Professional Documents
Culture Documents
56-1 Gov. PI Reply Br.
56-1 Gov. PI Reply Br.
Plaintiff,
Defendant.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................... 1
ARGUMENT..................................................................................................................................................... 2
A. The United States has Authority to Bring this Suit and the Court has
Jurisdiction to Hear It. ........................................................................................................... 2
1. It is Well Established that the United States has the Authority to Sue
in Equity to Protect the Public Interest. ................................................................ 3
2. The United States May Bring this Suit Because S.B. 8 Offends the
Sovereign Interests of the Federal Government. ................................................. 6
B. This Court Can Enter Injunctive Relief against the State of Texas, Which
Will Redress the United States’ Harms..............................................................................12
1. The Court Should Stay All State Court Proceedings Brought Under
S.B. 8. ........................................................................................................................15
4. Texas Does Not Dispute that this Court Can Enjoin Personnel
Involved in the Execution and Enforcement of State Judgments and
Other Administrative Roles. ..................................................................................24
A. S.B. 8 Violates the Fourteenth Amendment and the Supremacy Clause. ....................25
i
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CONCLUSION ...............................................................................................................................................41
ii
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TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Bauer v. Texas,
341 F.3d 352 (5th Cir. 2003) ......................................................................................................................21
Bowen v. Doyle,
880 F. Supp. 99 (W.D.N.Y. 1995).............................................................................................................22
Brown v. Plata,
563 U.S. 493 (2011) .....................................................................................................................................39
Caliste v. Cantrell,
937 F.3d 525 (5th Cir. 2019) ......................................................................................................................23
Chiafalo v. Inslee,
224 F. Supp. 3d 1140 (W.D. Wash. 2016) ...............................................................................................34
iii
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Cooper v. Aaron,
358 U.S. 1 (1958) .........................................................................................................................................14
David v. Passman,
442 U.S. 228 (1979) ....................................................................................................................................... 9
Doe v. Ceci,
517 F.2d 1203 (7th Cir. 1975) ....................................................................................................................22
Ex parte Lennon,
166 U.S. 548 (1897) .....................................................................................................................................17
Ex parte Young,
209 U.S. 123 (1908) ................................................................................................................................ 6, 23
FDIC v. Faulkner,
991 F.2d 262 (5th Cir. 1993) ......................................................................................................................14
Fletcher v. Peck,
10 U.S. (6 Cranch) 87 (1810) ....................................................................................................................... 7
iv
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Gomez-Perez v. Potter,
553 U.S. 474 (2008) .....................................................................................................................................10
Gonzales v. Carhart,
550 U.S. 124 (2007) .....................................................................................................................................26
Hancock v. Train,
426 U.S. 167 (1976) .....................................................................................................................................30
Hernandez v. Mesa,
140 S. Ct. 735 (2020) ..................................................................................................................................... 9
In re Debs,
158 U.S. 564 (1895) .......................................................................................................................... 3, 4, 5, 6
K.P. v. LeBlanc,
627 F.3d 115 (5th Cir. 2010) ......................................................................................................................17
v
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Larson v. Valente,
456 U.S. 228 (1982) .....................................................................................................................................17
Massachusetts v. Mellon,
262 U.S. 447 (1923) ....................................................................................................................................... 2
Melendres v. Arpaio,
695 F3d 990 (9th Cir. 2012) .......................................................................................................................37
Mireles v. Waco,
502 U.S. 9 (1991) .........................................................................................................................................22
Mitchell v. Pidcock,
299 F.2d 281 (5th Cir. 1962) ......................................................................................................................37
Monroe v. Pape,
365 U.S. 167 (1961) .....................................................................................................................................10
Nat’l Spiritual Assembly of Baha’is of U.S. Under Hereditary Guardianship, Inc. v. Nat’l Spiritual
Assembly of Baha’is of U.S., Inc.,
628 F.3d 837 (7th Cir. 2010) ......................................................................................................................16
Ohio v. Yellen,
No. 1:21-cv-181, 2021 WL 1903908 (S.D. Ohio May 12, 2021) ................................................... 34, 35
Okpalobi v. Foster,
244 F.3d 405 (5th Cir. 2001) ............................................................................................................... 11, 12
vi
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Pulliam v. Allen,
466 U.S. 522 (1984) ........................................................................................................................ 22, 23, 24
Strickland v. Alexander,
772 F.3d 876 (11th Cir. 2014) ....................................................................................................................22
vii
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United States v. Int’l Bhd. of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen & Helpers of Am., AFL-CIO,
907 F.2d 277 (2d Cir. 1990) .......................................................................................................................20
viii
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Waffenschmidt v. MacKay,
763 F.2d 711 (5th Cir. 1985) ............................................................................................................... 16, 20
Ziglar v. Abbasi,
137 S. Ct. 1843 (2017) ................................................................................................................................... 9
STATUTES
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RULES
REGULATIONS
42 C.F.R. § 440.230..........................................................................................................................................31
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Alan Braid, Opinion: Why I Violated Texas’s Extreme Abortion Ban (Sept. 18, 2021),
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2021/09/18/texas-abortion-provider-
alan-braid/ ............................................................................................................................................. 27, 28
Kurtis Lee & Jaweed Kaleem, “The new Texas abortion law is becoming a model for other
states,” Los Angeles Times (Sept. 18, 2021),
https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2021-09-18/texas-abortion-united-
states-constitution .......................................................................................................................................32
Wright & Miller, 13 Fed. Prac. & Proc. Juris. § 3529.1 (3d ed.)................................................................12
x
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INTRODUCTION
construed by the Supreme Court. The individual rights guaranteed by the Constitution cannot be
nullified—their exercise deterred, and their promises rendered empty—if only a state government is
Texas’s response to the United States’ motion for preliminary injunction demonstrates why an
injunction is necessary and in the public interest. On Texas’s telling, a state is free to enact a law with
both the purpose and effect of suppressing the exercise of federal constitutional rights. If the state
imposes penalties that are sufficiently punitive to deter constitutionally protected conduct and also
outsources enforcement to private parties, then there is nothing federal courts can do to prevent
wholesale violations of constitutional rights. No individual plaintiff can invoke the Court’s jurisdiction
because of the Eleventh Amendment. And according to Texas, the United States cannot sue in its
own courts to ensure the supremacy of federal law, because (Texas contends) the federal government
is unaffected by the State’s systematic suppression of federal constitutional rights and in any event has
Texas makes virtually no effort to justify its intentional defiance of the Constitution on the
merits. Nor could it: If Texas wanted in good faith to ask the Supreme Court to overrule Roe and
Casey, none of the unusual features of S.B. 8 would have been necessary. It could simply have banned
all abortions after the detection of a fetal heartbeat, acquiesced in an injunction in the lower courts,
and asked the Supreme Court to reconsider its precedents. But that is not what Texas did, and the
reason is plain. S.B. 8’s novel enforcement scheme is calculated to accomplish what no state should
be able to do in our federal system: deter, suppress, and render moot rights guaranteed by the Con-
stitution of the United States. The State does not dispute that S.B. 8 has virtually eliminated pre-
viability abortions after six weeks of pregnancy in the State. Moreover, the approach Texas has taken
need not be confined to the abortion context. If this mechanism works here, it would serve as a
blueprint for the suppression of nearly any other constitutional right recognized by the Supreme Court
1
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Texas enacted S.B. 8. And the State—through its agencies, officers, and agents—is account-
able for it. Texas may have succeeded in suppressing federal constitutional rights in a way that no
individual person can easily challenge. But Texas enjoys no immunity from suit by the United
States. For the reasons given in our motion and explained in greater detail below, this Court can and
ARGUMENT
I. THIS CASE IS A PROPER VEHICLE BY WHICH TO RESOLVE THE CONSTI-
TUTIONALITY OF S.B. 8.
A. The United States Has Authority To Bring This Suit and the Court Has Jurisdic-
tion to Hear It.
As our opening brief explains, the United States brought this suit because S.B. 8 causes it two
forms of concrete harm. First, S.B. 8 undermines the supremacy of the Federal Constitution by insu-
lating a plainly unconstitutional law within an enforcement scheme designed to preclude judicial re-
view. Second, S.B. 8 interferes with federal government operations in violation of the preemption
and intergovernmental immunity doctrines. These concrete injuries—plainly caused by S.B. 8, and
redressable by an injunction against its enforcement—support Article III jurisdiction. See Vermont
Agency of Natural Resources v. U.S. ex rel Stevens, 529 U.S. 765, 771 (2000) (it is “beyond doubt” that the
United States suffers an “injury to its sovereignty arising from violation of its laws”); Allstate Ins. Co.
v. Abbott, 495 F.3d 151, 159 (5th Cir. 2007) (holding, in a case in which the State had waived its Elev-
enth Amendment immunity, “[b]ecause the state itself [was] a party, causation and redressability [were]
easily satisfied”).1
1
Texas additionally argues that the United States lacks parens patriae standing and that only
States may pursue that theory of standing. Def.’s Mot. to Dismiss, Resp. to Pl.’s Mot. for a Prelim.
Inj., & Mot. for Stay Pending Appeal, at 18-19, ECF No. 43 (“Dkt. 43”). That is wrong. Cf. Massa-
chusetts v. Mellon, 262 U.S. 447, 485-86 (1923) (“[I]t is no part of [a state’s] duty or power to enforce
[citizens’] rights in respect of their relations with the federal government. In that field it is the United
States, and not the state, which represents them as parens patriae, when such representation becomes
appropriate; and to the former, and not to the latter, they must look for such protective measures as
flow from that status.”). In any case, the United States’ authority for bringing this lawsuit is not
principally founded in its role as parens patriae because it is suing to vindicate the government’s own
interests.
2
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Texas appears not to question the government’s authority to bring its preemption and inter-
governmental immunity claims that are grounded in equity and the Supremacy Clause.2 And for good
reason: The federal government has well-established authority to sue states directly—not their offi-
cials—to challenge state laws that offend the doctrines of conflict preemption or intergovernmental
immunity. See, e.g., Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. 387 (2012) (challenge to state law as preempted);
United States v. Washington, 971 F.3d 856 (9th Cir. 2020), as amended, 994 F.3d 994 (9th Cir. 2020) (chal-
lenge to state law as violating doctrine of intergovernmental immunity). Texas instead focuses its fire
on the United States’ request for relief as to its first injury—the harm to the supremacy of federal law.
Texas’s arguments, however, are inconsistent with the well-established right to seek equitable relief
1. It Is Well Established That the United States Has the Authority to Sue In Eq-
uity to Protect the Public Interest.
Texas questions the government’s authority to challenge S.B. 8 on the ground that it violates
the Fourteenth Amendment in a manner designed to escape the supremacy of federal law. But the
United States’ authority to challenge S.B. 8 flows from established Supreme Court precedent.
In In re Debs, 158 U.S. 564 (1895), the Supreme Court recognized the government’s authority
to sue in equity to seek an injunction against the Pullman rail strike. The Court explained that “[e]very
government, intrusted by the very terms of its being with powers and duties to be exercised and dis-
charged for the general welfare, has a right to apply to its own courts for any proper assistance in the
exercise of the one and the discharge of the other, and it is no sufficient answer to its appeal to one
of those courts that it has no pecuniary interest in the matter.” Id. at 584. Although “it is not the
province of the government to interfere in any mere matter of private controversy between individu-
[W]henever the wrongs complained of are such as affect the public at large, and are in
respect of matters which by the constitution are intrusted to the care of the nation,
and concerning which the nation owes the duty to all the citizens of securing to them
2
The Intervenors’ brief does not raise “any facts and arguments not raised by the parties,” as
required by the Court’s order. See Dkt. 40 at 2. It simply repeats a subset of Texas’s arguments.
Compare Dkt. 43 at 45-49, with Dkt. 44 at 18-20.
3
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their common rights, then the mere fact that the government has no pecuniary interest
in the controversy is not sufficient to exclude it from the courts, or prevent it from
taking measures therein to fully discharge those constitutional duties.
Id. at 586.
Debs reflects the “general rule that the United States may sue to protect its interests,” Wyandotte
Transp. Co. v. United States, 389 U.S. 191, 201 (1967), and that right to sue is not limited to the protection
of statutory (as opposed to constitutional) interests and does not depend on the existence of a statutory
cause of action. The Supreme Court has routinely recognized the government’s authority to seek
equitable relief against threats to various federal interests without an express statutory cause of action.
In addition to allowing federal challenges to state laws that conflict with federal law or hinder federal
operations (as discussed above), the Court has allowed federal suits to protect the public from fraud-
ulent patents, United States v. Am. Bell Tel. Co., 128 U.S. 315 (1888); to protect tribes, Heckman v. United
States, 224 U.S. 413 (1912); and to carry out the Nation’s treaty obligations, Sanitary Dist. of Chi. v.
United States, 266 U.S. 405, 426 (1925). Debs simply recognizes that the United States has an equally
cognizable interest at stake in violations of federal law—including the rights protected by the Federal
Constitution—that “affect the public at large, and are in respect of matters which by the constitution
are intrusted to the care of the nation, and concerning which the nation owes the duty to all the citizens
Texas does not meaningfully engage with the Debs line of precedent, and its argument as to
why Debs is inapplicable disregards much of the language in that opinion. Texas focuses on Debs’s
recognition that the United States could sue to protect its proprietary interest in the mails and its
statutory authority over rail commerce. See id. at 583–84 (citing United States v. San Jacinto Tin Co., 125
U.S. 273, 277 (1888), one of many cases recognizing an equitable cause of action for the United States
to sue to protect proprietary interests). From this, Texas asserts that the ability of the United States
is limited to bringing a suit only where it maintains a proprietary interest or where a statute affords the
government particular powers. Dkt. 43 at 20-21, 28-29. But the Debs Court declined to “place [its]
decision upon” the narrow proprietary-interest ground, 158 U.S. at 584, and its articulation of the
broader holdings discussed above in no way depended on a statute. The Court’s broad rationale was
4
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not “dicta,” as Texas suggests (Dkt. 43 at 20); it was the basis on which the Court ruled. Nor is it
unique to Debs. As noted above, the Supreme Court has recognized the government’s authority to
seek equitable relief without express statutory authorization in other contexts. See, e.g., Am. Bell, 128
U.S. at 367 (conceiving of “[t]he essence of the right of the United States” as one that would allow the
United States to sue to vindicate “its obligation to protect the public,” which in American Bell included
protecting the public “from the monopoly of the patent which was procured by fraud”).3
Texas also frames Debs as a case “about whether the federal government had standing, not
whether it had a cause of action.” Dkt. 43 at 28. But that understanding cannot be reconciled with
the language of Debs itself, which speaks to the government’s “right to apply to its own courts for any
proper assistance in the exercise of” its powers and duties, 158 U.S. at 584 (emphasis added), rather
than the courts’ power to grant such assistance upon application. And it would be inconsistent with
the Supreme Court’s subsequent observation that the United States is “entitled to invoke the equity
jurisdiction of its courts,” “in order that it might properly discharge its duty, and that it might obtain
adequate relief, suited to the nature of the case, in accordance with the principles of equity.” Heckman,
224 U.S. at 439; see also Sanitary Dist. of Chi., 266 U.S. at 426 (“The Attorney General by virtue of his
office may bring this proceeding and no statute is necessary to authorize the suit.”).
Texas recognizes that the United States’ suit in Debs did, in fact, involve an equitable cause of
action. See Dkt. 43 at 28-29. Contrary to Texas’s understanding, though, the federal government’s
authority to bring suit in Debs did not turn on the existence of an “equitable cause of action to abate
3
In our opening brief, we identified the Fifth Circuit’s decision in United States v. City of Jackson,
318 F.2d 1 (5th Cir. 1963), as an example of an action properly brought by the United States, as
sovereign, to challenge Fourteenth Amendment violations also affecting interstate commerce. Texas
asserts that Jackson’s subsequent history casts doubt on its currency, citing concurring opinions ac-
companying the denial of rehearing en banc that acknowledged that a narrower, statutory cause of
action was also available. See United States v. City of Jackson, 320 F.2d 870 (5th Cir. 1963) (per curiam).
But that denial of rehearing en banc does not and cannot overrule the precedential value of Jackson.
Even accepting Texas’s position, the case remains instructive, as shown where a later panel of the
Fifth Circuit relied on Jackson in similarly holding that the United States may sue to prevent harms to
federal interests in interstate commerce. See Fla. E. Coast Ry. v. United States, 348 F.2d 682, 685 (5th
Cir. 1965), aff’d sub nom. Bhd. of Ry. & S.S. Clerks, Freight Handlers, Exp. & Station Emps. AFL-CIO v.
Fla. E. Coast Ry., 384 U.S. 238 (1966).
5
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a public nuisance.” Id. at 28. Instead, as discussed above, Debs recognized the federal government’s
more general authority to sue “whenever the wrongs complained of are such as affect the public at
large, and are in respect of matters which by the constitution are intrusted to the care of the nation,
and concerning which the nation owes the duty to all the citizens of securing to them their common
2. The United States May Bring This Suit Because S.B. 8 Offends the Sovereign
Interests of the Federal Government.
This is precisely the sort of suit that the United States can bring under the rationale of Debs.
S.B. 8 offends the sovereign interests of the federal government in three ways.
First, as discussed above, S.B. 8’s procedural provisions have the effect—and, indeed, the pur-
pose, Dkt. 8 at 3—of frustrating federal judicial review of the constitutionality of S.B. 8’s substantive
provisions. Through Section 1983 and the Declaratory Judgment Act, Congress has provided indi-
viduals with the right to vindicate their constitutional rights, and to do so before those rights are in-
S.B. 8, however, is structured to limit, or entirely eliminate, the ability of pregnant persons to
seek relief for the deprivation of their constitutional right to a pre-viability abortion. It does so by
foreclosing enforcement by executive officials of the State, thereby removing the traditional class of
defendants that a woman may sue for equitable relief for violating her constitutional rights, see Ex parte
Young, 209 U.S. 123 (1908); precluding S.B. 8 claims against a pregnant woman herself, thereby limit-
ing the ability of such an individual to assert her constitutional rights even defensively in an S.B. 8
lawsuit; and creating onerous financial and litigation burdens to discourage health care providers from
violating the statute, thereby limiting the extent to which S.B. 8 ever faces meaningful judicial scrutiny
Indeed, it is the very presence of Texas’s collusive scheme to prevent individuals from vindi-
cating their constitutional rights that crucially distinguishes this case from those cited by Texas. Dkt.
43 at 21, 29-31 (citing United States v. Solomon, 563 F.2d 1121, 1127 (4th Cir. 1977); United States v. City
of Philadelphia, 644 F.2d 187, 195 (3d Cir. 1980); United States v. Mattson, 600 F.2d 1295, 1299–300 (9th
6
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Cir. 1979)). In none of those cases did a state deliberately legislate to prevent the rights-holders from
If states can insulate their unconstitutional enactments from federal judicial review through
the mechanisms established by Congress, then States can effectively disregard the rights protected by
the Federal Constitution, thus violating the Framers’ dictate that “[t]his Constitution … shall be the
supreme Law of the Land,” U.S. Const. art. VI. The proposition that no state may enact statutes in
violation of the Federal Constitution is fundamental to our federal system. See, e.g., Fletcher v. Peck, 10
U.S. (6 Cranch) 87, 136 (1810) (“Georgia cannot be viewed as a single, unconnected, sovereign power,
on whose legislature no other restrictions are imposed than may be found in its own constitution.”).
And the United States has a weighty interest in preserving that basic character of the Union and in
Second, S.B. 8 has significant effects on interstate commerce, hindering the flow of commerce
in a manner that (as in Debs) implicates federal concerns. As our opening brief explains, S.B. 8 burdens
the interstate commercial activities of, for example, insurance companies that ordinarily reimburse
plan holders for the provision of abortions, banks that process payments for abortions, and the man-
ufacturers of drugs or devices used in the provision of abortions. And S.B. 8 has driven persons
seeking abortions to providers outside Texas, overburdening out-of-state clinics and creating backlogs
for care. The Fifth Circuit has already recognized that a State’s regulation of abortion occurring within
its borders may have a “substantial effect on interstate commerce,” as it concluded in upholding the
Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances (“FACE”) Act—which criminalizes various kinds of interfer-
ence with abortion clinic access—as an appropriate exercise of Congress’s authority under the Com-
merce Clause. United States v. Bird, 124 F.3d 667, 677–78 (5th Cir. 1997). The court explained that
interference with clinic access could have a substantial effect “on the availability of abortion-related
services in the national market” by causing “women to travel from the states where abortion services
were interrupted to clinics, often out of state, that were able to provide unobstructed abortion ser-
vices,” thus potentially increasing “the cost of abortion services” and reducing “the availability of
abortion services at the unobstructed clinics.” Id. at 678, 681. Unrebutted evidence before this Court
7
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demonstrates that S.B. 8 has the same sort of effect on interstate commerce. Texas persons are flood-
ing abortion clinics in neighboring states such as Oklahoma and New Mexico, disrupting the ability
of persons in those other states to obtain abortion care. Dkt. 8 at 10-11. Thus, Texas’s assertion that
Debs is inapplicable to this suit because it does not involve interstate commerce is belied by the evi-
dentiary record.
Third, S.B. 8 interferes with federal programs and operations, as discussed below. See infra pp.
39-40. These federal interests likewise support the United States’ request for equitable relief under
Debs. For example, the Federal Bureau of Prisons (“BOP”), the U.S. Marshals Services (“USMS”),
and the Office of Refugee Resettlement (“ORR”) each have obligations under federal law to facilitate
access to abortion for the individuals in their custody, but the agencies do not themselves administer
abortion care. See id. So long as Texas maintains a legal regime that unconstitutionally eliminates most
pre-viability abortion access, these agencies will be impeded in meeting their legal obligations. At a
minimum, Texas’s decision may require frequent transfers of persons in these agencies’ custody out
of the State whenever necessary to permit them access to abortion care that is unconstitutionally out-
federal courts, in appropriate circumstances like those presented here, to entertain suits for equitable
relief even in the absence of an express or implied cause of action. “[I]njunctive relief has long been
recognized as the proper means for preventing entities from acting unconstitutionally.” Corr. Servs.
Corp. v. Malesko, 534 U.S. 61, 74 (2001). Thus, “a cause of action routinely exists for” claims “to enjoin
official conduct that conflicts with the federal Constitution.” D.C. Ass’n of Chartered Pub. Sch. v. Dist.
of Columbia, 930 F.3d 487, 493 (D.C. Cir. 2019) (citation omitted); see also Free Enter. Fund v. PCAOB,
561 U.S. 477, 491 n.2 (2010). Similarly, in certain circumstances, federal courts permit suits to enjoin
plain violations of unambiguous laws where no other cause of action will provide a “meaningful and
adequate opportunity for judicial review.” Am. Airlines, Inc. v. Herman, 176 F.3d 283, 293 (5th Cir.
8
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1999). Federal courts also entertain suits by the United States to assert its interests as the supreme
The same principles of equity that support those suits support the United States’ suit against
Texas. Texas has interfered with the sovereign interests of the United States by deliberately acting to
prevent Texans from exercising the rights secured to them by the Federal Constitution while obstruct-
ing their ability to seek meaningful judicial relief from that deprivation using the tools for doing so
established by Congress. Texas is wrong to insist that no equitable cause of action is available to the
tution does not undermine the point. Dkt. 43 at 23 n.7. Most critically, the Supreme Court cases cited
involved alleged implied rights of action at law for damages, not suits for equitable relief. See David v.
Passman, 442 U.S. 228 (1979); Hernandez v. Mesa, 140 S. Ct. 735 (2020); Ziglar v. Abbasi, 137 S. Ct. 1843
(2017). The Supreme Court has explained that expanding the implied Bivens cause of action for dam-
ages is “disfavored.” Ziglar, 137 S. Ct. at 1857. In contrast, an equitable suit under the Constitution
is not lodged pursuant to a cause of action that is “‘implied,’” but rather “exists in the body of equitable
doctrine in the same way that a cause of action for breach of contract is not ‘implied’ from the contract
but exists in the body of common law.” Green Valley Special Util. Dist. v. City of Schertz, 969 F.3d 460,
493 n.2 (5th Cir. 2020) (Elrod, J., concurring). None of the Bivens cases that Texas cites call into
question the well-established body of equitable doctrine under which federal courts permit plaintiffs,
including the United States, to sue to enjoin plainly unconstitutional action. Free Enter. Fund, 561 U.S.
at 491 n.2.
Texas further contends, Dkt. 43 at 30-33, that, by creating certain express statutory causes of
action for the enforcement of constitutional and statutory rights, Congress impliedly precluded the
type of equitable claim that the United States is bringing here. Again, however, the equitable cause of
action that the United States is bringing is distinct from implied causes of action for damages, which
the Supreme Court and other courts have most often hesitated to recognize.
9
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And even if this suit were properly thought of as being based on an implied cause of action, it
would be improper to read Congress’s choice not to codify an express governmental cause of action
for the enforcement of constitutional rights as an expression of congressional intent that the Executive
is forbidden from bringing such suits. First, the Supreme Court has “frequently cautioned that [i]t is
at best treacherous to find in congressional silence alone the adoption of a controlling rule of
law.” United States v. Wells, 519 U.S. 482, 496 (1997) (quotation marks omitted). That is because, as a
general matter, various “‘equally tenable inferences’ may be drawn from [congressional] inac-
tion.” Pension Ben. Guar. Corp. v. LTV Corp., 496 U.S. 633, 650 (1990). Second, Congress did not
consider the creation of an express governmental cause of action at the same time as it created Section
1983’s individual cause of action for the vindication of constitutional rights. Congress enacted Section
1983 in the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, 17 Stat. 13. See Monroe v. Pape, 365 U.S. 167, 171 (1961). Not
until 1957 did Congress first consider creating an express cause of action for the Attorney General to
seek equitable relief against violations of constitutional rights, and subsequent proposals to that effect
came in 1959 and 1963. See United States v. City of Philadelphia, 644 F.2d 187, 195 (3d Cir. 1980). It is
well established that “‘[n]egative implications raised by disparate provisions are strongest’ in those
instances in which the relevant statutory provisions were ‘considered simultaneously when the lan-
guage raising the implication was inserted.’” Gomez-Perez v. Potter, 553 U.S. 474, 486 (2008). Congress’s
choice to enact Section 1983 in 1871—and not to enact a governmental cause of action nearly a
century later—thus cannot be understood, as Texas suggests, to reflect a “detailed remedial scheme”
(Dkt. 43 at 31) in which individual but not governmental actions are permitted.4
4
Indeed, in American Bell, the Court rejected an argument that the presence of a statutory cause
of action available to individuals in receipt of a fraudulently procured patent “superseded” the ability
of the United States to sue. In so doing, the Court emphasized the limited utility of individual suits
for fraud and the potential for mischief and the value to the public interest in allowing the government
to sue. 128 U.S. at 372 (“[T]he patentee is not prevented by any such decision from suing a hundred
other infringers, if so many there be, and putting each of them to an expensive defense, in which they
all, or some of them, may be defeated and compelled to pay, because they are not in possession of the
evidence on which the other infringer succeeded in establishing his defense. On the other hand, the
suit of the government, if successful, declares the patent void, sets it aside as of no force, vacates it or
recalls it, and puts an end to all suits which the patentee can bring against anybody.”).
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Texas additionally argues that the United States lacks standing to pursue its interest in the
supremacy of federal law, resting that argument exclusively on Muskrat v. United States, 219 U.S. 346
(1911). But Texas’s argument misunderstands both Muskrat and the nature of this lawsuit.
In Muskrat, the Supreme Court held that a statute that invited the federal courts to issue advi-
sory opinions did not create a live controversy within the meaning of Article III. In 1906, Congress
enacted a statute broadening the class of Native Americans entitled to participate in an allotment of
lands and funds initially authorized by a 1902 statute. Muskrat, 219 U.S. at 348. After disputes over
the constitutionality of the 1906 statute arose, Congress enacted a statute in 1907 that specifically
named four individuals as authorized to bring two suits against the United States “to determine the
validity” of the 1906 law. Id. at 350. As the Court recognized, the “object and purpose” of the cause
of action was “wholly comprised in the determination of the constitutional validity of certain acts of
Congress,” and the attorneys for the private litigants—if successful—were “to be paid out of funds
in the Treasury of the United States belonging to the beneficiaries.” Id. at 360. The Supreme Court
held that these manufactured suits did not present a justiciable “case” or “controversy” within the
meaning of Article III. While the United States was “a defendant to this action,” the Court explained,
it had “no interest adverse to the claimants” because it was not itself a potential claimant to the prop-
erty or funds in question. Id. at 361. Rather, the Court observed, “[t]he whole purpose of the law
[was] to determine the constitutional validity of” the reapportionment statute “in a suit not arising
between parties concerning a property right necessarily involved in the decision in question, but in a
proceeding against the government in its sovereign capacity, and concerning which the only judgment
required is to settle the doubtful character of the legislation.” Id. at 361-62; see Okpalobi v. Foster, 244
F.3d 405, 426 (5th Cir. 2001) (en banc) (describing Muskrat as “holding that the United States as de-
Unlike in Muskrat, there is plainly adversity between the United States and the State of Texas
in this suit. As an initial matter, this action bears none of the hallmarks of a collusive suit that were at
issue in Muskrat. The teaching of Muskrat is that “Congress must not be allowed to approach closely
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a request for judicial advice, even as to completed legislation, by the simple device of conferring juris-
diction over a specific suit to be brought by individually named plaintiffs seeking to challenge a par-
ticular enactment.” Wright & Miller, 13 Fed. Prac. & Proc. Juris. § 3529.1 (3d ed.). “[S]uch congres-
sional tools might well be used to select ineffective adversaries of ambivalent loyalties,” and Muskrat
reflects the “Court’s wish that constitutional adjudication be confined to cases arising more naturally
between adversaries who have not selected each other.” Id. Texas, of course, has not authorized the
United States to sue here to determine the validity of S.B. 8; indeed, it has designed S.B. 8 in an effort
having merely allocated property rights among private parties—Texas has a concrete interest in this
case. S.B. 8 is not a law that permits private parties to seek redress for private harms through the courts;
it is a law that articulates an alleged public harm—namely, the provision of a constitutionally protected
abortion after cardiac activity is detected in an embryo. In a bid to outflank federal judicial review,
the State has deputized private individuals, rather than public officials, to bring suit by offering $10,000
bounties. But that maneuver does not obscure the fundamental point—that the statute incentivizes
under S.B. 8. Texas contends that this Court is powerless to order that relief, and that it cannot require
the State to cease implementing and enforcing its unconstitutional statutory scheme. Dkt. 43 at 6-9.
That proposition is remarkable. The State of Texas enacted S.B. 8; the statute is concededly intended
to effectuate State policy about whether abortions should occur after cardiac activity is detectable, id.
5
The Fifth Circuit’s decision in Okpalobi is not to the contrary. In that case, private plaintiffs
sued Louisiana’s governor and attorney general to challenge the constitutionality of a state law creating
a private tort remedy. 244 F.3d at 409. This suit, by contrast, is not brought by private plaintiffs and
is not brought against individual state officials. As discussed, the United States has sovereign and
proprietary interests not shared by private plaintiffs. And Okpalobi “does not control” the standing
analysis in a case where the State itself is a proper defendant, as it is here. Allstate Ins. Co. v. Abbott,
495 F.3d 151, 159 (5th Cir. 2007).
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at 34-35; the statute is enforced by individuals cloaked in State authority; and the enforcement actions
brought under S.B. 8 are prosecuted with the assistance of the State’s judicial and administrative ap-
paratus. And yet the State now contends that it has nothing to do with the ongoing injuries that S.B. 8
inflicts. That suggestion, if accepted, would fundamentally undermine the rule of law.
Doctrinally, Texas is wrong because the State is the appropriate defendant for this suit and
can be subject to an injunction issued by this Court. S.B. 8 injures the United States, and that injury
is fairly traceable to, and redressable by, Texas. See supra p. 10; see also Allstate Ins. Co., 495 F.3d at 159;
Tel. & Data Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 19 F.3d 42, 47 (D.C. Cir. 1994) (“injurious private conduct is fairly
traceable to the administrative action contested in the suit if that action authorized the conduct or
established its legality”). Indeed, Texas does not dispute that S.B. 8’s enforcement requires some com-
ponent of the State to act, and so an injunction against the State itself would suffice to redress the
Texas argues, however, that the United States has not proposed sufficiently specific relief, and
that any injunction must identify the particular State officials, employees, and agents who would be
bound. See Dkt. 43 at 6. But Texas lacks authority for the specificity it demands. Unlike in the context
of injunctions against the federal government under the Administrative Procedure Act, see 5 U.S.C.
§ 702, there is no need for this Court to cabin its injunction within the contours of a partial waiver of
sovereign immunity. There is no bar to an injunction that runs against “the State” here. Indeed, the
State surely knows who in its employ would be responsible for staying any proceedings brought under
S.B. 8. If Texas believes that the costs of complying with an injunction directed against the State itself
are too great, then it is free to propose a more tailored injunction to redress the injuries of the United
States. Alternatively, the State is free at any time to end this litigation by rescinding S.B. 8. But when
a party refuses to assist in tailoring an injunction, a broad injunction is warranted. See FDIC v. Faulkner,
Stepping back, Texas’s contention that it is not properly subject to court-ordered relief is cen-
tral to its efforts to evade the requirements of the Federal Constitution. Over fifty years ago, the
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Supreme Court made clear in the school-desegregation context that constitutional rights cannot be
here by enacting and maintaining S.B. 8 and by deputizing private parties to enforce it in state courts.
The State should not be permitted to evade responsibility for its acts.
If Texas’s arguments about the scope of relief are accepted, then all a state need do to nullify
a constitutional right is to pair a sufficiently punitive statutory scheme with a provision delegating
enforcement of that scheme to private individuals. Using that approach, a state could enact laws
imposing ruinous financial penalties on any person who performs an interracial marriage, sells a fire-
arm, performs a Catholic mass, or criticizes elected officials. Texas offers no principled basis for
distinguishing such schemes from what the State has done here. Accordingly, unless every one of the
rights protected by the Constitution is subject to nullification by the states, judicial relief must—at a
That relief should entail an injunction against the State staying all proceedings brought under
S.B. 8. An automatic stay of enforcement proceedings brought under S.B. 8 would upend the appa-
ratus of deterrence at the center of Texas’s unconstitutional design. No greater specificity is required.
But even if it were, the State of Texas is acting through three groups of individuals who can properly
be enjoined: private individuals who elect to file S.B. 8 enforcement proceedings; state court judges
and clerks; and other administrative personnel involved in enforcing and executing state judgments.
Relief against any one of these groups would redress the United States’ injuries.
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1. The Court should stay all state court proceedings brought under S.B. 8.
Texas disregards the most straightforward relief that the United States requested—an injunc-
tion staying all state court proceedings brought under S.B. 8. See Dkt. 8 at 29–30. Congress has
expressly confirmed through the Anti-Injunction Act that a stay of state court proceedings can be an
appropriate remedy, even in suits brought by private parties. See 28 U.S.C. § 2283 (setting forth the
conditions pursuant to which a federal court may “grant an injunction to stay proceedings in a State
court”). Given that the Anti-Injunction Act’s restrictions do not apply to suits brought by the United
States, see In re Grand Jury Subpoena, 866 F.3d 231, 233 (5th Cir. 2017), by definition such relief is likewise
available here. See, e.g., United States v. Texas, 356 F. Supp. 469, 473 (E.D. Tex. 1972) (enjoining “the
District Court of Dallas County” from further proceedings in a case, and declaring “that the temporary
restraining order issued by that court is void”); United States v. Washington, 459 F. Supp. 1020, 1034
(W.D. Wash. 1978) (enjoining “the Superior Court of the State of Washington, County of Thurston,”
from enforcing its temporary injunction and “from issuing any other order” interfering with the fed-
Here, consistent with Congress’s recognition that injunctions “to stay proceedings in a State
court” are appropriate, this Court could provide that very same relief—i.e., an order directed to the
State, acting through its judiciary, staying proceedings in any civil suits seeking to enforce S.B. 8. This
relief would operate against the State itself, and thus would avoid the need for this Court to consider
Texas’s arguments about directly enjoining individual judges or clerks. See section I.B.3, infra.
2. An injunction against the State of Texas may properly extend to private parties
filing S.B. 8 enforcement suits.
Under S.B. 8, Texas has deputized private parties to perform the state function of pursuing
enforcement actions. Because such individuals are in active concert and participation with the State,
and also are properly considered state actors and agents of the State, this Court could expressly state
that an injunction extends to them. See Dkt. 8 at 29-31; see also Fed. R. Civ. P. 65(d)(2)(B), (C).
Texas first contends that the Court cannot extend its injunction to private individuals seeking
to enforce S.B. 8 because the Court has not yet provided those individuals with an opportunity to be
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heard on that question. See Dkt. 43 at 7–8. But there is no requirement that a court, before enjoining
an entity—and expecting its injunction to be complied with by each of those entity’s agents and other
affiliates—must first provide every individual conceivably subject to the injunction with notice and an
opportunity to be heard regarding the scope of the injunction. If that were the rule, the Supreme
Court could not have upheld an injunction against the State of Arizona governing the conduct of its
state and local law enforcement officers, without first providing all of those individual law enforce-
ment officers with notice and an opportunity to be heard regarding the injunction. See Arizona, 567
U.S. at 410.
Texas is conflating whether an injunction can be issued with whether an individual can be held
in contempt for violating the injunction. See Zenith Radio Corp. v. Hazeltine Rsch., Inc., 395 U.S. 100, 112
(1969) (holding that “a nonparty with notice cannot be held in contempt until shown to be in concert or
participation” (emphasis added)); see also Nat’l Spiritual Assembly of Baha’is of U.S. Under Hereditary Guard-
ianship, Inc. v. Nat’l Spiritual Assembly of Baha’is of U.S., Inc., 628 F.3d 837, 853 (7th Cir. 2010). In any
event, binding precedent confirms that notice requirements do not limit the appropriate scope of the
injunction ex ante.6 If anything, they counsel in favor of requiring Texas to advertise the unavailability
6
In Waffenschmidt v. MacKay, 763 F.2d 711 (5th Cir. 1985), the Fifth Circuit upheld contempt
sanctions against individuals who had acted in concert with an enjoined party, despite the fact that
they did not participate in the initial proceedings regarding the injunction. Id. at 718. Instead, those
individuals “were made parties to the show cause order and were given an opportunity to prove that
they did not aid or abet” the enjoined party in connection with subsequent contempt proceedings,
which the Fifth Circuit held was consistent with the rule announced in Zenith. Id. Similarly, in United
States v. Hall, 472 F.2d 261 (5th Cir. 1972), the Fifth Circuit upheld a contempt finding against a non-
party individual that took action contrary to a district court’s school desegregation order, based solely
on the fact that the individual “had notice of the court’s order,” even though he had no opportunity
to participate in the initial proceeding leading to issuance of the order. Id. at 26368. But even if Texas
were correct that notice concerns could affect the scope of the injunction, such a concern would still
not foreclose relief against at least some individuals because the Court could enter an order extending
to the four intervenors who have participated in this matter. The prospect of such partial relief, by
itself, would allow this suit to proceed. See Larson v. Valente, 456 U.S. 228, 243 n.15 (1982); K.P. v.
LeBlanc, 627 F.3d 115, 123 (5th Cir. 2010).
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Aside from its erroneous procedural objection, Texas offers little to support its claim that
individuals filing enforcement actions under S.B. 8 are not properly subject to an injunction from this
Court. Texas asserts that injunctions cannot bind non-parties. See Dkt. 43 at 7. As Texas acknowl-
edges, however, that general rule does not apply to “agents” of an enjoined party or to non-parties
“who are in active concert or participation with” the enjoined party. Fed. R. Civ. P. 65(d)(2)(B), (C);
see Dkt. 43 at 7. Indeed, Texas later acknowledges that Rule 65(d)(2) was intended to prevent defend-
ants from “nullify[ing] a decree by carrying out prohibited acts through aiders and abettors[.]” Regal
Knitwear Co. v. NLRB, 324 U.S. 9, 14 (1945); see Dkt. 43 at 9. Consistent with that principle, courts
have long extended injunctions to the actions of non-parties. See Ex parte Lennon, 166 U.S. 548, 554
(1897) (“The facts that petitioner was not a party to such suit, nor served with process of subpoena,
nor had notice of the application made by the complainant for the mandatory injunction, nor was
served by the officers of the court with such injunction, are immaterial so long as it was made to
appear that he had notice of the issuing of an injunction by the court.”); Hall, 472 F.2d at 265-67
(because a court has “inherent power . . . to protect its ability to render a binding judgment,” injunc-
tions may extend to “third parties . . . in a position to upset the court’s adjudication”).
Here, individuals filing lawsuits under S.B. 8 necessarily further Texas’s scheme to undermine
federal rights guaranteed by the Constitution. These individuals had no power to file such suits, nor
any basis for suing the persons who would become defendants, before Texas enacted S.B. 8. This
Court may therefore enjoin the private individuals whom Texas has deputized to implement the State’s
scheme. The United States recognizes that “courts are [not] free to issue permanent injunctions
against all the world.” Hall, 472 F.2d at 267. But that is not what is being requested here. Filing a
lawsuit under S.B. 8 is itself an affirmative act by an individual,7 and Texas has expressly chosen that
as the means of enforcement of the statute. Any individual filing such a suit necessarily intends to
7
Cf. Vendo Co. v. Lektro-Vend Corp., 433 U.S. 623 (1977) (state court lawsuits could themselves
be antitcompetitive practices); United States v. Lewis, 411 F.3d 838 (7th Cir. 2005) (filing lawsuit could
itself be a “course of conduct” of harassment); In re Grand Jury Subpoena, 267 F. Supp. 3d 741, 749
(N.D. Tex. 2016) (similar)), aff’d, 866 F.3d 231 (5th Cir. 2017).
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penalize and prevent abortions occurring after six weeks, given that a successful suit automatically
requires entry of a minimum damages award of $10,000 plus “injunctive relief sufficient to prevent
the defendant from violating this subchapter” going forward. Tex. Health & Safety Code § 171.208(b);
cf. Dkt. 48 at 5–6 (Intervenor Stilley sets forth plans to mirror suits against “insurance company, mu-
nicipality, business corporation or other juicy target with deep pockets” and other “nice fat geese just waiting
to be plucked”). Thus, any person who files a suit seeking to enforce S.B. 8 is in active concert and
participation with Texas’s goal of prohibiting almost all abortions after six weeks, which brings them
within the scope of this Court’s authority. As the Fifth Circuit observed in Hall, another case that
“strongly excite[d] community passions,” the scheme Texas has adopted here means that judicial relief
is “particularly vulnerable to disruption by an undefinable class of persons who are neither parties nor
acting at the instigation of parties.” 472 F.2d at 266. In that sort of scenario, courts may “exercise
broad and flexible remedial powers” to meet the “exigencies of the situation” and to “protect[] the
Texas also contends that individuals filing suit under S.B. 8 cannot be acting in concert with
the State based on Texas v. Department of Labor, 929 F.3d 205 (5th Cir. 2019). But the Fifth Circuit’s
decision in that case depended on the statutory scheme at issue (the Fair Labor Standards Act). Id. at
213. That statute created distinct roles for both the United States and private individuals, such that
“litigation by a government agency would not preclude a private party from vindicating a wrong that
arises from related facts but generate[d] a distinct, individual cause of action . . . for violation of distinct
legal duties owed individual employees, rather than for violation of legal duties owed the public.” Id.
(internal quotation marks omitted). In contrast, S.B. 8 can only be understood as vindicating public
interests. There is no separate government cause of action; individuals are authorized to pursue en-
forcement against anyone, regardless whether they have been personally affected or not; and success
on the claim requires both statutory damages unconnected to personal injury and an injunction for the
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benefit of the public, i.e., “sufficient to prevent the defendant from violating this subchapter[.]” Tex.
Texas also disputes a separate basis on which individuals enforcing S.B. 8 could be subject to
an injunction: They are state actors sufficient to render them “agents” of the State. See Dkt. 43 at 8,
10 n.1. The State of Texas enacted S.B. 8, vested private individuals with public enforcement authority
under S.B. 8, and dictated the terms of that enforcement authority, and the State retains the legal right
and ability to withdraw or otherwise modify S.B. 8 and the terms of its enforcement. Regardless of
the distance that Texas now seeks to place between itself and its appointed cadre of citizen enforcers,
that does not change the nature of its principal-agent relationship. See Restatement (Third) of Agency
§ 1.01 cmt. c (2006) (“[A] person may be an agent although the principal lacks the right to control the
full range of the agent’s activities, how the agent uses time, or the agent’s exercise of professional
judgment. A principal’s failure to exercise the right of control does not eliminate it[.]”).
Moreover, the primary state-action case on which Texas relies supports the availability of relief
here: “[W]e have consistently held that a private party’s joint participation with state officials in the
seizure of disputed property is sufficient to characterize that party as a ‘state actor’ for purposes of the
Fourteenth Amendment.” Lugar v. Edmondson Oil Co., 457 U.S. 922, 941 (1982) (cited in Dkt. 43 at 10
n.1); see also Adickes v. S. H. Kress & Co., 398 U.S. 144, 152 (1970) (“Private persons, jointly engaged
with state officials in the prohibited action, are acting ‘under color’ of law for purposes of the statute.
To act ‘under color’ of law does not require that the accused be an officer of the State. It is enough
that he is a willful participant in joint activity with the State or its agents.”); Dkt. 8 at 31 n.13. Whether
viewed as state action, acting in concert with the State of Texas, or some combination of both, the
bottom-line result is the same: Rule 65 plainly extends to those individuals who affirmatively choose
8
If S.B. 8 were intended to create a cause of action for the benefit of private individuals alone,
S.B. 8 would only permit injunctive relief sufficient to prevent the defendant from harming the partic-
ular plaintiff. See generally City of Los Angeles v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105 (1983) (injunctive relief typically
appropriate only when individual plaintiff is at recurring risk of harm). Instead, S.B. 8 requires injunc-
tive relief sufficient to prevent the defendant from harming anyone—thereby confirming that suits
brought under S.B. 8 are public enforcement actions, not purely private invocations of an individual-
ized cause of action.
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to cloak themselves in state authority by filing S.B. 8 enforcement actions, thereby seeking to redress
Finally, to the extent there were any doubt about whether Rule 65 itself provides authority for
this Court’s injunction to reach private parties suing under S.B. 8, this Court could independently issue
its injunction pursuant to the All Writs Act. “The power conferred by the Act extends, under appro-
priate circumstances, to persons who, though not parties to the original action or engaged in wrong-
doing, are in a position to frustrate the implementation of a court order or the proper administration
of justice[.]” United States v. New York Tel. Co., 434 U.S. 159, 174 (1977); see also United States v. Int’l Bhd.
of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen & Helpers of Am., AFL-CIO, 907 F.2d 277, 281 (2d Cir. 1990)
(“Injunctions may be issued against non-parties under the All Writs Act. . . . We believe that the All
Writs Act requires no more than that the persons enjoined have the ‘minimum contacts’ that are
Here, there can be no dispute that the group of persons subject to an injunction—i.e., those
who file suits in Texas courts pursuant to S.B. 8—have sufficient minimum contacts (regardless of
where they reside) because they have affirmatively availed themselves of Texas’s court system, and
thus specific personal jurisdiction exists as to those proceedings. See Int’l Shoe Co. v. Washington, 326
U.S. 310, 319 (1945) (party “conducting activities within a state” thereby “enjoys the benefits and
protection of the laws of that state” and thus can be sued within that state based on those activities);
see also Waffenschmidt, 763 F.2d at 718 (holding that individuals who “actively aid[ed] and abet[ed]”
violations of an injunction “placed themselves within the personal jurisdiction of the district court”).
Moreover, relief under the All Writs Act is appropriate because it would be “directed at conduct which,
left unchecked, would have had the practical effect of diminishing the court’s power to bring the
litigation to a natural conclusion.” ITT Cmty. Dev. Corp. v. Barton, 569 F.2d 1351, 1359 (5th Cir. 1978).
Thus, the All Writs Act provides authority to act here, even if Rule 65 does not.
3. An injunction against the State of Texas may also extend to judges and clerks.
An injunction against the State of Texas would properly run to state judicial officials, including
judges and clerks. Such an injunction would be appropriate here given the role that state courts play
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in S.B. 8’s enforcement scheme; it is the threat of suits under the statute that deters providers from
offering abortion services that the Constitution protects, and so an injunction that requires state judges
and clerks to stay, decline to docket, or otherwise decline to maintain any such suits is an appropriate
means of redress. Texas offers two principal responses to this suggestion: that the United States lacks
standing to sue individual state-court judges and clerks, and that this Court lacks the power to issue
an injunction that would run to those judges and clerks. Both arguments lack merit.
Texas’s first argument that Article III does not permit suits against state-court judges or clerks
is a non-sequitur. No state-court judge or clerk is a defendant here; only Texas itself is. And the
United States plainly has standing to sue the State for the reasons detailed above. See supra section I.
That renders irrelevant the State’s arguments about the Court’s jurisdiction to issue an injunction that
would run to the State’s judiciary. And although Texas tries to create distance from its own judiciary
by contending that “judicial officials are not within the scope of Rule 65(d)(2) and would not be cov-
ered by . . . any injunction issued against Texas,” Dkt. 43 at 13, it fails to explain how “judicial officials”
are anything other than “officers, agents, servants, [or] employees” of the State. See Fed. R. Civ. P.
65(d)(2) (emphasis added); see also, e.g., Tex. Gov’t Code § 411.201 (“‘Active judicial officer’ means . . .
a judge or justice of the supreme court, the court of criminal appeals, a court of appeals, a district
court, a criminal district court, a constitutional county court, a statutory county court, a justice court,
or a municipal court[.]”).
Perhaps recognizing that Texas judicial officials are indeed part of the State of Texas, the State
tries to reframe the standing inquiry by suggesting there is no adversity between the United States and
individual judges and clerks. See Dkt. 43 at 10–12, 14. But the State cites no authority for the propo-
sition that the standing inquiry should focus on anything other than the adversity between the two
parties to this case. Had Texas made S.B. 8 enforceable by the Texas Attorney General’s Office, there
would be no requirement that line lawyers be personally adverse to a party to be bound by an injunc-
tion against Texas. To that end, Texas’s reliance on the case-or-controversy analysis in the recent
motions-panel decision in Whole Woman’s Health misses the mark because that decision—together with
the relevant portions of the cases cited therein, see, e.g., Bauer v. Texas, 341 F.3d 352, 359 (5th Cir. 2003),
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and Texas’s attempted reframing here—are all focused narrowly on the adversity between private
parties and individual judges and clerks, who were the defendants in that action. See Whole Woman’s
Health v. Jackson, ___F.4th___, 2021 WL 4128951, at *5 (5th Cir. Sept. 10, 2021). Because the adversity
between the United States and Texas is clear, standing is no barrier to an injunction that runs to a
Nor is there any other barrier to the issuance of an injunction that would run to state judges
and clerks. Texas contends that Muskrat is such an obstacle, and that the case stands for the proposi-
tion that an injunction that is binding on Texas cannot be binding on state courts. See Dkt. 43 at 12-
13. But the case suggests nothing of the sort. See supra pp. 11–12. The Muskrat Court’s concern about
advisory opinions has no bearing on the issue here—namely, whether an injunction that prohibits the
maintenance of state-court actions brought under S.B. 8 could bind the judges and clerks responsible
for overseeing and administratively facilitating such actions. And with respect to that question, Pulliam
v. Allen, 466 U.S. 522 (1984), makes clear that federal courts can issues injunctions that bind state
judicial officials. Id. at 541-42 (“[J]udicial immunity is not a bar to prospective injunctive relief against
a judicial officer acting in her judicial capacity.”); see, e.g., Mireles v. Waco, 502 U.S. 9, 10 n.1 (1991)
(explaining that a state “judge is not absolutely immune from . . . a suit for prospective injunctive
relief”); Doe v. Ceci, 517 F.2d 1203, 1206 n.3 (7th Cir. 1975) (“Under all the circumstances, an injunction
against Judge Ceci himself was justified.”); Bowen v. Doyle, 880 F. Supp. 99, 138 (W.D.N.Y. 1995) (en-
joining “Justices Doyle and Wolfgang and the courts of the State of New York” from “from proceed-
ing in, and/or exercising any further jurisdiction over the parties and subject matter of,” a case that
was “pending in New York Supreme Court”); see also Strickland v. Alexander, 772 F.3d 876, 885–86
(11th Cir. 2014) (holding that a court clerk responsible for “docketing [a] garnishment affidavit, issuing
the summons of garnishment, depositing the garnished property into the court registry, and holding
the property” rendered the plaintiff’s injury “‘fairly traceable’ to [the clerk’s] actions”).
If there were any doubt that this Court has the authority to issue an injunction that runs to
state judges and clerks, the reasoning in Pulliam removes it. Texas acknowledges that Pulliam permits
injunctions against state-court judges, see Dkt. 43 at 12, but the State claims the case has no relevance
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here on the theory that Pulliam’s discussion of judicial immunity was limited to injunctions issued
pursuant to § 1983, see Pulliam, 466 U.S. at 541-42. That characterization cannot be squared with the
Court’s reasoning. Indeed, the Court went to great lengths to detail “the common law’s rejection of a
rule of judicial immunity from prospective relief.” Id. at 536 (emphasis added); see also id. at 529-36.
And the Court concluded that its “own experience” and decisions from “[a]t least seven Circuits”
supported a determination that there is no judicial-immunity bar to issuing prospective relief against
state judges. See id. at 536-57. To be sure, the Court considered the effect that Congress’s enactment
of § 1983 had on the authority to enjoin state-court judges. But it explained that any restriction “on
the availability of injunctive relief against a state judge” would have to come from either “the common
law” or from “Congress’[s] own intent to limit the relief available under § 1983[.]” Id. at 539–40.
Because the Court found that neither the common law nor Congress’s enactment of § 1983 contained
such a restriction, it held that prospective relief against state-court judges was available. See id. at 539-
41.9 At a minimum, the outcome in Pulliam is flatly inconsistent with Texas’s argument that Article
III always prohibits federal court relief against state judges acting in their Article III capacity.
The remaining authorities on which Texas relies do not alter the availability of injunctive relief.
The State relies on dicta from the discussion of the Eleventh Amendment in Ex parte Young, but the
suggestion that an injunction that runs to the state judiciary “would be a violation of the whole scheme
of our government,” Dkt. 43 at 10 (quoting Ex parte Young, 209 U.S. at 163), cannot be squared with
the holding in Pulliam or the myriad cases in which courts have issued such an injunction. See supra
22–23. The State’s discussion of writs of mandamus and prohibition runs into the same problem. See
Dkt. 43 at 14-16. Indeed, the Pulliam Court extensively discussed the history of the issuance of “writs
of prohibition and mandamus” by judges of the King’s Bench, en route to holding that federal courts
9
Contrary to Texas’s suggestion, the current version of § 1983—which was adopted after
Pulliam—does not “forb[id] injunctive relief against state judges[.]” See Dkt. 43 at 16. In fact, such
relief expressly remains an option when “a declaratory decree [is] violated or declaratory relief [is]
unavailable.” 42 U.S.C. § 1983; see also Caliste v. Cantrell, 937 F.3d 525, 532 (5th Cir. 2019). And even
if § 1983 contained a complete bar on injunctive relief against state-court judges, that bar would not
apply here because, as Texas acknowledges, see Dkt. 43 at 16, the United States is not bringing suit
under § 1983.
23
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do have to authority enjoin state-court judges. See Pulliam, 466 U.S. at 533-36, 41-42. Texas suggests
that the exercise of such authority here would call into question the neutrality of state judges who are
bound to follow the Federal Constitution. See Dkt. 43 at 10-11. But that suggestion ignores the reality
of the scheme Texas has enacted: It is the threat of suit that has chilled abortion providers throughout
the State, see Dkt. 8 at 7, and so an injunction that prevents S.B. 8 suits from being maintained—
irrespective of how the suits might eventually be resolved—is the appropriate remedy.
4. Texas Does Not Dispute that This Court Can Enjoin Personnel Involved in the
Execution and Enforcement of State Judgments and Other Administrative Roles.
The last group of state employees against whom this Court’s injunction could expressly extend
would be administrative, law enforcement, and any other Texas government personnel who perform
non-judicial tasks associated with processing and pursuing S.B. 8 enforcement actions, such as the
enforcement of any state judgments obtained pursuant to S.B. 8. The United States addressed this
relief in its opening motion, see Dkt. 8 at 32, and Texas failed to respond, see Dkt. 43 at 6-17. Thus,
In practical terms, this aspect of the injunction would extend to officials who have non-judicial
roles in enforcing judgments obtained pursuant to S.B. 8. For example, Texas law directs that upon
obtaining a judgment, an “execution” shall be issued, and the execution “shall be addressed to any
sheriff or any constable within the State of Texas.” Tex. R. Civ. P. 622; see also Tex. R. Civ. P. 629
(“The style of the execution shall be ‘The State of Texas.’ It shall be directed to any sheriff or any
constable within the State of Texas.”). These individuals are undoubtedly state employees, acting
pursuant to state authority, and Texas provides no plausible reason why they cannot be enjoined with
Similarly, Texas law provides that parties may seek to enforce judgments by placing liens on real prop-
erty, which requires county clerks—not court clerks performing judicial functions—to “record in the
county real property records each properly authenticated abstract of judgment that is presented for
recording.” Tex. Prop. Code Ann. § 52.004. There is no reason why these county clerks cannot be
enjoined from recording any judgments that were obtained pursuant to S.B. 8.
24
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Enjoining these state officials in the performance of their duties would redress the United
States’ injuries at least in part—i.e., by making any judgments obtained pursuant to S.B. 8 effectively
unenforceable. There likely are other state employees and officials involved in the administrative
handling of S.B. 8 claims and judgments who could also be enjoined, and whom Texas is undoubtedly
capable of identifying. At a minimum, however, these classes of state employees could expressly be
enjoined, which would provide sufficient redress for this case to proceed under Article III.
Amendment. See Dkt. 43 at Sec. II.A. But it conspicuously fails to offer any constitutional defense
of S.B. 8 on the law’s own terms. Instead, the State contends that its six-week abortion ban is not a
ban and that the ban somehow causes no undue burden on persons’ constitutional rights. Neither
To begin, S.B. 8 is an abortion ban of the sort that is facially unconstitutional under governing
Supreme Court precedent. Contra Dkt. 43 at 34-35. The statute’s plain text—which Texas notably
on a pregnant woman if the physician detected a fetal heartbeat for the unborn child.” Tex. Health &
Safety Code § 171.204(a). As this Court previously explained, that language creates a “ban [that] covers
all abortions performed approximately six weeks [after the patient’s last menstrual period].” Whole
Women’s Health, 1:21-cv-616, 2021 WL 3821062, at *2 n.4 (W.D. Tex. Aug. 25, 2021); see also Jackson
Women’s Health Org. v. Dobbs, 945 F.3d 265, 269 (5th Cir. 2019), cert. granted, No. 19-1392, 2021 WL
1951792 (U.S. May 17, 2021) (“Jackson I”) (finding that “[t]he law at issue is a ban” where it barred
physicians from “perform[ing] or induc[ing] an abortion” where the probable gestational age was
greater than fifteen weeks). “Such a ban is unconstitutional under Supreme Court precedent without
resort to the undue burden balancing test.” Jackson Women’s Health Org. v. Dobbs, 951 F.3d 246, 248
(5th Cir. 2020) (per curiam) (“Jackson II”); accord Planned Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 879
25
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(1992) (“[A] State may not prohibit any woman from making the ultimate decision to terminate her
Texas next contends that the Supreme Court has applied the undue burden test in similar
contexts, and thus should do so here. Dkt. 43 at 35 (citing Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124 (2007),
and June Med. Servs. LLC v. Russo, 140 S. Ct. 2103 (2020)). But neither of these cases concerned an
outright ban on a broad swath of previability abortions. It is settled that “laws that limit certain meth-
ods of abortion or impose certain requirements on those seeking abortions are distinct under Casey
from those that prevent women from choosing to have abortions before viability.” Jackson I, 945 F.3d
at 274. Gonzales, which concerned a law prohibiting a specific method of abortion, “is distinguishable”
from laws like S.B. 8 that “undisputedly prevent[] the abortions of some non-viable fetuses.” Id. at
273 (explaining the Mississippi law “is a prohibition on pre-viability abortion”). June Medical concerned
a Louisiana law requiring abortion providers to have certain hospital admitting privileges, and thus
also concerned a regulation on the methods and requirements for obtaining abortions, rather than an
outright ban of previability abortions. See 140 S. Ct. at 2112; Jackson I, 945 F.3d at 273-74. Both cases
relied upon by Texas therefore only reinforce that no undue burden analysis is required—Texas’s six-
week abortion ban is unconstitutional on its face. See Jackson I, 945 F.3d at 269.
Regardless, Texas’s insistence that its unconstitutional abortion ban not be termed a “ban” is
academic because the law cannot survive even cursory review under the undue burden test. S.B. 8
bans most previability abortions and uses the threat of monetary penalties to chill providers from
performing lawful abortion procedures. See Dkt. 8 at 15-16. The law therefore both in purpose and
in effect “place[s] a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion before the fetus
attains viability.” Casey, 505 U.S. at 878. Texas’s primary argument to the contrary is that S.B. 8 does
not place an undue burden on persons seeking previability abortions because the law “incorporates
the Supreme Court’s test” in Casey. Dkt. 43 at 35. That argument contorts the Supreme Court’s undue
burden test and reveals Texas’s strategy of abdicating its own sovereign responsibility for the burden
26
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The undue burden test announced in Casey establishes the standard that States must comply
with when enacting abortion regulations: “Under Casey, the State may not impose an undue burden on
the woman’s ability to obtain an abortion.” June Medical, 140 S. Ct. at 2135 (Roberts, C.J., concurring)
(emphasis added). Disclaiming its own obligation to comply with the Federal Constitution, Texas
argues that S.B. 8 meets the undue burden test because it permits a limited set of third parties to argue,
after having been sued, that the law “will impose an undue burden on that woman or that group of women
seeking an abortion.” Tex. Health & Safety Code § 171.209(b); Dkt. 43 at 35–38.
Here, the undue burden is front-loaded; the “obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an
abortion,” Casey, 505 U.S. at 878, is the threat of liability that has led providers to stop offering abor-
tion services and therefore prevented persons from accessing an abortion in the first place. The stat-
utory undue burden defense—that is to say, the fact that courts considering claims under S.B. 8 might
find the statute to be unconstitutional—provides no avenue for relief to persons who cannot find a
provider willing to assume the risks and costs placed upon providers by S.B. 8. S.B. 8 denies those
persons—the rights-holders—any option to assert their rights in court. And even when the undue
burden defense can be raised by others, Texas restricts the defense in a manner inconsistent with
Casey. See Tex. Health & Safety Code § 171.209(b), (c), (d); see also Dkt. 8. at 15–16 (describing imper-
missibly narrow focus of S.B. 8’s undue burden defense). In other words, Texas contends that S.B. 8
meets Casey’s undue burden standard because defendants may assert something called an undue burden
defense; but S.B. 8 does not, in theory or in practice, preserve constitutional rights.
Texas argues that S.B. 8 does not impose an undue burden because a single abortion provider
within the State of Texas has described providing a single first trimester abortion beyond six weeks of
pregnancy. See Dkt. 43 at 35-36 (citing Alan Braid, Opinion: Why I Violated Texas’s Extreme Abor-
provider-alan-braid/ (“Braid Op-Ed”)). Far from showing that S.B. 8 has permitted persons in Texas
to continue obtaining previability abortions, Mr. Braid’s op-ed explains how the law has “virtually
banned any abortion beyond about the sixth week of pregnancy” and “shut down about 80 percent
27
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Texas also disputes that it acted with any purpose to deprive persons of constitutional rights by
enacting S.B. 8—a ground that is independently sufficient to render the law unconstitutional under
Casey, 505 U.S. at 877; see also Dkt. 43 at 36-37. But evidence of Texas’s unconstitutional intent
abounds. See Dkt. 8 at 3. And the unconstitutional intent behind S.B. 8 is plain on the face of the
statute. Not content to enact a six-week abortion ban nearly identical to one just recently enjoined by
the Fifth Circuit in Jackson I, Texas paired its unconstitutional law with a novel private-enforcement
scheme the self-evident purpose of which is to shield S.B. 8 from federal judicial review. There is no
more powerful evidence of Texas’s unconstitutional intent than its extensive effort to shirk its sover-
eign responsibility to defend the constitutionality of its own law in court.
Finally, S.B. 8’s abortion ban is a particularly egregious constitutional violation because of the
extraordinary procedural mechanisms intended to block persons from vindicating their Fourteenth
Amendment rights and to evade the methods Congress established to ensure federal judicial review.
See Dkt. 8 at 14. The concern here is not simply that the Act is “difficult to effectively enjoin,” Dkt.
43 at 37, but that it was specifically designed in an attempt to circumvent the supremacy of federal law
If Texas’s position is that its law does not apply to the federal government, it should say so.
But it does not. Instead, Texas states that, “Texas courts are unlikely to interpret the Act to apply to
the federal government or those carrying out federal obligations.” Dkt. 43 at 39. Of course, there is
nothing unusual about a defendant in a Supremacy Clause lawsuit attempting to avoid liability by
arguing that the challenged law might be interpreted narrowly. But courts routinely enjoin enforce-
ment of state laws on preemption grounds even though the state may not ultimately enforce those
laws in a manner that conflicts with federal law and operations.10 Indeed, Texas recently tried, unsuc-
cessfully, to make a similar argument in another Supremacy Clause challenge by the United States.
10
See, e.g., United States v. City of Arcata, 629 F.3d 986, 992 (9th Cir. 2010) (noting in preemption
28
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The State argued there that it “may decide to enforce the [challenged Executive] Order in a way that
does not disrupt the United States’ [operations,]” but the court disagreed because the challenged law
did not contain an express exemption that would support Texas’s interpretation. United States v. Texas,
No. 3:21-cv-173-KC, Dkt. 52, at 17 (W.D. Tex. Aug. 26, 2021) (“[I]t is reasonable to assume that the
Order means what it says and may be enforced against federal contractors and NGO-partners[.]”).11
Next, Texas cannot sidestep the Supremacy Clause by raising the Pullman abstention doctrine,
which is unavailable “in a case in which the United States seeks relief against a state or its agency.”
United States v. Composite State Bd. of Med. Examiners, 656 F.2d 131, 136 (5th Cir. Unit B Sept. 1981);
United States v. Morros, 268 F.3d 695, 709 (9th Cir. 2001); United States v. Pa., Dep’t of Env’t Res., 923 F.2d
Texas next argues that, if S.B. 8 “reaches the federal government, it does not interfere with
federal activities.” Dkt. 43 at 40. That is incorrect. As to BOP, Texas concedes that “federal regula-
tions require a warden to arrange for an abortion” should an inmate choose one. Id. But Texas claims
that there is no conflict between that regulation and S.B. 8 because BOP policy is for staff to abide by
applicable federal and state laws. Id. But an unconstitutional law like S.B. 8 is not “applicable” state
law, as federal agencies plainly are not bound by unconstitutional state laws. See Gartrell Constr. Inc. v.
Aubry, 940 F.2d 437, 440 (9th Cir. 1991) (explaining that state laws “cannot be ‘applicable’ . . . where
such laws are preempted by federal law”). Aside from S.B. 8’s unconstitutionality, the reference to
state law in BOP’s policy document lacks the required “clear Congressional mandate” and “specific
Congressional action” that unambiguously authorize state regulation of a federal activity. See Hancock
v. Train, 426 U.S. 167, 178-79 (1976); see also Geo Grp., Inc. v. Newsom, 493 F. Supp. 3d 905, 939 (S.D.
case that “the cities’ promise of self-restraint does not affect our consideration of the ordinances’
validity”); Powell’s Books, Inc. v. Kroger, 622 F.3d 1202, 1215 (9th Cir. 2010) (permanently enjoining
enforcement of state statutes under the First Amendment while explaining that “[w]e may not uphold
the statutes merely because the state promises to treat them as properly limited”).
11
Even if S.B. 8 were deemed not to apply to the federal government directly, it would still
unconstitutionally burden federal operations because it regulates the private clinics on which the fed-
eral government depends in order to provide access to abortion services to individuals in its custody
and care.
29
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Cal. 2020) (rejecting state’s argument that state law was not preempted because federal law required
compliance with “all applicable State and local laws and regulations”). Texas’s arguments regarding
the U.S. Marshals Service fail for the same reason. Dkt. 43 at 41 (arguing that USMS operations
Texas suggests that ORR lacks any affirmative obligations concerning abortion services for
individuals in its care. Dkt. 43 at 41. Consistent with its obligations to provide care for the unaccom-
panied children in its custody and to allow them to exercise their constitutional rights, ORR “shall
ensure [unaccompanied noncitizen children] have access to medical appointments related to preg-
nancy in the same way they would with respect to other medical conditions.” Def’s Ex. C at DOJ-
1004, Dkt. 45; Decl. of James S. De La Cruz ¶ 14, Dkt. 8-12. And Texas’s arguments that ORR must
comply with state laws fails for the reasons discussed above. Accordingly, the conflict between S.B.
8 and these federal laws violates the Supremacy Clause. See Fed. Home Loan Bank Bd. v. Empie, 778
F.2d 1447, 1454 (10th Cir. 1985) (affirming injunction sought by federal agency against a state “statute
. . . expressly forbidding something that the federal regulations expressly permit” and noting that the
“injunction here is justified so that private parties threatened by the federal scheme will not have a
S.B. 8 also interferes with contractual relationships between federal agencies and contractors.
For example, S.B. 8 threatens liability against contractors who provide abortion-related transportation
services as part of DOL’s Job Corps program, thereby discouraging them from performing under
their contracts. Dkt. 8 at 20. Texas again resorts to the same argument that the government and its
contractors must follow prevailing state law, Dkt. 43 at 42, but that argument fails for the reasons
already explained. Texas also seeks to create a de minimis exception to the Supremacy Clause that
would allow states to interfere with federal operations in amounts the state considers minimal. Id.; see
also id. at 54. Courts have rejected similar arguments. See, e.g., United States v. California, 921 F.3d 865,
883 (9th Cir. 2019) (“We agree with the United States that Supreme Court case law compels the rejec-
30
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As for OPM, it negotiates with carriers to provide Federal Employees Health Benefits
(“FEHB”) plans that contain coverage for abortion under certain circumstances. Decl. of Laurie
Bodenheimer ¶¶ 1-5, Dkt. 8-15. Unless S.B. 8 is enjoined, those “[c]arriers will be placed in the un-
tenable position of either complying with their contract with OPM or violating S.B. 8, thereby raising
the possibility that carriers will refuse to pay for or provide covered abortions as required under their
FEHB contracts.” Id. ¶ 8. This will “materially interfere with OPM’s administrative authority to
conduct the FEHB Program.” Id. ¶ 9. The likely interference with OPM’s contracts creates an im-
permissible obstacle to the accomplishment of federal objectives and improperly attempts to regulate
the federal government in an area of “uniquely federal interests.” Boyle v. United Techs. Corp., 487 U.S.
500, 504 (1988); see also Student Loan Servicing All. v. District of Columbia, 351 F. Supp. 3d 26, 62 (D.D.C.
2018) (“Courts have consistently held that any state law that impedes the Federal Government’s ability
Texas makes similarly misguided attempts to defend S.B. 8’s conflict with Medicaid. As artic-
ulated in the declaration submitted on behalf of CMS, abortions in cases of rape or incest fall within
mandatory service categories under Medicaid that must be covered for beneficiaries under the statute
and applicable regulations. Dkt. 8 at 21-22. S.B. 8, however, bans pre-viability abortions after fetal
cardiac activity is detected, ensuring that this service will not be “sufficient in amount, duration, and
scope to reasonably achieve its purpose.” See 42 C.F.R. § 440.230. S.B. 8’s exception for undefined
“medical emergencies” does not prevent the statute from foreclosing these entire categories of abor-
tions that must be covered under Medicaid.
III. THE UNITED STATES WILL SUFFER IRREPARABLE HARM ABSENT AN IN-
JUNCTION.
A. A Preliminary Injunction Would Prevent Further Irreparable Harm.
Neither Texas nor the Intervenors offer any response to the United States’ argument that S.B.
8’s ongoing violation of the Supremacy Clause causes irreparable harm to the sovereignty of the United
31
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States. See Dkt. 8 at 33 (citing cases); Dkt. 43 at 45–49; Dkt. 44 at 18–20.12 A claim “based on the
Supremacy Clause . . . is one to enforce the proper constitutional structural relationship between the
state and federal governments” that is disrupted when a state seeks to undermine federal law.13 This
injury to the United States is irreparable because “it cannot be undone through monetary remedies.”
Deerfield Med. Ctr. v. Deerfield Beach, 661 F.2d 328, 338 (5th Cir. Unit B Nov. 1981). And there is a
pressing need for immediate relief enjoining enforcement of S.B. 8 given that Texas’s so-far successful
defiance of the Constitution has already encouraged other states to pursue similar efforts to circum-
vent the Supremacy Clause.14 See Rowe v. N.H. Motor Transp. Ass’n, 552 U.S. 364, 373 (2008) (noting
that allowing a state to set a requirement that conflicts with federal law “would allow other States to
do the same”). This alone is sufficient to establish irreparable harm, and Texas has no argument to
the contrary.15
12
To be sure, Texas disputes whether constitutional violations generally are sufficient to es-
tablish irreparable injury. Dkt. 43 at 44. But Texas cites no authority involving the type of constitu-
tional violation alleged here (a violation of the Supremacy Clause), which uniquely harms the United
States’ sovereignty so long as it is allowed to continue.
13
See Cal. Pharmacists Ass’n v. Maxwell-Jolly, 563 F.3d 847, 851 (9th Cir. 2009) vacated on other
grounds by Douglas v. Indep. Living Ctr. of S. Cal., Inc., 565 U.S. 606 (2012); United States v. Alabama, 691
F.3d 1269, 1301 (11th Cir. 2012) (“The United States suffers injury when its valid laws in a domain of
federal authority are undermined by impermissible state regulations.”). For that reason, courts rou-
tinely find irreparable harm based on Supremacy Clause violations alone. See Tex. Midstream Gas Servs.,
LLC v. City of Grand Prairie, 608 F.3d 200, 206 (5th Cir. 2010) (“If a statute is expressly preempted, a
finding with regard to likelihood of success fulfills the remaining [preliminary injunction] require-
ments.”); Trans World Airlines v. Mattox, 897 F.2d 773, 783 (5th Cir. 1990) (ruling in a preemption case
that a finding of likelihood of success on the merits “carries with it a determination that the other
three requirements [for a preliminary injunction] have been satisfied”); Greyhound Lines, Inc. v. City of
New Orleans, 29 F. Supp. 2d 339, 341 (E.D. La. 1998) (finding other requirements for preliminary
injunction satisfied based on a showing of likelihood of success on the merits “[b]ecause this case
involves preemption”).
14
Kurtis Lee & Jaweed Kaleem, “The New Texas Abortion Law Is Becoming A Model for
Other States,” Los Angeles Times (Sept. 18, 2021), https://www.latimes.com/world-na-
tion/story/2021-09-18/texas-abortion-united-states-constitution.
15
S.B. 8 also irreparably harms the United States by purporting to deny the federal government
the ability to enforce particular federal laws and interfering with federal policies requiring agencies to
provide access to abortion services. Federal employees and contractors are therefore confronted with
the choice between complying with S.B. 8 or performing their federal duties and thereby risking law-
suits and civil penalties, a constitutional injury itself sufficient to establish irreparable harm. See Com-
posite State Bd. of Med. Exam’rs, 656 F.2d at 138 (United States would suffer irreparable harm if federal
32
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Faced with this roadblock, Texas takes a different tack, arguing that there can be no irreparable
harm because no preliminary injunction issued by this Court could prevent the threat of liability to
providers under S.B. 8. See Dkt. 43 at 45-49. In other words, Texas’s argument is that S.B. 8 is so
effective at chilling the exercise of constitutional rights that an injunction by an Article III court would
be useless. But Texas mischaracterizes the injury that is subject to redress and falters on both the facts
The assumption underlying this argument is that the United States can obtain redress only if
every S.B. 8 lawsuit is permanently prohibited. But the United States is suffering an injury to its
sovereignty right now. And that injury manifests itself tangibly through the patients who cannot re-
ceive services from an abortion provider in Texas. A preliminary injunction would remedy that injury
to the United States because, as a matter of fact, apart from the sovereign injury, many providers
would resume services upon issuance of a preliminary injunction. See Decl. of Amy Hagstrom Miller
¶¶ 4–5 (“WWH and WWHA’s clinics in Texas will resume providing pre-viability abortion to patients
whose pregnancies have cardiac activity up to the pre-existing legal limit for our clinics if and when a
preliminary injunction is entered in this case.”). That is because “neither [the clinics] nor our patients
can wait the months or years for completion of all S.B. 8 litigation to resume services.” Id. ¶ 5. And
court abstained from deciding its Supremacy Clause claim because “[d]uring this time the United States
will be forced to alter its policies in the State of Georgia or risk having its employees who are assigned
within Georgia be subject to disciplinary action by the State”); Fed. Home Loan Bank Bd. v. Empie, 778
F.2d 1447, 1454 (10th Cir. 1985); City of El Cenizo v. Texas, 264 F. Supp. 3d 744, 810 (W.D. Tex. 2017),
aff’d in part and vacated in part, City of El Cenizo v. Texas, 890 F.3d 164, 173 (5th Cir. 2018); Geo Grp., 493
F. Supp. 3d at 962 (United States faced “irreparable injury in the form of disrupted operations” where
state law would require, inter alia, costly transportation of individuals in its custody).
16
The Intervenors’ suggestion that a preliminary injunction would not prevent providers from
being sued in federal court by out-of-state individuals using diversity jurisdiction is meritless. Dkt.
No. 44, at 19. The Intervenors’ hypothetical lawsuit would only come to pass if, upon issuance of the
preliminary injunction, a provider performed more than seven abortions, and an out-of-state couple
seeking to adopt in Texas could show that they were unable to adopt because of those abortions, all
in the time period between a preliminary decision and a decision on the merits. That type of pure
speculation about one implausible lawsuit is insufficient to undermine a finding that the preliminary
injunction would prevent irreparable harm. See infra n.17.
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Texas is wrong to suggest that it can escape a preliminary injunction if judicial relief would not cure
The cases Texas cites to the contrary are inapposite. In American Postal Workers Union, AFL-
CIO v. United States Postal Services, 766 F.2d 715 (2d Cir. 1985), the court held that a union employee
seeking a preliminary injunction temporarily suspending his discharge for making allegedly false state-
ments pending the outcome of the union’s grievance and arbitration process failed to show irreparable
harm, even assuming the discharge violated his First Amendment rights. The court reasoned in part
that “the theoretical chilling of protected speech and union activities stems not from the interim dis-
charge, but from the threat of permanent discharge.” Id. at 722. Even with a preliminary injunction
in place, then, the plaintiff would not have been able to exercise his constitutional rights. See id. The
decisions in Chiafalo v. Inslee, 224 F. Supp. 3d 1140, 1147 (W.D. Wash. 2016), and Ohio v. Yellen, No.
1:21-cv-181, 2021 WL 1903908, at *14 (S.D. Ohio May 12, 2021), are even farther afield. In Chiafalo,
the court held that “because the only potential harm to Plaintiffs is pecuniary, preliminary injunctive
relief would have no impact on Plaintiffs’ decision-making calculus.” 224 F. Supp. 3d at 1148. In
Yellen the court declined to issue a preliminary injunction against the federal government where the
state’s requested injunction was “directed solely at the Secretary’s exercise of her recoupment powers,”
and “there [was] no reason to believe that the Secretary [would] exercise those powers any time soon.”
17
See, e.g., Campaign for S. Equal. v. Miss. Dep’t of Health and Human Services, 175 F.Supp.3d 691,
710-11 (S.D. Miss. 2016) (rejecting state’s argument that preliminary injunction against same-sex adop-
tion ban would not remedy irreparable harm because “only an adoption decree will remedy [p]laintiffs’
damages,” reasoning that “[d]iscriminatory treatment at the hands of the government is an injury long
recognized as judicially cognizable,” and “while [p]aintiffs must undergo the adoption process to fully
remedy their injuries, the current law imposes an unconstitutional impediment that has caused stig-
matic and more practical injuries”); Campaign for S. Equal. v. Bryant, 64 F. Supp. 3d 906, 949 (S.D. Miss.
2014) (rejecting state’s argument that preliminary injunction against same-sex marriage ban would not
remedy irreparable harm because it “‘would not alter’ the public’s negative perceptions of gay and
lesbian couples,” since “although the public may or may not change its views, the government can be
enjoined from enforcing laws which perpetuate the idea that same-sex couples are second-class citi-
zens”), aff’d, 791 F.3d 625 (5th Cir. 2015).
34
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Nor does the fact that the preliminary injunction could be reversed on appeal (see Dkt. 43 at
46) change this calculus. Texas’s argument on this front is once again based on a mischaracterization
of the injury subject to redress—specifically, that the United States can obtain redress only if every
S.B. 8 clinic lawsuit is permanently prohibited. But the United States is suffering an injury to its
sovereignty right now, and a preliminary injunction would prevent the irreparable harm flowing from
that injury.
Texas also argues that there is no “irreparable” harm since those who are subject to lawsuits
under S.B. 8—and those who intervene in those lawsuits—may challenge the constitutionality of S.B.
8 in those proceedings. Dkt. 43 at 50-54. Once again, Texas’s argument does not even attempt to
address the injury to the sovereignty of the United States, for which there is no adequate remedy at
law. As explained above, S.B. 8’s fundamental injury to the United States is an injury to United States’
sovereignty, and that injury will continue so long as the law remains enforceable. See supra pp. 32-33.
Requiring the United States to repeatedly defend its sovereign interests by intervening in numerous
State court proceedings is plainly not an adequate alternative remedy because it would maintain en-
Rather than contend with the sovereign injury at issue, Texas claims that a preliminary injunc-
tion would not prevent irreparable harm because individuals sued under S.B. 8 could raise constitu-
tional defenses in those lawsuits. But S.B. 8 forces parties to take steps to avoid lawsuits under S.B.
8—and thus prevents the proceedings through which providers and other parties could challenge S.B.
8’s constitutionality from occurring. As explained in the United States’ opening brief, S.B. 8 effectively
deters providers from performing abortions that would violate its terms and thereby deprives persons
of their constitutional right to a pre-viability abortion. See Dkt. 8 at 11–12 (citing and quoting from
declarations). S.B. 8’s deterrent effect directly injures the United States, because it impedes federal
operations, including by purporting to prohibit federal personnel from enforcing federal law requiring
them to facilitate certain abortions, risking breaches of federal contracts by health insurance carriers
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and forcing agencies to absorb additional costs to transport pregnant persons seeking abortions out-
side of Texas. See supra pp. 28–31. These injuries do not stem from any actual enforcement proceeding
in which any party—including the federal government—can challenge the constitutionality of S.B. 8.
Texas argues that S.B. 8 is no different than other state tort laws that may potentially interfere
with constitutional rights. Texas contends that defendants in tort actions often challenge the consti-
tutionality of the underlying tort laws as a defense; e.g., defendants in libel actions challenge the libel
laws as unconstitutional under the First Amendment. But in that hypothetical, only the First Amend-
ment rights of the actual or potential defendant in a libel lawsuit are at stake, and that party would
likely have an opportunity to raise a First Amendment defense. Here, as explained above, by deterring
providers from performing constitutionally protected abortions, S.B. 8 burdens the constitutional
rights of those who would not be defendants in an S.B. 8 suit (and who thus could not raise constitu-
tional challenges to S.B. 8 in that suit). The rights-holders themselves—pregnant persons seeking an
abortion—have no avenue for seeking relief. In any event, none of Texas’s cited cases involves Su-
Texas also argues that, in Yellen, 2021 WL 1903908, the government took the position that an
injunction against “threatened legal action” is improper if “the party will have an adequate opportunity
to fully present his defenses and objections in the legal action he seeks to enjoin.” Dkt. 43 at 50. But,
as explained above, in that case the court determined that there was no reason to believe the govern-
ment would take the threatened action during the pendency of the litigation, so the injury was hypo-
thetical. Here, by contrast, S.B. 8 imposes injuries even without any lawsuits brought under S.B. 8, and
it does not afford parties any recourse for those injuries.18 Accordingly, S.B. 8 is imposing, and will
18
The ability to raise a constitutional defense in a lawsuit brought under S.B. 8 would not be
an adequate remedy even for parties who would be defendants in those actions. The Supreme Court
has noted that a party “lacks the realistic option of violating [a] law . . . and raising its federal defenses”
when this decision would “expose [it] to potentially huge liability” and in this circumstance, “there is
no adequate remedy at law.” Morales v. Trans World Airlines, Inc., 504 U.S. 374, 381 (1992). Here, of
course, defendants in suits brought under S.B. 8 face steep monetary penalties for each abortion in
which they are involved, and the prospect of paying attorneys’ fees, under S.B. 8. See Dkt. 8 at 4.
Further, it is unclear whether prospective defendants in S.B. 8 lawsuits may bring pre-enforcement
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continue to impose, irreparable harms that will be remedied by a preliminary injunction, and thus the
of its law, Dkt. 43 at 54, that principle has no application in situations where, as here, the State lacks
a legitimate interest in the enforcement of a plainly unconstitutional law. Where a state’s law is
preempted by federal law, “the state[ is] not injured by the injunction[.]” Trans World Airlines v. Mattox,
897 F.2d 773, 784 (5th Cir. 1990); Alabama, 691 F.3d at 1301 (“[W]e discern no harm from the state’s
nonenforcement of invalid legislation.”). This is especially true where the clear purpose of the state
law is to prohibit citizens from exercising their constitutional rights. Enjoining enforcement of S.B.
8 would not subject Texas to any hardship or penalty because the injunction would require only com-
pliance with federal law under the Supremacy Clause. See Mitchell v. Pidcock, 299 F.2d 281, 287 (5th
Cir. 1962) (noting that a permanent injunction requiring compliance with federal law does not consti-
tute a hardship for it only “requires the defendants to do what the Act requires anyway—to comply
Moreover, it is always in the public’s interest to prevent the violation of the Constitution and
of individuals’ constitutional rights. Melendres v. Arpaio, 695 F3d 990, 1002 (9th Cir. 2012). Likewise,
the public interest is furthered by enjoining S.B. 8’s interference with federal operations relating to
providing access to abortion services. See Alabama, 691 F.3d at 1301 (“Frustration of federal statutes
and prerogatives are not in the public interest.”). Conversely, it is not in the public interest to allow a
state to violate the requirements of federal law. See Valle Del Sol Inc. v. Whiting, 732 F.3d 1006, 1029
(9th Cir. 2013). “[I]t is clear that it would not be equitable or in the public’s interest to allow the state
lawsuits in Texas state courts and secure prompt relief. In fact, the Texas Multidistrict Litigation Panel
recently stayed cases brought by multiple parties, including abortion providers, seeking precisely this
type of relief in state court. See Transfer and Request for Stay, In re Texas Heartbeat Act Litigation, Texas
Multidistrict Litigation Panel, No. 21-0782 (Sept. 13, 2021); Stay Order, In re Texas Heartbeat Act Liti-
gation, Texas Multidistrict Litigation Panel, No. 21-0782 (Sept. 23, 2021).
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to continue to violate the requirements of federal law[.]” Cal. Pharmacists, 563 F.3d at 852-53. “In
such circumstances, the interest of preserving the Supremacy Clause is paramount.” Id. at 853.
Texas disputes the scope of the United States’ requested injunction, Dkt. 6-2, on several
grounds. First, Texas contends that a stay of state proceedings under S.B. 8 “would not run against
any person at all,” and therefore “is categorically improper.” Dkt. 43 at 55. But this argument recycles
Texas’s prior objections to the United States’ requested remedy, and continues to overlook that federal
court injunctions directed at a state itself are common, and that the availability of federal court stays
of state proceedings is well-established, as Congress recognized in the Anti-Injunction Act. See Section
I.B.1, supra. In any event, this argument would at most be a defect in form, not substance; to the
extent Texas believes it is necessary, this Court can expressly confirm that the stay of proceedings
operates in personam against state judges, clerks, and other court personnel. See Section I.B. 3, supra.
Next, Texas contends that it is simply not possible for the State to provide notice of any
injunction to all civil claimants filing suits under S.B. 8. Dkt. 43 at 55. But Texas submits no evidence
proving any such impossibility—it offers only the unsworn assertions of counsel and fails to explain
why the clerk for each court could not provide such notice upon filing. And Texas should not be
permitted to oppose this aspect of the injunction without proposing a reasonable alternative. At worst,
this Court should enter the United States’ requested injunction and provide Texas a set time period to
propose reasonable alternatives to the notice requirements, supported with proof as to why such mod-
Dkt. 43 at 55. As an initial matter, the United States has not sought an injunction against S.B. 8 itself—
it has requested judicial relief from this Court that would prevent S.B. 8 enforcement proceedings
from being maintained. See Part I.B, supra. In any event, Texas’s arguments are unpersuasive on their
own terms.
Texas first invokes S.B. 8’s severability provision, see Tex. Health & Safety Code § 171.212,
but as discussed above, S.B. 8 is facially unconstitutional. See Section II.A, supra. And when a statute
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is facially unconstitutional, both the Supreme Court and the Fifth Circuit have made clear that the
presence of severability provisions is irrelevant: “The provisions are unconstitutional on their face:
Including a severability provision in the law does not change that conclusion. . . . [O]ur cases have
never required us to proceed application by conceivable application when confronted with a facially
unconstitutional statutory provision.” Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, 136 S. Ct. 2292, 2318-19
(2016), as revised (June 27, 2016); see also, e.g., Jackson I, 945 F.3d at 277 (“This law is facially unconsti-
tutional because it directly conflicts with Casey. Accordingly, the district court did not abuse its dis-
cretion in declining to fashion relief narrowly[.]”). Because S.B. 8 is facially unconstitutional, this
Court should disregard the severability clause, and enter an order staying all enforcement proceedings
Texas also contends that “[t]he harm identified by the federal government concerns payment
for abortions performed as a result of rape, incest, or life/health of the mother,” and thus “any in-
junction should be limited to those specific circumstances[.]” Dkt. 43 at 56. But this argument is
contrary to both the facts and the law. Legally, a court in equity should “accord full justice,” Porter v.
Warner Holding Co., 328 U.S. 395, 398 (1946), and “administer complete relief between the parties[.]”
Kinney-Coastal Oil Co. v. Kieffer, 277 U.S. 488, 507 (1928); see also Brown v. Plata, 563 U.S. 493, 538 (2011)
(“Once invoked, the scope of a district court’s equitable powers is broad, for breadth and flexibility
are inherent in equitable remedies.” (modifications omitted)). And factually, the United States’ injuries
are not limited only to abortions performed as a result of rape or incest, or for preserving the life or
health of the mother. As discussed above, the United States brings this suit to vindicate its interest in
ensuring that states cannot evade the supremacy of federal law, see Section I, supra, which itself justifies
19
Even if Texas were correct about the severability clause—i.e., that the Court cannot simply
declare the statute facially unconstitutional but must instead proceed application-by-application—the
Court would still be justified in entering a preliminary stay of S.B. 8 enforcement proceedings, in order
to preserve the status quo while such constitutional adjudication unfolds. Cf. United States v. United
Mine Workers of Am., 330 U.S. 258, 293 (1947) (“[T]he District Court had the power to preserve existing
conditions while it was determining its own authority to grant injunctive relief.”).
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But even setting aside that sovereign interest—and viewing the question of relief solely
through the lens of harms to federal agencies—the harms to be redressed by an injunction are not
limited to abortions involving rape, incest, or threats to the life or health of the mother. Several
agencies facilitate abortions in other circumstances as well. See Dkt. 8 at 16–22. Moreover, and of
particular significance in assessing the scope of relief, several federal agencies—such as BOP, USMS,
and ORR—rely on abortion providers within the State of Texas to carry out their federal duties with
respect to individuals within their care and custody. See Decl. of Alix McLearen Ph.D. ¶¶ 10, 17–19,
Dkt. 8-10 (explaining that BOP’s federal duties rely on abortion providers within the community, and
S.B. 8 has significantly burdened BOP’s ability to rely on such providers within Texas); Decl. of John
Sheehan ¶¶ 9, 11, 14–16, Dkt. 8-11 (similar for USMS and its female detainees); De La Cruz Decl.,
¶¶ 10–14, 20 (similar for ORR and unaccompanied children in its care). Thus, an injunction that fails
to prevent lawsuits from being initiated against abortion providers would not provide complete relief
to those agencies—the threat of liability for those providers would still lead to the dismantling of the
abortion-provider network in the State, thereby preventing United States agencies from carrying out
their functions. See, e.g., Decl. of Amy Hagstrom Miller ¶ 42, Dkt. 8-4 (“If the law remains in effect
for an extended period of time . . . we will have to shutter our doors and stop providing any healthcare
to the communities we serve.”). Texas cannot use an unconstitutional law to deprive the United
States—and the persons in its care and custody—of access to the network of abortion providers who
Ultimately, the question here is an equitable one—i.e., how to provide complete relief that
redresses the United States’ injuries specifically caused by S.B. 8. The statute is patently unconstitu-
tional, and neither federal agencies nor the public at large will be returned to the status quo unless the
threat of liability for abortion providers is removed. Even if the Court considers only the federal
agencies’ injuries, therefore, it is still necessary to enjoin all S.B. 8 enforcement proceedings to remove
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The Court should deny Texas’s request for a stay pending appeal of any injunctive relief this
Court enters. “This Court has discretion to grant or deny a motion for stay pending appeal,” Silicon
Hills Campus, LLC v. Tuebor REIT Sub, LLC, No. 1:20-CV-1201-RP, 2021 WL 783554, at *2 (W.D.
Tex. Mar. 1, 2021), and it considers four factors in exercising that discretion: “(1) whether the stay
applicant has made a strong showing that he is likely to succeed on the merits; (2) whether the appli-
cant will be irreparably injured absent a stay; (3) whether issuance of the stay will substantially injure
the other parties interested in the proceeding; and (4) where the public interest lies,” Planned Parenthood
of Greater Texas Surgical Health Servs. v. Abbott, 734 F.3d 406, 410 (5th Cir. 2013) (quotation marks
omitted). For the same reasons discussed above, consideration of these factors dictates that the Court
CONCLUSION
For these reasons, the Court should preliminarily enjoin enforcement of S.B. 8.
BRIAN M. BOYNTON
Acting Assistant Attorney General
BRIAN D. NETTER
Deputy Assistant Attorney General
MICHAEL H. BAER
ADELE M. EL-KHOURI
Counsel to the Acting Assistant Attorney
General, Civil Division
ALEXANDER K. HAAS
Director, Federal Programs Branch
DANIEL SCHWEI
Special Counsel
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