a major religion in Jambi so it will be easy for them to
teach and socialize it. One of the methods to socialize the religion is by
constructing a mosque in the settlement location and placing a religious
teacher in the Orang Rimba location. This is what happened in TSM37 Air
Panas Village; a religious teacher from a Malay village was placed in Air
Panas village to teach the villagers about Islam. One of the indications that
the Orang Rimba have converted to Islam is that they change their name to
an Islamic name, such as Besiring to Muhammad Ali.
The third change is a cultural system, which reflects an advanced
civilization. Orang Rimba’s culture, according to the MOSA, is one, which
reflects backwardness and alienation that is not suitable to the times and is
not parallel with other ethnic groups’ culture. Therefore, it is appropriate
to expect that the Orang Rimba can abandon their traditions, which are
considered to obstruct development to advancement. One is the Orang
Rimba tradition of melangun (leaving the settlement location because
one of the relatives died). By abandoning the tradition of melangun, it is
expected by the MOSA that the Orang Rimba can live permanently and
reside at the constructed settlement in order to be more developed.
The last change is a life pattern, which reflects an advanced
civilization. The Orang Rimba life pattern of living nomadically in the forest
36. There are five official religions acknowkedged by the government of the New Order, namely Islam,
Christianity, Catholicism, Hinduism and Buddhism
37. TSM (Transmigrasi Swadaya Mandiri) – Independent Transmigrant Program that is not supported
by the government
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
38. See Prastiwi, S. D., W., R., & Angkawijaya, B. (2006). Bantuan Langsung Tunai (BLT), Dan Orang
Rimba Terlupakan. Alam Sumatra dan Pembangunan edisi 1 tahun V, January- June, 43-45.
103
The True Custodian of The Forest:
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
105
The True Custodian of The Forest:
located in the living and roaming area of the Orang Rimba. This situation
has caused growing conflict.
“ ... A massive exploitation without control has been carried out on
purpose in this plain area, which was followed by the next objective that
was a function shift of the area to transmigration and plantation areas.
Currently, there are almost no more forests remaining in the plain. The
condition has been badly damaged.” (Aritonang, 2009, p. 7).
What Aritonang said is true. The massive change of the forest
into plantation, settlement, Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI) and public
plantation made the Orang Rimba more and more suppressed. According
to a survey conducted by WARSI (2008), the Orang Rimba had to compete
with all land suppression. This did not just occur in a few groups, but
spread widely across all groups existing in Jambi. What the Orang Rimba
did to respond to the situation was different. Some groups moved to find
remaining forest area in the good river basin, upstream of the Merangin
River, Tabir River and Batang Bungo River. Some of them remained in
the oil palm plantation owned by either the company or villagers. Some
other groups, like Orang Rimba living in the area of Singkut, chose to
move and stay at the temporary settlement provided by the government.
Some Orang Rimba groups living along the Sumatran Eastern
Highway experienced a pitiful life. They kept moving to areas as far as
Jambi City. Unlike other groups, these groups consisted of small groups
that had a high mobility because they did not have land to cultivate.
Unlike groups that still had land, although limited, some of the Orang
Rimba living on the Sumatra Eastern Highway did not have land at
all. Their choice was either to move to the settlement provided by the
government or keep moving to find food. This is the group considered
a troublemaker because they often steal villagers’ crops or palm owned
by the plantation and they sell them for the capital they need to move to
other places. Orang Rimba living in the border area with the companies,
including the palm company and Industrial Plantation Forest (HTI), as
well as the Forest Concession (HPH) also experienced similar problems.
Most forests in which they used to live and wander were now others’ oil
palms plantations and fields.
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
39. Casson (1999, pp. 44 - 45) said the oil palm investors prefer to establish estates in these regions
because Sumatra possesses the best climate and soil conditions in the country for cultivating oil palm
and has the necessary infrastructure for palm oil processing already in place. Companies also prefer
to invest in Sumatra because the estate workers (primarily Javanese in origin) are used to plantation
life and culture and work harder than the indigenous peoples of Kalimantan, Sulawesi and Papua.
107
The True Custodian of The Forest:
40. See Prastiwi, S. D., W., R., & Angkawijaya, B. (2006). Bantuan Langsung Tunai (BLT), Dan Orang Rimba
Terlupakan. Alam Sumatra dan Pembangunan edisi 1 tahun V, January- June, 43-45.
108
Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
several months during the year, but is now just a month or no more than once
a year only. Nangkus, an Orang Rimba also said to look for rattan and gaharu
(aquilaria) in good quality they have to go into the forest for days.
Another way that can be done by Orang Rimba to address their situation
is to do a find and ask for a job to someone else. They work irregularly and
do what they can do. However, discrimination makes it difficult to get a job.
Syargawi’s experience is an example. He met with the manager of PT Kresna
Duta Agroindo – one of the oil palm plantation companies – to ask about
clearing the grass in the plantation. He was happy to be paid Rp1,000 per tree.
However, the manager rejected his request because the number of employees
was sufficient. “Pekerjaan ringan apa saja kami siap. Entah itu memupuk,
menerbas, memungut berondolan. Itu saja ditolak.” (We were ready to do any
work. Be it fertilizing, cutting or taking the bunch of oil palm fruits. But that
was rejected). He believes that they were rejected because they were Orang
Rimba.
The stigma that they are thieves and stubborn has strongly stuck. The
work they do now is mostly paid work but it is an uncertain income. For
example, hunting wildboar on the oil palm plantation. The company considers
the wildboar an infestation and only the Orang Rimba knows its detailed
behaviour. However, it has started to become extinct since the 2000s. It takes
one week to hunt a boar. They usually get a piglet of 10 kilograms, which they
can sell to the market at Rp5, 000 per kilogram. This means that they get a total
of Rp50, 000, but this is then divided equally between four persons because
they always hunt in a group. If it is divided by four, each will get Rp12, 500.
“Buat beli rokok pun tak cukup!” (It is not even enough to buy cigarettes) said
Syargawi.
This issue also invites a deeper social problem. There are many Orang
Rimba leaving their homes and leaving their area not just for hunting, but
also for begging on the street and in the settlement (Yulis, 2010). They even
go as far as the capital of Jambi. Those who beg always open a camp in the
plantation near the settlement. They live in the camp for a few days, and even
weeks or months, then they move again because their behaviour causes them to
be expelled by the villagers who are not comfortable seeing them (Sukmareni,
2007). In addition, they also commit crime. What they often do is steal a bunch
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
of palm from the plantation and then sell it to the toke. This is high-risk job
because it will provoke violence from the officials and the plantation owner.
Not all Orang Rimba want or can do this activity. Syargawi said that they do
not dare take the palm bunches anymore because the company threatens to
fine them Rp5 million. “Kalau kami dapat seember kemudian denda Rp 5
juta, dari mana kami bayar? Lebih baik kami mati tidak makan, daripada
bayar denda itu. Kalau kami mati tak mikir lagi. Tapi kalau kami dipenjara,
kami masih mikir anak istri”, (If we get a bucket of palm, but are fined Rp5
million, how can we pay? We would rather die than pay the fine. If we die, we
will think nothing. But if we are jailed, we still have to think about our wife
and children), said Syargawi, expressing his experiences.
One thing they agree on is that they have no chance to improve their
condition. They have to accept the same conditions that their ancestors also
experienced.
Conclusion
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Nations of Rights by the Orang Rimba
The State should advocate for and serve its people, not destroy
the rights and identities of the Orang Rimba as an ethnic group. With
the development programs currently being run, the identity of the Orang
Rimba is becoming eroded and will eventually be lost, absorbed into the
dominant culture. Major issues such as the protection of their natural
resources as a place to live and make a living are not even considered
as the main focus of the government program. The government only
focuses on how to change the habits and culture of the Orang Rimba into
those of the dominant community.
An environmental NGO in Jambi, WARSI (Tambunan, 2008)
reports that there are about 2.3 million hectares of exploration areas of
Orang Rimba territory in Jambi province that have been turned into oil
palm plantations, acacia plantations, forest concession rights areas and
migrants’ settlements. As a consequence, the Orang Rimba have more
trouble in finding food sources in the forest that also serves as their
shelter. They have difficulties finding edible natural resources because
they are basically a nomadic tribe. Palm oil companies together with
companies under HPH (Forest Concession Rights) and HTI (Industrial
Plantation Forest) have transformed the natural landscapes regardless of
the existence of the Orang Rimba. There is a gradual eradication of this
ethnic group.
The Indonesian National Human Rights Commission believes
the state is still avoiding fulfilling the basic rights for these kinds of
ethnic group; this is construed as etnosida violation. They said there is
indication of coercion by government policy towards the Orang Rimba
for living with the outside world through the transmigration program.
The government needs to improve in order for etnosida policy not to
happen (Tambunan, 2010).
The big change that occurs is how society and the state, including
the corporation, to make sense of the forest itself. Forest for the Orang
Rimba is not just a place to make a living but also a symbol of cultural
identity. But the state and society is now looking the forests are assets
that must be secured. This is clearly different from the Orang Rimba
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
to see the forest, as a source of living, and for its existence they must
maintain and preserve to take the forest product.
The process of marginalization according to James Eder
(1987) is a process of de-tribalization, which is not only a process of
physical extinction but also a moral imperative by the outsider. The
marginalization process stresses more on the mental and cultural aspect
while the de-tribalization process stresses more on making the role of
the ethnic minority group less prominent within the society and the state
political arena. They are not entitled to claim their rights as citizens and
owners of their own properties. As a result, they become marginalized
and do not have access to make any form of contribution in the society.
Then the absence of forests means the Orang Rimba have to be
able to adapt to the changes, not only in nature but also in social life.
The forests where they live now have become settlements, oil palm
plantations, roads and plantations owned by residents. Nothing is now
no under their rights. The lands that were their main hope have had to be
sold in order to survive. Now, they can only rely on the mercy of others.
In this circumstance, potential conflict cannot be avoided.
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CHAPTER 4
RESPONSES IN ENCOUNTERING
HEGEMONY
T
he Orang Rimba has received unfair treatment from the state
and society for centuries. Sandukt (2000) argued that there is a
cultural process which causes the position and status of the Orang
Rimba to always be below other ethnic groups in Jambi. Nevertheless,
such marginalization process is not always accepted silently or without
resistance. The Orang Rimba have developed their own ways to meet
any action they face.
This chapter discusses the Orang Rimba’s various actions, which
may be categorized as a reaction to the marginalization processes to
which they have been subjected. Such actions are varied and largely
based on the context of the areas where they live and their interaction
with other groups living in those areas. They are also based on the state’s
policy and the pressure of external society groups on them.
Their action is related to their self-determination as Orang Rimba.
They further strengthen the traditions and define the boundary between
themselves and other groups. They use tradition and taboo as well as
social and physical boundaries between themselves and other groups.
This action further strengthens their movement as a collective action as
a social movement.
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
According to the Orang Rimba, the Malays are those who bring
diseases. I remember when I was in contact with Orang Rimba for the
first time that there was a group of Orang Rimba who did not gather
directly with the other groups. It seemed that they lived isolated by
making their own tent. I asked Laman, an Orang Rimba who served as
the leader of group in which I lived, and he said that they were Orang
Rimba who did besasading’on. Apparently, Orang Rimba who have just
returned from a Malay settlement or village cannot directly gather with
other Orang Rimba. They have to isolate themselves from the group until
the influence or diseases from the outside disappear. Afterwards, they are
allowed to gather again with other Orang Rimba.
The tradition of besasading’on or temporary self-isolation is
carried out by the Orang Rimba to avoid the negative influence of the
Malays on them, or even to eliminate diseases, which are usually in
the area of the Malays. Otherwise, the diseases will come and attack
them. ”Au kakok, kelolah hoppi besasanding’on, ujinye ketakotan kamia
penyakit orang terang” (Yes brother, if we are not living separately,
we will get disease from the foreigner), Laman told me. The distance
between their camp and the location of the Malays’ settlement is close.
Sandbukt (1984, p. 94) argued that there was a strong association
between the concepts of Me-layu and natong-layu (porcupine). Porcupine
or natong-layu in Orang Rimba is an amazing animal for them because
it usually appears suddenly and all plants will die or wither struck by its
sharp quills. For Sandbukt, the word layu in natong-layu, is a derived
word, which means object or something that causes something to die
or become withered. According to Sandbukt, the Orang Rimba use the
characteristics of natong-layu in defining the Malays. There is similar
connotation and explanation between natong-layu and the Malays in
which the meaning of the word Me-Layu for the Orang Rimba refers to the
people who bring diseases or disaster. It is also indicated by prohibitions
that try to restrict the physical and spatial interaction between the Orang
Rimba and the Malays.
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Responses in Encountering Hegemony
115
The True Custodian of The Forest:
are aimed at limiting their interaction with the outside world, or try
to maintain the purity of their region by placing the Malays or Orang
Terang in the downstream area of their settlement site. It is assumed that
the Malays will not infect their river with the diseases. Other prohibition
includes protecting Orang Rimba women from being contaminated by
the outside world by restricting interaction with it.
Principally, the Orang Rimba, = who still live in the forest or still
maintain their customs, such as the Tari and Nyai group, classify their
world into two different worlds, the Malays’ world and Orang Rimba’s
world. Sandbukt (1984, p. 86) said that the Malays’ world is defined by
the Orang Rimba as the world of the Malays who reside and live in the
village and embrace Islam. They are called Orang Terang or people who
live in the bright world or nature always illuminated by the Sun. In other
words, they are those who live outside of the forest. As described by
the Orang Rimba, the world of Orang Terang is a world full of luxury,
lively, advanced and located at the mouth of the river. It is a picture of a
world is deeply contradictory to their condition. They state that the world
of Terang in which Orang Terang or the Malays live is a real picture of
halom dewo. It is a place where something beik (good) exists. On the
other hand, the world of the Malays is also perceived as genoh penyakit,
a place in which all diseases are thought to have originated because the
diseases originated in the mouth of the river or sea.
In analyzing the condition of Orang Rimba’s two worlds,
Aritonang (1999) also said that when the Orang Rimba are in contact
with their divine world, or halom dewo, they use a parallel analogy, that
halom nio is an imitation of halom dewo. On the other hand, in reality
when Orang Rimba perceive the relation between their world and the
world of Orang Terang, which is closely similar to their halom dewo,
they have inverted the analogy, which generates strong contrasts. It can
be seen, for example, how Orang Rimba perceive the Malays that bring
diseases or disaster by associating them with the concept of withering.
Accordingly, they think that the Malays are the carrier or the cause of
the withering. The reason is that genah or the place of diseases is in
the downstream of the river or sea and they perceive the residence of
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Responses in Encountering Hegemony
the Malays as usually by the sea or downstream of the river. The sea
is conceptualized as the mouth of the river and a meeting point of all
rivers. They believe that dewo of all diseases are located in the sea and
will reach their genah (place) through the river brought by the Malays.41
It runs from the downstream or the mouth of the river to the upstream
of the river. They may bring such diseases when they go to the area of
terang and return to the forest bringing the diseases. In order to prevent
diseases from infecting the others in the forest, they conduct the custom
of besasandingon.
The classification of the world of the Orang Rimba and Orang
Terang also has implications in characterizing the basic classification of
the Orang Rimba regarding the Orang Terang. In my opinion, the visible
signs or symptoms and the basic values of the Orang Terang, which then
serve as the main characteristics or attributes of the Orang Rimba in
identifying Orang Terang or the Malays, include (1) environment in the
forest (representing the world of the Orang Rimba) and open settlement
area (representing the world of the Orang Terang); (2) a life pattern
that is different from the Orang Rimba’s, that is living in the kampong
or village (bekampung) along with its accompanying behaviors or
habits, such as manner of dress, dining etiquette, etc.; (3) non-nomadic,
permanent settlement pattern and permanent housing; (4) Islam as their
religion and religious practice and behaviour reflecting a Muslim; (5)
a livelihood model appropriate to common occupation in the village,
such as farming, working as employee, etc; (6) Not consuming any food
prohibited by Islam and all animals in the forest; (7) for Orang Rimba,
Orang Terang are the rich so it is proper that they share their cigarettes
and money; (8) Orang Terang are smart and intelligent people, so that
what they say should reflect truth; and (9) Orang Terang also come from
the area of pembewo penyakit (sources of disease)(Prasetijo, 2005).
Meanwhile, the Orang Rimba perceive themselves as (1) people who
live in the forest; (2) have a life pattern suitable to the forest environment,
41. If there are outsiders (Orang Terang) who stay near them, the outsiders will be placed in the
downstream area.
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
such as wearing only cawot (a loincloth) for men and kemben (a breast
cloth) for women; (3) live nomadically, impermanently; (4) believe in
religion taught by their ancestors; (5) have a livelihood model according to
the forest environment, such as hunting, collecting and cultivating; and (6)
consume all food available in the forest(Prasetijo, 2005).
In the Orang Rimba’s view, their world is the world full of dirtiness
and ignorance. It is different from the world of Orang Terang, which
they characterize as the world of smart educated people or what they call
intelligent people. It is different from the world of Orang Rimba they
describe. For them, their world is a dark (kelam) world or the so-called
world of Orang Delom (inside), that is people who stay and live inside
the forest. It is a world that is exactly opposite to the world of Orang
Terang. For eexample, they call their world the delom world, which is
full of ignorant people like them. They are aware that if they are called
ignorant people that is just how they are.
Responding to my question regarding his view about the world of
Orang Terang and his different world, Tumenggung Tarib said: “Kamia
orang bodoh bepak. Apolah awok kami jika dibanding Orang Terang,
Kamia hoppy sekola. Orang hoppy temtu beik. Orang kafir kami nioma”.
(We are just ignorant people, Sir. We are nothing compared to Orang
Terang or village people. We don’t go to school. We are certainly not
good people. We are unbelievers.)
For Tumenggung Tarib, it does not really a matter if an Orang
Rimba makes a mistake in Orang Terang’s eyes because they are ignorant
and do not have any manners. It is a different case if the Malays make
the mistake. For Pak Tarib or most of the Orang Rimba, the Malays are
like rajo42 who deserve to be worshipped and obeyed. It is uncommon
for them to make a mistake because they are intelligent people (Orang
Rimba term for clever).
The Orang Rimba give the designation of rajo itself to the
Malays or Orang Terang who have the position considered as a rajo.
42. They sometime call Orang Terang who have a high social position, such as Subdistrict Head or
Regent, Rajo. Even, nowadays they call rajo to toke who can give them benefits.
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Responses in Encountering Hegemony
· Coming from the area clean from · Coming from the source of disease
diseases area
· Existing in the upstream of hinterland · Existing in the river mouth/ sea
· Believing in ancestors · Embracing Islam
· Living in the forest · Living in the village
· Taboo on consuming the Malay’s food · Taboo on consuming Orang Rimba’s
· Intelligence food
· Customs of Orang Rimba · Ignorance
· Customs of the Malay
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
If we look at the chart, we can see that the world of the Orang
Rimba and the world of Orang Terang have a strong dichotomy. There
are strong limitations constructed by the Orang Rimba in perceiving the
relation with Orang Rimba. The world of the Orang Rimba exists in the
forest and the world of the Malays or Orang Terang exists in the village.
Orang Rimba will feel uncomfortable in the outside world (the world of
Orang Terang). In order to maintain both worlds smoothly in accordance
with their nature, the Orang Rimba establish pantong’on (taboos). In
this context, Orang Rimba’s taboos or pantang’on can be apprehended
as their efforts to become the real Orang Rimba in accordance with the
standards set in their culture. These standards refer to the classification
of the world of Orang Rimba and the world of Orang Terang, along with
their accompanying attributes. These taboos function as regulations for
the Orang Rimba to keep their lives in line with each world’s different
characteristics and to keep each world going well and not get jumbled.
Therefore, any Orang Rimba who breaks these taboos is called a person
who mencampok adat or violated the customs. It means that the person
has abandoned his/her old customs and turned to the other customs, the
customs of Orang Terang’s.
Although there are strict restrictions between the world of Orang
Rimba and the world of Orang Terang, there is always a way that Orang
Rimba can enter the world of Orang Terang, and vice versa. There are
a number of rules that have to be followed by each ethnic group so that
they will be accepted in the opposite world. For instance, an Orang
Rimba has to dress like Malay if she/he should ever go to the village or
world of Orang Terang. They consider it improper to remain wearing
cawot in the village. Another example is instead of speaking the Orang
Rimba’s language; they would use the everyday Malayan language that
the Malays understand.
Similarly, so do the Malays or Orang Terang who enter their
world. There are many taboos set by the Orang Rimba upon Orang
Terang who enter their world, namely the forests. For instance, Orang
Terang is not allowed to stay in the areas on the upstream of the river,
unlike the Orang Rimba. They have to live in the areas on the downstream
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Responses in Encountering Hegemony
of the river in order to avoid diseases or the taboo of the Malays seeing
Orang Rimba girls and women. The same thing applies to Orang Rimba
who have returned from a trip to the world of Orang Terang as they must
isolate themselves for several days in order to eliminate the diseases and
smell of Orang Terang.
For most of the Orang Rimba Air Hitam who still live in the
forest, becoming Orang Terang is considered an easy way of life, as they
do not have to work as hard as the life of Orang Rimba. They do not have
to go into the forest every day to search for louk and work in their fields.
In their mind, becoming Orang Terang who live in a kampong means
that they must live the way others who live in kampongs do. They must
have a job, house, garden and the like, as the other Malays do.
According to Mawang, it is the government’s obligation to
support their life if they are willing to move to a kampong because they
are the ones who invited them to reside and settle there.
”Kata Orang Melayu hidup kami adalah hidup yang kotor dan
menjijikan. Selalu berjalan-jalan saja didalam hutan, tidak mau
hidup menetap, dan melakukan semua yang Islam pantangkan.
Untuk itulah mereka menyuruh kami untuk bediom (berdiam).
Kalau bediom samo bae (sama saja) kami menjadi orang dusun. ”
”The Malays say that our life is dirty and disgusting because we
always walk around in the forest, we do not want to settle in one
place and we do everything prohibited by Islam. That is why they
ask us to reside. If we reside, it means that we become the member
of the village.” said Mawang.
For them, it is very difficult to live in a kampong with the customs
and etiquette the way the Malays practice. For them, living in a kampong
or village is full of taboos and restrictions, a life full of regulations and
less free than their life in the forest. Mawang states that the government
has to give them a monthly allowance and palm plantations, as well as
building them rumah tembok (the term they use for a permanent house,
constructed with brick), and giving them proper jobs like those given to
Orang Terang. The point is that the government must support every one
of them if they must be moved into a kampong, because they consider
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
becoming and living as Orang Terang is very hard, since they have to
follow the customs of Orang Terang. According to them, there are so
many restrictions in the customs of Orang Terang or the Malays that it
is a difficult thing to do because the consequence is campok adat (being
cast away) from the adat society of Orang Rimba and having to follow
all of the customs of Orang Terang or the Malays, which they consider
hard to do.
”Upamano bisa’a kamia hidup macam no. Bengun pegi kamia
harus sembahyong. Siang kamia harus sembahyang jugo. Sore
malom sembahyang jugo. Semua makonon jugo dilarang. Macam
mano kamia mencari louk”.
(How are we supposed to live like that? When we wake up in
the morning, we have to do the prayers. We also have to do the
prayers at noon. In the afternoon and at night we also have to do
the prayers. All foods are prohibited. How are we supposed to find
something to eat?)
In Mawang’s view, the life of Orang Terang is an easy and
prosperous life in terms of financial security. This view is the result of
his evaluation of the Orang Terang living in the village near Air Hitam,
where he uses the values existing in his culture. He sees that the life
of the Malays or Orang Terang there is easy and luxurious. They have
permanent houses, palm plantations and a lot of money that they can
use to buy this and that. Furthermore, it is exactly the idea or image of
the life of Orang Terang that has existed for a long time. On the other
hand, Mawang understands that that kind of life is characteristic of the
life of Orang Terang they have known, whose customs and etiquette are
different from those of the life of the Orang Rimba.
According to Mawang, the difference between the lives of the
Orang Rimba and the Malays is not only regarding their religions
and customs, but also the understanding of different ways of life and
livelihood. The Orang Rimba gain their livelihood in the forest while
the Malays works in the kampong. Bediom or living permanently in a
kampong does not only mean converting to a new religion and customs,
but, in Mawang’s understanding, also means following the Malay’s
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means of earning a living. He thinks that Orang Rimba who have become
Orang Terang, like Orang Rimba Air Panas people, should not keep on
doing their activities inside the forest. This perspective is in accordance
with the values in the customs of the Orang Rimba that divide their world
into two different parts, namely the world of Orang Terang and Orang
Rimba, each with strong and different characteristics.
Pak Tarib’s group admitted that they still follow the customs
and traditions of their Nenek Poyang (ancestors). Out of four pesaken
in his group, almost none of them were willing to convert to Islam. In
spite of this, it turned out that Pak Tarib’s own son from his first wife,
Mrengkuh, has stated that he had converted to Islam. Mrengkuh is now
living in the Air Panas kampong. Pak Tarib regrets what has happened to
Mrengkuh. For him, Mrengkuh is no longer like his son. He frequently
received complains about frauds committed by Mrengkuh or collections
of Mrengkuh’s debts from the people living in the transmigration area.
He does not understand why Mrengkuh behaves in such ways after
converting to Islam and berdiom in the village. For him, one should
become a better person and free from duso (sin) after converting to
Islam, not the other way around. His son, on the other hand, gambled
and got drunk even more freely now, and he sold Pak Tarib’s land.
Pak Tarib said that Islam is, in fact, a good religion to atone for
one’s sins, and Orang Rimba are drenched in sin because they break
many of the taboos set by the religion, in accordance with its halom
(world), which is the halom tiru’on of an ill-bred nature. He sees Islam
as the religion of the Malays who, in their cosmology, are the people who
have a connotation as gods (halom dewo). He sees Islam as agamo dewo,
a religion of the people who cosmologically live in a different world
from that of the Orang Rimba, the ill-bred and impure people. He thinks
that converting religion in order to menebuy duso will destroy the order
of the halom. He said that Islam clearly belongs to the customs of Orang
Terang or the people living in the village. For him, Islam does not belong
to the customs of the Orang Rimba. He mentioned that Orang Rimba who
converted to Islam had violated the customs or mencampok adat for they
had tried to mix the world of Orang Terang and the world of the Orang
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Rimba. In the past, there was a clear distinction between the village
people and the Orang Rimba’s place; for instance, the Orang Rimba’s
place was in the forest while the village people lives in the village. That
was where the terms Orang Terang and Orang Rimba originated.
However, such distinction no longer exists in the present; Orang
Rimba can enter the world of Orang Terang and, Orang Terang can
enter the forest. He used the case of the Orang Rimba’s betino-betino
(women) as an example. In the past, the betino could not see the world
of Orang Terang. Whenever a jenang came, the betino must be hidden
from sight. They would run into the forest. Now, quite the opposite, they
show themselves. Orang Rimba Air Panas people even move into the
transmigration area. “Kinia becampur, kemano bae ndok nglebot, betemu
Orang Terang, halom lah becubo aduk.” (We are now mixing. Orang
Terang came in the forest, and the Orang Rimba live in the outside).
Pak Tarib’s statement means not only that the Orang Rimba’s
conversion to Islam has ruined the order of the relationship structure
among them, but it would also ruin the cosmological order between
halom dewo and halom tiru’on that they believe is true. Islam, for Pak
Tarib, is a religion full of restrictions. He used the diet restrictions and
the foods considered haram or forbidden by the Muslims as examples.
How can we live like that when we are only allowed to eat lamb, beef,
chicken and eggs? What if those foods can no longer be found?
”Apolah yang kamia makon. Beiklah macom kamia sekarang.
Ketemu bebi dimakonlah bebi. Ketemu tenuk, dimakonlah tenuk.
Kalau ketemu ruso, dimakonlah ruso. Ketemu ulat makonlah ulat.
Kalo awak dirimba’e apolah segelonye ketemu dimakon. Ndak
ado batay. Kalaulah didusun, berpantong-pantong, tiado boleh
makon lauk hangit”.
(What are we supposed to eat? It is easier with the way we live
now. We see a pig, we eat it. We see a tapir, we eat it too. We see
a deer, we also eat it. We see a snake, we eat it as well. In the
forest, we can eat anything. There is no restriction. If we live in
the village, everything in life is forbidden. We will not be allowed
to eat the meat existing in the forest)
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There are many other restrictions that the Orang Rimba consider
to sometimes make no sense, such as the one Laman mentioned as an
example; that one of the customs in Islam oblige husband and wife to
take an obligatory bath after intercourse, usually done in the morning. By
performing such a thing, for the Orang Rimba, it means that other people
will know that they have just had intercourse. According to Laman, such
conduct must be hidden instead of being showed off.
“Kalau tidak mandi ujinye beduso. Macam manolah orang dusun
ini. Belum lagi kalaulah mandi pagi keno domom. Domom kito
dibuatnye. Ndak telok kami tekukung labuhnye”
(If we do not take the bath, they say it is sinful. What is it with
those village people? If we take a bath in the morning, we will
catch a fever. We are not strong enough to do it.) ”.
I believe that the religious behaviour of the Orang Rimba is, in
fact, a manifestation and reflection of their interpretation of the religion
or a set of rules and regulations that arrange the relationship between
humans and the spiritual world, especially with their God. In interpreting
and understanding the meanings that lie in the religion, they use their
own culture as the reference.
The Orang Rimba themselves believe in the existence of spirits
in the world, whom they believe can be gods, the spirits of the dead or
that whom they call malaikot (angel) and silom or ghosts. The Orang
Rimba also believe in the existence of two halom (world) bounded by a
thin curtain. The world that distinguishes between their life and that of
the gods’. Regarding this, the behaviour of the Orang Rimba in Nyai’s
groups still holds firm to the values reflecting their belief. They hold firm
to their customs and perform the traditions they consider to be inherited
from their ancestors. They still refuse to eat foods from the village
people’s livestock, such as their chicken, lamb, eggs and beef. They
still perform tegak balai whenever any of them gets sick, or tegak balai
perkawinon whenever any of them gets married. They also still perform
melangun whenever any of their relatives pass away and they still bring
women who are giving birth to tano peranok’on. Pak Tarib himself, as
the tumenggung of the subgroup of Orang Rimba living in Air Hitam,
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admits still performing besale. These behaviors, for Orang Rimba who
still conform to their customs, are not only religious activities, but also a
reflection of their identity as Orang Rimba.
43. Hukum bunuh is actually a metaphor which means that a person gets the right to be able to determine
other people's lives because of the degree of mistake done to him or his relatives. The determination
of a person's right to live can be expressed in a number of specific items that have the same value
that is equal to 500 pieces of fabric.
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44. Considered to represent a human being worth the price of 500 sheets of cloths.
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wife (mandi pancoran gading), and (4) prohibition against having sex
with one’s mother (menikam bumi).
Meanwhile, the last four regulations or “empat dibewoh” (four
at the bottom) are taboos related to customs such as prohibition on
murder, prohibition on burning another’s hut (siobaka), prohibition
on challenging to a fight (tantang berkelahi) and prohibition on
poisoning people (tabung racun). Anyone who breaks the regulation
will be subject to sanction in the form of a fine, which is sixty to
eighty long cloths. Sanction will be imposed upon the person who
breaks this taboo in the form of a cloth fine. In addition to the
aforementioned prohibitions (undang nan delapan, empat diatay,
empat dibewoh), the Orang Rimba have other taboos related to how
Orang Rimba should behave in their world. Those taboos can be seen
as their attempt to adapt to the standards of value existing in their
culture. Those standards of value relate to how the Orang Rimba can
keep their existence in the world order, which, on the other side, also
has much contact with the outside world and Orang Terang or the
Malays.
In this case, in my opinion, those taboos function more as the
protector of regularity between their world and the world of Orang
Terang. On the other hand, such taboos also function as an ethnic
boundary between them and Orang Terang, such as taboos related to
food and where to live.
Food taboo functions as the signs for Orang Rimba living
their life as real Orang Rimba in accordance with their life in forest
and keeping it from the influence and contamination of the world
of Orang Terang. It includes food taboo and custom. Pantang’on
on certain foods is like prohibition on consuming food made out of
animals kept by the Malays, such as chicken, egg, goat, cow and milk.
For the Orang Rimba, such food represents the life and world
of Orang Terang. They regard such food as harom or forbidden.
This taboo includes other food identified with the outside world.
One example from my own experiences was when I brought an Oreo
biscuit and opened it to be eaten together with them in the Kejasung
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Besar area. This kind of biscuit is rarely found at stores in the village,
so it aroused their suspicion by its shape for this food may contain
milk and egg. They did not eat this biscuit because it was considered
as food containing milk and egg. However, when I explained that
the biscuit did not contain milk and egg, they eventually ate it. With
a laugh, they said it is ok if the elder does not know about this. In
my opinion, the food taboo functions as the protector of boundaries,
which differentiate between themselves and Orang Terang. For
example, they are happy eating pork by saying that this food is the
most delicious food in the forest. The villagers will never taste such
delicious food because they just eat foods from their livestock. They
say that this is their difference from Orang Terang. Proudly while
comparing himself to Orang Terang, Ngrip said;
”Beiknye makon bebi. Nioma makonnon kamia uje Orang
Rimba. Orang dusun hoppi makon makonnon macam nioma.
Orang dusun makon hayam, sapi, kambing, telur. Kamia
Orang Rimba yoya makon segolenye dihutan nioma. Tiado
pantong’on.”
“It is better to eat pork. As people who live in the jungle, this is
what we eat. Villagers do not eat this kind of food. The villagers
eat chicken, meat, lamb and egg. We are Orang Rimba; we eat
everything available in the forest. No taboo at all.”
Another pantong’on (taboo) related to the ethnic boundaries
is that related to the livelihood model of the Orang Rimba, which is
mostly in the jungle; for example, opening fields, hunting and cutting
certain trees, which is different from that of Orang Terang.
One day, I asked Mawang (the late) again, Tumenggung
Tarib’s little brother, about his point of view of being Orang Terang.
In his view, being Orang Terang is having a good life and not living
in difficulties like they are living now. He compared it to my life,
which he thought was a comfortable and good life, having a house in
the city with a good occupation. As an example, he said that I could
earn sen (money) easily, just by writing some words on a piece of
paper and returning to the city, then that paper would become a lot of
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money. How was that kind of life not considered as a good life? Good
and easy work, which does not need to use a lot of energy, unlike
what they have to do in work every day; they must go to the field
and search for louk (side dish) in the jungle and also menakik getah
(tapping sap) from the morning until the afternoon.45
However, when I asked him why he did not just become Orang
Terang like Orang Rimba in Air Panas who had already settled down
there and converted to Islam, he spontaneously answered: “Hoppy
ndok kamia menjadi Orang Terang macam yoya” (We do not want
to live like how Orang Terang live there). He explained again that
being Orang Terang means that it is proper for them to have a good
and easy life, unlike their hard lives. However, according to what he
sees in Orang Rimba Air Panas people, they are very far from living a
good and easy life. He thinks that Orang Rimba Air Panas people still
suffer in their lives, just like them. He means suffering in terms of
everyday Orang Rimba life. They should have left behind all attitudes
associated with Orang Rimba, not only their religious belief, but also
their customs, lifestyle and livelihood. But what he sees of Orang
Rimba Air Panas people is the other way around. Orang Rimba Air
Panas people still do farming and still search for woods in the forest
from time to time, just like them. The Orang Rimba of Air Panas also
still eat cassava, just like them. He thinks that as Orang Terang they
should have eaten rice every day. If that is how they live, what is the
difference between them and us who are still living in the forest?
Mawang’s statement of fact is a solid express of the distinction
between their identity and the Orang Terang. By implementing the
taboo there will be apparent boundary between their world and the
world of Orang Terang. Taboo here then works as a strengthening
of identity between them and the Orang Terang, which is, another
ethnic group.
45. Although I know that Mawang does not really menakik getah, instead he asked his children and
in-laws to do it because of his handicapped legs. Orang Rimba does not menakik getah karet until
the evening, as the Malay and the Javanese do. They only do it from 9 o’clock in the morning until
around 12 o’clock.
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in advance to this area. Their arrival will certainly have implications for
the replenishment of the population, and it definitely requires residential
lands, cultivated lands and new oil palm plantation lands (KKI WARSI,
2008; Sandbukt & WARSI, 1998).
The declining level of the rural community’s economic condition,
particularly of the Malays, further complicates some of the land problems.
In contrast to the transmigration community whose livelihood relies
on oil palm plantations, the Malays living in the villages surrounding
the Bukit 12 National Park relies on the natural rubber plantations and
collection of non-timber forest products (rattan, balam sap, etc.). Because
non-timber forest products are increasingly difficult to obtain, they have
returned to depending on the natural rubber plantation in which a lot
of trees have become old and difficult to produce, thereby making the
village community look for other alternatives (Kurniawan, 2001).
One of the alternatives is bebalok (illegal logging) done in the
area of Bukit 12 National Park. The bebalok activity will eventually
reach worrying level for the life of the Orang Rimba because it is
performed on a large scale and does not pay attention to environmental
and social impacts. In addition to bebalok, they also do encroachment
or forest clearance in the National Park. According to WARSI, a forest
area of approximately 1,000 ha has been cleared by communities living
around the National Park, and is mostly used as farms for horticulture46.
Indonesia’s unstable political situation, economic crisis since 1998 and
corruption and collusion among forestry bureaucrats have weakened the
law enforcement on illegal logging activities (EIA & Telapak Foundation,
2001).
Orang Rimba who live in the area of Bukit 12 National Park consist
of several groups. One of the groups is Orang Rimba Air Hitam who
lives in the south. Their life is not that favorable. The bad condition of
their lands gives them no choice. This situation then leads to an uncertain
situation in the area which is then utilized by the brokers (toke) to take
46. See Kompas, 27/7/2001, Irigasi Tak Berfungsi: Penduduk Rambah TNBD
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the trade between them and toke Sori, toke rattan or another toke in the
village of Pematang Kabau. Such interaction is also established between
them and the villagers when they go to the market to buy something
related to their basic needs in Pematang Kabau Village or Bukit Suban
Village. On Fridays, they more often go down to the market located in
Pematang Kabau Village because its location is close to their settlement.
They seldom go to SPI market in Bukit Suban village because they
can meet some toke here, like Alisman, whose house is near the market in
Bukit Suban Village. Usually they will ask for money for the rattan they
sell or owe money to Alisman’s shop. They also do not hesitate to go to
the health center in Pematang Kabau village for treatment.
At the beginning, the health center officers felt uncomfortable
and were reluctant to treat them because they did not understand what
the Orang Rimba said and the Orang Rimba were not willing to take
treatment at the health center because they considered it too expensive.
Moreover, they felt intimidated when the officers asked about their ID
cards. Finally, after discussion with WARSI, the local health department
issued a regulation in which the Orang Rimba did not need to bring
ID cards, but should mention the group from which they came and be
charged a minimum fee. Since then, a lot of Orang Rimba have been
interested in getting cheap treatment at the health center.
Furthermore, the social interaction between Pak Tarib’s group and
Orang Terang is also established at the children’s level. In contrast to
other Orang Rimba groups who consider school as something taboo, Pak
Tarib allows his children to attend school in the village. However, the
school is different from the ordinary one in that it is only for the Orang
Rimba s children in Bukit Suban Village. Indeed, for some Orang Rimba,
school is still considered as violating custom because they assume that it
is a tool to introduce them to the way of living of Orang Terang.
Pak Tarib thinks that studying at school is important in order to
ensure that the Orang Rimba are not cheated again by Orang Terang.
By attending school, his children can read and write so that outsiders
will no longer deceive them. He allows his children to go to school on
the condition that the school must be really specified for the children of
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Orang Rimba so that other children will not insult them. Currently, not
only Orang Rimba students but also some Javanese and Malay children
attend the school from Air Panas village. Such an interaction means Pak
Tarib’s children can get along with the transmigrant children better.
In Pak Tarib’s group, the Nyai group lives in Sungai Semapuy,
which takes about two hours from the location of Pak Tarib’s farmland.
Currently, there are 13 pesaken or families who live at that location.
Compared to other Orang Rimba Air Hitam People groups, Nyai group
is living at a location far enough from the outside world. They live by
constructing some susudongan at that location.
At the Semapuy River’s upstream, they also have some rubber
plantations, but the trees are still young so they have not yet been able
to cut. To meet their basic needs, they make a livelihood by collecting
rattan, jelutung sap and opening a little farm. The Semapuy River’s
upstream is located at the foot of Bukit 12 that has not been explored
by the outsiders. It is also adjacent to the wandering area of the Orang
Rimba of Mengkekal Hulu (Aik Behan River). As a meeting area of
some river upstream in the hilly areas, this area is well known of the
richness of its forest resource and hunted animals. It is not difficult for
Nyai’s group to look for rattan in this area. The main problem is related
to the long time spent to take the rattan away to the village because the
remoteness of this area.
According to Nyai, they rarely interact with outsiders. There are
several reasons that they put forward. However, basically, they are trying
to limit the contact with Orang Terang by staying deeper in the forest.
When I asked them why they choose to go further into the forest, which
their area is actually not that far from the transmigration settlement, they
said that it is not good to frequently live together with Orang Terang in
the settlement area. Nyai said,
”Hoppy beik, hidup bersamo-samo orang dusun. Ujinye kamia
berpenyakito’on”.
(It is not good to live together with the villagers. Later we will
suffer from diseases).
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
Thus, they actually feel comfortable living in the forest. They think
that there is no demand for money to fulfil their daily needs. However, if
observed closely there are several reasons why Nyai’s group rarely interacts
with the outside world. They usually get information or anything relating to
the outside world through Pak Tarib’s group. There are several reasons why
they decided to settle in the upstream of the river, i.e. their three fields47 of
rubber plantations have entered the harvest period so it is not likely to be
left. If they leave this location and move to another area, then the rubber
trees will soon die because no one will take care of them. In addition, Nyai’s
group perceives that their living area, which is located in the upstream of
Semapuy River, is an area that has an abundance of forest resources of non-
timber forest products like an easily obtained variety of hunted animals.
As a result, they do not need to look for animals over a wide range. Almost
once a month they get a wild boar or other animals such as deer and napuh.
However, this group also makes contact with outsiders if they go
to the market to buy staple goods or simply meet the toke. Sometimes,
there is a transmigrant that visits their living place to buy cassava or
other crops. Also, they now sell their rattan to Pak Tarib who also serves
as a toke. Therefore, he functions not only as a Tumenggung, but also as
a toke for them. By having a relationship with Pak Tarib, they can reduce
their contact with the villagers and avoid diseases.
Basically, the life of Orang Rimba Air Hitam living in the forest,
like the groups of Tarib, Nyai and Laman in Tenkuyungan River, relies
on subsistence activities, aiming at fulfilling basic needs independently
from the result of activities in the forest and on the rubber plantation.
They can meet the staple food requirements such as rice by farming. In
order to meet the need for protein, they obtain it from the side dish as
a result of hunting and searching for fish. In addition to meeting other
needs like cigarettes, clothes and fabric48, they can get them by selling
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the forest resources. Those activities color the life of Orang Rimba every
day. In their leisure time, they spend the time just relaxing and going to
the market in the village when market day comes.
When I asked them why they are proud of being Orang Rimba
rather than Malays, the answers would be similar, that they are proud
of being able to practice the tradition of life inherited by their Nenek
Poyang. It is the life of tradition that tries to revive the meaning of being
Orang Rimba. Preserving the life of tradition reminds them about the
nature surrounding them as well as the forest that has important values
for them. Although living in the forest is getting harder and harder, most
of the groups think that living like that does not really a matter because
this is their life, which should be preserved.
I see that the tradition is preserved all day long within their daily
life. In the morning, for instance, they get up 6 or 7am without taking
a bath or washing their face, and at about 10am the men perform their
activities in the forest. The men go to the forest to hunt animals, to check
plants in the farmland during the planting season, to tap the rubber sap
in the rubber plantation, or to do other activities based on their needs,
such as finding rattan or other forest products. It happened when I lived
near Laman’s house. He went to collect wild rubber seeds growing in
the plantation of the villagers in order to be planted in his plantation. As
a result, he worked all day long to collect hundreds of stems. The male
(jenton) Orang Rimba will be considered diligent if he can manage to earn
a living every day. If they keep silent, not working, they automatically
will not get any food or side dish to eat. Additionally, this will determine
someone who will semendo to the family of the female whom he will
marry.
Rice is something luxurious for the Orang Rimba. They only can
eat rice if they do farming. For the next two to three years, they have
to open new farmland where they are or move to another place if they
still want to harvest the field rice. Rubber is planted in many farmlands
as the sign of land title and future investment. They sometime eat rice
only once a week or several days in a month. Meanwhile, the women do
several activities at home or find the staple food. According to Orang
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Rimba custom, the woman is responsible for finding the staple food.
The obligation of men is to find the side dish. This rule is not really
strict. Sometime I met some Orang Rimba women joining their husbands
to find fish in the river by fishing or catching (ngakop). If they have
farmland, it is the obligation of women to keep the paddy and harvest it .
Otherwise, they will find tubers in the forest to be consumed.
The men who go hunting will return at about noon. If hunting
during the day, they will find it difficult to get louk godong (big animals)
such as wild boar, deer, etc. They only hunt small animals such as
squirrel, rat, frogs and birds. They also lay traps and see the results the
following day. Then, the women and girls clean and cook them and they
eat together. Nevertheless, sometimes for several days an Orang Rimba
family only eats cassava and tubers. This happens when they have just
come to a new place due to melangun or other things, so that it is difficult
for them to find staple food or louk. It will take some days to adapt to
the new location. They usually ask for cassava at the closest plantation
or just take it from the garden. Also, they sometimes receive meat from
their relatives. There is a bulih concept in Orang Rimba culture that if
someone gets a big louk godong, it is necessary for him to share with the
entire group members, especially those who are his waris. For example,
nakan (nephew) to his mamok (uncle). Nakan is obliged to give a thigh
or other particular part of the big hunted animal he got.
While waiting for their father working to find louk and their
mother finding cassava, Orang Rimba children spend their time playing.
Orang Rimba children under five years old will follow wherever their
mothers go. If they are more than five years old, their sister will guard
them. Orang Rimba children usually play with objects available in their
surroundings. They usually play with leg-tied insects (grasshoppers) and
make them fly, or break their legs and make them fly. Teenagers will help
their parents searching for louk in the surrounding area. They usually
hunt for rats or find for fish in the river for their lunch and dinner.
While waiting for the evening to come, they usually have a
chat, talking about things near their susudong’an and smoke handmade
cigarette. They talk about events that occur around them. At this time,
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parents usually tell the customs and traditions of their ancestors which
should be obeyed by children. Between 5 to 6 p.m they start to have
dinner, a leftover of their lunch.
When the night comes, Orang Rimba men leave for hunting.
Meanwhile, the women and children wait at the settlement. They usually
sleep at 7p.m. The men usually go for hunting in a group of three to four
persons from the same group. Even one person is enough if he dares
to do it. They leave by bringing kecepek and kujur in hand. The Orang
Rimba men are considered good (padek) at hunting if they often get the
animals. They usually start hunting at 8p.m. and return at 10 or 11 pm
if they do not get the hunted animals. However, if there is an animal on
target, they will keep following until morning and hope that they can
bring the hunted animal home. If so, they will share it equally among
the members of the group. Those who did not join the hunting will also
receive a share.
It is the women who distribute the meat according to the
allocation. The biggest portion is usually given to the leader of the group
and then to all members of the group. It is taboo for the hunter to keep
the meat for himself. He will be fined if he does not share the meat with
other members of the group or other groups that belongs to his waris.
Meanwhile, the remaining meat will be preserved to keep it durable for
the following days. This is done by dry baking (sale). Because the louk
godong is available, they can keep the supply of louk for the following
days. Quite often they only eat meat without rice or cassava. The
interesting thing is that the Orang Rimba can eat meat the day after the
animal has died and in which maggots have grown. When the meat has
run out, they will start hunting animals again in the forest.
Basically, although their circumstances are difficult with less
forest in which to make a living, they still persist with their tradition.
They tried to maintain the tradition that has been carried from generation
to generation since the days of their first ancestors. They hope that by
carrying on their traditions they can sustain their identity with other
groups, still living in the forest and following the tradition they want to
survive.
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
Conclusion
142
CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
STATEMENT OF THE RIGHTS OF THE
ORANG RIMBA
I
t is not impossible that Orang Rimba take up a physical fight. Although
previous literatures observed that they are an ethnic group who always
tries to avoid violence in their opposing actions, it now seems that
they have a different opposition pattern. There are some cases whereby
Orang Rimba physically fight against the corporation, government, and
wider community in Jambi. One of their actions is to set a roadblock by
making a gateway on the driveway. They will then occupy the land or
claim the disputed land so that the company and the government cannot
expel them. There is also a case of theft involving Orang Rimba, which
later led to a conflict between them and the villagers. The actions taken by
the Orang Rimba do, of course, lead to high tension or conflict between
them and other community groups in Jambi. However, it can be seen that
their actions are actually the accumulation of their disappointment and
frustration due to the situation in which they are trapped.
The annexation of their lands by either company or village
communities makes them powerless against the company’s superiority
and the general public in Jambi. When they file a complaint about the
matter to the government, they are then defeated because occupying the
land is not considered legally valid. As a result, they must take those
actions since; according to them they have no other solution for solving
their problems. Therefore, with regard to the issues above, this chapter
will discuss the Orang Rimba’s actions, which can be classified as an
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
opposition against the ruling class. Moreover, this chapter will explain
the modus operandi of such actions along with the causes as well as the
implications for the Orang Rimba themselves and other groups.
Roadblock
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
the Orang Rimba. When being arrested, several Orang Rimbas attacked
the police officers. Then the police officers fired warning shots, but these
were ignored and the Orang Rimba chased after the police officers who
were shooting into the air and caught the Department of Forestry officials.
The police officers eventually ran away when they were attacked and
chased. Feeling threatened, the police officers finally returned firing
warning shots into the air. The Orang Rimba gave up because they had
no weapons to fight them. Finally, the police, the Forest Service and the
PT. WKS and PT. TMA left the location, taking Sitinjak and Sihombing
and the evidence. After that, the Orang Rimba, supported by an NGO,
Laskar Merah Putih, took up the fight by reporting the case to the Social
Services, but this did not work. They also went to the Forest Services but
also did not get a satisfactory answer49.
An Orang Rimba said that they did what they did because of
what they were entitled to fight for. "What are we fighting for our rights,
brother. Land occupied by the company belonged to us. It's known ours
is a sedentary life. Suddenly our land was appropriated by the company".
Other cultivators who were there also approved it. They say that the land
was the land of Orang Rimba from a long time ago.
The Orang Rimba group involved in the conflict was the Bujang
Kabut group, living in the Senamat River, Pemayungan village, around
the Bukit 12 National Park, the Jambi and Riau border area. The conflict
began when the Orang Rimba claimed that the 10,000 ha-company’s land
was their right. However, it is believed that there were some actors behind
the claim incident who drove the Orang Rimba and influenced them to
fight over the land and then sold or shared it in part to them. The Reverend
Sihombing claimed that he had assisted the Orang Rimba and also later
Antoni Panjaitan from the Laskar Merah Putih counselled the Orang
Rimba in Pemayungan village so as to have the rights to some of the land.
The problem was that the land of 10,000 ha was still within the coverage
area of PT. TMA, PT. LAJ, and PT.WKS. They argued that it was the Orang
49. Conflict between the Orang Rimba and corporate at the Bukit 30 National Park. Source: Report of
KKI WARSI, One Conflict with one Thousand of Interest in the South Part of The Bukit 30 National
Park (TNBT), April 2011
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Rimba who were entitled to their customary land owned by the companies.
Even some groups of Malays in the village of Lubuk Mandarsah had paid
10 million (1.5 million per hectare) to the Bujang Kabut group for 100
hectares. Therefore, it can be seen that there were many groups that took
advantage of the Orang Rimba in the possession of the land.
The complexity of the land conflict is increasing due to the
issuance of the Regent’s Appeal Letter No. 522/702/Dinhut/2010 dated
29 September 2010, which prohibits Orang Rimba from carrying out any
activities within the companies’ area. Open conflict later broke out when
the Orang Rimba created a barrier to block trucks carrying the company’
timber. This case demonstrates that the interest of the Orang Rimba is
very vulnerable to be affected by other groups. They take advantage of
the Orang Rimba to fight against the companies by using the issue of
customary land, to which they entitled.
Orang Rimba also practiced roadblock in the conflict with an oil
palm company named PT. Asiatic Persada (AP) in 2005. The case quite
appalled the Jambi province at the time because it was so rare that the
Orang Rimba fought openly. At that time, the Orang Rimba blocked the
company’s trucks bringing out the palm fruits and it was feared that the
palm fruits would rot within a week if not transported to the factory to
be processed into CPO (Crude Palm Oil). The Orang Rimba who took
blocking action were from the Roni & Maliki bin Alam Seli group and
from Padang Salak. They demanded the oil palm land since the area of the
company was located in their territory; therefore they felt entitled to get the
part of the company’s lands. They then occupied the land of HGU (Land
Use Rights) of PT. Asiatic. At that time, there were 100 families that had
established houses and cottages in the village in the company’s area, i.e.
along the Beruang River (60 families) and Tanjung Johor (40 families).
The company had actually provided land of 1200 ha for the
Orang Rimba but many more came from outside of the area, such as
from the Lilin River, Palembang, therefore the area and the settlement
were no longer sufficient. They asked the government and the police to
resolve the problem but there was no response. Finally, on October 15th,
2005, the Orang Rimba held a demonstration against PT Asiatic and 14
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Orang Rimba were arrested by the police. This problem has remained
unresolved since 2001. According to the company, there was an actor
behind the case because there were some Malays who claimed to be
Orang Rimba to ask for allotment of the oil palm plantation.
Demonstration
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They came together to the office and factory of PT. SAL located
in the SPC area. They rode motorcycles in tandem, even renting a truck
to transport almost all the people living in Air Panas village, including
the community members from other ethnic groups. They filed a lawsuit
against the company in order to realize compensation for their oil palm
plantations in the sense that the oil palm plantations are also given to all
residents in the village of Air Panas including non-Orang Rimba. The
demonstration was not on behalf of the demands of the Air Panas village
people, but the Suku Anak Dalam.
They made speeches and unfurled banners that essentially rejected
the presence of PT. SAL. They called PT. SAL as Orang Rimba land
grabbers. Toha told me that that PT. SAL established oil palm plantations
on their ancestral lands. They had just watched and did not accept the
results. It was time they took that to which they were entitled. When I
asked why this took the form of demonstrations like this in droves to the
factory, Toha said," This is what we saw and copied from someone else.
We see also from the television. We were initially scared but when we
came together we became not afraid".
For some, it is believed that there is a peculiarity to their demand,
e.g. it can be seen from the Orang Rimba themselves. According to Pak
Tarib, when the Orang Rimba of Air Panas claimed the land of pusaron
nenek moyang (ancestors’ grave) located in the oil palm plantation owned
by PT. SAL as a customary right, the real Orang Rimba were those who
actually deserved the compensation right. They did not consider Orang
Rimba of Air Panas as real Orang Rimba. They were considered to have
left the customary life or thrown away indigenous tradition by turning into
Malays, so how could they then claim that they were like the real Orang
Rimba?. Even if they eventually got it, Pak Tarib would ask PT. SAL to
also give indemnity to the whole of the Orang Rimba living in the Air
Hitam area since most of their ancestors were buried there.
According to information from PT. SAL, as told to me by its field
officer, the demand of the Orang Rimba of Air Panas is strange because
they had already received the replacement of oil palm plantations in Block
G. They had signed it and had received the results (from the plantation
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
50. In several conversations between them about how their demand could be granted by PT. SAL, I
saw that the role of Mul Sinaga, a Bataknese living not far from the village of Air Panas, was very
prominent. He gave advice on how Toha, Nugra, or Ngelam (Orang Rimba at Kampong Air Panas)
set a strategy to fight PT. SAL.
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permanent house, buying a TV and so forth. They perceive that the oil palm
plantation now has a high strategic value. They have already seen how
oil palm plantations can alter the state of the economy of migrants living
around their neighborhood. This is different from the Malay community in
which many of them are still dependent on the rubber plantations.
In addition, getting valuable oil palm plantations is difficult
today. The selling price per plot is quite high, up to 20s millions. One
way to get such a worthy livelihood is to claim the oil palm plantation
that has shown a good fruit production. This is because they themselves
admit that it is very difficult to take good care of the plantation like the
migrants. As a result, it is reasonable that they need to get a more settled
livelihood rather than just hunting and gathering.
Steal to Eat
51. Source: Kubu jarah Toko Manisan (The Kubu have looted the shop), Jambi Ekpres, 29/01/2005
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are now very anxious, Sir. The Suku Anak Dalam members began looting
our shops,” said Rio Abdullah to the Chief of Police and the Regent of
Bungo district. The villagers said that they were afraid and did not know
how to react. According to them, they were dealing with people who did
not understand the law. “The residents are frightened, Sir. It is because
many of them (Suku Anak Dalam) do not understand the law. This
condition greatly harms us,” said Abdullah. “The goods stolen by the
SAD were not expensive, but still the residents were disadvantaged by the
theft,” added the Sekdus (secretary of village) Satrio. He also admitted
that the Orang Rimba did not take items other than foods. “Items such
as laptops and other electronic devices are not taken. They only steal
for something they can eat,” said Satrio. The Orang Rimba admits this.
They said that they had serious trouble finding food because their land
was gone. In addition, the usual foods they get from the forest, such as
root crops, have also been difficult to obtain due to the disappearance of
the forests where they used to wander.
The Orang Rimba do understand that the theft they committed is
wrong. Nevertheless, they have to do it since there is no available food
to eat while working to earn money is difficult because no one wants to
hire them. “We know stealing is wrong, Brother. Then what should we
do. The forests have been depleted. Where else can we find foods?” said
Cerinai when I asked him about Orang Rimba who stole in the villages.
Such a reason is also justified by most of the Orang Rimba. They also
understand that their actions will get impunity because they are deemed
not to understand the law. According to them, the police will not dare to
arrest them because they are Orang Rimba. The Orang Terang’s law does
not apply to them. Nugra, an Orang Rimba living in the Air Panas village,
told me, “The police will not dare to arrest us. They have no reason to
do that. See, it doesn’t matter to bring kecepek52. It is different from the
villagers; once they hold kecepek they will be immediately arrested.53”
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The Orang Rimba admit that they were not prepared for this
situation. There was a time when they sold their rubber lands to meet the
needs of their daily life and the desire to buy other goods. The things that
once they regarded as luxurious now frequently appear in front of them.
Motorcycles, for instance. In the past, they could not imagine buying a
motorcycle. But by selling two or three acres of land, they can buy. The
need for such things is very confusing for them because they see them
used by the villagers every day. As a consequence, they are interested in
buying them. Mobile phones, motorcycles, televisions and radios are no
longer luxuries for them but are considered as day-to-day needs.
“Ai capek kakok, jika kamia berburu jauh ke dalam perkebunan
sawit tanpa pakai motor” (We’re tired, Brother, if we have to hunt deep
into the oil palm plantations without a motorcycle), said a young Orang
Rimba when I asked him why he rode a motorcycle everywhere. They are
no longer dwelling in the forest, isolated from the settlement and hustle.
Their Sudung (camps) are now only a dozen meters from the busy village
roads. Thus, it is natural then that they pay attention to another way of
life. They feel powerless to face the fact that their lands and forests have
been converted into oil palm plantations and settlements. Meanwhile,
they themselves still live by moving from one oil palm plantation to
another one and from one rubber plantation to another.
Eating is also used as a reason for other theft cases such as illegal
logging. This usually occurs among the Orang Rimba tribe groups who
are still living in the forest, such as those living in the area of Bukit 12
National Park and Bukit 30 National Park.
The involvement of Orang Rimba in the timber cases began in
the 1980s and 1990s when the forest clearing activities for oil palm
plantations and transmigration settlements were rampant. Most of the
illegal loggings were done by groups of people who belonged to Malay
ethnics. In contrast to the migrants that lived off the oil palm plantations,
the Malay people, living in the villages surrounding the Bukit 12 National
Park, relied on the plantation of natural rubber and non-timber forest
products (rattan, balam’s sap, etc.).
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
54. It is about 20 $
55. It is about 1.5 $
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56. Source: BKSDA tetapkan warga SAD jadi tersangka, Jambi Independent, 6/10/2004
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
The Orang Rimba did not stay silent. They were well aware that
the forest timbers were looted and taken from their forest, which was a
living place and symbol of their cultural life. Each tree has a meaning
and significance. The Setubung tree, for instance, is a marker tree where
the baby’s placenta is planted and each Orang Rimba tribesman must
have a setubung tree as a marker of his life. The Sialang tree, a giant tree
where the bees set their honeycomb and produce honey, is a priceless
treasure for them. But no effort they made was strong enough to face the
onslaught of the illegal loggers.
In the case of a murdered Orang Rimba, e.g., in the case of
Bungkah and Ngambu (Orang Rimba who were killed by the residents
of Ruan River village), since 2002 the killer has not been disclosed by
the police57. The villagers killed two Orang Rimba by beating them when
they collected the money for the gateway set for the Orang Rimba who
took timbers in the Bukit 12 forest. The police have not solved this case
because there is considered to be ‘lack of evidence’.
The second case is the murder of an Orang Rimba using a
homemade firearm (kecepek), which also occurred, in the Kejasung
River area. The government tried to close this case by imposing Orang
Rimba’s law on the Malays involved, i.e. by fining 1060 pieces of cloth.
Many Orang Rimba feel that these cases have not yet been resolved. Such
cases also create fear and trauma among the Orang Rimba. They see the
killers still at large in their neighborhood. So it is not surprising then if
they become apathetic and look to follow the illegal logging activities
happening in front of their eyes. An Orang Rimba once told me, “Instead
of the timbers being lost, taken by other people and we do not get the
advantage of, it is better that we take and sell the timbers ourselves. Well,
we will get more benefits than the others,” a rational thought.
57. See Aritonang and Taufik (1999), Membela Nasib Bertaruh Nyawa dalam Alam Sumatra dan
Pembangunan Ed. Vol. 2/No: 6 September 1999.
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
were deemed to be still living in the woods. Lastly, there was anxiety
among some Orang Rimba groups about the government’s plan to build
transmigration settlements in the area where they were now living.
The case of land annexation, which then leads to a land claim
by the Orang Rimba, occurs not only between the Orang Rimba and the
companies, but also between the Orang Rimba and the villagers, e.g. a
conflict between Orang Rimba and the KUD Sinar Tani of Sialang Pungguk
village that occurred in 200558. The main problem of this conflict was the
Orang Rimba claim of 1600 hectares of oil palm plantation in the village
of Muarasingoan. They claimed the oil palm land owned by the villagers.
This problem became more complicated since the villagers insisted that
the land did not belong to the Orang Rimba but it was a forest that had
long been abandoned. The villagers saw that after turning it into a palm oil
plantation, the land was then suddenly claimed by Orang Rimba. This case
was eventually resolved when the government assisted in the mediation
and attempted to settle this incident peacefully by asking the farmers
(villagers) to give a sum of money as indemnity to the Orang Rimba.
Similar cases also occurred elsewhere. A land claim made by the
Orang Rimba later resulted in a beating by the villagers. This occurred
in Pulau Baru village, Batang Masumai sub-district, Merangin in 2012,
wounding three villagers and causing them to be hospitalized59. The case
began when a villager was cleaning his durian farm. Suddenly, he found a
group of six Orang Rimba in the farm. In fact, they had been living in the
farm for about a week. Then the villager tried to drive out them but they
did not want to leave and insisted that the durian farm was theirs. At first,
they only had an argument, but the situation got tenser once the Orang
Rimba started brandishing their kecepek causing a fight to be inevitable.
As a result of this incident, news about persecution by the Orang Rimba
spread throughout the villages. Then, the villagers mobilized themselves
and sought the Orang Rimba. Some then ran away into the forest. The
situation was terrifying. The villagers carried out speed checks in the
streets to find the whereabouts of the Orang Rimba.
58. Source: Jambi Ekspress, Wednesday, 3/11/2005. Pemkab Fasilitasi Pertemuan KUD ST & SAD
59. Source: Edition of Saturday, 02 June 2012 09:46, SAD Bentrok dengan Warga
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Cases of land claim have occurred several times and Orang Rimba
most often make them. This problem then leads to a complex and parallel
clash once their claim involves the villagers. Some of their claims on the
company’s lands are successful, e.g. a claim on the customary land located
in Air Panas area delivered to PT. SAL. As a consequence, the company
is very careful in approaching them. Nevertheless, the problem and its
impact is different when it is associated with the village community.
The cases of land claims are often found in the Orang Rimba groups
existing in southern Jambi where the forests have been fully converted
to plantations and transmigration settlements. The remaining lands are
subsequently converted by the villagers to rubber plantations. The case of
land acquisition and encroachment by the Malays is related to a cultural
phenomenon that, according to Mubyarto, Soestrisno, and etc (1990), is
called the “boom & bust” situation of the oil palm plantations occurring in
the 80-90s. They argue that the “boom & bust” situation refers to a mental
culture of “opportunists,” i.e. a mentality that attempts to take advantage
of a type of business that is “booming” and leave a type of business that is
considered no longer profitable.
At that time, the Jambi community saw that the result of their oil
palm plantations was more stable and more expensive than those owned
by the migrant communities. In addition, compared to rubber plantations,
oil palm plantations were more profitable. This understanding, according
to Mubyarto, made the Jambi community rapidly convert the forests to
become oil palm plantations without considering the risks, because an oil
palm plantation requires a large area to earn a hefty profit. As a result, the
farmers in Jambi sporadically carried out a massive forest clearance.
The Orang Rimba also admit to blindly converting the forest to
rubber or oil palm plantations. Many of them sold their lands to the villagers
at a low price, as admitted by Penggunang Leman, leader of the Orang
Rimba from Pamenang. He said that a lot of lands had been bought by the
Malays at a price they thought was quite expensive. This understanding
was actually based on the context of a spatial condition when the Orang
Rimba did not own the lands thus they did not know exactly what was
going on at that time. Now, he’s aware of what was happening, he is sorry
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
about selling his lands to the villagers. “If we knew the situation would be
like this, we wouldn’t have sold the lands, Brother. At that time, we thought
we still had a vast area of forest, so it was okay to sell a little of the lands.
Now there is no more land remaining for us.”
When I asked Nugra, Orang Rimba in Kampong Air Panas, what
he thought about the land claims made by the Orang Rimba that caused
conflicts in some locations of the Pamenang area, he made an interesting
statement. He said that, like it or not, this is what they should do:“The land,
which was once seized by the Malays remains our property. Is it wrong if
we now want to take it back? If that is not quite enough, do not blame us if
we do it by any means, including violence. Our life has been oppressed.”
Conclusion
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Social & Political Statement of the Rights of the Orang Rimba
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CHAPTER 6
THE SOCIAL PLATFORM
UNDERLYING SOCIAL MOVEMENT
T
he collective action of the Orang Rimba against the state has
attracted other parties’ interest in assisting them. Their actions
against the injustice they encounter are related to other
issues that have emerged in Jambi and are in line with the change
of Indonesia’s political structure, which has shifted to transparency
and the decentralisation of power away from central government to
provincial and regional regency government. Such a situation invites
chaos that causes political instability, which, in turn, creates a change
of local political structure and invites new political strata in the
region.
The Orang Rimba have always been in a disadvantaged position
within the social structure of modern society and this has made them
helpless in confronting the injustice they are experiencing. They are
in an underdog position because they do not have the power to elevate
their role within Jambi society and therefore do not have strong social
status within the Jambi social hierarchy.
The most discussed and correlated issues concern the existence
of the Orang Rimba and their loss of environment. Uncontrolled
development programmes and palm plantation expansion programmes
have caused a faster deforestation in Jambi affecting its indigenous
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people, including the Orang Rimba. Conflict arises not only between
the Orang Rimba and the state and the ruling class, but also among
the ethnic majority in Jambi (the Malay). Access to natural resources
and land have been raised as the main issues. On the other hand, some
of the Orang Rimba’s problems also concern the violation of human
rights in that the indigenous people should have received equal rights
as citizens. Here, the state is considered lacking in addressing these
rights and treating its citizens properly.
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) have emerged as a
result of a more powerful civil society in Indonesia. The existence
of NGOs has increasingly thrived as Indonesian politics has become
more open since the Reformation era of 1998, which has allowed
people to gather and to express their voices freely. The existence of
NGOs is considered to strengthen the capability of breaking down the
bureaucracy and communication blockage of the state.
The Orang Rimba need to locate their position in the new
political structure. The problem of ethnicity, in this sense, is an
adjustment of the structural location of the community within the
changing state. Originally, their actions were regarded as social
banditry because of their sporadic and disorganised characteristics:
this has now changed.
Wolf (1969) adds that adjustment always needs external
assistance from another party. The Orang Rimba need external
assistance to support them to determine their position in the modern
political structure. The NGO can be seen as the external assistance
in this case. With support of the NGOs, the Orang Rimba are able
to locate themselves in their proper position in today’s political
framework. The last sub-chapter will tell us how Orang Rimba
resisted WARSI, the NGO that has been helping them. This proves
that the awareness of Orang Rimba to group and organise resistance
has grown.
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Affairs tried to introduce a new term to replace it. The chosen words were
Suku Anak Dalam (Anak Dalam Tribe). The term Anak Dalam Tribe was
obtained by the Ministry of Social Affairs from the words Anak Dalam;
according to them, the Orang Rimba were led by a leader called Anak
Dalam, like a village head (Sitepu, 1993).
However, the words Suku Anak Dalam have a bias, which I think
does not refer to a specific ethnic group like the Orang Rimba. Instead,
it refers to minority ethnic groups existing in Jambi that have distinctive
cultural features. They are considered to have similar characteristics,
that they live nomadically, live in the forest, do not embrace or are
considered not to have sufficient understanding about Islam, and are
isolated and far from the settlements of the general communities in
Jambi. This can be seen from the writings of Fachruddin Saudagar
(Saudagar, 1993), a researcher from Jambi University, who included
the Talang Mamak Ethnic group and the Talang Ethnic group into the
category of the Anak Dalam Tribe. According to him, the difference
between Talang & Talang Mamak Ethnic groups and the Orang Rimba,
was the external influence received by each group. He said that the
Talang and Talang Mamak Ethnic groups had received influences from
the external culture.
In addition, there is also the Batin 9 ethnic group in Nyogan
village in Batanghari Regency, which was claimed by the Ministry of
Social Affairs as an example of successful PKMT for the Orang Rimba.
A survey conducted by WARSI in 1998 (Sandbukt & WARSI, 1998),
indicated that they were not Orang Rimba, but Bathin 9 people. They
are actually a sub-ethnic of Malay Jambi who separated or isolated
themselves because of their poverty. Due to their poverty, they could
not adapt to the outer world and decided to stay in the forest by opening
agricultural fields. As a result, they could meet their needs properly. Up
to the present day, the Ministry of Social Affairs calls them Anak Dalam
Tribe of Bathin 9.
WARSI opposed such definition. They used the Orang Rimba to
replace Kubu and Anak Dalam Tribe. The concept of the Orang Rimba
initially emerged when Oyvind Sandbukt popularized it in some of his
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The Social Platform Underlying Social Movement
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
Orang Rimba with other Indigenous People Group on First Archipelago Indigenous
Community Congress (KMAN I) held on 15 March 1999 (Source: KKI Warsi 1999)
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The Social Platform Underlying Social Movement
in the meeting room and told them to leave. He dragged an Orang Rimba
by the arm and asked him to leave. He told the Orang Rimba that WARSI
was an organization that would just make them miserable.
This was what most Jambi people thought at the time. Since 1998,
WARSI has worked actively for the Orang Rimba and advocated issues
related to them. Such issues are sensitive for the Malay because they
still consider them as the lowest part of society. Therefore, Malays were
apathetic about programs for the Orang Rimba. For example, why were
only Orang Rimba cared for, not the Malay poor.
In addition, another issue appeared in relation to the WARSI’s
focus of on forest conservation and protection of its natural resources.
This gave the impression that they were only interested in the environment
around the Orang Rimba, not the life of the Orang Rimba themselves.
This attracted attention when the WARSI was criticized by the Jambi
government who said their objective was to turn the Orang Rimba into a
museum piece, not to make them developed.
This turned into a hot issue because there were differences in the
objectives of Orang Rimba development between WARSI, society and
the government.
“The objectives of WARSI are to save and protect the primary
natural resources of the Orang Rimba, namely the forest. Because
if this forest disappears, their life will be disturbed”, said Robert
Aritong, the project Coordinator.
The main objectives for developing Orang Rimba set by the
government was to make them civilized by changing them to become
like other ordinary communities. One of which was to make them
embrace Islam. Therefore, the Jambi government and the Ministry of
Social Affairs unhesitatingly support the NGOs’ activities designed to
change Orang Rimba behaviour, as conducted by NGO KOPSAD-Anak
Dalam Tribe Lovers Group.
In the aforementioned context, the meaning of “Orang Rimba” is
very important and appropriate to the existence of the Orang Rimba who
live and rely for on the forest their life. I remember what Tumenggung
Mirak said to me:
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Biosphere Reserve into Bukit 12 National Park and expanded the area to
60,500 ha. This was based on the Decree of Minister of Forestry Number
258/Kpts-II/2000 explaining that the purpose of the area’s designation
was as the roaming and living area of the Orang Rimba. The President
of the Republic of Indonesia at that time, President Abdurahman Wahid,
declared the establishment of Bukit 12 National Park on 26 January
2001. The media reported WARSI as stating that that their success in
obtaining Bukit 12 National Park was a ‘little victory”.
The designation seemed the peak of WARSI’s advocacy struggle
because the existence of Orang Rimba in Bukit 12 area had finally been
acknowledged by the state. However, Bukit 12 area is a poor lowland
forest area lying between Batang Hari River and Air Hitam River (branch
of Merangin River) with a few hilly areas called Bukit 12 in the southern
part. Although it was protected by the customs of the Malay Jambi as the
roaming area of Orang Rimba, outsiders’ penetration was high in this
area. A Forest Concession (HPH) company, PT Intan Petra Putra Darma,
opened the forest according to its concession.
Additionally, the opening of a transmigration site located in the
south, west and east of Bukit 12 meant the remaining forest remained
was concentrated only in the hilly area of Bukit 12. Although it had been
changed into a national park, it was still under threat of forest tenure and
illegal logging. However, the designation of Bukit 12 National Park has
made the area and forest of the Orang Rimba legally protected. The next
challenge is how to make a proper area management model, which will
satisfy the stakes of all the conflicting parties, not only the Orang Rimba,
but also the villagers and other parties.
One of the prominent things achieved by the WARSI was the way
they took the Orang Rimba’s struggle to a different level. They used to
struggle within their individual groups but the WARSI unified them and
helped move their struggle in a better direction. It was not easy to gather
the groups of Orang Rimba living in Bukit 12 National Park. WARSI had
been making efforts since 1997. However, it was very difficult to reach
an agreement at that time due to conflict among the Orang Rimba. The
meeting was usually facilitated by the waris or jenang when there was
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61. The result of my interview with Bepak Ternong & Bepak Pengusai
62. Source: http://www.warsi.or.id, by WARSI, accessed on 31 October, 2012
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knowledge about the environment and culture of the Orang Rimba to the
public. An understanding about the Orang Rimba and their surrounding
environment, having a place to live, was very important for me, and
served as the materials for disseminating information.
WARSI took a rigorous approach to the media in securing routine
news reports about the Orang Rimba in Jambi. Colleagues in WARSI
admitted that they conducted an intensive public advocacy to the media
at that time. The objective was to change the status of Bukit 12 Biosphere
Reserve and to expand its area, which was no longer relevant to the
Orang Rimba. However, there was a complicated problem in that PT
Inhutani Jambi, the concession holder of the Industrial Plantation Forest
area in the northern part of Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve, was planning to
convert the northern part of Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve into an area of
the Industrial Plantation Forest. For reasons of a water revitalizing area,
an Orang Rimba roaming area and a conservation area, the government
finally designated Bukit 12 Biosphere Reserve as Bukit 12 National Park.
WARSI had a stake in changing public opinion in Jambi regarding
the Orang Rimba because the Jambi people generally believed that most
suitable development program for the Orang Rimba was to make them like
other communities. WARSI took a different approach, by conserving the
forest, which was considered their roaming area and home. For WARSI, it
was important to conserve Bukit 12 as a legally protected area in order to
make sure that the government guaranteed their rights. By protecting their
forest, WARSI hoped that the Orang Rimba would have a strong foundation
to face change without changing their identity into Orang Terang.65
WARSI was now a big local NGO with hundreds of employees and
had a focus and educational specification according to their scope or works.
Its coverage area included Jambi but also West Sumatra, Riau, Bengkulu
and South Sumatra. It covered a wide variety of community groups, from
villagers to the Orang Rimba in Jambi and the Talang Mamak people in
Riau. However, its main program was an assistance program for the Orang
Rimba living in Bukit 12 National Park and Bukit 30 National Park.
65. See the article of Kembalikan Bukit 12 Pada Orang Rimba, in ASP Vol. II No: 6/9/1999
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66. Source: Ade Chandra: Partisipasi Orang Rimba dalam pengelolaan TNBD, alam Sumatra edisi 2/th
VI, 2007
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
(Sodhi, Acciaioli, Erb, & Tan, 2008). Forest protection and forest resource
area belonging to indigenous people is seen by the conservasionist and
NGOs as one important way to protect resources indigenous people as
a source of life. Forest protection with the establishment "national park"
is considered as an ideal way to not only protect the environment, but
also fulfill the rights of indigenous people. Strategies such as these then
become a problem when the state law is not in accordance with the rules
desired by the indigenous people in accordance with the rules based on
their cultural norms. Here then arises a conflict between the indigenous
people and the State, as well NGOs as carrying the idea of conservation.
Development Programme
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are separated from the life of other Malays. They live in the forest as the
Orang Rimba, and those living in rural Malay are viewed as outsiders.
However, the importance of literacy education for the next
generation has been significant to them. I remember the early days when
Yusak entered the Pengelaworan River area, in the Mengkekal upstream
region in 1998. When literacy education programmes were initially
introduced Yusak to groups and to Bepak Pengusai and Bepak Ternong,
they did not indicate whether they would agree or not. They wanted to
see what kind of progress would be made, what kind of activities would
be entailed and so on. Would the programme have an impact on their
children, and on the customs that they uphold?
They considered literacy programmes important, as they did not
wish to be deceived by outsiders. As it is understood, they often sell their
rubber and forest products to outsiders, sometimes through waris and
jenang. Initially, they used a barter system to carry out the process of
buying and selling. The Orang Rimba exchange what they earn with items
in the village. They sometimes perceive this process as an unbalanced
system. For example, some expensive bags of jernang are exchanged, only
by waris or jenang, with an iron sharpener or a machete. A lot of their items
were replaced or bought with money. At first, they did not comprehend but
over time they understood the money system. In this context, according to
Bepak Bepak Pengusai, it is important for them to be able to understand
literacy in order to be able to know the real exchange rate.
It is the same case regarding Pak Tarib. Unlike the other Orang
Rimba that prohibited schooling, Pak Tarib allowed his children to attend
school in the village. Unlike ordinary schools, this is an establishment
devoted to the Orang Rimba in the village of Bukit Suban. Pak Tarib
considered that school offers an important education ensuring that Orang
Rimba people cannot be cheated by outsiders. With schooling, children
can read and write, determining that they are no longer vulnerable to
deception by anyone outside the area. Schooling should be really special
for Orang Rimba so that children do not suffer slurs or insults. Currently,
the school is used not only by students from Orang Rimba but there are
also some Javanese and Malay pupils from surrounding villages.
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
The Orang Rimba feel that they are often duped in the buying and
selling process; for example, when purchasing market staples. Often they feel
that costs are rigged by traders who feel they can manipulate prices because
the Orang Rimba are not considered to be literate. As Bepak Pengusai states,
"Yes, indeed, we sometimes feel that we were cheated by traders about the
price, because we could not read. So between the talk and the amount of
money that we receive, we do not know. We just believe it. But slowly we
began to learn the value of money with the colour and the shape of the money."
Similar deception occurs if they sell rubber to toke in the villages.
They feel that they do not get the appropriate price. Such events cause
them to then rethink the education programmes WARSI offers.
Another programme concerns bringing healthcare facilities to the
forest. The programme initially began in 1998 when WARSI recognised
that Orang Rimba did not receive the maximum healthcare from the
government. Many reasons were put forward. These ranged from a lack of
identification of Orang Rimba, limiting their access to the health facilities
in the country; the perceived prejudices and stereotypes of Orang Rimba
rendering health workers reluctant to touch them and Orang Rimba's own
health knowledge being limited, due to their own health standards.
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to survive. If a shaman cannot take objects quickly from the victim's body,
the patient will die. The heart or liver of the patient can be damaged. The
symptoms of a person with silom disease are characterised by the vomiting of
blood (muntah deroh), a sense of choking or bone pain. Shamans will appeal to
the gods to remove the disease from the body of the patient. Having removed
the object, it was then shown to the patient and his family. If the object was not
successfully retrieved, then the patient would die.
To cure these diseases required a shaman. Shamans will try to cure the
disease by way of ritual bebalai, by doing bedeki; uttering a prayer to the gods
asking for healing. However, the shaman must know the sources of the disease
first, whether it is caused by silom or exposure to the outside world.
Regarding such a concept, it can be understood that the Orang Rimba
are resigned to a disease without understanding the symptoms. If they
encounter a sick person, then usually they will let go, and wait until the person
dies, or they will restrict the patient to another location to contain the disease.
It is no wonder the death rate is high in the families of the Orang
Rimba. Until now there has been no research on the health status of the Orang
Rimba. In the beginning, however, before the outreach health plan programme
(or what they refer to as lokoter) was initiated by WARSI, it is not surprising
that 2 or 3 children died in each family.
The entire programme continues to this day. Education programmes
for Orang Rimba were not limited to literacy, but also helped the Orang
Rimba to access government educational facilities. WARSI then attempted to
cooperate with the provincial education office, in order to bring educational
access to Orang Rimba. This started with the construction of the elementary
school near the site of Orang Rimba so that they were not too far away if they
wanted to attend. WARSI also facilitates Orang Rimba children who want to
enter public school in Jambi, as well as helping to create the curriculum for the
elementary school in Jambi, educating the pupils about the existence of Orang
Rimba. For example, a book was created about the story of Orang Rimba’s
myths associated with nature. WARSI even facilitated the establishment of
associations or forums of school teachers with children of Orang Rimba in
their school (Sukmareni & Yulis, 2014). WARSI’s hope is that the stereotype
and prejudice around Orang Rimba can be reduced.
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The story then spread to several groups of Orang Rimba. The story has
provided legitimacy for the Orang Rimba to receive educational programmes.
By being able to read and write, Orang Rimba can realise progress in the
world beyond them. They can read the news in the newspapers, the Internet,
and books. They have mobile phones and can communicate well with
everyone. These conditions gave rise to a new awareness from the state of
the Orang Rimba and their position in society. They are now able to process
transactions with outsiders without feeling cheated. Education has helped
raise a new consciousness of the intellectual capacity of the group who are
now aware of their rights.
67. Kalpataru is an award granted by the government of Indonesia (Ministry of Environment, Republic
of Indonesia) to an individual or institution that has made an outstanding contribution to preserving
the environment.
68. Source : warsi: http://www.warsi.or.id/news/2006/News_200606_Kalpataruphp?year=2006&file=Ne
ws_200606_Kalpataru.php, uploaded – 26 June 2006, accessed on 31 October 2012 or sukmareni,
warsi, Hompongan Antar Tumenggung Tarib ke istana, alam Sumatra, January –June 2009,
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
69. Konggres Masyarakat Adat: Hentikan Hegemoni Itu, in ASP Edisi IV/April 1999
70. Orang Rimba Peroleh Penghargaan Kehati Award 2000, Suara Pembaruan,1/2/2000
71. The Hompongan program itself was not initiated by Mr. Tarib. The original idea of the program
came from WARSI and was offered to Mr. Tarib’s groups and other Orang Rimba groups. WARSI
assisted the funding for the groups of Orang Rimba who wanted to do hompongan by giving
compensation.
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themselves. They could get higher revenues trading with Pak Tarib
than with Sori. With the price counted per load, many rattans of good
quality (which are supposed to be expensive) were sold for a cheap
price. Therefore, it is not surprising that many of Sori’s and Pak
Napit’s men turned to Pak Tarib, just like the group from Meriau.
Pak Tarib’s role as toke was not something new for the Orang
Rimba. In Bukit 30 region, there was an Orang Rimba named Becukai
who also became toke of jernang, balam sap, etc, who then sold
these commodities in Rengat, Riau Province (see Kurniawan 2000).
Eventually, he had his own freight cars. Another case was that many
of Orang Rimba Air Panas became tokes of wood for illegal logging,
such as Nugra.
However, Pak Tarib’s role as a rattan toke had a different meaning
for most Orang Rimba in Air Hitam. Pak Tarib is widely known as an
Orang Rimba who holds firm with his customs. Although he lives only
several hundred meters away from a transmigration housing, he has
never thought of bekampung or becoming a village resident. He still
abides seriously by Orang Rimba taboos, unlike Orang Rimba living in
Bukit 30, who are considered loose with their customs, or Orang Rimba
Air Panas people who are considered no longer part of Orang Rimba.
Pak Tarib is considered to be a person who retained his traditional
customs.
Being a toke is not an easy thing to do. According to the Orang
Rimba, a toke must have a huge capital fund (money) because a toke
must provide capital funds for his/her men before collecting rattans.
In addition, a toke must be honest and able to keep his/her promises,
meaning he/she would not intentionally swindle his/her men, causing
them to distrust him/her. Up to this point, jenang or rich Orang Terang
had always dominated the role of toke or broker. Only these people
were considered capable of carrying out the profession of a toke. With
the establishment of access to the outside world for the Orang Rimba,
they could decide for themselves which toke provided benefits for them.
They could choose whichever toke set a good price and paid on time.
This made Pak Tarib, as a toke, stand out all the more.
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195
The True Custodian of The Forest:
Conclusion
The function and role of the NGO is to relocate the position and
status of the Orang Rimba in the modern Indonesian political structure.
This has not been properly determined by the state and has, in fact,
marginalised and violated the human rights of ethnic minority groups,
such as the Orang Rimba. The process of contemporary political change
in Indonesia makes the position and status of the Orang Rimba unclear.
The process of decentralisation of power from the centre to the regions
led to the emergence of new powers. This situation meant the majority
would always have the ruling position because they have access to power
and the legitimacy of the power of the majority. This situation is not
beneficial to minority ethnic groups as it renders them more oppressed.
They remain in a disadvantaged position: they are always in an oppressed
state and do not have the resources to fight back
From examples mentioned in this chapter, it can be concluded that
the Orang Rimba has its own way of fighting the state. The relationship
between the NGOs and Orang Rimba interests me. One day, I asked
the Orang Rimba for their opinions about the presence of these NGOs.
There was a variety of answers, but the most interesting response was
that they view these organisations as a powerful liaison between them
and the outside world. Moreover, for the Orang Rimba, NGOs are also
perceived to have a significant role in encouraging their actions against
other parties to demand changes in their lives.
According to the tribal community, this treatment is different
to the MOSA (Ministry of Social Affairs), which always asks the
Orang Rimba to move to the village; something that is considered as
denying them their traditions. The context of the relationship between
the Orang Rimba in Air Hitam and WARSI suggests that the actual
role of the jenang (as the one who is responsible for taking care of the
Orang Rimba and their relationship with the outside world) has shifted
to other parties considered to have qualified skills, like the jenang.
Meanwhile, the Orang Rimba perceives the role of government as
decreasing.
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However, from the other angle, there are NGOs that serve as
government agencies or pretend as government agencies. It has also been
mentioned by Li(2007), in her book "Will to Improve", who saw that the
NGO was a single force that decided to determine which direction would
be best for the community development. Using the jargon of development
and governance. But an attempt to create a more systematic organisation
and clearly shared goals was made by the Orang Rimba, with support
from WARSI, when they were striving for the Bukit 12 Biosphere
Reserve to be converted into the Bukit 12 National Park in 2000. With
strong donor support, the WARSI carried out various activities together
with the Orang Rimba to maintain the forest areas, which are their living
habitat, by demanding the relinquishment of rights of the HTI (Industrial
Plantation Forest) to allow it to be converted into the Bukit 12 National
Park. According to them, the reason was that the area is actually the
customary land of the Orang Rimba. WARSI then began organising
all groups of Orang Rimba tribesmen living in the Bukit 12 Biosphere
Reserve to perform their resistance actions. WARSI also advocated the
importance of protecting Orang Rimba’s forest area by converting it into
the Bukit 12 National Park.
Their actions were conducted systematically with a clear target
and pattern. For example, they once blocked the Indonesian Minister of
Forestry’s visit to Jambi and also involved the Orang Rimba attending
the congress of AMAN I in Jakarta for the first time in 1999, with
the aim to campaign for the existence of Orang Rimba on a national
level. In addition, they also carried out a media campaign by engaging
national level mass media in disseminating the problems they faced and
campaigning for the establishment of the Bukit 12 National Park as the
only legal and dignified solution. WARSI also drove the international
network whereby they gained support from one of the donor agencies in
Norway. The peak was Norway’s Minister of Environment’s visit to the
Orang Rimba’s location in the Bukit 12 National Park (2005).
The impact of modernity, the Orang Rimba is expected to be
assimilated in their modernity or to embrace modernity. They will be
stuck in modernity. Modernity actually modulated by outsiders or the
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198
CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
W
hat is happening to the Orang Rimba is actually a part of
the hegemony process conducted by the ruling class over
the subaltern or subordinate class. The ruling class here is
identified as state, corporate and the society in Jambi. The process of
hegemony involves marginalization actions through channels of power
over capital and labour, the control of resources owned by the Orang
Rimba, and an ideology or myth stating that they are defeated people
and always in the shadow of the dominant power, i.e. the Malays ethnic
group. They are always positioned as a subordinate group in a plural
Jambi society.
The development process undertaken by the state has marginalized
their existence. Forests as the source of their livelihood, wandering place,
and symbol of their culture have been taken over and destroyed by being
converted into plantations and settlements. They are not given a choice
to live according to the values corresponding to their culture. Indeed,
their culture is considered incompatible with the values of modern life.
As a result, they are forced to follow the standard of living based on
modern life by eliminating their cultural identity.
The process of marginalization is so profound that it enters
into the ideological and cosmological aspects of Orang Rimba. This
situation makes it difficult for them to let go of the matter and causes
them to be alienated from Jambi society. Feeling subordinated and
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
200
Conclusion
the social order and security must be stopped. They do not see that the
Orang Rimba’s actions are conducted in a methodical way and aimed
at changing the situation. The state and the society view the actions as
illegal acts which should be prosecuted using case-by-case law.
In this context, the social banditry actions of Orang Rimba can
also be seen from the perspective of alternative hegemony by the ruling
class over the subaltern class. Hobswam did not intend to relate the
concept of social banditry to alternative hegemony action. They created
their own social platform to fight against the hegemony fashioned by
the ruling class and state. One of the major platforms on which they
base their movement is the presence of an ideology functioning as the
basis for their purpose. In this context, Wolf (1999) believed the myth
that becomes the values of trust serves as an ideology that gives the
movement legitimacy, justification and purpose.
Justifications for their actions that they commit the crime in
order to survive due to the absence of life resources are creating a
legitimacy leading to the creation of a new myth to counter the myth that
already exists. The new myths are related to forest conservation, forest
preservation, and opposition to the Waris – Jenang, as well as the myth
that their actions are a necessity since there is no way out of the problems
they are dealing with. Thus, it is very reasonable and normal if they then
block the roads, occupy the lands, make demonstrations, and commit
theft. “We just take what belongs to our property rights,” said Nugra.
Indeed, in the case of theft the villagers agree that Orang Rimba only
steal edible natural resources.
On the other hand, an ideology of indigeneity stating that they
are the indigenous people who were born and raised from generation
to generation in the area and inherit all culture and nature from their
ancestors has begun to appear and grow in some groups of Orang Rimba
tribesmen. The cases of land expropriation and theft are an indication of
that social phenomenon. It is a fact that they are the Indigenous People
and they feel they have been duped and marginalized by the public and
state. This identity of indigeneity emerges at a time of conflicts and
clashes with other groups. They feel they have the right to take back
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The True Custodian of The Forest:
their property, which, in their opinion, has been taken illegally. This
ideological aspect will lead a social movement that is different (in its
activity and level) from a criminal action.
Another point highlighted by Hobsbawm (1959) and Wolf (2001)
concerns the organization that drives social movement. For Wolf, it
was clear that such an organization is well organized and has a strong
leadership command. In the case of the Orang Rimba’s social movement,
the NGOs play a very significant role in creating an organization
movement and bringing out the intellectual actor from the Orang Rimba
it sellf. .
The Orang Rimba’s movement will take various forms once it
comes into contact with the NGOs. The Orang Rimba is a hunter-gatherer
who lives independently in smaller groups. The role of Tumenggung is
as a leader also has a significant and powerful function when relating
with NGOs. The role of Tumenggung Tarib in the movement that was
developed and supported by the NGO in the case of “hompongon”
shows it is very significant. He leads and plays the role as a leader to lead
the Orang Rimba, although not all the groups. With support of NGOs,
Tumenggung Tarib positions himself as a leader of Orang Rimba even
though all groups do not accept him.
Another requirement, according to Gramsci, is subaltern class
awareness. What WARSI did also reflects that achievement. Literacy
education programs initiated by WARSI have alerted Orang Rimba to
what has happened so far. The WARSI’s programs include socialization
of the Orang Rimba about the latest conditions and giving them experts’
opinions about what is happening in their environment. It is obvious that
the programs provide the Orang Rimba with tremendous enlightenment
because they are now getting more information from outside world.
From these cases, it can be seen that the NGOs actually acts as
an organic intellectual whose role, as Gramsci (1971) proposed, is to
sensitize and raise the awareness of the subaltern class. Gramsci noted
that the hegemony process runs deeply. That is why the role of an
organic intellectual is to sensitize and raise awareness of the subaltern
class. Not only awakening and arousing what Gramsci called ‘organic
202
Conclusion
203
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204
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References
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References
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Appendix 1: Map of Land Use and Orang Rimba’s Location in Jambi 2011
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Map of Land Use and Orang Rimba’s Location in Jambi 2011
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The First of Orang Rimba Meeting in 1999
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Adi Prasetijo
is an anthropologist who received his bachelor degree from Gadjah
Mada University (1997) in archaeology, master degree from University
of Indonesia (2005), and doctorate degree from Universiti Sains
Malaysia (2014) both in Anthropology. His focus is on indigenous
people issues in Indonesia, especially for Orang Rimba. He has over 15
years working experience in the field of peacebuilding, development,
and cultural studies. He is currently the executive director of ICSD
(Indonesia Center for Sustainable Development) a local instution
that specialize in social development and environmental studies and
is a member of the board of trustee of KKI WARSI. He can reach in
[email protected]
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