Afro-Brazilian Altar - Poems - The Textual Poetics of Pontos - Riscados
Afro-Brazilian Altar - Poems - The Textual Poetics of Pontos - Riscados
So on this ground
write
within the sound
parallel I had in mind when I began to conceive a form for analyzing the pontos
riscados. In the Western literary tradition, calligrams are poetic forms in which
structural layout and typography offer a figurative suggestion of the message (s) or
religious sacrifice: "each part / of my hard heart / Meets in this frame, / To praise
thy name" (9—12). Herbert concludes the poem with a plea directed to God: "sanc
tify this Altar to be thine" (16). The typographical format of "The Altar" is organ
ic to its meaning: at once a sanctuary of Greek antiquity and the letter/word "I,"
defining both the local and the object of ritually symbolic self-sacrifice. "The
Altar" is a poetic-offering which visually establishes the space where the poetic "I"
offers itself to God beseeching redemption and wholeness.
Altar-poems are part of a Western literary genre which extends the poetic
visual repertoire through the integration or juxtaposition of diverse semantic and
semiotic structures. With regard to integration, we observe an expansion through
which the abstract code of the text acquires a tri-dimensional body that is often
the very essence or soul of the poetic text. The mystic and religious nature of altar
poems circumscribe the content and form of these poetic texts; in a liturgical uni
verse, the poet and the reader seem to activate a ritualized process of magical evo
cation and metaphysical meditation. In an analogous dynamic, the pontos-riscados
can be interpreted as a poetic tradition that situates the reader and text in a
While
the altar-poems have primordially an artistic function and mode, the
104 -AHR
The magical value attributed to the ponto-riscado is unquestionable. Laymen will gen
erally consider the ponto-nscado as a sort of mark, stamp or coat of arms designed to
identify a specific entity. The Umbanda follower, with his life experience in the terreiro
[the Umbanda ceremonial ground], would not hold such a simplistic concept of the
ponto-riscado. Even if there is no attempt to investigate its deeper real meaning, a fol
lower will usually recognize two values in the ponto-riscado. It is the identifying sign as
well as a working instrument used in the magic operations performed by a spiritual
entity. Some followers who exhibit a higher interest go beyond this understanding and
add to these concepts others such as the ponto-riscado as a polarizer of astral forces
which are manipulated by the entities through the magic of the pemba. They may go
even further, understanding it as all of the above and more, since they see in the draw
ings a whole story, a narration of the origins and connections of the entity with its kin
dred vibrating energies. (209)
AHR ~ 105
firma sign of the Kongo based cosmology of Palo Mayombe explains: "It is not only
the supernatural forces that have a range of firmas-,every priest bears his firma as
means of identification, regardless of the rank or prestige of any member of a casa
de palo" (127).5
ing, an access and revelation to another field of vision and information. Similarly,
the pontos-riscados work as operative commands. Through the kinesis of dance and
chants (pontos-cantados), the pontos-riscados open themselves up, transferring the
cosmological traditions such as in the sand paintings of the Navajos and in the
Buddhist yantras and mandalas.
106 -AHR
18 The Church.
«aaaagMWMtgàagia^..·,:^
The Altar.
|
A brokenAlt απ. Lord, thy(crvant trJ
Μα-Je of a hc.irt,ami ccmcntcd withud
WholepirnarcntiKvh-nddidfhimyS
No workman* toolh»thtooch'd
the(irr. 9
Λ 111a Rι alone I
I* fitcha ilunc, |Τι
Ai nothing but
Thypovt'r dothcur. Mj
Wherefore cadipari
Of myhard hcirt
Meet«m tin*frante, ■
■ To j·ranethyname. ■
That if I chanceto bold mypeic<,
Th.-fc Honestopraitetheemaynote
O let thybkficijS gettile ι 1. .
: ΑχνΊfinflifiethis Λ χ τ a it to be I
J·
1. George Herbert. Τ he Temple: Sacred 2. Hrabanus Marus. "De adoratione crucis ab ...
MARI A STELLA
Εl Ε ΒRΛΤA
t." LADYRI NT Η O
CON I I Ν t Ν TE ' i.»»·.,»/
*¡»*·»·
o>· "·» ~τ'»'.I «—**»»
ILuíúCv K-t-"fc~ RÎGÛLAÏUUH
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a^MpíoOTIOMARRACCIO
π1.1
Mktni Pauthiniarvu^Lavoum EKCOMIASTAEa»
AHR ~ 107
i
PONTO DE EXU DOS RIO! PnmtSuwSkU
t»r
4. Ponto-riscado 5. Firma
Uw&wBoíj-cle«« up confusi.
ΠπmforPmtbtí (ToiSm«AI
6. Firma 7. Vèvè
108 ~ AHR
AHR- 109
The word mandala derives from the root manda (meaning essence) and the
suffix la (meaning recipient). The shaping of a mandala starts from its center, from
a point. It is from this center (think of a pebble hitting the surface of a lake) that
other geometric forms follow its development (Kumar). The circle around the final
creation frames and protects the essence, now fully developed in a mystical geo
metrical map, upon which is bestowed the sacred role of support and vehicle of
communication with the sacred world. The a
mandala
"image-point," is an
develop within a specific enclosed form: a circle, the Jungian archetype of whole
ness which delimits and restricts the perception field of the final product 0ung 78).
A visual poem requires the reader to chart a text within an objectified layout and
to reflect on the relationship between abstract words and concrete designs. The
theological (essentially abstract) content of altar-poems, achieve concreteness and
tangibility in the bordering layout, which steers the text and brings to focus the
metaphysical object which acquires an animate independence as if capable of leap
ing from the page. In the mandala the bordering circular line is a visual echo of its
essence. The circle contains the "point" and all that is associated with it. The cen
tral point (bindu) concentrates energy as a sun that irradiates different forms and
messages. Like window frames, the bordering external lines guide the communica
tion of the poetic or sacred message and seem to function as communicative fil
ters.
(point) refers to the final product, which is decoded and activated according to the
110 -AHR
logically, punctu denotes a small orifice. In the Umbanda context, the ponto-risca
do is metaphorically a small orifice in the Kalunga line: a polarized field of energy
which dilates the pores of the fabric that divides the world of the living from the
world of the dead.6
The concept of ponto (point) is also prevalent in the Haitian vèvès. In a vèvè
a ponto is referred to as pwenPwen is a line of energy or a point of contact with
the world of the Iowas (Deren 335). According to Anna Wexler pwens are concen
trated points of spiritual power, signs that frame and stabilize the central design of
the vèvè and indicate precisely which Iowa is being invoked: "Taking various forms
such as Masonic signs, asterisk-like stars, and cross-hatched lines, they actually
name the spirit invoked by the vèvè so that he or she will recognize it and appear"
(375).
In a comparative aesthetic appraisal of vèvès and pontos-viseados, an initial
cursory impression could be that the vèvès are visually much richer and detailed
than the pontos-riscados. The vèvè Haitian tradition also displays central icono
graphie forms; those forms follow more consistent patterns. The artistic variation,
the hallmark of the creator of the vèvè lies specifically in the pwen, which allows
for improvisations. Roger Bastide, in communication with Robert Farris
Thompson, remarks that "interest in pontos-riscados precisely lies in the fact that
each priest is constantly inventing new ideographic formulations within the
ancient shapes and forms" (Thompson and Cornet 153).
The creative freedom of the pontos-riscados allows constantly protean per
ceptions, adaptations and artistic expressions. More than the vèvè as a whole, as
codes for expression the métonymie pwens escape the rather unyielding ritual
palimpsest literary compositions both the pwens and the pontos-riscados are open to
infinite possibilities of allusions to the human complexity and readings of the world
(Thompson and Cornet 153).
Haitian pwens exhibit such kindred characteristics to the Afro-Brazilian pon
tos that both can be either riscados (drawn, outlined) or cantados (sung). No d'
pwen or voye pwen, literally means "to throw" or "to send a point." According to
Karen Brown:
AHR- 111
The pwen as "thrown-point" can occur either in the sacred space of the peris
tile (the Vodou ceremonial ground) or in the secular spheres of daily life. In sacral use
the puiens are not only visual and musical forms but also magic objects and names.
Brown explains: "vèvè, in certain ritual contexts, are called pwen. The secret names
given to new initiates into Vodou are called 'point names' and some types of
healing charms are also referred to as pwen" (32). As a name is a polarizing, defining
sound holding the power to designate and summon individuals, objects and ideas,
the pontos-riscados, pwens and firmas are pictorial names which express a
of a vehicle for utterances and other words of praise, and more exclusively a ludic
mode of expressing criticism regarding a person, situation or, institution. As
proverbs, pwens are charged with highly metaphorical condensation, and thus ren
der themselves open to suggestive expressions of indirect challenges and provoca
tions. This use of pwen (which can occur both in sacred and secular realms) makes
me question the "officially unquestioned" choice of the adjective riscado in ponto
riscadoFor some reason and consensus, a ponto is not desenliado (drawn) but risca
do (basically meaning traced, outlined or scribed). The choice of the term is not
casual. While a Palo practitioner who undergoes ritual initiation is said to be raya
do (scratched)a Cuban firma is trazada (traced, outlined, designed) the same des
ignation used for in the creation of a vèvè. But as Brown points out, vèvès in secu
lar contexts are the challenging pwen. The verb riscar includes two significant con
notations which are carried to the adjective riscado: 1) to halt a saddled animal,'0
"
and 2) to launch a challenge or provocation. The meaning of "halting a saddled
animal" alludes to the control exerted by the horseman or rider. An Umbanda
practitioner who incorporates an ancestral spirit, is said to be its "horse" (cavalo).
Riscado in this case (akin to rayado) refers to the divinized ancestor who has con
trol, who pulls the reins of its "horse," halting or transforming the saddled body
from human into divinized. But it is the latter meaning that I find most appealing.
In the connotation of "challenge or provocation" the ponto-riscado as an evocative
Thompson tells us that in the Kongo there are ritual experts who engrave sym
bolic messages on the bodies of living fish and turtles before releasing them back into
the water: "Banganga nkodi and nsibi are specialists in using words and sending inten
112 -AHR
sive messages to the dead"(Bockie 43-71).' These animals marked with signs equiv
alent to pontos-Triscados (bidimbu) bear messages from the earthly world (ntoto) to the
ancestor underwater world (mpemba) where the ancestors receive these coded mes
sages and may act in favor of their descendente (Four Moments 151). The terms
ponto-nscado and ponto-cantado are a development of iyimbila ye sona, the practice of
simultaneously drawing and singing a polarizing visual and sonorous field of a spiri
tual force. According to Thompson:
Drawing a "point," invoking God and the ancestors, formed only a part of this most
important Kongo ritual of mediation (between both halves of the cosmogram). The
ritual also included "singing the point." In fact, the Bakongo summarize the full context
of mediation with the phrase "singing and drawing (a point)," yimbila ye sona. They
believe that the combined force of singing Ki-kongo words and tracing in the appropri
ate media the ritually designed "point" or "mark" of contact between the worlds will
result in the descent of God's power upon that very point. (Flash of the Spirit 110)
The zanga Nzambi ("tracing God") presents itself in the traditional display of the
dikenga cross (Four Moments 151), which represents the processes of transforma
tion of life and the cosmos, and symbolizes a cosmogramic altar (Fu-Kiau). The
pontos-Triscados are also cosmogramic altars. They define the properties of a sacred
microcosm and are in turn defined via their extension and reverberation, accord
ing to their related coordinates and corresponding to the cosmological signifying
repertoire of Umbanda. But it is as bidimbu, as coded sacred messages that they
assume their most compliantly permeable poetic expression. This is accomplished
not as fixed symbols of direct denotative meaning, but as communicative codes,
abridged scripts, in constant creation and interpretation, challenging its producers
and receivers to decode, narrate and perform these highly métonymie poetic texts
according to human and divine semiotic interactions.
Conclusion
It has not been my purpose in this article to perform individual analysis of pon
tos-riscados, but rather to suggest an analytical approach through which given
instances of this genre can be read as visual poems. Altar-poems and pontos-riscados
are poetic traditions which, despite their specific and diverse cultural and function
al characteristics, suggest points of contact in their visual poetics. Cosmograms and
calligrams are etymologically both forms of inscription, one representing the cosmos,
the other beauty or harmonic proportions. While calligrams are figurative represen
tations or extensionsof poetic content by way of their constituitive typographical
AHR- 113
sacred, pontos-riscados define sacred spaces and processes and are characterized by
their higher symbolic condensation and ideographic aesthetics.
14. Yowa
Φ
\ S
To read the pontos-viseados as a genre of visual poetry may appear a form of cul
tural conversion.
Such would be the case if we had admiringly isolated a ponto-risca
do, and framed it as an aesthetically pleasing, even picturesque, work of art in a
gallery, as so frequently occurs with the vèuès. The pontos-viseados are rarely ever
noted or recorded in their sacred public expressions (sacred offerings on streets, signs
of identification on the façade of Umbanda temples), or in their secular manifesta
tions (graffitis,tattoos, logos). The public display of these codified texts, especially in
an increasingly evangelized country which deems such expressions as demoniac,
affirms as tangible interventions the expression of codified messages, values and
grams are palimpsests leading us further along paths which we have yet to explore.
114 -AHR
This article has already gone through many dingo-dingo cycles. Its formation
process has counted with many members of my extended family. And credit is due.
The southern sun of this text is Kamau Brathwaite (Mocamau Mor). The eastern sun
is Danny Dawson em Nova Iorque, que me perguntou já faz tempo: "e os
(Malungo
pontos riscados?"). The
northern suns are many: The participants of the "Afro
Descendências" symposium of the 2006 ABRALIC (especially Eduardo de Assis
Duarte, Maria Nazareth Fonseca, Florentina da Silva Souza, and Moema Parente
Augel), and later Edimilson de Almeida Pereira and José Manuel Valenzuela Arce—
who supported and stimulated me to prepare myself for the still further develop
ments of this project—as well as Elizabeth Rosa Floran (Swami from Nueva
InglaTierra), Teresa Costa, and Eugene McElroy who helped me with this always
foreign language. Finally, the western suns of this article are: Myrna Bain
(1939-2007), daughter of Aganju who by now must be dancing in the aquatic ku
mpèmba, and Eduardo Muslip (Marimbeiro Malungo) who was born today some years
ago and who has just completed his phoenix cycle.
Notes
A HEART alone
Is such a stone,
As nothing but
Of my hard heart
Valdina Oliveira Pinto (Makota of the Candomblé Angola Tanuri Juncara) explains:
AHR~ 115
Candomblé, is thought to be of Yoruba origin; however the word is derived from the Bantu
(Kikongo)mpeemba, meaning both "chalk," and in its religious significance, "sacred powder."
During various, primarily secret, rituals, pemba's purifying properties are used to repel negative
influences from physical surroundings and persons.... The "Angolan" community in Bahia does
not use pemba as it is acquired in the market. A ritual of preparation and consecration—which
happens only once a year—is conducted between the 23rd and the first moments of the 24th of
June.... The older members of the "Angolan" Candomblé consider pemba to be the soul of
Angola. (3)
Original text:
4
Excerpt of a text supposedly dictated by a spirit (named "Yamatan") entitled A Umbanda através da
magia (Umbanda through magic). I have not encountered any further information on the original text,
author/medium, or spirit. Complete quote: "The pemba is thus to the Spiritual Guide what you may
call a pencil or a pen. It externalizes the guide's thoughts, for whom the marks of the pemba are his
writing, with which he composes his letter of introduction endowed with all the powers that he brings
forth." Original text: "É, portanto, a pemba, para o Guia Espiritual, como aquilo que chamais làpis,
ou cañeta, para vos outros. Eia exterioriza o pensamento do Guia, que tem nos riscos da pemba a sua
escrita, para com eia oferecer aos homens a sua carta de apresentaçâo, revestida de todos os poderes
Remembering that the Spanish word firma means signature or seal. Original text: "No sólo la fuerzas
sobrenaturales poseen una gama de firmas. Cada sacerdote, no importa la jerarquía o el prestigio que
tenga cada miembro de una casa de palo, porta su firma como medio de identificación." (Barnet 127)
Kalunga stands for Nzambi's home, ancestral realm, God, ocean, afterlife. According to Fu-Kiau,
"literally, it is the one-who-is-complete-by-self in the all-in-all," and can also be used as "a synonym
and epithet of Nzâmbi, God." Kalunga is "the invisible line or wall, between the physical and spiritu
al world," and "the balancing plan-line of all energies" (Self-Healing 114). The word Nzambi is a com
pound made up of -nza, (world), and -mbi (extremely wonderful). Jacques Theuws states that for the
Luba there are two worlds below. One is kalunga nyembo, the home of the ancestors, of the good dead,
"the tutelary spirits of the homestead." The other world is kalunga ka musono or kalunga kalala masi
ka, a realm "split by coldness," home or jail of bad spirits which are to "disappear from man's memo
116 ~ AHR
Nzambi is Creator. There is a peculiar wasp they call God's transforming or creating wasp; mfin
gi a Nzambi ankitula. It is so called because it is thought that instead of producing young in the
ordinary way, it "creates" them.... It builds for itself a house of mud, layer upon layer, a cluster of
cylindrical cells.... These cells are cemented together.... An egg is deposited in each cell, and, to
feed the young when hatched, the mother wasp carries grubs, flies, small spiders, etc., which she
pushes inside with the egg. When the cell is properly furnished with food she seals it apparently
hermetically. It is a remarkable piece of work.... This is creation on a small scale. (270)
According to the Portuguese-English Michaelis dictionary: (A) riscado (s.m.) striped linen or cot
ton fabric/ (adj.) striped, streaked (B) riscar (v.) 1. to scratch out, to rub out. 2. to expunge, to delete.
3. to blot out. 4. to cross or strike out. 5. to line, trace, mark with lines. 6. to expel, cut off from mem
bership. 7. to erase. 8. to eliminate from. 9. to scribe, scratch. 10. to stripe, streak, striate. 11. to can
cel, obliterate. 12. to lose someone's friendship, be excluded from. 13. to engage in conflict with,
quarrel with. 14· to provoke. 15. to delineate, outline. 16. to draw up, plan. 17. to try a knife before
cutting or stabbing.
9
Noting that rayar also has the meaning of "tachar lo manuscrito o impreso, con una o varias rayas"
(Diccionario de la lengua española de la Real Academia Española) ; in this case the "manuscript" would
Example from Aurelio dictionary: "Se tem coragem risque; o verdadeiro forte nâo risca, age." ("If
you got courage, challenge. The real hero doesn't challenge, he acts.")
Example from Aurelio dictionary: "Chegando à casa de Maria, / riscava o cavalo, saltava no chäo"
("Arriving at Maria's / he would halt the horse, and leap to the ground") Ascenso Ferreira, Catimbó
The prefix ba- denotes the plural form. Nganga and Ndoki (this would be a variant) refer to priests.
Simon Bockie distinguishes the Nganga from the Ndoki according to the types of energy they dwell
on. Nganga works with nkisi (benevolent spirit) while Ndoki works with destructive spirits (also called
ndoki) (43-71). There is a possibility that nsibi might refer to those who have the power to return;
Nei Lopes defines the Kikongo verb simbila as to come back, return, or get up (204).
Photo Captions
belong to the artists. All materials are for non-commercial and/or educational use only.
4
Ponto-riscado for Exu dos Rios (Eshu of the Rivers) (Molina 295).
Firma for Nsasi or Siete Rayos (Seven Rays) (Thompson, Dancing 4).
Vèvès. In the center Legba; from the center towards the right: Agoue and Erzili; following counter
AHR~ 117
_teachers/_activities/_images/3006_tibet_mandala.gif>.
Vodouisant tracing vèvè for Simbi, Kongo spirit of the water. Carrefour, Haiti, 1968 (Thompson and
Cornet 155).
Medium ridden by a Caboch (Indian ancestors, who are "guiding" or "tutelary" spirit, emissaries of
the Orishas in Umbanda) draws a ponto, "with the intent of attracting cosmic vibrations and manipu
Ponto-riscado for Ogum Megê—Guarulhos, Sâo Paulo, Brazil, 1974 (Negrâo 243).
the south—the initial point where a motion of time starts—the yellow sun of Musoni (midnight, the
world of the dead, deepest mysteries, state of perfection, purity); on the east the black sun of Kala (the
rising of a living sun from the depths of the spiritual world of the ancestors, vitality, fertilized land, ger
minal state, birth stage, cooler season which feeds the vegetable realm); on the north the red sun of
Tukula (the zenith of the sun, highest possible level of any growing life, creation, activity, passion, fire,
maturity, season in which trees loose their leaves in preparation for a new cycle) ; and on the west the
gray/white sun of Luvèmba (sunset, death stage, transformation, the setting of a living sun in the lower
world of the ancestors, point of completion of the circle of cosmic time, season in which "the vegetable
realm rediscovers its green blanket, when nature's green cover or bush dries up, that is, dies to yield a
Dikenga: According to Fu-Kiau, everything follows the Dikenga, the cyclical Kongo cosmogram, in
its circular/cyclical movement, the Dingo-Dingo. People, animals, nations, social systems, inventions etc.
are at stage 1) conceived; at stage 2) born; at stage 3) they mature, and at stage 4) they die. As they
die, they cross the Kalunga line (the invisible line between the physical and spiritual world from which
all things emerge and to which all things submerge) undergoing a transformation, a period of regener
ation: "When events (dunga) take place 'things' move and the time line path clears itself. A new cycle
of time goes in motion and another collision stops it for a new beginning, a new motion of time to start"
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118 -AHR
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120 -AHR