EARLY HISTORY

OF BUDDHISM
IN CEYLON
OR "STATE OF BUDDHISM IN CEYLON AS
REVEALED BY THE PALI COMMENTARIES
OF THE 5TH CENTURY A.D."

(Thesis submitted 10 and accepted by the University

of Londonfor the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy)

THAN ~'0'iI.~"
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8!r11'\'~('OT
....'.,J~, ..., "r'':'':.~''''1 ,,"~(¥r.r I,
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f r:1'.~ f-

by
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I

E. W. ADIKARAM, M.A., Ph. D. (Lond.)

Principal, Ananda Sastralaya, Kotle, Ceylon

. i BQ
\I,\.'
'1
251
.A45
1994
THE BUDDHIST CULTURAL CENTRE
125, ANDERSON ROAD, NEDIMALA,
DEHIWALA, SRI LANKA.
TEL: 714256 FAX: 726737
 First Impression .. 1946

Second Impression .. 1994

ISBN 955-9219-09-X
 TO MY TEACHERS
Venerable Kolonnave Saddhananda Thero
of KalavitigodeUe ViM.ra, Ceylon
and
DT. Wil1iam Stede of the University of
London

_..
, $0 7~-'r
(': '" 0
....
12./ i
~., VI ;--C'
i/f,'J2..
t:: -"2..3 In Of COPIE8 ....... ,

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 PREFATORY NOTE

T AM greatly indebted to a number of my friends who made it possible

for me to get this book published at a time like the present. I had almost
given up hopes of getting the book printed in the near future, when
Dr. O. H. de A. Wijesekera and Dr. G. C. Mendis of the University of
Ceylon, insisted that I shoul!;l not delay the pUblication in spite of the
difficulties of war-time printing. At the same time my friend, Mr. D.
S. Puswella, came to my rescue in readily consenting to bear the cost of
printing.

The proofs were corrected by Dr. and Mrs. O. H. de A. Wijesekera and

the index was compiled by Mr. W. A. Jayawardhana. My sincerest
thanks go to them for all the help they have given me.

I have also to extend my grateful thanks to my teacher, Dr. W. Stede

of the University of London, who always gave me his valuable advice
r
and guidance, and to Prof. E . . Thomas of the University of Cambridge
for a number of very valuable suggestions.

Last, but not least, my thanks are due to the Printing Dept. of the
Associated Newspapers of Ceylon, Ltd., Colombo, for the care and pains
they took in seeing the book through the press.

I should like also to add that a work of this nature in an unexplored

field must necessarily remain very incomplete. I shall, therefore, be
grateful to my readers if they will kindly send me their suggestions and
niticisms so that necessary improvements may be made in subsequent
editions.

E. \V. ADIKARAM
"'nanda Sastralaya,
I\otte, 26-IO-45
 CONTENTS

PART ONE
Page
Chapter I The Hili Commentaries ... r
II The Sources of the Pali Commentaries IO

III The Bhii~akas 24

IV The Nature of the Contents of the Piili Commentaries 33

PART TWO
I Before the Advent of Mahinda 43
II The Advent of Mahinda ... 49
III The Spread of the Faith 59
IV The Writing down of the Texts 73
V The First Literary Period 80
VI The Growth of Dissentient Schools 88
VII Where the Faith Flourished 102

VIII The Buddhist Life 125

IX The Growth of Ritual '34

X The Position of the Deities 145
Appendix lA
Appendix IB viii
Appendix IJA xvii
Appendix lIB xxiv
Appendix IIe xxvi
Appendix Un xxvii
Appendix III ,0' xxviii
Bibliography .0. xxxiii
Index ,0' xxxix
 ABBREVIATIONS

A Aliguttaranikaya
ApA Apadan1t Atthakatha
Att AtthasaJini
Hgh Buddhaghosa (The Life and \Vorks of) by B. C. Law
Ilu Buddhavarp.sa
HuA Buddhavarrsa Atthakatha
{'pA Cariyapitaka Atthakatha
( ~nl Cfilavamsa
('HI. tr. Cfilavar!tsa Translation by \V. Geiger
I) Dighanikaya
I>&..M Dipavarrsa and Mahavarrsa (English Translation\ by W. Geiger
IlhA Dhammapada Atthakathii
Dip Dipava:rp.sa
Ep. Zey. Epigraphia Zeylanica
1. H. Q. Indian Historical Quarterly
ItA Itivuttaka Atthakatha
.I Jataka A~thakatha (Fausboll's Edition)
.I. P. T. S. Journal of the Pali Text Society
.I. R. A. S. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
.I. R. A. S. (CB.) ... Joumal of the Royal Asiatic SOCiety (Ceylon Branch)
I..;:v KaIikhavitaraI).i
M Majjhimanikaya
Man ~anorathapfiraI).i
:\!Ian Sn ManorathapfiraI).i (Sinhalese Edition)
\111 Milindapafiha
:\INiA Mahaniddesa Atthakatha
Mv Maha va'Q1sa
Mv. tr. Mahavarpsa Translation by"'" Geiger
NA Netti Atthakatha
I lap Papaficasudani
Pap Sn Papancasfidani (Sinhalese Edition)
Pj Paramatthajotika
p.Le. Pali Literature of Ceylon by G, p, Malalasekara
P.P. Path of Purity
PsmA Patisambhidamagga Atthakatha
P.T.S. PaH Text Society
Pug. Pail.. Corn. Puggalapafifiatti Commentary
l'vA Petavatthu Atthakatha
R. A. S. Royal Asiatic Socirty
S Sarpyuttanikaya
SA Sarpyuttanikaya Atthakatha (Saratthappakiisinil
SA Sn Sarpyuttanikaya Atthakatha (Saratthappakasillf) (Sinhalese
Edition)
Smp Samantapasadika
Smp Sn Samantapasadika (Sinhalese Edition)
Sl1mVil SumangalaviH'isini
SV Sammohavinodani
Thera A Theragatha Atthakatha
Thed A Therigiithii Atthakathii
UdA Vdana Atthakathii
v; Visuddhimagga
VvA Vimanavatthu Atthakathii
 INTRODUCTION

THE history of Buddhism iu Ceylon is still an almost unexplored field. As

far as the ancient period is concerned our knowledge has been limited to
what can be gleaned from the DipavaI)lsa and the MahavaI)lsa. A wealth of
information lies scattered in the Pali Atthakathlis or Commentaries of the
fifth century A. D., and the present work is an attempt to link together that
scattered material and reconstruct the history of Buddhism in the island
up to that century.
The Atthakatha references to incidents which took place in Ceylon were not
intended to serve as records of history. Their only use to the commentators
was as illustrations in the >elucidation of the Canonical Texts. Such beiug
the case, these references are not to be found in chronological or any other
order. Not seldom has one to read scores of pages in a Commentary before
one comes across a reference to a person or place or event connected with
CeyIaD. Often even when such references are obtained it is exceedingly
difficult to find out to what periods in the history of Ceylon the events thus
referred to belong. For instance, there are over a hundred references in all
to about twenty theras who lived in the time of king Dutthagamal)i. Taking
the references to each thera separately one cannot possibly ,ay that the
theras lived during the reign of that king. Fortunately, in one place we
find one of these theras mentioned as a contemporary of another, who, in
turn, is said in another reference to be the contemporary of a third thera,
and so on: and further some of them are said to have received a gift from
or else had some other connection with the king in question. Thus it becomes
possible to establish the fact that all these theras were contemporaries of
that monarch. This, in general, is the method of the linking together of
references adopted throughout this work. The MahavaI)lsa and the Dipa-
varpsa, too, become of very great use in this direction.
There is, still, a considerable number of references which, with our present
knowledge ·of Ceylon history, are difficult to be treated chronologically.
Most of these have, therefore, been grouped according to the localities
mentioned in them and form the contents of a separate chapter (Part n
ch. ?) which is more or less of a geographical nature. With the discovery
and publication of further inscriptions, it may become possible to know more
definitely about the places mentioned in this group of references.
With the exception of these, the rest of the available material has been
utilised to give, as far as possible, a connected history of the faith from the
earliest times down to the fifth century A. D. As a rule, facts given in detail
in the Mahavalpsa have been left out entirely or are mentioned only inci-
dentally. Recourse had to be taken to this method of treatment as the
purpose of the present work is to give a history of the faith as revealed by
the Pali Commentaries.
The work is divided into two parts. Part I forms a necessary introduction
to Part n, and deals with the PaliCommentaries, their sources and the nature
of their contents.
Part n, consisting of ten chapters, is devoted to a consideration of the
introduction of Buddhism to Ceylon, its spread there and the effects which
the faith had upon the life of the inhabitants of the island. Considerable
attention is paid, especially in the chapters on the" Dissentient Schools"
and the" Growth of Ritual "--and also in the fourth chapter of Part I-to
the development (or corruption) which the faith underwent in its new home.
As a possible aid to further research on the subject, an alphabetical index
of names of persons and places in Ceylon as found in the Commentaries is
inserted as an Appendix.
As far as available the Atlhakath1is used are the publications of the Pali
Text Society, London. For the rest I have used those published in Ceylon
in Sinhalese characters. Even when a translation of a Commentary is
available in English I have, in order to be more precise, often preferred the
original Pali.
 PART I

CHA-PTER I

The Plili Commentaries

I'IlE Pali Atthakathiis OT Commentaries form the main source of material

1<,1' our attempt to reconstruct the history of Buddhism in early Ceylon.
Iile light they throw on every aspect of the Buddhist life at that period is
illvaluable. Hence it is necessary to give at the very outset, at Jeast a brief
,\lIrvey of the works themselves, their authors, the sources from which they
were drawn, and the nature of their contents. In the present chapter we
,;liall deal with the first two points.
The following table gives a list of the Commentaries, the Canonical Texts
011which they are written, and their authors:

TEXT CO:.\fMENTARY AUTHOR OF COMMENTARY

Visuddhimagga Buddhaghosa
I'inaya
Vinaya Piiaka Samantapasadika Buddhaghosa
l'atimokkha KankhavitaraIJi Buddhaghosa
S"Ua
Dighanikaya Sumaitgala vilasin j Buddhaghosa
Majjhimanikaya Papaiicasiidani Buddhaghosa
Sarpyuttanikaya Siiratthappakiisini Buddhaghosa
Ailguttaranikaya ManorathapuraI,li Buddhaghosa
Khuddakanikaya
(I) Khuddakapaiha Parama ttha jotika Attributed to
Buddhaghosa
(2) Dhammapada Dhammapadatihakathii Attributed to
Buddhaghosa
(3) Udiina Paramatthadipani Dhammapiila
(4) Itivuttaka Paramatthadipani Dhammapiila
(5) Suttanipiita Paramatthajotikii Attributed to
Buddhaghosa
(6)Vimanavatthu Paramatthadipani Dhammapiila
(7)Petavatthu Paramatthadipani Dhammapala
(8)TheragMhii Paramatthadipani Dhammapala
(9)Therigathii. Paramatthadipani Dhamma piila
(10) Jataka Jiitakaiihakathii Attributed to
Buddhaghosa
(Il) Niddesa Saddhammapajjotikii Upasena
(12) Pa(isambhidiimagga Saddhammappakiisini ". Mahanama
(13) Apadiina Visuddhajana vilasin i Not known
(14) Buddhavamsa Madhuratthaviliisini Buddhadatta
(IS) Cariyiipiiaka Paramatthadipani Dhammapiila
Abhidhamma
Dhammasailgani Atthasalini Buddhaghosa
Vibhanga Sammohavinodani Buddhaghosa
Katbavattbu
Puggalapaiiiia tti
Dhatukatha
1
~ ... PaiicappakaraI)atlhakatha Buddhaghosa
Yamaka
PaHhana J
Buddhaghosa
This list shows that more than half of the works are by Buddhaghosa.
He was, indeed, the greatest Buddhist commentator and, quite naturally,
many are the legends that have grown round his life. In Ceylon there exists
up to the present day a popular tradition that he was born in this world
for the sole purpose of writing the Pali Commentaries and thereby of helping
the pariyatti sasana or the 'teaching in doctrine' of the Buddha to be
preserved in all its purity for a long time.
The Mahavarpsa I gives a wealth of information about this great personage.
The Buddhaghosuppatti-, too, gives a very long account of his life, but
considered from a historical point 01 view, it is unfortunately not of much
value.
Buddhaghosa"s task was not to write a series of original books on Buddhism
but to put into Pali in a coherent and intelligent form the matter that already
existed in the various Sinhalese Commentaries. His method of work is
described by himself in the introduction to the Samantapasadika: "In
commencing this commentary-having embodied therein the Maha AHha-
katha, without excluding any proper meaning from the decisions contained
in the Maha-paccari, as also in the famous Kurundiand other commentaries,
and including the opinions of the Elders ............ From these commentari,es,
after casting off the language, condensing detailed accounts, including
authoritative decisions, without overstepping any Pali idiom (I shall proceed
to compose my work)."
Buddhaghosa had before him copies of all the different Sinhalese Commen-
taries and also the Canonical Texts, In translating an AHhakatha from
Sinhalese into PaH he frequently consulted the corresponding Canonical
Text. An illustration from the SumangalaviHisini will make this point
clear. Having given the etymological explanation of the word khi44ii-
padosikii, he mentions that there is also a variant reading khiljrja-padusikii
in the Text; and at the same time he observes that the latter. form is not
fo.und in the Commentary3. Instances of this nature are very frequent in
Buddhaghosa's works. While on the one hand, these are an index to the
scholarly way in which the great commentator performed his task. on the
other, they show that in his time the various recensions differed from one
another only very slightly. The phrase sabba a!!hakathiisu !'utiam (men-
tioned in all the Commentaries) is also of frequent occurrence,-t- and is proof
for us that Buddhaghosa had before him and that he referred to all the Sin-
halese Commentaries.
1 Ch. 37· vv 215-246.
2 Edited anI:\. translated by J. Gray, published by Luzac & Co., 18.92 .. Spe also P.L.C.,
pp. 79 1011.
3 Su'ffi Vii I 113·
4 See e.g., Kv. 176.
2
 Whenever Buddhaghosa has to give his own views on any point, compelled
,,, do so by the absence of any explanation elucidating it in the Sinhalese
I Ilmmentaries, he does not fail to mention that the views are his own (aya1"]l
llltla me attano mati). I The diligence and precision which Buddbagbosa
'd' thus shown in his works may not appear to be anything remarkable
(,

when compared with the scientific accuracy of the present day scholar.
IllIt it must not be forgotten that he lived fifteen hundred years ago, and it is
IIllly as we take this into consideration and compare him with scholars of
Id Iler civilized countries of the same day that a true estimate of him becomes
Illlssible.
I'here are, however, several etymological errors in the works of
IllIddhaghosa. For example the word dosinii in dosinii. ram (=moonlight
lIight) is defined as dosiipagata (=free from slains)' Dosinii is clearly the
I'nli form of the ':anskrit jyotsnii (=moonlight), and therefore cannot have the
,,,,,aning assigned to it here. Again ilfakkhali, the name of a well known
,""ctic in the days of the Buddha, is derived from mii khali (=do not stumble),3
wllt:reas the correct n9-me of the philosopher seems to have been M askarin.
, rhe term A1askarin is explained by Pal)ini as meaning one who carries a
I,,"nboo staff (maskara) ............ According to Pataiijali's comments the
11!11ne indicates a school of vVanderers or Sophists who were called Maskarins
1)01 SQ much because they carried a bamboo staff about them as because they
d"I1ied the freedom of the will.'
On the other hand in some parts of the Commentaries we have clear evi-
.1t·lIce of the knowledge of Sanskrit grammar possess€d by those who were
""Ixmsible for their compilation. The Visuddhimagga explains Jndriyafjho
,,. "Indaliitga!!ho indriya!!ho, indadesita!!ho indriya!!ho, indadi!!ha!!ho
IIIdriya!!ho, indasilthal!ho' indriya!!ho, indaju!!ha!!ho indriya!!hu." This
.':ttpianation, as Harinath De points out, is evidently a reminiscence of the
I'n~lini Siitra (V. 2,93) " Indriyam indraliitgam indradr~!am indrasr~!am indra
JII(I!a1}t indradattam iti Vii."5
Further we have an apparent chronological error in the Samantapasadika,
I" which Buddhaghosa gives a list of the teachers who handed down the
Vinaya from the time of Mahinda ' up to the present day' (yiiva ajjatanii).'
IllIl no thera in the list belongs, as will be shown in a later chapter, to a period
"fI", the first century A. D., whereas Buddhaghosa wrote his Commentaries
III the early part of the fifth century A. D. The problem involved in this
',,·(·ming chronological error as well as in what was pointed out immediately
Iodore, namely, the ignorance of Sanskrit exhibited in some parts of the Hili
Commentaries and the knowledge of the same in other parts, cannot be
I I'ap I 28.
, Slim Vi1 I 14I.
I Mun Il28. SumViI I 143. 1.1-4.
4 .'·ll't B. M: Barua: A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy pp. 2g8, 299. It is
mterestmg to note that the error with regard to this wt.1rd is found not only in the
"iili Commentaries of CeyIon but also in lain records whose authors being Indians
ought to have known better the correct meaning of the tenn. According tc them
the philosopher was called MatJkhali because his father was a Mailkha, that is, a
dealer in pictures. As Barua observes a certain amount of mystery hangs round the
name and Jjfe of this teacher. Op. cit. p. 2g8.
, J. P. T. S. 1906-1907 p. 172. For similar Sanskrit influences see also . Pj I 17,
1:(4. 215.
(, Smp I 62.

3
satisfactorily explained if we are to assume that Buddhaghosa used a free
hand in the Commentaries. But the problem becomes easy of solution if we
take the view that the Sinhalese Commentaries grew in course of time
receiving additions at the hands of Sinhalese teachers some of whom were
conversant with the Sanskrit language and some not, and that the task of
Buddhaghosa as editor and translator was not to rectify the expositions
embodied in the Commentaries that were before him, but to rearrange them,
to summarize them where necessary and to turn them into the PaJi language.
Rh)'s Davids has summed up in a few words all that could be said now of
Buddhaghosa : 'Of his talent there can be no doubt; it was equalled only
by his extraordinary industry. But of originality, of independent thought,
there is at present no evidence.'l
V isuddhimagga
The Visuddhimagga was the first work of Buddhaghosa in Ceylon. The
Mahavarpsa tells us that he wrote it in brief 'summing up the three Pitakas
together with the Commentary'. 2 According to the same authority it was
written as an exposition of two verses given him by the Mahavihara commu-
nity in order to test his abilities prior to entrusting him with the weighty
and responsible task of translating the Sinhalese Commentaries into Pali.3
The Visuddhimagga is a concise but complete encyclopaedia of'the
Buddhist teachings. In the words of Mrs. Rhys Davids ' of this extra-
ordinary book we might say, within limits, what is said of the Divina Com-
media and of the Shakespearean plays: in its pages may be found something
on everything-i.e., in the earlier Buddhist literature '.4 Throughout the
work Buddhaghosa draws material and quotes from practically all the
Canonical Texts as well as some post-Canonical works such asthe Petakopa-
desa, ~filindapaiiha and the Anagatavarpsa. 5 Frequent reference is also
made to the Sinhalese Atthakathiis and to the works classed as the
Pora!)a (the Ancients). With the latter we shall deal in the next chapter.
The Visuddhimagga, in turn, is quoted in Buddhaghosa's own, but later,
work!: and also in several other Comrnentaries. 6
\\lith regard to the other works of Buddhaghosa we are not in a position
to place them in any definite chronological order. In almost all the books
there are references to one or other of the commentator's other works,7
but they afford us no certain clue. This is due to the fact that a book wherein
reference is made to another is itself referred to in that other. For instance,
in the Atthasalini the reader is asked to refer for some details tothe Saman-
tapasad'ka' This may lead us to infer that the Atthasalini was the later
work, but such easy conclusion becomes unwarranted when we find the
reader of the Samantapa,adika referred to the Atthasalini for a like purpose .•
Without, therefore, attempting the task, which does not seem to be possible
I Hasting's Ency. of ReI. and Ethics Vol. n. p. 887.
2 :\lv. 37· 236.
3 Ibid. 37· 235·
4- Afterward to Visuddhimagga P. T. S. Edition p. 763.
;) See Mrs. Rhys Davids Index to Vi. pp. 753--761.
6 See e ..g, ManSn 696, 709. SV 57, 331. Att 183, 186 VdA ::!4, 236, 268,283. PsmA
74. 4-35· Pj II 1.4-6, 248, 249. Pj n ("2) 444·
7 E.g., SV is mentioned in Pap II 30, S.A II 45; Att in SV 43, 396,410,479. In these
Att. is reierred to as the Dhammasaiigahatthakatha.
8 Att 97:
9 Srnp. I r50.

4
 with our present knowledge of the facts, of placing the books in chronological
sequence, we shall deal with them in the order: Vinaya,Sutta and Abhi-
dhamma.
Samantapiisiidikii
Samantapasadika is the Commentary on the Vil)aya. It is a voluminous
work written at the request of the thera Buddhasiri.' The epilogue to
the book gives a good deal of valuable information, according to which
Buddhaghosa learned the Sinhalese Commentaries from another thera by the
name of Buddhamitta. At this time Buddhaghosa was residing at Anuriidha-
pura in the building erected to the east of the Mahiivihiira by the minister
Mahanigama. The writing of the Commentary was begun jn the twentieth
year and completed in the twenty-first year of king Sirinivasa,z that is,
of king Mahiiniima of the Mahiivarpsa. 3 As this king reigned for twenty
two years (from 409-431 A. D.), we may infer that the Samantapiisadikii.
was written in the year 429--430 A. D.
This period seems to have been a troubIolls one in the political history of
Ceylon as is evidenced by Buddhaghosa's expression of joy at being able to
complete his work in one year in safety, in a world oven.vhelmed with
dangers. 4 The Mahavarpsa tells us that the death of Mahanama was f01-
]ow"ed by serious political upheaval and that hardly two years had elapsed
since the king's death when Anuradhapllra was overrun by Tami1 invaders
who ravaged the country, hindered its progress and menaced its religion.
As it was usual in times of trouble the defenders of the faith fled to Roha1).a
and it took more than a quarter of a century before the Sinhalese regained
! beir freedom and before their religion was again established as in earlier
! imes. 5 . In my opinion this was the chief reason that compelled Buddha-
ghosa to leaveCeylon before he could complete the writing of PaH Commen-
taries to all the Texts of the three Pitakas.
Kmikhiivitara1Ji
Besides the Samantapasadika Buddhaghosa wrote another Commentary,
the Karikhiivitara!); or Matikatthakathii. on a portion of the Vinaya, namely
the patimokkha. This was based on the tradition of the Mahavihara and
\V3S written at the request of a ·thera named S01).a. 6

Commentaries on the four principal Nikiiya:,

Then came the Commentaries on the four principal Nikayas in succession:
the Sumangalaviliisini on the nigha, the Papai'icasiidani on the Majjhima,
Ihe Siiratthappakiisini on the Sarpyutta and the Manorathapiira!)i on the
Anguttara. The first of these was written at tRe request of the thera

J Law says that Buddhaghosa apologises for undertaking to write, first of all, a Com-
mentar:r on the Vinaya Pitaka, contrary to the usual order of Dhamma and Vinaya.
(Bgh. p. 77). Malalasekara (P.L.e. 94) too, mentions that Buddhaghosa says he
wrote it before all others because the Vinaya fonus the foundation of the Buddhist
faith. A~ authority for this statement Malalasekara quotesSmp. I p. I. v. 5. But
I am unable to dra.v either of these inferences from this or any other verse in the
prologue or the epilogue to the Samantapasadika.
! Smp Sn II 427.
\ For the identity see P. L. C. p. 96 .
.\ Smp Sn II 427.
'i Mv. 38. vv 1-37.
h Kv. 1.

5
Dathanaga of the Sumangal~ Parive!)a.' Perhaps it was the name of this
Parive!)a that suggested to Buddhaghosa the title Sumangalavilasini for his
Commentary. The Papancasildani was written at the request of the
thera Buddhamitta, a friend of our commentator with whom he lived at
Mayura Pattana.' A thera called jotipala is mentioned as having requested
Buddhaghosa to write the Saratthappakasini.3 Probably he is the same as
the jotipala mentioned in the epilogue to the Manorathapilra!)i as having
been a co-resident of Buddhaghosa when the latter was at Kancipura.'
In the prologue to each of these books it is said that these are translations
into Pali of the origiml Sinhalese Commentaries brought to Ceylon by
Mahinda and preserved there by the dwellers of the Mahavihara. Moreover
in the concluding verses it is said that the Pali versions are written incor-
porating the essence (saram cldaya) of the Sinhalese Maba-atJhakatha.
It may also be interesting to note that more than half the number of incidents
referring to Ceylon mentioned in the Manorathapftral).i are connected with
the province of Roha!)a, from which it may, perhaps, be inferred that the
Sinhalese Commentary on the Aitguttara Nikaya received its final form in
that province.
Buddhaghosa is also said to have written the Commentaries on four books
belonging to the Khuddaka Nikaya, namely, Dhammapada, jataka
Khuddakapatha and Suttanipata.
Dhammapada!!hakathii
The Dhammapadatthakatba, too, according to its introductory verses,
is the Pali translation of an original Sinhalese Commentary, and the trans-
lation was made at the request of a thera named Kumarakassapa.5 Many'
SCholars hold the view that the Dhammapadatthakathais not a work of the
great commentator Buddhaghosa. 6 Geiger is of opinion that it is later than;
the jataka collection.' A stanza at the end of the book tells us
that at the time of writing the Dhammapadatthakatha the author
was living in a residence built by king Siriku<;l<;la. 8 Siriku<;l<;la is.
apparently only another name for Sirinivasa (Mahanama)9. This brings us
to the date of Buddhaghosa. There is, it is true, a difference in language I
and style between the Dhammapadatthakatha and the other Commentaries·
which belong to Buddhaghosa. But this should not be taken as the only
criterion, for' this difference may possibly be due to the difference in the'
subject ,matter of the various texts taken up for comment' ..IQ
Jiitaka!!hakathii
Various scholars have also expressed their doubt as to the authenticity of
the tradition that ascribes the jatakatthakathii to Buddhaghosa. The
Commentary was written in Pali at the request of three theras Atthadassi,:
Buddhamitta and Buddhadeva. The last them mentioned belonged to the ~
1 Sum ViI. Hewavitarana Edn. p. 780.
2 Pap Sn 1029
3 SA Sn III 235·
4 Man Sn 854, 855·
5DhAIr.
6 p. 1.. C. 95--96.
7 PiUi Literatur und Spracbe p. 22.
8 DhA IV. 235.
9 P. L. C. 96.
I() P. L. C. 97.

6
Mahimsasaka sect but the work is based on the Mahavihara recension of the
.Jiitak;' collection.' From this we may justly infer that at least as far as the
interpretation of the Jatakas was concerned there existed at this period no
~mtagonistic feelings between the Theravada and the Mahilflsasaka sects.
Paramatthajotikii
The Commentaries on the Khuddakapii!ha and the Suttanipata are both
called by the same name Paramatthajotika and are attributed to Buddha-
ghosa. How far this tradition is authentic we shall now try to investigate.
Buddhaghosa's works, about the authorship of which we have no doubt,
,Lre written at the request of some thera or other, whereas no such request
is mentioned in these two Commentaries. The patthanii verses (tho::e ex-
pressing the author's aspiration), too, of the Khuddakapatha and the Sutta-
lIipata Commentaries, though the one set is identical with the other, are
different from those in other works.z It is also signiftcant that neither of
I lIese two Commentaries is said to be based on the records of the Mahavihara
fraternity, a fact which Buddhaghosa never fails to mention. These con-
o.;iderations make one doubtful as to the authenticitv of the tradition, but
.t.re in themselves not sufficient to disprove it. ~
Something more delinite can be said of the Khuddakapa!ha Commentary.
III the opening verses, the author expresses how difficult it is for a person
o.;nch as bimself, not understanding the Doctrine, to write a Commentary on
1he Khuddakas:
Khuddakiinarp, gambhirattii kincdPi ati dukkarii
V a~ttana madisen' esa abodhantena sasana1]t.
Ilowever, as the decisions of the ancient teachers (pubbacariyavinicchayo)
«'xist up to his day he summons up courage to attempt the task. Such an
,l(lmission of weakness Buddhaghosa has never recorded in any other work.
1I is, indeed, unlikely that Buddhaghosa who was capahle of compiling a
work such as the Visuddhimagga would offer such an apology, Moreover,
.I good deal of the material in this Commentary appears to be taken
,lImost direct from the Visuddhimagga and the Samantapasadika. 3 At
1he end of th o hook there appears the usual passage, which is found at
1he end of all works of Buddhaghosa, containing an eulogy of himself,
III which he is described as' a person 'possessing unrivalled knowledge
"' the teachings of the Buddha including the three Pi!akas and the
\Ijhakathas' (tipi!akapariyattippabhede sii!!hakathe satthusiisane appali-
hlllaiiii1Jappabhiivena).4 How incompatible this is with the introductory
\'('rses referred to above!
The peculiar style of this Commentary is also worthy of notice. While
~ ~ IInmenting on the Ratana Sutta the author states that some teachers held
11", view that the whole of the Sutta was uttered by the Buddha whereas
"I hers held that only the lirst five were uttered by him. The author then
I H oreeds to say" Let this be so or otherwise. Of what use is this investi-
1:.1 t ion to us? We shall comment on the whole of this Ratana Sutta."5
.\ 11 attitude such as this is, indeed, foreign to Buddhaghosa

I I I. I.
('ompare Pj 1253 and Pj II (2) 608 with Vi II 712, 713 or SV 523, 524.
I

I "ol1lpare Pj I 37-75 with Vi 239-266.

" 107-109 with Vi 209---212.
89--98 with Smp. I 4-16
1 I'j 1 253·
') Ilm!. I. J6.').

7
 Taking into consideration all these facts we may with justification infer
that this Commentary is not a work of Bnddhaghosa and that the colophon
was added at a time when traditional belief was in favour of attributing it to
him. It is also possible that its true author was another Buddhaghosa.
Perhaps he was the Buddhaghosa who requested the great commentator
to write the Atthasalini and the Sammohavinodani.'
Further, in spite of the few resemblances that were pointed out earlier
bHween the Commentaries on the Khuddakapil,ha and the Suttanipata,
the following reasons make it very unlikely that they were compilations
of the same author:
(z) Full comments are made on the Ratana', Mangala3 and Metta4 Suttas
in both books. This repetition would have been unnecessary if the
same person wrote both.
(2) In the Suttanipata Commentary the reader is referred to the Visuddhi-
magga for certain details of the' dvatti1'f1,sdkara'5 but these are given in
full in the Commentary on the Khuddakapatha.' If the authors were
identical we should have expected the same brief treatment in the latter
case also.
(3) Similarly in the Suttanipata Atthakatha reference is made to the
Papai'icasiidani with regard to the explanation of the phrase evarp, me sutarp) ,
whereas it is given in detail in the Khuddakapatha Afthakatha 8
Commentaries on the A bhidhamma
The Commentaries on the seven Texts belonging to the Abhidhamma
Pitaka were written by Bnddhaghosa at the request of another thera of the
same name. 9 and are based on the original Sinhalese Commentaries as wen
as on the accepted interpretations of the Mahavihara. 1o They consist of
three books, namely, the Atthasalini on the Dhammasangani, the Sammo-
havinodani on the Vibhanga, and the Paiicappakara!)atthakathii on the
remaining five Texts, Kathavatthu, Puggalapaiiiiatti, Dhatukatha, Yamaka
and Patthana. The Sammohavinodani contains much information regarding
the state of Buddhism in early Ceylon and is perhaps the most valuable of
the Pali Commentaries in that respect.
Buddhaghosa's Successors
The task of writing the Atthakathas which were left untranslated into
Pali by Buddhaghosa was accomplished by Buddhadatta, Dhammapala,
Upasena. Mahanama and another thera whose name is now lost to us.
These Commantaries are, unfortunately, far less useful than those of Buddha-
ghosa when considered from the point of view of the light they throw on
the religious and social history of Ceylon. Some of these, e.g., the Vimana
and Peta-vatthu and Cariyapitaka Commentaries contain no references at
all to any incidents in Ceylon.
1 Att I; SV 523.
2 Pj I 157 foll, Pj II 278.
3 Pi I 88 fall., Pi Il 300.
4 Pj I 231 foll. Pj Il 193·
5 Pj II 246.248, 249·
6 Pi I 37 fall.
7 Pj II 300.
8 Pj I 100 foIl.
9 Att 1.
10 Att 2, SV 1,523.

8
Buddhadatla
Buddhadatta was a contemporary of Buddhaghosa, MadhuratthaviHisini,
the Commentary on the Buddhaval1lsa, is attributed to him, At the time
of writing this Commentary he was residing in a monastery at Kavira-
pattana. I
Dhammapiila
Dhammapala was a thera who dwelt at Badaratittha,' on the south-east
coast of India, a little to the south of Madras, and very probably he was a
Dravidian by birth,3 The time in which he flourished must have been some-
what later than that of Buddhaghosa as the works of the latter are mentioned
in some of his Commentaries. 4 The works attributed to him are the Attha-
kat has on Udana, Itivuttaka, Vimanavatthu, Petavatthu, Theragatha,
Therigatha and Cariyapi\aka, All these are called by the name Paramat-
thadipani. Dhammapala drew material for his works from the ancient
Sinhalese Commentaries, It is also likely that he made use of Dravidian
Commentaries that were available in his day in South India. The Commen-
tary on the post-Canonical work Netti, too, is attributed to him, This was
written at the request of the thera Dhammarakkhita, at a time when Dham-
mapala was residing at Nagapattana in the viMra built by king Dhamma-
soka. 5
Saddhammapajjotika, the Commentary on the Niddesa, was written by
the thera Upasena of the Maha Parive"a at the request of the thera De"a 6
According to the colophon to this book, Upasena, at the time of writing it,
was residing at Anuradhapura in the PariveI).a built by the minister Bhatti-
sena. The work was completed in the twenty-sixth yeat of king Sirinivasa
Sirisarlghabodhi. 7 Such a name does not occur in the Mahavarpsa and
Boruggamuve Revata thera considers this king to be Aggabodhi I of the
sixth century A. D.B
111ahiiniima
Saddhammappakasini, the Commentary on the Patisambhidamagga,
was written in Pali in the third year after the death of king Moggallana by a
thera called Mah1inama, At the time of writing this he was living in the
monasterv built b\! the minister Uttaramanti. 9 We are unfortunate in not
being abie to know any more details about this thera,
Lastly we come to Visuddhajanavilasini, the Commentary on the Apadana,
It is not possible to say who the author was or when the Commentary was
written. The Gandhavarpsa attributes it to Buddhaghosa. 1o Sorata thera
of Maligakanda, Colombo, has, in his admirable preface to the Hewavita-
rana edition of the Apadana Commentary, shown clearly that, in point of
both subject matter and style, it cannot be ascribed to Buddhaghosa,"
I For further details see P. L. C. 105 foll
z UdA 436.
3 P. 1.. C. 113
4 Vi in UdA 24, 236. 268, 283 ; SV in LTdA 33, 43 ; Att in CpA 14; NA 170, '[74·
.5 NA It 233·
6 CNIA 108, MNi A. r.
7 CuNiA IOS
8 Introduction to the Mahaniddesa AHhakatha t Hew. Edn. p. iv.
9 PsmA 526.
10 J. P. T. S. for 1886 p. 69·
I [ ApA Prefac~ pp. iv. v.

9
 CHAPTER TWO

The Sources Dj the Piili Commentaries

WHEN Buddhaghosa came to Ceylon there were already in the island many
collections of commentarial matter preserved mainly in the Sinhalese lan-
guage. Some of these collections were in book form, others as scattered
literature embodying the views of learned teachers of the past. Buddba-
ghosa and the other commentators often refer to them quoting them as
authorities.
Among the more important of these may be mentioned:
1. Maha-atthakatha or Miila_atthakatha
2. Mahapa~~ariya-atthakatha ..
3. Kurundi-atthakatba
4- Andhakatthakatha
5. SaI)lkhepatthakatha
6. Vinayatthakatha
7. Suttantatthakatha
8. Agamatthaka tba
9. Dighatthakatha
IQ. MajjhimaHhakatha
I!. SaI)lyuttatthakatha
12. Aitgu ttara t\haka tha
13. Abhidhammatthakatha
14. Sihalatthakatba
IS. At\hakatha (in the singular number)
16. Atjhakatha (in the plural number)
17. Atthakathacariya
18. Acariya
I9. Acariyavada
20. Acariyamata
21. Therasallapa
22. Parasamuddavasi thera
23. Vita"gaviidi
24. Poral).a
25. Poranakatthera
26. Pora~acariya
27. Pora"aHhakatha
28. Bha"aka
Before proceeding further it should be mentioned that only a few of thes
were distinct works. Some. for example, the Sihalatthaka.tha, the Suttanta-
Hhakatha and the Abhidhammat\hakatha comprised whole groups of works
whereas some were 'possibly merely alternative names for others mentioned
in the list.
Sihalatthakathii
It i;;lOt possible to say how many works were meant by the term Siha!a
Hhakatha (the Sinhalese Commentary). The Maha-at\hakatha, the Mahapac
IQ
cari-alfhakatha and the Kurundi-alfhakatha were among them; and accord.
ing to Buddhaghosa there were other Commentaries as well which were well
known though perhaps not to the same extent.' The greatest number of re-
ferences to these is made in the Samantapasadika. 2 Tradition is that the
Sihalalthakatha comprised the Commentaries brought by Mahinda to Ceylon
and preserved there in the Sinhalese language.' They evidently contained
superfluous material, for Buddhaghosa mentions as a part of the task in his
translation the removal of the error of repetition which he found in the ori-
ginals.' There were also places where an explanation did not tally with the
Canonical Text and where Buddhaghosa had to give preference to the
latter.5
M ahii-a!!hakalhii
Of these Sinhalese compilations the Mah1i- or the Miila-alfhakatha
occupied the foremost position. Most of the works of Buddhaghosa have
c1rawn on this Commentary for their substance. 6 As is evidenced from the
references made to it in the respective Atthakathas, it contained exposItions
on all the three Pitakas.7 It was more complete in its contents than the
other Commentaries.8 Expositions of words left unexplained in them were
often found here.' Buddhaghosa usually, though not always, prefers the
Maha-a!!hakatha to the Mah1ipaccari and the Kurundi. >0 The great regard
with which he held it is clearly expressed more than once,u In some cases
t he interpretations given in the several Commentaries are recorded and the
decision is left open. I2 Mention is also made by Buddhaghosa of some
faults in this Commentary (Mah1i-Aflhakatha) that were due to slip of the
pen1 3 as well a.s of places where the exposition appeared to contradict the
Text,I4 Further, the Samantapasadika has recorded instances where certain
Ceylonese teachers before Buddhaghosa's time differed from the interpre-
tations given in the Maha-atthakatha. One such teacher was the thera
Mah1ipaduma" of the first century A. D.
According to the Paramatthajotikii, the Mah1i-aflhakatha did not contain
comments on the last two verses of the Kokalika Sutta in the Suttanipata.
The author of the Paramatthajotika is therefore inclined to consider that
1he original Sutta did not have these two verses. t6 The fact recorded here
I Smplp.2v.l0.
1. See e.g., Smp I 2, 265, 266, 283; Smp Il 288, 299,300,317,318, 330, 349, 360, 376.
377, 454. 494, 496; Smp ITI 537, 616, 627, 716, 718 ; Smp Sn Il T, 9, 26, etc.
i SA I I, Pap I I, Att 1.
4 PaplI.
'l Commentary on the Yamalca. ]. P. T. S. 1912 p. 83.
I, Smp I 2, Pap Sn.}"030, SA Sn III 235, Man Sn 855·
7 (a) Vinaya: See references in note 10 below.
{b} Sutta SumVi\ 1180, 152; Pap 133, Il204; SA Il 179; Pj n 202
(e) Abhidhamma: Att 80, 82, 86,107,157.410; Pug. Pan Corn in j.P.T.S. 1914 P·235.
H See e.g., Pj II 202.
qSmp II 349.
I I I S~p 11, 31:7, 346, III 537, Smp Sn 1I 31. FOT preference given to other Commentaries

over the Maha.-atthakatha. see Smp IT ,3.19, III 537,617. 716, 726.
I I Smp II 448. III 70r.
I J Ibid II 496.

\, " II 311.
I '1 " II 300.
I 'ISmp I 283. II 454·
III I'j II (2) 477.
II
is significant because it points with more or less certainty to a specific instance
of an addition, however small, made to the FaH Canon a considerable time
after it was brought to Ceylon and probably after it was committed to wri-
ting at Matula ]anapada.
There is also evidence that the Maha-aHhakatha contained a large number
of anecdotes based on incidents that took place in Ceylon.' Buddhaghosa
included in his Commentaries only a few of these stories which, had they been
preserved in their entirety, would have given us a much clearer insight into
the conditions of ancient Ceylon than we are able to have at present.
Mahapaccari and Kurundi A!thakathiis
The Mahapaccari and Kllfllndi Atthakathas were so named because they
were composed on a raft (paccar'i) and in the Kurundivelu Vihara respec-
tively in Ceylon.:; As far as I am aware these two Commentaries are re-
felred to only in the Samantapasadika and there, too, they are invariably
mentioned along with the Maha-atthakatha. In a few instances the ex-
positions given in these two are preferred to those given in the other. 3
A ndhaka!fhakathii
The Andhaka\thakathii was handed down at Kaficipura (Conjevaram)
in South India,4 and very likely it was written in the Andhaka language.
It is often referred to by Buddhaghosa in his Samantapasadika. He refers
to it not so much to agree with its expositions as to find fault with them.
Sometimes he is harsJ1 in his criticism. 'This is wrongly said' 5 'that
agrees neither with the Atthakatha nor with the Canon, and therefore shoul
not be accepted "--these are some of the expressions that Buddhaghos
uses in refuting the Andhakat\hakatha explanations. Buddhaghosa refer
also to certain expositions of the Vinaya which were based on condition·
that prevailed in the Andha country and were therefore not of genera
application. 7 A view. expressed by the thera Mahasumma of Ceylon on the
interpretation of a certain Vinaya rule is regarded in the Andhakatthakath-
as an authoritative statement. 8 This thera lived in the first century A. D.,
and, therefore, we may conclude that the Commentary was written at a dat
later than that century.
Sankhepa-A!!hakathii
Another Commentary that is mentioned in the Samantapasadika is th
Sankhepa-atthakatha or the' short Commentary'. From the fragmentar
evidence of the Samantapasadika as to the contents of the Sankhep
Commentary it appears that it had much in common with the Mahapaccari
and it is possible that it was an abridged version of the same. Accordin
to Vijesinha ' the Sarattha Dipani and the Vimati VinodaniTikas enumerate
two works called Andhakatthakatha and Sankhepa\thakatM, but the
I Smp H 474, Att 80.
2 P. L. C. 9I-
3 Mahapaccari (preferred) Smp H 319, IH 617.
Kurundt (preferred) Smp Sn II 59-
Kurundi (rejected) Smp II 346, III 688, Smp Sn II 40r.
4 P. L. C. 92.
5 Smp III 697, Smp Sn II 204_
6 Smp Sn II 8, 18. 214, 222.
7 Ibid. p. 8.
S Smp HI 646.
9 See Smp II 317, 38r. 454·
12
Vajira Buddhi Tikii gives Cullapaccari and Andhakatthakathii" This,
too, leads us to suppose that the SankhepaHhakatha was perhaps the same
as the Cullapaccari (small or abridged Paceari).'
V inaya!!hakathii etc.
In addition to works such as the )faha-atthakathii whieh dealt with the
whole Canon there were also Commentaries "that were restricted to the dif-
ferent brar,ehes of the three Pitakas. Thus the Visuddhimagga refers to a
group of works called the VinayaHhakatha. Sometimes the word used is
in the singular number,3 sometimes in the plural. 4 This probably means
that there were more than one Commentary on the Vinaya and also perhaps
that there was one which was more important than the others and which
therefore could be called the Vinayat(hakathii. We find similar references
to Commentaries on the Sutta as well as on the Abhidhamma. The Visud-
dhimagga mentions also the SuttantaHhakathiis,' the ~hjjhimatthakathii,.
the Sa'!1yuttatthakathii,7 and the Anguttaratthakathii8 and the Abhidham-
maHhakathii. 9 As the Visuddhimagga was the first work of Buddhaghosa
in Ceylon, these references must necess.?rily be to the Commentaries that
existed already in Ceylon when he came to the island. A Dighatthakathii,
too, is mentioned in the SumangalavilasinPo and this, again, is evidently a
work that was in Ceylon at the time of Buddhaghosa's arrival in the island.
The Atthasiilini refers to some AgamatthakathiisY Very likely these were
the Commentaries on the four Agamas or Nikayas referred to in the Suman-
gal3\'iliisini and the Visuddhimagga as the_ Digha-, }!ajjhima-, Sa'!1yutta-
and Anguttara-atthakathas. That these Agamatthakathiis were separate
works and not merely sections of th_e Mahii.-althakathii, which also contained
commentarial matter on the four Agamas is to be inferred from a passage
in the AtthasiiIini which mentions side by side both the Agamatthakathiis
and the Mahii-a\thakathii."
.Moreover, the existence of a separate Commentary' on the Jatakas is evi-
dent from a reference to it in the PaIi Jatakatthakathii.'3
Af!hakathii and A!!hakathiis
Quotations made by Buddhaghosa and his successors from the Atthakatha
and the Atthakathas are numeroUs. 14 As was mentioned in connection
with the Commentaries on the Vinaya here, too, the A\thakathii, when it
occurs in any PaJi Commentary, refers very probably not to the Maha~attha-
1 J. R. A. S. 1870 (Vol. V, New Series) p. 298.
2 For other references to Sankhepatthakatha .. et Smp II 311, 359, 477, 494-, 496.
3 Vi I 272. Also see Pj I 97·
4 Ibid. I 72.
SViI272.
6 Ibid. I 72, 184, II 547.
7 Ibid. II 387, 432.
8 Ibid. I 315. A ~ection of the Anguttaratthakatha is al~o mentioned by Euddhaghosa
under the title Dukanipatatthakatha. Vi I 142.
glbid. II 547.
10 Sum Vi} I 87.
J I Att 188, 189.
12 Att 86. Agamanatthakathasu in The P. T. S. text is clearly a misprint for A.gamat·
thakatha.su.
13 J. 1. 62.
14 Atthakatha (sing,) Vi I 61, 82, 225, 316, II 384, 409>4-4.9,450, SumVil 11543, 652, 686.
III 754, SV 56, 155, 200, Pap I 240. 11 285. Man I 49, UdA 80, 83, 324.
Atthakatha (plural) Vi I 138, ]72, 180, 193,280,285.11432,527, VdA 33.94,127,328.

13
 katha but to the corresponding Sinhalese Commentary'; for example
when the word Atthakathii. (in the singular number) occms in the Suman-
galavilasini it denotes the Sinhalese Dighanikaya-a!\hakatha. But when
the word occurs in the Visuddhimagga we may be more or less certain that
it refers to the Maha-atthakatha which was the Sinhalese Commentary
par excellence. There are also instances where the word Atthakatha is used
in a wider sense to denote the Commentarial Literature in contradistinction
to the Pali or the Canonical Texts,' The At(hakathas (in the plural number),
Oll, the other hand, refer to the original Sinhalese Commentaries in general.
With this difference in mind we may deal with the references to the Attha-
katha and the Atthakathas as relating merely to the whole group of the,
Sinhalese and some of the Dravidian Commentaries.
Buddhaghosa is very cautious when he deals with Canonical matter left,
unexplained in the Commentaries that were before him. Sometimes he
explains a point and hastens to add a clause of apologetic warning: ' As 1

this has not been handed down in the Commentaries it should be accepted,
after investigation' (At.thakathas1f. pana aniigatattii vima1.nsetvii {!,ahetabba'l'f1).3 j
Even when Buddhaghosa is forced by his own reasoning to disagree with the 1
At(hakatb1is he hesitates to give his definite opinion. "As it is said in all '
the Ai\hakathas" he says sometimes "it is not possible to reject (the ex-
planation). What is correct should be found out or the Commentators should I'
be taken on trust.". The Atthakatha explanations are always preferred
to those advanced_ by' such well known teachers as Mahasiva,5 Tipitaka:
CiiIabhaya 6 and Abhidhammlka Godha.' !
These Commentaries, though they were compiled in the Sinhalese language,
appear to have contained Pali verses. We find only a few verses definitely
attributed to the Atthakathils8 but it is possible that there were many
such verses. There are numerous verse passages in the P.1iJi Commentaries
the sources of which we are unable to trace, and it may be that many of these
were preserved in the 01 iginal Sinhalese Commentaries as mnemonic verses.
A!!hakathikii and A!Jhakathiicariyii
Closely connected with the term Ai\hakathii. are the words bttha-
kathika and Atthakathacariva. Those who studied and handed down the
At(hakathas were known as the Atthakathikas. 9 By the other term were
generally understood the teachers (iicariyii) responsible for the compilation
of the Atthakathas." Buddhaghosa holds the At\hakathacariyas U in
1 As it can be inferred from Smp II 300.
2 See Vi I 96, 99, 107.
3 Att 99, Sum ViII 73· .
4 Smp Sn I1 21, See also Vd 138. (These, it may be remarked inci.dentally, are further
instances which clearly show that BuddhaghMla did not include his own views in
the FaIi Commentaries).
5 Att 267·
6 Pap Sn 902.
7 Vi I 138. For other instances of views rejected by Buddhaghosa on the ground that
they were not found or explained othenvise in the Atthakatha.s, see Att 421 Vi II
375, Sum Vil 111 1001.
8 Smp I 240, II 437; FsmA 474·
9 P j 11 5I.
10 An instance, however, of the use of the word Atthakathacariya in a sense identical with
that of Atthakathika is found in Vi 1 62.
I I For some of the references to Atthakatluicariya see Vi I 103,332; Sum Vi{ I 187;
Pap I 59, 225 255. Man II 53; SV 310, 350; Att 123; Sum ViI II .481; ItA 25;
UdA 55; Pj I 110; PsmA 367'
bigh esteem and say' that they knew the intentions of the Buddha and
therefore their word should be taken as autllOrity.I PaH verses, too, are
found attributed to the Atthakathacariyas.'
AcariyC!.viida, Acariyamata and A.cariya
The Acariyav_ii.c1as (talks or expositions of the teachers) are the same as the
Althakathas (Acariyavado ntima A!thakathii)3, and in degree of authenticity
;!re second only to the Canonical T~xts. If any views expressed in the
Acariyavadas do not agree with the Suttantas.the former are to be rejected.4-
The individl!al views or opinions expressed by well known teachers are
classed as the Acariyamatas (opinions of teachers) and are different horn the
Atthakatha expositions. 5 These opinions, if they are not corroborated by
the Text or the Commentary, are not to be regarded as essential1y correct. 6
Simila_f in significance to the Acariyamatas are the expositions attributed
to the Acariyas (teachers) referred to often in the Pali Commentaries as
Acariyii vadanti and Acariya kathayanti (the teachers say). The great theras
such as Mahapadnma 7 belong to this group of teachers/I
Therasalliipa
A discussion that took place among the theras Kalhalavasi Sumana,
Lokuttaravasi CUlasiva and DighabhaIJaka Tipitaka Mahasiva is mentioned
in the Sumangalavilasinl as a Therasalliipa. 9 As to its value a therasallapa
is evidently equal to an Acariyamata. The opinions expressed by similar
teachers, but whose names have not been preserved, are given in the Com-
mentaries with the simple introduction: keci vadanti (some say) or keci
~Ja1J1Jayanti (some describe).lo

Parasarnuddavasithera
Some views of theras who lived outside Ceylon have also been preserved.
They are referred to as the views of Parasamuddavasi thera (theras living
on the other side of the ocean).1l
The term Acariyiina'!1 samiinatthal!athii (identical expositions of the
teachers) also occurs frequently, and is invariably found in connection with
the refutation of the views proclaimed by the Vitalfc,iavadins. u It is difficult
to say whether these different views and opinions of eminent teachers of
old which are now incorporated in the Pali Commentaries were found re-
corded in the original Sinhalese Commentaries or whether they were found
preserved separately in the Mahiivihara.

I Smp So IT 12. See also Sv 316.

2 Att 85 ; Smp Sn II 218.
3 Sum ViI II 567. See also Vi I 96.
4 Sum Vil 11 568 .
.5 Att 223·
·6 Vi I 107:
7 More about these theras will be given in a subsequent chapter.
"8 See eg ... , Smp 1283'
9 Sum vn III 882.
to Pap I 35, 38.
n Pap Sn 718,721,730.
12 Att 90,92,241; Pap Sn .572.

IS
Piili Sources
Buddhaghosa drew his material not only from Sinhalese and Dra vidian
but also from Pali sources such as the Milindapaiiha,' Petakopadesa' and
the DipavaI)lsa. The last is quoted in the Samantapasadika3 and in the
Kathiivatthu Commentary .• The passages referred to in the Samanta-
pasadika do not agree fully with the DipavaI)lsa as we have it now.'
In addition to these we find in the Visuddhimagga certain verses--not
yet traced-referring to two Ceylonese theras : Mahiitissa of Cetiyapabbata
and Ambakhiidaka ~Iahiitissa of Civaragumba 6 These verses are very
similar in style and subject matter to those in the Theragatha and it is
possible that there was in Ceylon an anthology of Pali verses composed
after the model of this Canonical Text. The Samantapasiidil<a, too, has
preserved two stanzas attributed to the two Sinhalese theras ::\{ahasumma
and Mahiipaduma. 7
Poriif),as
We now come to another important source of the Pali Commentaries,
namely, the Poriif)ii or the ' Ancients'. Considering the significant part
played by them in our Commentaries it may not be out of place here to deal
with the question at some length.
As to what is denoted by the term POral)a several interpretations have
been put forward by scholars both eastern and western. More than hall a .
century ago Hermann OIdenberg identified the Poraf)as with the Pora-
f)atthakathii.' MIS. Rhys Davids is of a different opi,"ion. She remarks:
" These POraI:laS were not included among the Canonical compilers, or they
would be quoted as such. They appear to have been of later date. They
are the' Fathers' of the Theraviida Sasana. They represent, in so far as
they speak philosophically, the philosophy built up on the simpler archai-
cally expressed teachings of the Suttas. They were cultured men according
to the light of their day. But they were working along a line of thinking
that was' orthodox' and therefore no longer free. And they do not re-
present the missionary mood of the Sutta teachers, anxtous above all things
to ' save souls'. Thev were the bookmen, the academicians, the cloistered
scribes of the new pr'edominant ' Buddhist' culture" 9
Having noted the views of these scholars we shall now proceed to examine
the data available on the subject in the writings of Buddhaghosa and the
other commentators. IQ \Ve shall first see how the quotations are distributed
and what their nature is.
In the Pali Commentaries, including the Visuddhimagga, there are alto-
gether 116 quotations of which 85 are verse, 29 prose and 2 short sentences
:£Vi Il 438. Sometimes passages are taken from the Milindapaifua withont acknow-
ledging the source (see Vi I 283 foot note I); and once a 1Iilinda passage is quoted
as from the PoraI}.as (Vi I 270).
~ Vi I 141. Smp I 143. MNiA 224·
3 Smp I 74. 75·
4 KathAvatthu Commentary in J. P. T. S. 1889 p. 3.
5 See Oldenberg's Edition pp. 59. 61.
6 Vi I 21, 47·
7 Smp III 538.
8 Oldenberg: Dip. pp. 2, 3· For PoralJatthakatha see SV I; UdA 2. 436; CpA 1
9 Bgh p. vii.
10 A collection of the quotations from the Por§JJas found in all the Plili Commentaries.
is given in Appendix II It. & E.

r6
which are probably prose though they may also be fragments of two stanzas.
The greater part of these are to be found in Buddhaghosa's works. The
Niddesa Commentary of Upas en a and the Patisambhidamagga Commentary
of Mahanama are also rich in them, whereas they are scanty in the Com-
mentaries of Dhammapala. The Commentary on the post-Canonical book
Netti has one verse quotation.
The following table Ehows how the passages are distributed:

Verse Total
Verse Prose or No. of
Prose? references
No. of No. of
references verses
Visuddhimagga 19 41 4 2 25
Samantapasadikii 9 25 9
Kankhavitaral;ti
Atthasalini I I I 2
Sammohavinodani 2 2 I 3
Pancappakaral).atthakatha
Sumangalavilasini 6 7 5 II
Papancasiidani 8 9 7 IS
S1i.ratthappakasini 8 16 8
Manorathapiira1)i 2 3 2 4
Khuddakapatha AHhakatha 2 2
Dhammapada "
Udana 2 6 2 4
Itivutlaka 2 3 2
Suttanipata I I 3 4
Vimanavatthu "
Petavatlhu "
Theragatha
Therigiitha "
.Fitaka
Niddesa 6 8 2 8
Patisambhidamagga 13 14 13
Apadana 4 4 4
Buddhavamsa I I I
Cariyapitaka
Netti I I I

TOTAL 85 '" "42 29 2 ... n6

Sometimes the same verse or prose passage occurs in more than one
Atthakatha. For example, the verse:
Bhagava ti vacana'lJ1- seHha1'J1 Bhagavii ti vacanam 'uttatna1!f
Garugiiravayutto so Bhagavii tena vuccati.
nccurs in twelve Commentaries-in one, namely, Paramatthajotika I it
cloes not however occur as a quotation from the PodilJ.as-and the verse
Yalha thambhe nibandheyya vaccham damaY!' nayo idha
Bandheyy' eva1J't saka1JZ citta1J't satiyaramma1)c dalha1J1
17
occurs in six. I When the repetitions are removed the 142 verses reduce
themselves to 90'. It is interesting to note that nearly one-fifth of this
number-I7 verses to be exact~is found, though not under the name of the
POra1),aS, in the Vimuktisangraha, a Sinhalese prose work interspersed freely
with Pali verse and prose, and composed at a comparatively modern date.
We are, however, not justified in arriving at the conclusion that the list
given above exhausts the number of the quotations from the Pora1)as, though
they certainly are the only ones definitely called by that name in the Com-
mentaries. Three verses given in the Saratthappakasin}3 without any
reference as to their source are ascribed to the Pora1)as in the Visuddhimagga 4 .
Similarly two verses in the Buddhavaqlsa Cornmentary5 and QIle in the
Paramatthajotika6 occur as quotations from the Pora1)as in some other
Atthakathas. 7 As was already observed in another connection, there are
in' the PaH Commentaries very many verse quotations the sources of which
have so far not been traced. It is quite possible ,that some of these may
belong to the Pora1).as also. This fact remains-and perhaps will remain
for ever~an obstacle in the way of our obtaining definite knowledge as to the
real nature of the Poral)as.
A glance at the Pora1),a passages shows that they, in some measure or other,
deal with every aspect of the teachings of the Buddha, and also that many of
them reveal a Commentarial nature. The subjects dealt with range
from mere points of grammar to deep philosophical speculation, from
pure legendary matter to history. Tb<; following brief survey will make
this more clear.
On the V inaya rules
Bnddhaghosa, on the authority of the PoraJ.las, say, that a Vinayadhara
bhikkhu in trying another bhikkhu on a charge of theft should take into cone
sideration the following five points: the thing stolen, the time when and
the country where the theft took place, the value of the stolen property, and
also whether it had heen used by its owner.'
Admonitions in the practice of jhiina
There is a considerable number of passages which are of the nature of
advice given to hhikkhus in the practice of jhana. For instance, a bhikkhu
who" enters into jhana, after thoroughly purifying the other ohstructions
to concentration, abides in his attainment the whole day like a bee that has
entered its welI-cleaned abode, or like a king who has entered a weJl-tidied
garden. Hence said the Ancients:
One should disnel desire for sense, ill-will,
And worry, torPor, doubt as fifth, with mind
Delighting in seclusion, as a king
Delights on entering a clean retreat."9
I See Appendix II A and B.
2 See Appendix 11 A.
3" Obhiise c'eva iiiine ca " etc., SA II 201.
4 Vi II 637, 63 8 .
5 BuA 14·
6 Pj I 107·
7 See Appendix I A
8 Smp Il305·
9 Vi 1152; P.P. II 175·

I8
Admonition to lead the higher life
The admonition of the Pora!)as to a bhikkhu to lead the higher life and
gain the amata or the deathless state is to act like one whose head is ablaze.
" Seeing these eight supreme advantages,
The sage reviews break-up and contemplates
Repeatedly to gain the deathless state,
Like one whose head is wrapped in blazing cloth?I
Reflections on impermanence etc.
A bhil<khu should reflect On the breaking up of the complexes (sankhara)
and know that what is called death is their breaking up; and that there is
nothing else. Hence the Ancients say:
" The aggregates are ceasing; there's nought else.
The break-up of the aggregates Is death.
The ardent man wisely their loss discerns,
As though a gem were drilled with adamant.'"
On the A bhidhamma
Practically all the Pora!)a quotations on the Abhidhamma are found in
the Visuddhimagga. They are numerous and noteworthy in that they
represe!)t a stage in the Abhidhamma more systematic and developed than
the Canonical Texts and in that they try, as Mrs. Rhys Davids points out,'
to lay great emphasis on the Anatta or non-soul doctrine. This is evident
from the following quotation given in the Visuddhimagga :
" There is here truly name-and-form,
Wherein exists no being or man.
'Tis void and fashioned like a doll,
A lump of ill, like grass and sticks.'"
Suita Nomenclature
Not only were the PodiI)as considered as authorities on the expositi'(!)ll of
the Vinaya and the Abhidhamma, but in the Sutta also their views were
much respected. Buddhaghosa tells us that the Anumana Sutta' of the
Majjhimanikaya was called the Bhikkhupatimokkha by the Pora!)as. 6 In
the exposition of the Parayana Sutta, too, the Pora!)as are quoted as
authority.'
lnoidents in the life of the Buddha
Certain alleged incidents in the life of the Buddha are alluded to in some
Pora1).a verses. One passage describes how he walked immediately after
his birth,' and another how he went to the Santhagiira Hall at Kapilavatthu. 9
Legend
The Paramatthajotika records the following legendary account given. by
the Pora!)as as to the origin of the town of Vesii.li. In days gone by, the
I Vi Il 64" ; P.P. III 788.
'I.Vi II 644. P.P. III 786 .
.J Bgh. p. viii.
1 Vi II 595, P.P. III 7T8:
.') M. Sutta No. I.").
6 Pap II 67.
7 Pj II (2) 604
H Sum ViI I 61
!. SA Sn III 66

19
chief queen of the king of Benares gave birth to a lump of flesh. This was
thrown into the river, but, under the protection of the devatas, reached the
hands of a hermit, in whose hermitage it separated itself into two portions
and in course of time became a prince and a princess. Later on they were
brought up by cowherds and ultimately they became the king and queen
of a newly established town. As the town was enlarged again and again
(punappuna 'visali' katatta) it became known as Vesiili.'
Historical Incidents
From legend we now turn to history. The Samantapas1i.dika, after giving
in prose certain incidents relating to the coming of Mahinda to Ceylon,
quotes some POTfu)a verses as authority for the same.'" Again, a series of
such verses is given to show the continu,ity in the line of teachers from the
time of Mahinq.a to a later date,3 Some of these verses are very similar to
those found in the DipavaIjlsa. 4
Cosmology
Nor has cosmology escaped the notice of the Pora\las. Buddhaghosa gives
their ideas as to how this world is situated.
" The great world's rocky rim sinks in the deep
Eighty-two thousand yojanas, its height
Identical, encircling the whole world."5
Exegetical M after
There are also several references of an exegetical nature. These are mostly
in prose. The author of the Khuddakapatha Commentary defines manussa
(men) as Manuno apaccii (sons or descendants of Manu), and then gives
the PoraQa definition which is mana·ussannataya manussii (men are so called
because they are mentally exalted).6
Grammar
A passage occurring thrice in the Commentaries explains the usage of a
grammatical construction. It points out that there is no difference in
meaning between tasmi1Jt sama~'Ye and tena samayena or tatft samaya1'ft,7
Description oj Canonical Texts
The Papancasildani and the Apadana Atthakath1i. afford instances of
another type. Buddhaghosa on the authority of the Pora\las records that
the Majjhimanikaya consists of 80,523 words (pada)8 and the author of the
Apadana Commentary gives similarly the number of Apadiinas in the Text ..
Closely allied to the references to the PodiIfas are those to the Poral)a-
kalthera (the theras of old), Pubbacariya (former teachers), Pora\lacariya
(teachers of old) and Atthakath1i.cariya (teachers of Commentaries). It
win now be seen whether· these terms signified different men or were used
indiscriminately to denote the same teachers or groups of teachers.

I Pj I 158 foIl
2 Smp I 70, 71
3 Ibid. p. 62
4 See Dip. J2. VV 12, 35-37
5 Vi I 206, P.P. II 238
6 Pj I 123
7 UdA 23, Man I 13, Pap. I IQ.
8 Pap I 2
9 ApA 84
20
Porii1J<lkattherii
A collection of passages referring to the Pora!)akattheras is given in Appen-
dix II D. It will be observed that the references to them are considerably
different from those to the Poral,las. In them there is not a single verse
passage. In one instance the opinion of the Pora!)akattheras is definitely
set aside and another interpretation advanced by the original commentator
(or commentators) of the AIi.guttaranikaya.' In the other passages, too,
the general tendency is not to take their views as authority, asit isthe ca~e
with the Pora!)a passages, but to record them as explanatory or parallel
notes. We are thus led to draw the inference that the Pora!)as are not the
same as the PoralJ.akattheras.
Pubbiicariyii
In the opening verses of the Khuddakapaiha At;hakatha, its author
states that in spite of his scanty knowledge of the sasana, he is attempting
to write the Commentary because the decisions of the former teachers
(pubbiicariya-vinicchaya) are extant up to his day. Immediately after this
he says that he intends to base his work on the porii7!-a-vinicchaya (the
decisions of the ancients)' from which we may plausibly infer that the
Pubbacariyas are the same as the PoraI,las.
A quotation in the Visuddhimagga, too, strengthens this inference.
Buddhaghosa desires his readers to realize how difficult it is to acquire a
proper understanding of the Pa!iccasamuppiida (causal happening). To
prove his case he quotes a verse from the Poral).as. 3 However, he proceeds
to expound this difficult doctrine in view of the fact that the sasana is
, adorned with manifold ways of expression' (nana desana naya ma1J,rjita,1Jt)
and that the path of the former teachers (pubbiicariya-maggo) proceeds in
unbroken continuity. Then he requests his readers to listen to him atten-
tively and quotes a verse from the Pubbiicariyas (vutta,,!, h' eta,,!, Pubbii-
cariyehi) to point out the benefits of listening attentively to this doctrine.'
Both these verses are on the same topic· and the manner, too, in which
Buddhaghosa has quoted them, gives us the impression that he is drawing
his material from the same source.
PoratJiicariyii
The term Poral).acariya also occurs fairly frequently in the Pali Commen-
tarie~. One naturally feels inclined to ask the question' Are the Poral).a--
cariyas the same as the Poral).as?' The Gandhavarpsa defines the PoraI)a-
cariyas as the dhammasangiihaka theras or the theras who took part in the
three Councils, but with the exception of Mahiikaccayana. 5 Now, in the
Milindapaiiha a certain verse is ascribed by Nagasena to the dhammasangiihaka
Iheras. 6 Thi~ same verse, as pointed out by Mrs. Rhys Davids, occurs in the
Visuddhimagga as a quotation from the Pora!)as.7 Thus, with regard to
this verse at least, the Porat;las are the same as the PoraI)acariyas, both
heing the same as the dhammasangiihakas. The Gandhavarp.sa goes further
I Man II 26
'lPjIII
J Vi II522
4 Ibid. 523
.\ J. P. T. S. r886 pp. 58, 59
IJ Mil 369
7 ViI 270
2r
to assert a connection between the PoraI).acariyas and the AHhakathacariyas
(Ye Poriir)iicariya le yeva AI!hakathiicariyii).'
If what has been pointed out in the preceding paragraph is correct we may
infer the possibility of a close connection between the PoraI).as and the
Althakathiicariyas.
Buddhaghosa, commenting on the Miilapariyiiya Sutta of the Majjhima-
nikiiya, gives the Althakathii exposition of the phrase pa!kavi", abhinandati,
and coming to the next phrase pathavi1rt tttaiiiiati says that it has the same
meaning as the previous one but that the reason for this repetition has not
been discussed by the PoraI)..as. Then he proceeds to give his own opinion
(aya,!, pana me attano mati).' Here, evidently, Buddhaghosa takes Pori;'.lii
in the sense of Atthakathiicariyii.
Once more, while commenting oh the .Asivisopama Sutta of the Sarp-yutta-
nikiiya, he quotes four verses from the Atthakathilcariyas (ten'ilkn A!jha-
kathiicariya). A while later he quotes four more verses of a similar nature,
but this time from the Pora!)as (ten'iihu Porii1Jii).3
Further, ~he commentator of the Suttanipata gives a very brief intro-
duction to the Ratana Sutta and remarks that the Pora!)as open their ex-
position of this Sutta from the beginning of the story connected with (the
building up of) Vesali.4 Here, again, it is likely that the word Pora!)ii has
the same significance. But these instances are not sufficient for us to arrive
at a decision about the identity of the two.
Porii1Ja!!hakath,i
Thisleads us to the further problem of the relationship between the Poriil)as
and the PoriiI,laflhakathii (the ancient Commentary). As we have observed
earlier Oldenberg was convinced that the two were identically the same.
Geiger, too, is of the same opinioB. He points out that the Pora1)aHhakatha
whiCh formed the basis of the Mahavaf!lsa is 'nothing other than the work
of the Pora!)as mentioned in its proem (r.2) and in the description of the
Mahathiipa (29.24) and also mentioned seven times in the Mahava1!lsa
Tika. 5 Geiger's argument is to me convincing.
On the other hand I cannot agree with Malalasekara when he
suggests that Buddhaghosa's references are to anonymous teachers of old,
whose expositions were not necessarily embodied in the Commentaries but
were handed down in various 5chools.6 We have seen a remark of Buddha-
.ghosa in the Papancasiidani about an explanation left out by the Pora!)as.
If the Por:aJ}a interpretations were handed down in various schools by oral
tradition, such a remark as that could have been made only by one who had
carefully studied the traditions of all those schools. Buddhaghosa's stay
in Cevlon was however too brief for us to assume that he could have studied
them- fully. But this would have heen an. easy matter if the Pora!)a inter-
pretations were available to him in the form of a compilation, .either as a
separate collection or embodied in the Commentaries themselves or if the
Pora!)as were the same as the AHhakathiicariyas, a probability before noted.
, J. P. T. S. ,886 P 59
2 Pap 128
3 SA Sn III 40, 4I.
4 Pj II 278
5 D & M pp. 44 fall.
6.P. L.C.92

22
Further, the fact that prose passages of identical form are found quoted
more than once I suggests strongly that the commentators drew those prose
passages from a written compilation.
The Porat;Las were undoubtedly revered teachers of old and they must
have played an important part in the formation and stabilising of the
Theravada school. They had their origin in India as is evidenced by the
verses attributed to t,he dhammasangiihaka theras in the Milindapafiha and
to which we have made reference earlier. Probably they were not known
in India by the name PoraI).ii. It may be that their views and interpre-
tations of the Doctrine were incorporated in an old Commentary, and that
when other new Commentaries such as the Maha-atthakatha, Mahapaccari
and the Kurundi came to be written this old Commentary was called the
Pora!).atthakatha, and the teachers whose views were incorporated in it
were termed the Pora!).a or the' teachers of old'. Still later the distinction
between the views of these teachers of old and the rest of the contents of the
old Commentary may have disappeared and the term' Pora!).a' and Pora!).at-
thakatha acquired the same significance. Even ,as the shortened form
, Kurundi' was often used instead of the word Kurundatthakatha, so also
j he word' Pora]).a' may have been used to denote the PoraiJatthakatha.

We are, unfortunately, not in a position to know how many of the POraI).a

quotations refer to the views of Ceylonese theras. Had this been known, it
would have been of invaluable help in tracing the development of Buddhist
Ihought in Ceylon.
Iihii1.'akas
,""'le are now left with one other important source of the Pali Commentaries,
namely, the traditions handed down by the' Bh,,,;akas' or the' Reciters '
(If the various portions of the Canon. In the next chapter we shall de31 with
t his source, tracing as far as possible the history from the inception of the
Hha\laka system to the time of Buddhaghosa.

( ,','re Appendix II B
23
 CHAPTER THREE

The BM1Jflkas

WHEN we consider the long ministry of the Buddha we are led to think that
the discourses he delivered and the rules laid down by him for the guidance
of his disciples must have been necessarily very extensive. As far as we
have evidence, no attempt had been made during his life-time to codify
his teachings, though probably they were studied and remembered by his
disciples in the form of 'collections' (sa'!'hitii-Piili ·sahitii). The word
sahita,!, in the Dhammapada verse Bahum pi ce sahita,!, Misamiino"""".'
very likely refers to such a collection. We may safely state that there were
two such main collections: the Vinaya collection or the collection of rules
and regulations for the guidance of monks and nuns and the Dhamma
collection or that of the discourses. The division of the Dhamma into the
Sutta and the Abhidhamma is evidently a later one.
Origin of the Bhiiftakas
Three months after the passing away of the Buddha, his disciples with
Mahakassapa at their head are said to have assembled at Rajagaha where
they recited, classified and arranged the teachings. In that council it was
deemed advisable to entrust different sections of the Canon to different
groups of disciples. The lack of suitable writing material and the consequent
necessity of handing down the Texts by word of mouth from teacher to
papil made it expedient to adopt this division of labour. Different sections
of the Canon were accordingly entrusted to groups of monks who were
already noted for their proficiency in those sections, as is evident from the
entrusting of the Vinaya to Upali and his pupils.' T!>e Digha, Majjhima,
Sa11lyutta and Anguttara Nikayas were entrusted to Ananda, the pupils of
Sariputta, Mahakassapa and Anuruddha respectively. Of these Nikayas the
Majjhima contains, in the Suttas such as the Anunada,3 material which
may be considered as the main source of the later systematized
Abhidhamma. It is therefore significant that this Nikaya was entrusted
to the pupils of Sariputta noted for his knowledge of the Abhidhamma.
About ten centuries later Yuan ~hwang noticed that on auspicious days
Sariputta was honoured by the Abhidhammikas.4 The group of monks
to whom these sections were entrusted and their pupils after them preserved
the teachings of the Buddha by learning and reciting the same. Thus they
came to be known as the Bhanakas or the ' Reciters' of the respective
sections of the Canon.
Classification of the Bhiiftakas
In the Pali Commentaries reference is made to the Bhanakas of the Digha,
Majjhima, Sa11lyutta and the Anguttara Nikayas, the two Vibhangas
(Ubhato Vibhangii) , the Dhammapada and the Maha-Ariyava11lsa. One
also often comes across the two terms SarabhaI)aka5 and Padabhanaka,'
I Ch I v. 19
2 Sum Vil r 13
3 M. Sutta No. III
4 N. Dutt: Spread of Buddhism and Buddhist Schools pp 205-286.
5 Att 73
6 Man I 39. II 249· See also DhA III 345, IV 18
 but they have no connection with the Bhat;takas that we are dealing with
here. In no Commentary. as far as I am aware, is there any reference to the
reciters of the Khuddakanikaya. But in the Milindapafiha the word
Khuddakabhat;taka occurs ill a list of the Bha1)akas.' This occurrence is
both interesting and strange. The Milindapafiba. at least the main part
of the book-and this passage is included in that section-is older than
Buddhaghosa's Commentaries. And if Bhat;takas of all the five Nikayas
existed in India at the time when the Milindapafiha was compiled, how is
one to account for the absence of any mention of the Khuddakabhii1)akas
in Ceylon? Did they not exist, or, if th,ey did, were they not sufficiently
prominent in the island? Or is it that Buddhaghosa and the other commen-
tators had no occasion to mention them? The reference in the Milinda,
however, gives us a definite clue as to the place of origin of the Bhat;takas,
namely, that they arose in India and not in Ceylon.
With regard to the three divisions of the Canon: the Sutta, the Vinaya
and the Abhidhamma, we find that those who recited and handed them
down were not known by the name Bha1)akii but were designated
Suttantikii, Vinayadhara and Abdhidhammika respectively. Dhammadh-
ara was another name for Suttantikii.' The Buddha himself was considered
the first Abhidhammika. 3 Those who studied and recited the Commentaries
were called AHhakathikii. 4 Besides these there were the Tipitaka (those
versed in the three Pitakas) and the Catunikayika (those versed in the four
Nikiiyas). Again, there were those who studied all the three Pitakas but
specialized in one Nikaya: Dighabha1)aka Tipitaka Mahasiva thera may be
cited as an illustration. s It is necessary to note here that being a BhaQaka
of a particular section of the Canon meant only that the person in question
made a special study of that portion and did not in any way imply an
ignorance or neglect of other sections of the Pitakas.
There is also evidence for us to infer that in order to beC0me a Bhanaka
of a particular Nikaya it was not essential for one to learn the whole of 'that
Nikaya. The Samantapasadikii tells us that a bhikkhu who counts ten
years from his upasampada ordination and who is at the head of a circle of
bhikkhus should know at least, in addition to certain portions of the Vinaya,
if he is a Majjhimabha1)aka, the first fifty discourses (of the Majjhima-
nikaya) ;
if a Dighahhiit;taka, the Mahavagga;6
if a Sal)lyuttabha1)aka, the first three vaggas or the MaMvagga;
if an Aflguttarabhii1)aka, the first or the second half of the Nikiiya or,
failing to learn it, the nipata (sections) up to the third-according to
the Mahapaccari-atthakathii a bhikkhu learning only one nipala
should learn the fourth or the fifth; and
if a Jiitakallhat;laka, the Jataka book together with its Commentary-
according to the Mahapaccari he should learn the Dhammapada,
too, with its stories.

I Mil. 342
2 Man Ill89
3 Att 17
4Pj I1 51
.I Sum ViI Il 543, III 883
6 The second vagga (chapter) including Suttas 14-23 of the Dighanikaya.

25
 A bhikkhu who has learned these prescrihed portions of the Vinaya and I
the Suttantas becomes a well-read and capable teacher. I
Provision also seems to have been made to enable a Bhal).aka of one Nikaya
to have as comprehensive a knowledge as possible without resorting to the
study of other Nikayas and their Commentaries. The preliminary detailed
explanations often given in the same style and practically in the same words
at the beginning of the Commentaries of each Nikaya would warrant this
inference.
\Ve shall now see what we can glean from the PaH Commentaries regarding
the special characteristics of the BhaIJ-akas and the divergences, if there be
any, in the views held by them.
Dighabhii1Jakas
As mentioned before, it is said that the study and the handing down of
the Dighanikaya was entrusted to Ananda and his pupils. Whether the
DighabhaJ).akas of Ceylon were direct descendants of Ananda in the lineage
of teachers it is not possible to say. There was nothing to prevent a pupil
of a DighabhaQ.aka teacher becoming a Catunikayika or a Tipitaka, and
then one of his pupils studying the Majjhimanikiiya under him and be-
coming a MajjhimabhaJ;laka. The same may be said with regard to the
reciters of the other ~ikayas. I
There is a considerable number of references to DighabhaQ.aka theras'l
living in different parts of Ceylon. In Anuradhapura there lived several,
of them. The Sumangalaviliisini mentions that at Amhalatthika which i
was to the west of the Lohapasada, the DighabhaJ;laka theras started a '
recital of the Brahmajala Sutta and that at the end of it the earth quaked.':
According to this Commentary some DighabhaQ.aka theras were reciting:
the Mahasudassana Sutta at the same place when king Vasabha (I27-I7I!
A.D.) went there and, on listening to it, was greatly pleased.3 The Apa- I
danatthakatha descrihes an anecdote connected with a young D1ghahhaI)aka I
living in the KalyaI)i vihara.' The thera DighabhaI)aka Abhaya, too, '
Lived at least for a time at KalyaQ.i. 5 I

Mention is made several times of two DighabhaQ.aka theras. One is the j

thera mentioned above and the other is Mahasiva. In some places the
former is called DighabhaJ;laka Abhaya and in others DighabhiiI)aka Maha
Abhaya. Whether both referred to the same person or not we are unable
to say definitely. The same is true of the latter who is referred to both as
DighabhaI)aka Mahasiva and as DighabhaI)aka Tipitaka Mahasiva.
Buddhaghosa quotes the name of Ahhaya as a thera noted for his memory.
and again as one famed for his patience with those whose words were
insulting. 7 In the Atthasalini there is an interesting ;account of how
DighabhilJ;laka Mahil Abhaya converted a band of thieves who came to
plunder the Cetiyapabbata vihiira.' In this and other accounts we have

I Smp Sn II 34
2 Sum Vil I 131
3 Ibid. II 635
4 ApA 128
5 Pap Sn 869
6 Sum ViI II 530
7 Pap I 79
8 Att 399; Smp II 474
26
of. this thera there is drawn for us a fairly vivid picture of his personality.'
Concerning Mahasiva thera, too, there are many references in the Commen-
taries, but these will be dealt with in a later chapter.
We shall next see in what respects the reciters of the Dighanikaya differed
from those of the other Nikayas. Available material, however, is not
sufficient for us to arrive at any definite conclusions.
The following points of difference in the views held by the Dighabhal)akas
and the MajjhimabhalJ-akas are recorded in the Commentaries:

Dig1tablzii~,akas }IfajjkimabhiilJakas
1. At the council held at Raja- 1. In order to make known that
gaha, when the other 499 theras sat he had attained Arahantship Ananda
in their seats, A.nanda, who attained thera did not go with the other
Arahantship in the early morning of theras. After they had assembled,
that same day, went last to the they saw Ananda's seat vacayt and
Assembly Hall and took his seat. inquired where he was. Then Anal1da
He 'shone like the fullmoon on a dived into the earth and appeared
cloudless night, like a lotus touched in his seat. Some (eke) say that
into bloom by the rays of the sun; he went through the air and took
his face was pure, cleansed, radiant his seat.s
and resplendent as though it were
proclaiming his attainment of
Arahantship , (attano arahattapPatti1tz
iirocayamiino viya).z

2. Theras at the first council recit- 2. The Majjhimabbal,lakas add

ed the Texts: to the list of the Dighabbal,lakas
the three Texts:
Jataka Cariyapitaka
Maha-Niddesa Apadana and
CUla-Niddesa BuddhavaI!1sa,
Patisambhidamagga and say that the theras at the first
Sutlanipata council called this collection the
Dhammapada Khuddakagantha and included it
Udana in the Suttanta Pitaka. 4
Itivutlaka
Vimana-peta-vatlhu
Thera-theri-gatha
and calling them the Khuddakagan-
tha, included the same in the Abhi-
dhamma Pitaka. 4
3. (With regard to the degree of subtleness of the body when one is
practising the Anapiinasati meditation.)

] For other references see Man II 249; Vi I 36, ,266 ; SV 81 and also Appendix lA
2 Sum ViI 110
3 Ibid. I II.

'.4. Sum ViI I IS

 " It (i.e., the !,>ody-complex at the "But the Majjhima Reciters
time when the Anapanasati is prac- desire that it should be more subtle
tised) is subtle in the access to the at the access than at the Jhal\a
First ]hiina, subtle in the First which is immediately below, that is
]hana, gross in the First Jhiina and it is gross at the First ]hiina,
in the access to the Second Jhiina, subtle at the access to the Second
subtle in the Second Jhiina and in the Jhana .............................. "I
access to the Third Jhiina, gross in
the Third ]hana and in the access to
the Fourth Jhiina. In the Fourth
]hana it is exceedingly subtle and
attains to extinction. Such is the
opinion held by the Reciters of the
Digha and the Sal)1yutta.'

4. "And when the after-image has made its appearance (in the practice
of the Anapanasati meditation) the monk should approach the teacher and
inform him thus: 'To me, sir, such and such an image has appeared.'

The teacher should not say, 'It is But the Majjhima Reciters hold
the image', but he should say, that the teacher should say,
.. Friend, it is so. Give repeated at- "Friend, it is the image. Attend
tention to it '. Should he say, 'It is to the subject repeatedly, good
not the image: the monk might be- man," ?2
come discouraged and dejected.
Therefore without saying either, he
should exhort him to give atten-
tion. So say the Digha Reciters."2

5. The light (oMaso) that appears 5. The light remains for a period
at the moment when a Buddha is of time as long as that which is
born, does not remain even as long taken in snapping the fingers;
as the time taken to drink one mouth- it disappears before one could finish
ful of gruel. It only remains for such saying "what's this!" on seeing
interval of time as is occupied bet- a flash of lightning.'
ween ones awakening from sleep and
'seeing an object. 3

-other differences are:

6. The Dighabhal)akas held the view that Prince Siddhattha, before
he decided to leave the household life, saw on the same day the four signs
(cattiiri nimittiini) viz., an old man, a diseased man, a corpse and an ascetic.
Other Bhiil)akas maintained that he saw them on four different occasions,
<each at an interval of four months from the other.4
7. The term gomuttavanko was interpreted by the Dighabhiil)akas as :
., he who, being in the first period of his life (pathamavaye), pursues the

I Smp 11 413. Vi I 275. P.P. II 316

2 Smp II 428; Vi I 286; P.P. II 328
3 Pap Sn 921
4 BuA 232 : J I 59 ; ApA I 54
28
twenty-six improprieties (anesanii) and the six uncongenial spheres (agocanl).'
Others explained it as ' one whose all three doors of action are impure.' I
8. Lastly, the DighabhaI)akas did not agree with the view of the com-
mentators of the Abhidhamma Text Dhammasangani regarding the inter-
pretation of di!!hijjukamma (rectitude of views) as being a basis of all
meritorious deeds. 2
M ajjhimabhii1;takas
Only one Majjhimabh8.I)aka thera is mentioned by name in the Com-
mentaries, and that is Reva thera.' Probably he lived in Malaya, the
mountainous district of central Ceylon ; but there is no means of ascertain-
ing when he lived.
We have some information concerning the differences between the views
held by the MajjhimabhiiI)akas and those held by others. It has already
been seen in what respects the former differed from the DighabhaI)akas.
The ManorathapiiraI)i mentions two incidents in the life story of the Buddha's
disciple Bakkula, on which the MajjhimabhiiI)akas held views different
from those mentioned in the Sinhalese Anguttaranikiiya-atthakatha.'
According to the Visuddhimagga the MajjhimabhiiI)akas differed from the
SaIJlyuttabhiiI)akas with regard to the interpretation of the phrase "eka
dve santati viira" (one or two intervals of continuity).' In the Satipat-
thanasutta-vaI)I)anii of the Papaficasiidani, Buddhaghosa says that some
theras held the view that the subduing of Kammiisapiida by the Bodhisatta
took place during the latter's birth as Sutasoma, whereas "these theras "
(ime panatherii) held that the event occurred during his birth as Jayaddisa.
The Tikii to the Papaficasiidani explains "these" as the MajjhimabhiiI)a-
~as.6 In the same Commentary is mentioned still another difference bet-
ween the BhiiI)akas of the Majjhima and those of the other Nikiiyas.'
Sml'yuttabhiitlakas
The BuddhavaIJlsa Commentary records the reasons given by the
SaIJlyuttabh8.I)akas as to why the Buddha Padumuttara was called by
that names The SaIJlyuttabh8.I)aka thera, Ciilasiva by name., is mentioned
as an example of those people who, on acco",nt of their practising of love
(meUii) are unaffected even by poison. 9 This thera lived at the time of the
Brahmal,latissa famine IO and was OTIe of the foremost (piimokkhii) among the
bhikkhus' of his day."
A nguttarabhiittakas
There is no mention by name of an AriguttarabhiiI)aka thera and the
references to their views are meagre. Buddhaghosa, while dealing with the
thirteen dhutanga practices in his Visuddhimagga, points out that the
ArignttarabhaI)akas differed from the accepted tradition in certain details
I Att I5!
2 Ibid 159
3 Vi I 95
4 Man 1 306. 309
5 Vi II 431 ; See also Att 420
6 Pap I 227
7 Pap Sn 893
8 BuA 159
9 ViI313;ManSn847
10 The date of the occurrence of this iamiBe will be discussed in a later chapter.
11 SV 446

29
 connected with four of them. I It is not safe to generalize and arrive 'Qt
conclusions from a few facts, but when we read these passage~ in the
Visuddhimagga we get the impression that the Anguttarabhal)akas were
perhaps not so strict as the others were about rigid religious practicEs.
The possible correctness of this impression is supported by another passage
in the Manorathapiiralfl. According to this Commentary the teachers who
maintained the Ailguttaranikaya (A nguttara-mahiinikiiya1fi valan/anaka
&cariya) considered all the Vinaya rules other than the four p&riijikas as
lesser and minor (khudddnukhuddaka) rules.' This is clearly not in confor-
mity with the views of the orthodox Theraviida school that considered'
strict adherence to all the Vinaya rules as a matter of prime importance. 3 I

] iitakabh&"akas
The Jiitaka collection seems to have become very popular from quite an
early date. There are, as we know, carvings depicting Jataka stories in the
sculpture of the third century B.C.' It must have been the love of the
people for hearing and narrating stories that brought about this vogue.
The Papaficasiidani mentions a jiitakabhiil)aka bhikkhu who lived in the
time of the Buddha.' This evidence is from a fifth century book on an
event that took place about ten centuries earlier. But considering the
fact that Buddhaghosa compiled the Papaficasiidani basing his material
on very much older material and also that from a very early date the
jiitakas were included in the nine-fold division of the teachings of the
Buddha,' it is possible that the reciters of the jiitakas were one of the
oldest groups of the Bhal)akas.
In Ceylon, too, preaching the jatakas became very popular. King
Ilaniiga (93-102 A.D.) heard, while he was at Rohal)a, the Kapi jiitaka'
from the Jiitakabhal)aka thera Mahapaduma who dwelt in the Tuladhara
vihara. The king, being greatly pleased, restored the Niigamahiivihiira
and gave' it the extension of a hundred unbent bows in length, and he
enlarged the thiipa even to what it has been (since then).'
The Manorathapiira~i, too, gives us an account of a preacher of the
jiitakas. A young bhikkhu residing at the Tissamahiivihiira in Mahii-
gama heard that the Mahajatakabhal)aka thera at Dighaviipi was to preach
the Great Vessantara Jataka 9 which consisted of one thousand verses.,
and so great was his desire to hear the preaching that he ,went to Dighaviipi
travelling in one day the long distance of nine yojanas. IO This account is
interesting for more than one reason. The Vessantara Jataka is said here
to consist of one thousand verses and appears to have been entirely in verse,
but the one that we have at present consists of both prose and verse, the
I Vi 174-77
2 Man II 348
3 See Cullavagga Xl sections 9 and 10.
4 Rhys Davids : Buddhist India p. 205
5 Pap 1130.')
6 M Vol. I p. '33; A II 7
7 There are two Jiitakas by this name (FausboU's Edn Vol. II pp. 268':"""270 and III
pp. 355-358) and also two bearing the title Mahakapi Jataka (Ill 369--375 and
V 67-74). From the nature of the jataka which has a special appeal to a king I
am inclined to think that the one mentioned here is III 369-375.
B Mv 35.· 30--32
9. J VI 479-593
10 Man 11 249

30
latter amounting to only 774 stanzas. The word Mahii.jiitakabhii.l)aka
thera also is significant. It is not clear whether we are to take it as Maha+
jatakabhiil)aka thera (the great thera, reciter of the jiitakas) or as Mahii.-
jiitaka+bhiil)aka thera (the thera, reciter of the great jatakas). Taking
into account the nature of the Jataka preached in this case, it is more
probable that the word is to be taken as to signify a reciter of the 'great
Jatakas'. If this interpretation is correct, then there were two divisions
of the Jiitakabhiil)akas: (r) the reciters of the ordinary jiitakas and (2)
those of the Mahiijiitakas.
Still another episode connected with a jatakabhiil)aka bhikkhu is recorded
in the SammohavinodanU
The Suttanipiita Commentary records that the jiitakabhiil)akas differed
from others in regard to a detail in the story connected with the CaI).Q.ala
saint Matanga. According to this Commentary the once conceited girl
DiHhamangalika, whose pride ,~. .as now completely destroyed by Matanga.
carried in her arms the latter to his village. The Jatakabha1J.akas said that
he was carried on her back.2
As noted before, Buddhaghosa tells us in the Samantapiisiidikii that,
according to the Mahiipaccari Commentary, a jiitakabhiil)aka bhikkhu
was expected to learn the Dhammapada with its stories in addition to the
Jataka stories. 3 It was probably the similarity of the jataka stories to the
stories round the Dhammapada verses th8t brought about this connection.
Dhammapadabhii'fJakas
There is very little information to be had about the reciters of the
Dhammapada. 'One of them, a thera called Mahiitissa, is mentioned in
the DhammapadaHhakathii. He lived in the time of king DuHhagamani.'
The first words uttered hv the Buddha were considered by some to be
the verses Yadii have piitubhava}lti dhammii ............ ' . etc.' The
Dhammapadabhiil)akas considered his first words to be the verses • A neka-
jiiti sa1flsiira1'F ... ......... '6 The Khuddakapatha Commentary reconciles the
two views by asserting that the latter verses were formulated mentaUy
but were not uttered by the Buddha. 7
Ubhatovibhangabhii'fJakas
There is only one reference to an Ubhatovibhanga bhal)aka thera, a reciter
of the two Vibhairgas, namely, Mahiitissa of Pu I)l)aviUika. He is quot~
in: the Samantapasadika as an authority on a Vinaya problem. Mahatissa
....
bases his opinion on what he had heard from earlier 'great theras '.8
Similarly, only once is reference made} as far as•.I.. .aware)to a reciter of
the Maha-Ariyava,!,sa.9 The term Mahiicattiilisakabhiil)aka, too, occurs
1 SV 484
2 Pj II 186 See also J IV 376
3 Smp Sn II 34
4 DhA IV SI
5 Att 17
6 Ibid. 18. These are the verses 153, 154 in the Dhammapada. See also DhA III 127.
7 Pj 1-13· The Maha.vastu gives still another group of verses as the first words Qf the
Buddha. For a valuable discussion on these different versions, see E.J. Thomas:
Life of Buddha as Legend and History pp 74 foIl.
S Smp In 644
9 SASn III 151

3I
once in the Sammohavinodani.' It denotes a reciter not of any separate
Text but of the Mahacattarisaka Sutta in the Majjhimanikaya.'
Bh(i1Jakas at the time of the compilation of the Commentaries
The original purpose for which the BhaI)aka system waS established was
a very useful one. But for this division of labour, it would have been
impossible to hand down orally the teachings of the Buddha from the time
of his parinibMna up to the time when the Pitakas were committed to writ-
ing at Alokavihara in Ceylon about four centnries later. Even after this
event the BhaI)aka system was exceedingly useful as writing material was
not easily available for the bhikkhus of Ceylon to dispense with the method
of oral transmission.
However, as time went on, this system tended to create factions among
the bhikkhus. Thus Buddhaghosa observes that in his day there were
bhikkhus who had worldly affection (gehasita pema) towards the Doctrine
and were in the habit of regarding: 'this is our Dighanikaya and this
is our Majjhimanikaya'.'
The Samantap1i.s1i.dik1i. speaks of the proper and correct attitude to be
adopted by the bhikkhus when a layman came to invite them for meals
and ask for a certain number of mahatheras, samal)eras, Majjhimabha.I).akas
or monks belonging to some other group.' The passage referred to here
leads us to draw the inference that the distinction among the BhaI)akas of
the various Nik1i.yas was sufficiently pronounced for the laity to attach
different values to them.
The ·Samantap1i.s1i.dik1i. records again that a bhikkhu who comes to get
a case settled should not be questioned as la his caste: whether he is a
khattiya or a br1i.hmaI)a etc., or as to his Agama: whether he is a
DighabhaI)aka or a Majjhi!"abhanaka etc.' This, too, indicates that the
BbaI)akas of a particular Agama (or Nikjiya) were perhaps of a different
standing from the BhaI)akas of another Agama.
In the Suttavibhailga-vaI)I)ana 13uddhaghosa says that a bhikkhu shOuld
not appropriate for himself any article which is given to the brotherhood
as a whole, as it is not possible to reach all the bhikkhus in order to make
them relinquish the ownership of that article, but that this may be done
in the case of anything given to a single bhikkhu or to a group such as the
DighabhaI)akas.· From this remark it appears that the number of the
Bh"-l!akas at the time in question was comparatively small, so limited in
number that it was possible to reach them all if one wished to obtain their
consent on any matter.
The Bh1iI)aka system does not exist in Ceylon today, and it is not possible
to say when it came to an end; nor is there now a way of ascertaining
defmitely in what form of record the views of the BhaI)akas were available
to Buddhaghosa.

I SV 320
2 M. Sutta No. Il7
3 Pap II 9. It may also be that this state of affairs prevailed when the Sinhalese Com-
mentaries were compiled a.nd that Buddhaghosa is here merely repeating what was
found in the original documents.
4 Smp Sn II 329
5 Ibid. 394
6 Smp II 339

32
 CHAPTER FOUR

The Nature Dj the Contents Dj the Piili Commentaries

THE Althakathas, as we know, are exegetical treatises on the Texts of the

Pali Canon. Their main object is, therefore, to explain difficult words and
abstrnse points of doctrine that occur in the Texts and also to give additional
explanatory information wherever it was deemed necessary. We need not
doubt the sincerity of those who were responsible for these exegetical notes,
but, as the Commentaries grew in the course of several centuries to be what
we find today, extraneous matter inevitably crept into the beliefs that were
held orthodox. It is this extraneous matter that is of'interest to us in our
present attempt to reconstrnct the history of Buddhism in early Ceylon,
as it enables us to see how far the popular doctrines of the Atthakatha period
differed from those embodied in the Pali Canon.
We may divide our material roughly hlto two groups :-
I. Differences between the Althakathas and the Canon, and
n. Differences between one Althakatha and another.

I
The first group may be subdivided into three classes as follows :-
r. A Commentary appearing to differ from a Textual statement,
2. A Commentary enlarging on a point raised in the Text, and
3. A Commentary adding new facts to what is given in the Text.
Class I
The Pali Jatakatthakatha mentions several places where the Sinhalese
version differed from the Jataka Text. Sometimes the difference is only
III a single word. In the Godha Jataka occurs the stanza

N a piipajanasaT{!sev, accantasukham edhati

Godhiikula'!l kaka1Jto va kalil!l piipeti attiinaT{!
The Canonical Text here, we are told had phalaT{! instead of kali",
and the commentator rejects the former word on the ground that it is ir-
relevant.' Sometimes a stanza in the Althakatha does not have all the words
found in the corresponding stanza in the Text, or the words are found in
different form.'
1 ]. I 488. For other instances where the Atthakatha version js preferred to the Text,
See Ibid. II 175, 294.
2 Ibid. II 241, 299, IV 236, V 95, 273, 276, VI 36

33
 The Sarnmoha vinodani mentions an example where the Cornmentarial
explanation is contradictory to the Text. I A similar example is also found
in the Patisambhidamagga-Atthakatha.' An attempt to reconcile another
contradiction, which the Pali commentator himself observes, is made in the
Udana-aithakath1i.3 The commentator of the Buddhaval!1sa, too, points
out an instance of sudi a difference between the Buddhavamsa and the
Khandhaka as well as the At(hakatha. 4 •

This brings us to the Buddhavarpsa and its Commentary which reveal a

considerable number of differences one from the other. Some stanzas given
in the Text do not occur in the Commentary, and vice versa. S The last two
chapters of the Text, nq.mely, the BuddhapakiI;n:;taka-khaI)\la and the Dh1itu-
bhajaniyakatha6 are also not commented on in the AHhakatha. These
differences are so great that we may rightIy5nfer that the Text which the
commentator had before him was different from the one we have today,
I sv 27, 28
2 PsmA 75
3 UdA 17l
4 BuA 44·
, Bu (P. T. S. Edn.)
p. 18 vv. 208-212, 215, 220
p. 19. v. 16
p. 20. v. 17line I. vv. 26-29, 32
p. 22. vv. [9-22, 25
p. 23· V. 32
p. 26. VV· 17-20,2329.
p. 28 vv. 17-20,23,30
p. 30. vv· 18-21, 24, 29
p. 32.VV. 17-20, 23,29
p. 34· VV. 19-22, 25, 33
p. 36. vv. 20-23. 26. 31
p. 38. vv. 19-22, 25, 31
p. 39. v. 12
p. 40·vv. 2f--24, 30
p. 41. v. 36
p. 42. vv. 16--19, 22, 27
p. 44. v. 26
p. 45· vv. 14- 1 7, 202 5
P' 47· VV. 14-17
p. 48. VV. 20, 24
p. 49. VV. 17-20,23
p. 50. v. 28
p. 53· VV. 24--28, 3 0
p. 54. v. 3 6
p. 55. vv. 16-19, 22, 28
p. 57. VV. 19-22:, 25, 30
p. 5S, vv. 16--19,22, 2'7
p. 61. vv. 18-=21, 24, 29
p. 64·vv. 35--38, 41, 52
p. 65. vv. 8-12
These stanzas occur in the Text but not in the Atthakatha:.
Stanzas that occur in the Atthakatha but not in the Text:
(I) BuA p. 105, three stanzas.
(2) " p. 115, first two stanzas (instead of Bu p. 2[. v. 38).
(3) " p. 135, last two stanzas
(4) " P' 136, first stanza
(')) .. p. 140, second line of the verse Nakttlii. ca ...
(6) Also stanzas on pp. 205, 'log, 213, 217 (znd stanza) Along wi.th each of the.se
there seems to have been other stanzas also, as it is evident from the phrase" sesa
giitkiisu sabbattha paka!am eva-·all the meanings (of words) in the remaining stanzas
are clear."
6 Bu pp 66-u9

34
and that the original Text received in Ceylon many additional verses after
the Pali Commentarv was written.' Further, the Nidanakatta of the
Jatakatthakatha quotes in full the first two chapters of the BuddhavaI)lsa
and the verses there agree with those in the Buddhaval)lsa Commentary
and not with those in the Text, the differences being precisely the same as
poiNted out before,2 This fact, too, corroborates our inference as to the
later additions made to the BuddhavaI)lsa.
Class 2
Instances of amplifications made in the Commentaries on the original
Texts are more numerous. As an illustration we may make here a compari-
son of some parts of the Acchariyabbhutadhamma Sutta of the Majjhima-
nikaya3 with the Commentary on this Sutta.
Text Commentary
(A) "When the Bodhisatta has en- (a) The four gods are the Four
tered his mother, four gods-approach Great Kings. Taking four from
her to protect the four quarters (say- each of the ten thousand world-
ing), • Let nought human or anything systems they number forty thousand.
else hurt the Bodhisatta or the Bodhi- Of them the four Great Kings of
satta's mother ","4 this world-system stood with swords
in hand in the bedroom (of the
Bodhisatta's mother), others stood
at the door of the room, and so forth,
up to the very end of the universe,
all keeping guard to drive away
hostile demons. They kept guard
in this manner not because there
was any danger to the life of the
Bodhisatta, for none howsoever great
could kill him, but lest his mother
should perchance be frightened at
the sight of non-human beings ugly
to look at or at hearing the cry of a
bird striking terror in the hearts of
men. Another reason for keeping
guard was that they were urged t()
do so by the might of the Bodhi-
satta's virtue. The gods were visible
to the Bodhisatta's mother at all
times excepting when she was bath-
ing, dressing, taking meals or per-
forming the functions of nature;
but as a result of the power of her
own virtue as also her son's, she
felt no terror in their presence. She
considered them merely as the war-
ders of the household.s
I This question will be dealt with later in the discussion on ' sambahulavara '.
2 Compare J I p. 29, v. 216-p·30 v. 223 with Bu p. 17 v. 207-P' 18 V. 220.
3 M III pp. II8-124
4 E. J. Thoma!>: Life of Buddha as Legend and Hi:<tory p. 30.
5 Pap Sn 921, 922.

35
 (B) "When the Bodhisatta has en- (b) There arises in her no thought
tered his mother, there arises in connected with the senses with re-
the Bodhisatta's mother no thought gard to the Bodhisatta's father or
of men connected with the senses, and any other man. It so happens not
the Bodhisatta's mother is not t<> be because she has destroyed all defile-
overcome by any man of passionate ments but because of her respect
heart."l towards the Bodhisatta. The like-
ness of her even a skilled artist
cannot pamt. It cannot be said
that a man who sees her beauty will
not feel an attachment to her. But
if an impassioned man were to feel
inclined to approach her, his feet
would not carry him, for they would
be tied with a celestial chain. There-
fore is it said that she is not to be
overcome by any man of passionate
heart.::.!
(C) " As soon as born the Bodhi- (c) In the Text it appears as if
satta firmly standing with even feet (the Bodhisatta walked) immediately
goes towards the north with seven after his birth. But it should not be
long steps, a white parasol being held viewed so. As soon as he was born
over him (by the gods). He surveys the Brahmas received him first in a
all the quarters, and in a lordly voice golden net. From their hands the
says, , I am the chief in the world, I Four Great Kings received him in a
am the best in the world, I am the soft antelope skin that was held to be
first in the world. This is my last auspicious. Finally from their hands
birth., There is now no existence men took him in a delicate cloth.
again ',"3 After that he stood on the ground.
The 'white parasol' (men-
tioned in this passage) is a 'white
parasol of the gods' Along with
it were the five emblems of royalty
also, though in the Text the parasol
alone is mentioned as in the des-
cription of a king's journey. In that
assembly only the parasol, the sword
and other emblems were visible,
but not those who held them .........
The mention of the words
I all the quarters etc.' seems to sug-

gest that the Bodhisatta looked at

all the quarters at the end of his
walking the seven steps. But it
should not be viewed in this manner.
The Bodhisatta, after getting
down from the hands of the men
(who received him), looked towards
I E. J. Thomas, Op cit. p. 30.
2 Pap Sn 922.
3 E. J. Thomas, Op cit, p. 31
36
 the east. Then numberless systems
of worlds became one plane and the
devas and men residing in them
worshipped him with incense, flowers
and the like, saying: 'Great Being,
here there is none to equal thee;
why speak of a superior! 'In this
way the Bodhisatta looked at the
ten directions, namely, the four
chief directions, the four interme-
diary directions, and above and
below. Having seen his equal in
none of them, he walked seven steps
towards the north. I
It is easy to see in these instances how far the Commentary has deviated
from the Text.
Again, according to the Pabbajja Sutta in the Suttanipata, king Bimbisara
saw the Bodhisatta who, having left the householder's life and become an
ascetic, was going about with a begging bowl in his hand in the streets of
Rajagaha. The king, noticing his .serene look and gait, sent men to follow
him with the words: 'May the royal messengers run (to find out) where the
bhikkhu goes' (riijadutii vidhiivantu kuhi", bhikkhu gamissati).' The Sutta-
nipata Commentary explains the words very clearly without adding any
extraneous matter to it3, but the Jatakalthakathii, referring to the same
incident, puts into the mouth of Bimbisara strange details as to how the
messengers should find out who he was. The king is reported to have said:
'Go and find out who he is. If he is a demon (amanussa) he will vanish when
he goes outside the town; if a deity he will travel through space, if a niiga
he will dive into the earth, if he is a man he will partake of the food that he
has r~ceived.' 4
The Dhammapada\thakathii, too, commenting on the stanza
Yatha pi rahado gambhiro vippasanno aniivilo
Eva1ft dhammani sutviina vippasidanti pa1J4itii
(Just like a lake deep, clear, serene,
when as they things in dharma hear,
wise men become serene, composed).5
explains rahado (lake) as that ocean which is undisturbed by the descent of
the four-fold army. 'Rahado: proceeds the Commentary, ' is the vast blue
ocean, eighty-four thousand yojanas deep. Up toa height of forty thousand
yojanas from the bottom its water is disturbed by fish. An equal depth
from the surface it is disturbed by wind. The water in the middle layer
having a thickness of four thousand yojanas remains calm. This is what is
called a deep rahada'. 6
I Pap Sn 925. a, b. and c are free and slightly condensed translations of the passages in
the Papaficasiidani.
2 Suttanipata p. 72 v. 4II
3 Pj II (2) 383
4J·I.66
5 Mrs. Rhys Davids: The Minor Anthologies of the PaH Canon, p. 3t.
6 DhA II 152, 153

37
 Here it would certainly have been the nobler service, had the AHhakatha
not troubled to ' explain' the simple beauty of the lines. Numerous ex-
amples of a similar character, though, perhaps, not very many where the
, explanations' are developed to such proportions as here, may be cited. I
But the few that we have already quoted above are sufficient to show the
enlargements made in the Commentaries on the original T (:;xts.
Sometimes we find also a Commentary giving a detailed explanatory
statement and, in justification of the same, making some such remark as :
, This, too, was said by the Blessed One, but it has not been included in the
Text' (ida1Jt pi kira Bhaga~patii vuttam eva, Piiliya1fl- pana na aru!ha1Jt) ;Z
, all this--what is included in the Text as well as what is not included-the
Blessed One uttered' (£da1Jl Piiliya1J'l aru/hail ca anarulhaii ca sabba1Jl Bhagavii
avoca.3 or the' Text has come in brief' (Piili pana saitkhepena iigatii.)4
Class 3
This brings us to the consideration of the inclusion in the Commentaries of
matter which takes the form not merely of enlarging on what is contained
in the Texts but of definite additions to them. Not seldom do we come across
the modes of exposition known as the Sa1nbahula~vara (manifold section)
and the Piilimuttakanaya (method of issuing or drawing out from the Text).
The Buddhavarp.sa-aHhakatha makes evident the nature of the former.
According to this Commentary tIJe description in the Buddhavamsa of each
Buddha consists of twenty sections such as the declaration of the cycle of
time (kappa) in which a particular Buddha was born, his name and so forth,
But, adds the Commentary, here the Sambahulavara, too, should be in-
serted, which consists of the ten sections, 'viz., the declaration of
1. the period which ~ach Ruddh::1 "pent ::1" a householcl~r,
2, the three palaces,
3. the dancing women (who were of his retinue),
4. the chief queen,
5. the son,
6. the mode of conveyance (used by him when leaving home),
7. the setting forth (into the homeless life),
8. the period of exertion,
9. the (chief) attendants, and
10. the vihara.
The commentator further declares that he would briefly deal with these ten
also in the course of his work. 5
Now these are 'precisely the same items as are found included in our
Buddhavamsa but left uncommented in the Althakathii 6 The inference
to be draw~ is clear. Before the PiUi Comment"ary was written the verses
that described these items were not included in the Text. They formed a
part of each chapter of the Sinhalese BUddhavarp.sa Commentary. The
verses were, however, modelled on the style of the Text, and this dose
I See e.g., Pap Sn 767; SA II 156; Man II 239; Sum ViI II 445, 575. 679; SA Sn
HI 193.
2 Sum Vil I 238 ; SA I 201
3 Sum Vil II 636
4 SV 124, see also Ibid. 209
5 BuA 2 3, 105
6 See E. J. Thomas: Life of Buddha as Legend and History, p. 49 note I.
 resemblance in style as well as in subject matter naturally induced the later
editors to insert these verses in their Text.
The Sumatigalavilasini and the Papaiicasiidani, too, give instances of the
use of sambahulavara' by way of justifying the inclusion of additional matter
in connection with the early life of the Buddha.' It is not possible to say
what the origin of these accounts was, though there is little doubt that the
accounts were handed down by tradition from a time much earlier than the
writing of the Commentaries.
Though not appearing under the name sambahulavara, there are numerous
other instances where additional matter is given in the Atthakathiis. Several
of the accounts given in the Buddhaval11sa Commentary belong to this
category; e.g., the subduing of the demon Niirada by the Buddha Dipan-
kara,' the Buddha Sumangala giving, while he was yet a Bodhisatta, his
two children as alms to a yakkha. and the manner in which he burned himself
as a torch in front of the cetiya of a previous Buddha.' Not a single of
these episodes is mentioned in the Text. The same Commentary gives the
names of three Buddhas prior to Buddha Dipailkara,' and here, too, the
Text is silent on them.
The Manorathapiiral,li narrates an episode connected with the life ofGuttila,
the musician. He sent a thousand pieces of money to a certain woman,
but she refused it slightingly. Enraged at this, Guttila went one evening
to the door of this woman and began to sing in accompaniment to his musical
instrument. Hearing his singing she was so enchanted that with the in-
tention of approaching him she stepped out of the open window thinking
that it was the door. The result was that she fell down and died.' An
account of Guttila's life and activities is given in the JiHakattakathii, but
this episode does not occur in it,S Nor am I aware of any other place where
this is mentioned.
The Visuddhimagga, too, in its exposition of the Aggregates describes a
number of rupas (material qualities) and then says: ' These are the material
qualities that are mentioned in the Text. But in the Commentary other
material qualities are brought together, to wit: the material quality of
strength, of origin, of production of ill-health and, in the opinion of some,
of torpor'.9 Here the distinction is between the Text and the Commentary.
Sometimes these two modes of exposition are called the Sasana-naya or
Desana-naya(method of the Teaching) and the A!!hakathii-naya respectively."
When referring to the Abhidhamma Texts the word Pakara~a-naya is
a1so used in place of Desana-naya. II
The detailed description of the five antaradhiina.s (disappearances) given
in the Manorathapiiral).i is also a clear example of such later additions. J2
I Sum Vll II 440; Pap Sn 926
:2In the SumaIigalaviIasini the account given is of the life of Buddha Vipassi, whereas
in the Papaficasiidani the same account refers to that of Buddha Gatama.
3 BuA IOJ
4 Ibid. 116
5 Ibid. I17
b Ibid. 106
7ManI28
8 J II 248 foil.
9 Vi II 450, P.P. II 523 ; See also Vi II 433. Pap I 245
10 Pap I 38 : Att 422, 427
II SV 215 ; Sum ViI III 754
12 Man I 87 fall.

39
 The other mode of addition, namely, the Pali-muttaka-naya, is not so inde-
pendent of the Canonical Texts as is the sambahulaviira. Here the addition
must receive the sanction of the Canon or at least must be such that it can
be deduced directly or indirectly from the same. It occurs most frequently
in the Samantapasadika. Many rules of conduct of the bhikkhu, not laid
down in the Vinaya, have been formulated on this line,I The Commentary
on the Puggalapaiiiiatti gives us an illustration of the same development
in the Abhidhamma.·
We find a still further development of this in the Afthakathamuttaka-
acariyanaya or the mode of exposition of the teachers as deduced from the
Commentaries. The last named Commentary provides us with illustrations
of this naya also. 3
There is yet another mode of exposition, namely, the Sadda-naya or the
philological method.' This is restricted to the exposition of the meanings
of words.
II
Finally, we come to the consideration of some of the differences found
between one Atthakatha and another. These differences are on quite a
variety of topics, and therefore it is not possible to arrange them in any
definite order. ~or is it possible, within the scope of this work, to deal
with all of them. Most of these differences, no doubt, existed as such in the
)figinal Sinhalese and Dravidian Commentaries. The authors themselves,
of the Pali Commentaries, have pointed out some of them.S For others
we have to depend on a comparison of the contents of their works. The
following are a few of these differences:
(I) Shortly after the birth of Prince Siddhattha, the ascetic Kaladevala,
desiring his nephew Nalaka to renounce the home-life and await Siddhattha's
attainment of Buddhahood, went to his sister's house and asked her where
Nalaka was. She replied: 'Sir, he is in the house' (gehe ayya ti)6 This
is the version of the ,Jatakatthakathii. The Paramattbajotika referring
to the same incident says that her reply was: 'Sir, he is playing outside'
(bahi bhante kilati).7
(2) According to the BuddhavaIJlsa-atthakathii the relatives of king
Suddhodana refused at first to give their daughters in marriage to Prince
Siddhattha, for, they said that the latter was not versed in any art and was
therefore incapable of supporting a wife. By way of reply to this charge,
Siddhattha exhibited in public his skill in all the arts necessary to be known
by a prince, whereupon the relatives readily agreed to the onginal proposal
of Suddhodana s The Jatakatthakathii has a different version of the account.
It says that some time after the marriage of the prince, a talk arose among his
relatives: 'Siddhattha is devoting himself to mere enjoyment; and he is
unskilled in any art. What will he do in the event of a war l' Suddhodana
I See e.g., Smp II 290-294, 476, HI 713 Smp Sn II 13, 69.
2 J. P. T. S. 1914 p. 171
3 Ibid. pp. 173, 174
4 Man I 1I3 ; Pap Sn 566; see also the definition of the word Savatthi Pj I lIO.
5 Sce c.g., UdA 101. Some of these differences we have already discussed when dealing
with the Sources of the PiUi Commentaries.
6 J I 55
7 Pj Il (2) 489
8 BuA 230, 231
heard this talk and informed the prince of it. It was then that the latter
exhibited his skill and removed the doubts of his kinsmen.'
(3) Most of the Commentaries agree that before leaving home for the
homeless life, Prince Siddhattha saw four signs, namely, an old man, a sick
man, a corpse and an ascetic. 2 The BuddhavaI!lsa Atthakatha, however,
describes only three and leaves out the seeing of the corpse. 3
(4) In the account of the young man Ma\takUl.ldali, whose death was
caused by the miserliness of his father, it is said that a short while before
MaHakuQ<,iali passed away he was removed outside and laid on the terrace
of the house. According to the Dhammapadatthakatha the reason for
doing so was his father's fear that if the lad died inside the house, the people
who attended the funeral would see his wealth.-· The Vimanavatthu-
atthakatha says that the father acted thus in order to save himself the
trouble of removing the --corpse from the inside of the house. 5
(5) The Dhammapada\thakathii defines the word gopo as a cowherd
looking after others' cows and who is entitled only to the day's wages 6
The Paramatthajotika gives quite the opposite definition, according to which
gopo denotes a cow-owner looking after his own herd. 7
The above are more or less typical examples of differences found in the
Commentaries. These differences are, as we see, with regard to non-essen-
tial details and they hardly affect the fundamental teachings of the Canon.
What we have discussed in the present chapter and in the three preceding
ones may be summarized thus:
When Buddhaghosa came to Ceylon in the early part of the fifth century
A.D., there was in CeylQn a vast collection of Commentarialliterature pre-
served for the most part in the Sinhalese language. These Commentaries
were the result of a gradual growth during several centuries, and from
internal evidence it appears that they ceased to grow by about the middle
of the first century A.D.
The Maha-atthakatha was the most useful among them. Besides pure
exegetical matter there was embodied in it and in other Commentaries also a
large number of episodes dealing with incidents that took place or were
alleged to have taken place in Ceylon. Manyof these are preserved for us
in the Pali Commentaries, and they throw invaluable light on Buddhist
life in Ceylon.
The arrangement of these episodes in a chronological order is, at least to a
small extent, made possible by the existence of the two Ceylon Chronicles,
the Dipavarp.sa and the Mahavarpsa.
I J. I 58
2 Ibid. I 59
3 BuA 231, 232
4DhAI26
5 VvA 322
6 PhA I 157
7 Pi II 28
4I
 The PaJi Commentaries as well as their Sinhalese sources show a certaia
development on or a going away from the contents of the Canonical Texts:
The views attributed to the PoriiI)as and the BhiiI)akas are specially interes-
ting and useful in tracing this development which indicates to us the changes
that the faith underwent in Ceylon. The changes, however, were restricted
to details and did not affect much the fundamental teachings of the Canon·
Having made this brief survey of the material at our disposal, namely,
the Pali Commentaries, we are now in a better position to enter into a more
detailed study of the state of Buddhism in early Ceylon.
 PART II

CHAPTER I

Bejore the Advent oj M ahinda

THE Ceylon Chronicles, JI1ah1iva!!,sa and Dipava!!'sa, deal with tbe history
of Ceylon from the arrival of Vijaya and bis followers in the fifth century B.C.
This incident took place, according to the Mahiiva!!,sa,' "on the day that
the Tathagata lay down between the two twill like s~ila-trees to pass into
nibbana.'" The history before the time of king Devanampiyatissa (247--
207 B.C.) is so much intertwined in myth and legend that it is not easy to
sift the facts from their legendary emhellishments.
During the reign of Devanampiyatissa occurred the advent of the famous
Buddhist missionary Mahinda, the son of the Emperor Asoka of India.
This advent opens up a new era and the history of the island after this event
is much more reliable than before it; but, as we can see from the evidence
before us, it is more or less the history of the .Buddhist saIigha in Ceylon,
especially that of the Theravada sect residing in the Mahiivihara at Anu-
radhapura.
The Chronicles as well as the Samantapasadika try to show that the con-
version of Ceylon took place after the arrival of Mahinda and that there were
no Buddhists in the island before that date. A careful survey, however, of
the contents of these same books may make us arrive at a different conclu-
sion. But it need not be doubted that Buddhism was officially introduced
to Ceylon during the reign of Devanampiyatissa. Before investigating the
existence of Buddhism prior to the advent of Mahinda it would not be out
of place here to give a general idea of the pre-Buddhist religious beliefs
in Ceylon.3
As far as we can gather from the incidental references in the Chronicles
and, to a certain extent, in the Samantapasadika, the religions practised
by the inhabitants were mainly Brahma1).ism--if we may use this jnclusive
though somewhat inaccurate term--, worship of Yak$as and tree-deities,
]ainism and a few other cults. It is, however, likely that the new colonists
could not devote themselves much to religious pursuits as their time must
have been fully occupied in making habitable and improving their newly
acquired territory and also probably in defending themselves against the
attacks of the aboriginal Yakkha and Niiga tribes.
Briihma1Jism
From the very beginning, since the arrival of Vijaya and his followers in
about the year 483 B.C., the brahmal)as enjoyed a prominent status in
Ceylon. The immigrants to the island from north India, where the brah-
maI)a, no doubt, was an important and respected person, continued to show
the same regard for him even in their new home. One may perhaps
I Mv. 6. 47
2 The DipavaIpsa (g. 21) states that it was at the time of the passing away (parinib-
banasamaya) and Smp (1 72) takes it to have happened in the same year.
3 S. Paranavitana has dealt with this subject in detail in a paper read before a
General Meeting of the R. A. S. (Ceylon Branch) on 2nd Nov. 1929.

43
be justified in supposing that the brahmaI)as lost much of that power after
the Sinhalese kings embraced Buddhism. Even in later times we do hear'
now and then of powerful brahmal).as, strong enough at times to raise a re- ,
bellion against the ruling monarch. But those will be dealt with in their
appropriate places.
There were briihmaI)as who came along with Vijaya to Ceylon. Upatissa
was one of them. He founded the village Upatissagiima which was for some
time the capital of Ceylon. The same briihmaI)a held the post of chaplain
(purohita) to king Vijaya.' PaI)c,lukiibhaya as a young prince received
his education under the br1lhmaI)a named PaI)c,lula. The son of the latter
became in due course the chaplain to PaI)c,lukiibhaya (394-307 B.c.).'
When Devanampiyatissa sent presents to Asoka, the prince Arittha was j
accompanied by the king's chaplain who waf a brahmal,la.3 Several other J
references, too, of a like nature can be easily found. The presence of these ~
briihmaI)as naturally implies the existence of their religious beliefs in Ceylon I'
at that time.
The Worship 0/ Yaksas I
King PaI)c,lukiibhaya built a temple for the Yakkha Cittariija.. ParaI)a-
"\ritana is of opinion that Cittaraja was a water spirit. 5 Further, he shows
that a Yak.a named Cittariija was the object of a popular cult in ancient
India as is seen from the Kurudhamma liitaka. 6 Other Yak.as worshipped
in Ceylon were Kiilavela, Maheja, VaiSravaI)a, lutindhara, Vibhj.ana,
Kalasodara, and the YaksiI)js Vac,lavamukhj and Pacchimarajini. 'The,
conditions, in pre-Buddhist Ceylon. of the Yak~a cults appear to have been,
exactly similar to those in North India in the time of the Buddha; and,!
in spite of the adoption of Buddhism as the national religion, the earlier i
Yak~a worship flourished side by side among the masses and has persisted
down to modern times.'7
Tree-deities
PaI)c.lukiibhaya fixed a banyan tree near the Western Gate of Anuradha:-
pura as the abode of VaisravaI)a, and a palmyra palm as that of Vyadha-
deva. 8 Here we have two instances of the worship of tree deities in pre-
Buddhist Ceylon.
Patron Deities
The Vyiidha-deva, mentioned above was the patron deity of the hunters,
Another such deity was Kammara-deva or the god of the blacksmiths. In
addition to these deities of particular trades there was also a guardian deity
{)f the whole city of Anuriidhapura. 9

Jainism
PaI)c,lukabhaya is said to have built dwelling places for the NigaI)thas
{i.e., lains) named lotiya and KumbhaI)c,la. Another NigaI)tha called
1 MV7·H
"2 Ibid. 10. 20 foIl.
3 Ibid. lIt 20
4 Mv 10, 88
5 J. R. A. S. (C.B.) 1929 pp. 30" foIl
{; J II pp. 365-381
7. J. R. A. S. (C.B.\ 1929 p. 317·
8 Mv 10,89
9 J. R. A. S. (C.B.) 1929 p. 319
44
Giri Jived in the locality where ]otiya was.' The monastery of Giri was
demolished by king Vatjagi'unaJ)i Abhaya (29-I7 B.C.) and in its place was
built the Abhayagirivihara,' which in subsequent times, played an impor-
tant part in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. When these j ains came to
Ceylon it is not possible to say. But we know that ever since the arrival
of Vijaya, there was a constant flow of immigrants to Ceylon from India,
especially from the northern part of that sub-continent. From north-
western India travelling by sea to Ceylon was not a difficult task. There is no
reason to suppose that Jains, too, did not come along with the other immi-
grants. But no conversion to any appreciable extent took place in Ceylon,
perhaps, because] ainism, unlike Buddhism, was not a missionary religion. We
hear practically no more of them in the Ceylon Chronicles, except by way of
an incidental remark in the Maha.varp.sa thaUn the eighteenth year of king
Kassapa (478-496 A.D.) his brother Moggalliina who had fled to India came
hither. at the information of the Nigaothas with twelve distinguished friends
from ]ambudipa and collected troops at the Kutl)iirivihiirain the Ambatfha-
kola district.' Here, again, it is difficult to say whether these jains were in-
habitants of Ceylon or of India, though from the nature of the information,
it is more likely that they were Ceylonese.
Paribbiijakas, Ajivakas etc.
The Paribbajakas, a class of wandering teachers or sophists,' and Ajivakas
the followers of Makkhali Gosala, too, were known in early Ceylon. Pal)<;lu-
~iibhaya built a monastery for the Paribbajakas and another for the
Ajivakas. 5
Further, we are told that Bhaddakaccanii and her attendants came to
Ceylon disguised as nuns (Pabbajitii),' and that in the time of Pao<;lukabhaya
there were many Pasal)<;lakas and ascetics (samallii).' To what sects these
words pabbajita and samat;ii referred we are unable to say, as these words
can be applied to any sect of non-brahmaoical ascetics, including the
Buddhist monkhood. Nor do we know what religious beliefs were held by
the five hundred pagan families (miccMdi!!hika_kula) settled to the west of
Anuriidhapura by Pal)<;lukabhaya 8
Let us now see what evidence -we have for the existence of Buddhism in
pre-Mahindian Ceylon.
Buddha's "isits to Ceylon
Buddha is said to have visited the island of Lanka three times. These
visits are mentioned in the historical section of the Samantapasadika.9
In the Dipavarp.sa and the Mahavarp.sa they are described in detail.
The first occurred in the fifth month after the Enlightenment. In the'
centre of Lailka, in the delightful Mahiiniiga garden, the customary
meeting place of the Yakkhas, there was a great gathering of the Yakkhas
I Mv 10. VV. 97-99
2 Ibid. 33·44
3 Mv 39·'20
4 Rhys Davids : Buddhist India p. 141
5 Mv 10. VV. 101-102
6 Ibid. 8.-24
7 Ibid. 10.98
8 Ibid. 10. lOO
9 Smp I89

45
dwelling in the island. The Buddha went to this assembly and hovering in
the air over their heads at the place of the (future) MahiyaiIgana thupa
he struck terror into their hearts by rain, storm, darkness and such pheno~
mena'. Next, having released them from their terrors, the Blessed Onecau::ed
the pleasant Giridlpa to come near to them, and by a device made the)1l
withdraw to that land. When they had settled there, he made the land
return to its former place. Then, the devas assembled, and in their assembly
the Master preached the Doctrine. Many kolis of beings attained the reali-
zation of the Truth (Dhammiibhisamaya) , and countless were those who came
unto the three Refuges and the Precepts of Duty.' Buddha freed Lanka of
the Yakkhas because he foresaw that that fair isle would after his passing
away be the stronghold of his teachings.' The Naga MaI,liakkhika of
KalyaI,li, we are told, accepted the Buddhist faith during this first visit of
the Master.'
The second visit took place in the fifth year after the Enlightenment.
This visit was to save two hostile Naga kings from an impending war which,
if fought, would have been disastrous to both parties. After settling their
dispute the Buddha preached the Doctrine and eighty ko/is of Naga,
dwelling in the ocean and on the mainland were converted.4
Three years later the Enlightened One visited the island again at the
request of MaI,liakkhika. 5 It was during this visit that the Buddha is said
to have left the imprint of his foot on the peak of the Sumana Mountain.
These visits, as noted above, are recorded only in the DipavaIflsa, Saman-
tapasadika and the MahiivaIJ1sa. No mention is made of them in any part
of the Pali Canon. This negative evidence, though a weighty one, is not
sufficient for us to arrive at a decision and deny the truth of this tradition.
This tradition may probably have arisen from the arrival, before the advent
of Mahinda, of some Buddhist missionaries from India and also from the
existence in Ceylon of a considerable number of Buddhists among the
earlier inhabitants, namely, the Yakkhas and the Nagas.
To support this hypothesis there is another valuable reference in the Mahi\-
vaIJ1sa. The MahiyangaI,la thupa, says the Great Chronicle, existed in Cey-
Ion long before the arrival of Mahinda. When the Buddha first visited Cey-
Ion, the deva Mahasumana of the Sumanakula Mountain requested the
Buddha to give him something to worship. The Master took a handful of
hairs from his head and gave it to the deva, The latter enshrined it res-
pectfully in a thupa which he built at the place where the Master had sat.
After the passing away of the Buddha, the thera Sarabhu, a disciple of the
thera Sariputta, hrought the collar-bone of the Buddha and deposited it in
the same thupa. Later UddhaciiJabhaya, the son of king Devanampiya-
tissa's brother, saw the wondrous cetiya and covered it over afresh and made
it thirty cubits high. Still later, king Dutlhagamal)l, dwelling there while
he made war upon the Dami)as, built a mantle cetiya over it eighty cubits
high.'
1 Mv r 21 foIl.
2SmpI8g
3 Mv 1.64
4 Ibid. I ·44 foiL
."i Ibid 1.71 foil.
6 Mv 1.37 toll.
 When the extraordinary elements of this account are removed, we find a
foundation of historical truth, namely, that long before Mahinda's day there
were at least a few Buddhist monks in Ceylon and that this cetiya was built
by them.
Nor can one, with regard to the question at hand, ignore the arrival in
succession of a large number of people from India, among whom, it is difficult
to believe, there were no Buddhists.
In order to perform the consecration of Vijaya, the ministers sent an
embassy to Madhnra requesting the Paw;lyan king to send his daughter
to be the queen of Vijaya. In due course she was sent along with many
maidens, craftsmen and a thousand families of the eighteen guilds.'
The arrival of Princess Bhaddakaccan~i.2 and her retinue, too, brings us to
the same, or, in fact, a more decisive conclusion. Bhaddakacdina was the
youngest daughter of PaI)c;!u, the Sakyan, a cousin of the Buddha. 'She
was (even as) a woman made of gold, fair of form and eagerly wooed. For
(love of) her did seven kings send precious gifts to the king (PaI)Qu), but for
fear of the kings, as since he was told (by soothsayers) that an auspicious
journey would come to pass, nay, one with the result of royal consecration,
he placed his daughter speedily upou a ship, together with thirty-two women
friends, and launched the ship upon the Ganges, saying; 'Whosoever can,
let him take my daughter.' And they could not overtake her, but the ship
fared swiftly thence. Already on the second day they reached the haven
called Go!)agiimaka and there they landed robed like nuns (Pabbajitii).3
Here two facts support our view. First, she is said to be very cloEely
related to the Buddha, and one may rightly infer that she and her friends
were not all ignorant of the teachings of their royal kinsman. Indeed, we
would not be far wrong if we take for granted that they, and at least Bhadda-
kaccana and some of her friends, were followers of the Buddha. Secondly,
we are told they came disguised as nuns (pabbajita). Though, as rIOted
before, it is not possible to say definitely what was meant by pabbajitii,
considering the locality from which they came and their connections with
the Buddha's family, it is very likely that this word signified Buddhist
bhikkhu!)is.
As shown in the preceding page~, there lived in pre-Mahindian Ceylon
people belonging to almost every religious sect then existing in India. Even
Ajivakas who were, by no means, so numerous as the followers of the Buddha
are mentioned as living in CeyIoD, How then is one to account for the
absence of any mention of Buddhists? The only explanation possible is
that silence was observed with regard to their existence in order to create a
dark background on the canvas on which the enthusiastic narrator of Bud-
dhist history might successfully paint his glowing picture of Mahinda's
miraculous conversion of the island.
Again, when we consider how rapidly the conversion of Ceylon took place,
it is difficult to believe that the people were, till then, entirely ignorant of the
teaching. After the very first discourse of Mahinda forty thousand people
including the king embraced the Buddhist faith. His other discourses,
too, were equally successful.
I Mv 7-48 foIl.
z Mv 8.20
3 Mv 8. 20~-23

47
 All these facts help us to conclude that Buddhism did exist in Ceylon
before the time of Mahinda, though it was only after Devanampiyatissa's
conversion that it became the state religion of the country. I Moreover,
it may be justly said that Mahinda's mission had as its chief aim not the mere
introduction of the teachings of the Buddha to Ceylon but the formation
of the monastic order and thereby the' establishment' of tne siisana in the
island.

I See also J. R. A. S. (C.B.) 1929 p. 282.

48
 CHAP'I:ER TWO

The Advent of M ahinda

THE history of Ceylon assumes a less nebulous and more trustworthy charac-
ter with the arrival of Mahinda two hundred and thirty six years after the
passing away of the Buddha.' The details of the advent of this great
missionary are given only in the two Ceylon Chronicles and in the Samanta-
pasadika. No mention of it is made in any of the Edicts of Asoka discovered
So far, though in his thirteenth Edict, Ceylon is mentioned as one of the many
countries in which conquests by the Dharnma had been made by him.
As pointed out by Prof. Rhys Davids,' the truth of the Ceylon Chronicles
with regard to the mission sent during Asoka's reign to the Himiilayan
region is confirmed in a striking manner by the archaeological discoveries
made at Sanchi. If the Chronicles are so accurate with regard to this
mission which took place in a region where the Sinhalese had hardly any
interest, it is justifiable to suppose that the account of Mahinda's mission
to Ceylon is more than mere legend. One must, of course, allow a sufficiently
wide margin for the later amplifications and exaggerations that must have
naturally crept in as a result of literary embellishment and the desire to
provide religious edification. This allowance should he made not only in
this particular instance but also in the numerous other instances in the
Chronicles as well as in the Atthakathiis where supernatural phenomena
are recorded.
The Samantapiisiidikii Accou~t of M ahinda' s Advent
The description given in the Samantapasadikii' itgrees, though not often
in the order of narration, in the main points with the Mahavarpsa account.
Probably both accounts were obtained from the same original SOUTce.
After the third Council at Patna (Pataliputta) Mahinda was requested
by his preceptor and the saIigha to visit Ceylon and estahlish the sasana in
that island.' After consideration Mahinda concluded that it was not yet
the proper time to go there. Mutasiva (307-247 B.C.), the then reigning
monarch of Ceylon, was advanced in years and it was not possible to estab-
lish the sasana under his patronage. Awaiting the accession of Mutasiva's
son Devanampiyatissa to the throne, Mahinda set out from Asokarama
with the theras Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala, BhaddasaJa, the novice Sumana
and the lay disciple BhaI)<;luka to pay a visit to his relatives. lIIahinda,
in due course, arrived at and lived for one month at Vedisagiri, the resi-
dential quarters of his mother.
Deviinampiyatissa and Asoka
By this time the death of Mutasiva had occurred and his son Tissa was
anointed king of Ceylon. There existed strong ties of friendly affection
between Devanampiyatissa and Dhammasoka, though they had never seen
each other. It is said that when Tissa ascended the throne many precious
r Smp I 73
2 Buddhist"India pp. 299 foU.
3 Smp I 69 fon.

49
jewels sprang up to the surface of the earth as a,result of his previous merit.'
These he sent as a gift to Asoka. The latter, in return, sent to Tissa the five
ensigns of royalty and other things necessary for the consecration of a king.
He sent not only these material gifts but also the gift of the Dhamma.'
His message ran: " I have taken refuge in the Buddha, the Dhamma and the
Sarigha, and I have declared myself a lay disciple in the religion of the
Son of the Sakiyas. Take delight, even thou, in these three, in the Supreme
Religion of the Conqueror, and come to the Refuge with faith." When
Devanampiyatissa received the message and gifts from Asoka, he performed
a second consecration on the full-moon day of Vesakha. 3
This description, it may be noted, does not agree in all details, with what
is given in the Mahavarpsa and the Dipavarpsa,4 The Mahavarpsa adds
that Asoka, not finding in his possession such precious things as were sent
to him by Devanampiyatissa, conferred titles and ranks of honour on Arittha
and others who brought him the gifts. S Further, the Samantapasadika,
after giving the description of Tissa's gift and Asoka's return gift, quotes
the Dipava11lsa. as the authority for the same.' But the corresponding
Dipavarpsa verses differ considerably from those quotations. 7
Arrival of Mahinda
After spending one month at Vedisagiri, on the full-moon day of Jettha-
miila (April· May or May-June) Mahinda and the other six mentioned
above, coming together, discussed whether it was the right time to go to
Ceylon.' Then Indra, who in Pali Buddhist literature is belt er known as
Sakka, the chief (Inda) of the gods, approached Mahinda, requested him to
go over and promised his help in the conversion of the island.9 This deity,
as we shall see later, plays a prominent part in the Buddhist legends of
Ceylon. Mahinda, so the story goes, accepted his request and, accompanied
by the other six, sprang up from the mountain Vedisaka to the sky and stood
on the Missakapabbata, which lies to the east of Anuradhapura and which
in later days was known by the name Cetiyapabbata.
T issa meets M ahinda
This day happened to be the festival day known as the Jettha-
miilanakkhatta.IO We have no other evidence to prove or disprove the truth
of this coincidence of events, but we may note that it is quite a natural ten-
dency to associate important events of a new religion with outstandinD"
dates of an older period. The king, on that day, proclaimed the fe .'
and accompanied by forty thousand men set forth to Missakapabbata ,
enjoy the pleasures of the chase. Following a rohita l l deer, Tissa climbed
the mountain and came to the spot where the theras were. Mahinda,
seeing that the king was approaching him, called out: "Come here, Tissa."
At this the king was surprised and harboured a doubt as to whether the
I Smp I 74
2 Ibid. I 76
3 Ibid. I 76
4 Mv II. vv. 8 foIl. ; Dip. II VV. 14 foll.
5 Mv I I vv 25. 26
6 Smp I 74, 75
7 Dip. I I vv 15-17, 32-34
8 SmpI 70
9 Ibid. 71
10 Smp I 73
II Mv 14.3 calls it a gokaflfla

50
thera was a human being or not.' The MahiivaI]1sa tells us that this doubt
did not leave the king until he had had a private talk with Bhal.l<;lu just
before he left for the city in the evening. '2 Mahinda had a conversation
with Tissa, during which he gauged the intellectual capacity of the latter. 3
Finding that the king was quick-witted and able to understand the Dhamma,
he expounded the Ciilahatthipadopama Sulta. 4 At the end of the discourse
the king and his retmue of forty thousand people embraced the new faith.
This sounds a miraculous conversion. But if we take forty thousand not
literally but simply to mean a large number, and when we remember that,
as was shown in the preceding chapter, Buddhism was known earlier in
Ceylon, we may well take this seemingly sudden conversion to be but a
formal and public declaration of the faith to which many in that gathering
had hitherto adhered but only in a private capacity.
In the evening meals were brought to the king. Even as he listened to the
Sutta, the king knew that taking meals at that time was unlawful to the
theras. But thinking that it was unseemly for him to partake of the food
without inviting the theras he invited them. The invitation was, of course,
not accepted.
The king then (leparted to the city and made arrangements to receive the
theras on the morrow;, Mahinda and those who came with him spent the
night on the Missaka Mountain, and on the same night Bha1J.Q.u was received
into the Order. Many miraculous things are stated to have happened during
that night as also during the days that followed. But the descriptions
of these pretenlatural oc.currences. lleed not obscure from our sight the
historical kernel that lies within this legendarv matter. Legends do not
arise out of nothing. The greater the number of legends that grow round a
person or an event, the more does it point to the great personality of that
individual or the deep impression that that event had created in the minds
of the people at the time.
Entry into the Capit al
On the following morning Mahinda and the other bhikkhus went to Anu-
radhapura. The king ordered seats to be prepared for them inside the
palace. It is said that the soothsayers, when they saw the seats prepared,
foretold: "The earth is occupied by these (hhikkhus), they will be lords
uV"n this island TambapaIJ.l)1."5 The king went forward to meet the theras,
a . :.Hh due greetings and respect, led them into the palace. Mahinda,
sc,.,mg the manner in which the seats were spread, took his seat, thinking
to himself that the religion would be well established and would take root
in the whole of Lanka. The king served the theras with dainty dishes
and calling upon the five hundred ladies, with Anuladevi at their head,
to make obeisance to the theras, himself took his seat on a side. After the
meal was over, Mahinda preached the Petavatthu ViJuanavatthu and
SaccasaI]1yutta 6 to the people assembled including the king. Hearing this
discourse, the five hundred ladies attained the Fruition of the First Path.

I Smp 174
z Mv 14 VV Z9-31
3 Smp I 77; Mv 14 vv. r6 foH.
4 M I pp. 175-184
sSmp I 79
6 The Petavatthu and Vimanavatthu are books in the Khuddakanikaya, and the Sac~
casarpyutta is a section of the SaI'flyuttanikaya (Vol. V. pp. 414-478).
5I
 The people who saw the theras at Missakapabbata on the previous day,
conveyed the news to their neighbours and this resulted in a vast multitude
of people assembling at the gate of the palace.' But as they had no oppor-
tunity to see the theras the people raised a cry. The king learning what they
desired, ordered the hall of the state elephant to be decorated, and prepared
to receive the theras. Mahinda went there and preached the Devadiita
Suttanta.' At. the end of the discourse one thousand' beings attained the
Fruition of the First Path.
The elephant's hall, too, soon became insufficient and seats were prepared
in the park ~andanavana a! the southern gate of the city. The thera went
there and preached the Asivisopama Sutta. 4 On hearing the teaching
another thousand persons attained the Sotiipattiphala. Thus on the second
day after Mahinda's arrival. two thousand and five hundred beings attained
the realization of the Truth.
From the facility with which Mahinda and the people of Ceylon understood
One another, we may incidentally observe how closely allied the languages
in Ceylon and in North India at that time must have been. A comparison
of the earliest inscriptions of Ceylon and those of North India in the corres-
ponding age leads one to the same inference.
Gift of the Park Meghavana
Even as the thera was conversing in the Nandanavana with numbers of
ladies ,of noble familie, who came to see him, the day drew to its close.
Mahinda, observing the time, Fose up from his seat to go to the Missaka
Mountain. The ministers, learning the intention of the thera, informed
the king, and with the permission of the latter, requested the theras to spend
the' night at Nandanavana, but they did not accept the request. Then
again, the ministers, being ordered by the king, invited the theras to Megha-
vana, a park which was neither too far away from nor too close to the town.
The theras accepted the invitation and spent the night there. In the mom"
ing the king went to Meghavana and bestowed the park on the thera.
The grant of this gift was followed by miraculous happenings.' One can
understand the significance given to this gift as it marked the beginning
of the establishment of the Mah1ivih1i.ra which became the leading monastery
in Ceylon during many centuries that followed.
On the following day, the third one from his arrival, Mahinda preached
the Anamataggiya6 Discourse.' On the fourth' day was preached the
Aggikhandhopama Sutta. 9 Seven days were thus spent, converting the
multitudes to the faith and helping many in the realization of the Truth.
On the seventh day the thera preached the Mah1i-appam1ida'" Sutta to the
ISmpISo
2 A 1 pp. 13B-142
3 Five hundred, one thousand, ten thousand, sixteen thousand, eighty-four thousand
etc., often occur in Hili books. Evidently these are not to be taken 'literally, but
as representing large numbers of different degrees.
4 Mv gives it as the Balapal)Q.ita Suttanta (Mv 15·4)
sSmpIBo
() S II pp. 178--193
7 Smp I SI. The MahavaIp.sa states that this Sutta was preached on the fourth day.
(Mv 15.186).
8 Second day according to Mv 15"176.
9 A IV pp. 128-135
10 There are several Suttas bearing this title. See Geiger's MahavaIp.sa translation p.31
note 3 and p. 114 note~.
king and returned to Cetiyagiri. According to the Mahiivatpsa, Mahinda
returned on the thirteenth day of the bright half of the month Asa!ha (May-
June or June-July).' The reason that caused the theras to return was the
approach of the vassa se~son, and as the bhikkhus start the vassa perioq
on the full-moon day of Asa!ha, the Mahavaljlsa account seems to be the
more accurate of the two. From the eager manner in which Mahinda
exhorted the king to be diligent (appamada) , the lalter suspected that the
thera was getting ready to depart from the island. One may here recall
the words ofthe Buddha" vayadhammii bhikkhave sankhiirii ,'appamadena'
sampiidetha," addressed to his disciples just before his passing away. Deva-
nampiyatissa made haste to Cetiyagiri and inquired about the intentions
of the thera. Mahinda explained to the king that he was not intending
to leave the island, but that during the vassa period bhikkhus had to stay
in one place and hence his retreat to the mountain.
A ri!!ha enters the Order
On that day the minister, Arittha, entered the Order with fifty-five'
of his elder and younger brothe" (bhiitukehi saddhi",) and became Arahants
immediately. There seems to be a confusion with regard to the name
Arittha. It appears on several occasions in the Mahavarpsa and in the
Samantapasadika.
(I) The embassy that conveyed the presents from Devanampiyatissa
to Asoka was headed by Mahii-Arittha, who was the king's nephew and
Prime Minister (bhiigineyya", Mahiiri!!ham amacca", piimokkha",) , and
on whom the rank of a Commander in the Army (SeniiPati!!hiina) was
bestowed by Asoka. 3
(2) On the seventh day. after Mahinda's advent, a minister, Arittha by
name (Ari!!ho niima amacco) , entered the Order with fifty-five of his brothers.
This is the reference that was dealt with in a previous paragraph.
(3) When Anula expressed the desire to enter the Order, Tissa, at the
behest of Mahinda, sent his nephew Arittha (Ari!!ha", niima attano bhiigi-
neyya",) to fetch the theri SaIighamilta.' The choice of this envoy was
made by Tissa after due consideration with his ministers. It is reasonable
to suppose that Arittha was chosen because he had previous experience of
going to the court of Asoka. The Mahavaljlsa calls him "nephew Maha-
Arittha ". Hence we can safely identify this Arittha with the Maha-
Arittha (No. I). Further, as he did not return to Ceylon till the month of
Maggasira 6 (Oct.-Nov. or Nov.-Dec.) he cannot be the same as the Arittha
I My 16. vv. 2, 3
2 FiftyMfive, it must be noted, is a common round number in PaH Eterature. For eXM
ample, when SOl)aka went to Veluvana, fiftyMfive young briihmanas accompanied
him (Mv 5. 1I5); the pork-butcher at Riijagaba carried on his cruel occupation for
fifty-five years (DhA I 125); the Jataka Commentary is known better in CeyloR
by its traditional name" Book of the 550 (i.e., ten times fifty-five) jiitakas",
though it does not contain that exact number of stories. Again. the wo~d bhiiea. or
bn.atuko used in the passage. has a significance wider than that of the English word
. brother'. The former can and often does include sons of paternal uncles. The
Sinhalese have gone still further and understand by the term sahodara (uterine
brother) not only one's" uterine" brothers but also the male first cousins either
on the maternal or the paternal side.
3 Mv II. vv. 20, 25
4 that is, according to the Samantapasadika version.
5 Smp I 90; Mv 18·3
6 Smp I 98 ; Mv 19.24

53
 (No. 2), who, as we know, entered the Order either in the month of Jettha-
milIa (according to the Samantapiisiidikii) or in the month of Asa)ha (accord-
ing to the Mahavarrsa).
(4) This same AriHha (i.e. same as No. 3), after his return from India,
entered the Order along with :five hundred men and became Arahants,I
Here, too, he is called the king's nephew (ranno bhiigineyyo).
(5) In the Vinaya recital that took place during Devanampiyatissa's
reign, Maila-Arittha 2 played somewhat the same part as VpaTi did in the
first council at Rajagaha.
From the facts given above it is clear that there were two AriHhas, both
ministers, and both nephews of the king. One (Nos. I, 3, 4 and 5) was
Maha-Arittha and the other (No. 2) was AriHha. One may even go a step
further and suggest that they were brothers. It was quite a common
custom to give the same name to two sons and differentiate one from the
other by adding the prefix Maha (the Great or the Elder) to the elder's
name.
Now to return to the main subject. After Arittha and his brothers entered
the Order, Tissa caused the construct.ion of the sixty-eight caves (afthasattht'-
lena) at Cetiyagiri to be started and returned to Anuradhapura. The
theras spent the first vassa at Cetiyagiri. At that time there were sixty-two
Arahants who spent the zJassa there. 3 G. C. Mendis draws attention to
the parallel between this account and the Mahavagga account of the
Buddha's first vassa in whkh also there were sixty-two Arahants including
the Buddha. 4 \Vith reference to the Mahavarpsa and the Samantapasadika.
accounts of Mahinda's first vassa Mendis remarks: "The number of
arahants in Ceylon was really sixty-three. PerhaJ,Js it was made sixty-two
to make it similar to the Mahavagga account." It may also be added
that sixty-two is another round number which is very commonly used jn
Pal} literature.
After spending the vassa period the thera acquainted the king with his
desire of getting a thupa built, containing the bodily relics of the Buddha.
This led to the erection of the Thiiparama Dagaba. 5 During the course of
the construction of the thupa, Abhaya, a brother of king Dev1mampiyatissa,
entered the Order along with a thousand men. Five hundred young men
from the village Cetall became monks and a Mke number from each village
such as Dvaramar;u;iala. The number of monks thus became thirty
thousand. 6
\Vhatever be the significance of these figures, there is no doubt that the
religion spread rapidly in the island. The fact that Mahinda was of royal
blood and closely connected with the Emperor Asoka, whom we have reason
to suppose was highly respected in Ceylon, the conversion of Tissa, the
respect that he continued to show to Mahinda, the entering into the monk-
hood of eminent men in the royal family such as the two Aritthas and Abhaya

I Smp I 101
2 Ibid I 103. The variant reading No. 11 as Maha-Arittha instead of Arittha on Smp
I 102 appears to be the correct one.
3 Smp 1 83
4 " A Historical Criticism of the Maha.valIlsa ". Thesis (,;\'Is) in the London University
Library, pp. 175, 176.
5 This question wtl! he dealt with in another connection later.
() ::\lv 17· 59---C)1

54
-all these must have contributed in no small measure to the propagation
of the faith.
The king's sister-in-law. Anula, who had already become a Sotapanna was
now desirous of joining the Order of Buddhist nuns. Mahinda could not
confer pabbajja on her as, according to the Vinaya, that could be done
only by a bhikkhul)i. Mahinda, therefore, asked the king to send a message
to his sister Sanghamitta to come over to Ceylon and establish the bhikkhul)i
siisana (the Order of Buddhist nuns).'
Bringing of the Bodhi Tree
As was referred to before, the message was forthwith sent by
Deviinampiyatissa through Arittha. The latter was also asked to bring
a branch of the Bodhi Tree under which the Buddha attained Enlighten-
ment. 2 The manner in which Asoka severed the branch from the sacred
tree, how jt was sent to CeyIon, and how Devanampiyatissa accepted it are
all described with legendary details in the Mahiival)lsa3 and in the Samanta-
piisiidikii 4 • To watch over the Bodhi Tree Asoka sent' eighteen khattiya
families (dev.kuiani) and eight families each of ministers, briihmal)as,
householders (ku!umbikii)6, cowherds and also eight each of the Taraccha 7
and Kalinga5 tribes. The Mahiival)lsa adds to the list eighteen families
from the weavers, potters, from all the guilds (se,:,i) and from the Nagas
and the Yakkhas. 8
The place where it was planted at Anuriidhapura is said to be the sacred
spot on which stood the southern branches of the Bodhi Trees of the three
previous Buddhas.' People from many parts of the country were present
at the ceremony of planting the tree.'" Saplings grown from the seeds of
this tree were planted near the port at Jambukola, at the gate of the
village of the briihmal)a Tavakka (or Tivakka), at Thiipiiriima, Issaranim-
manavihara, Pathamacetiya, Cetiyapabbata, Kacaragama and Candana-
giima in the district of Roha!)a and in thirty-two other places at a distance
of one yojana from one another.u From that day up to the present, the
Buddhists in Ceylon have paid and are paying the utmost reverence to this
branch of the Bodhi Tree under the shade of which the Master received his
Enlightenment. In the words of Paul E. Pieris: .. It is doubtful if any
other single incident in the long story of their race has seized upon the
imagination of the Sinhalese with such tenacity as this of the planting of
the aged tree. Like its pliant roots, which find sustenance on the face of
the bare rock and cleave their way through the stoutest fabric, the influence
of what it represents has penetrated into the innermost being of the people
til1 the tree itself has become a1most human." l2
ISmpIgo
2 Ibid. I 90
3 Mv 18.23 fall.
4 Smp I 92 foll.
5 Ibid. I 96
6 Mv 19.2 has' traders' (setthi)
7 See Mv Translation p. 128. note 2
8 Mv 19.3
9 SmpIgg
10 Ibid. 100
11 Smp 1100
IZ P. E. Pieris: Ceylon and the Portuguese pp. 3. 4· quoted in P. L. C. p. 24_

55
 Some scholars have doubted the historicity of this tree on the ground
that there is no external evidence to corroborate the Ceylon tradition.
Geiger fimlly upholds the tradition. He remarks: "The narrative of the
transplanting of a branch of the sacred Bodhi-tree from Urnvela to Ceylon
finds interesting confirmation in the monuments. At least, Griindwedel,
in an ingenious and, to me, convincing way, points out that the sculptures
of the lower and middle architraves of the East Gate of the Siliichi Tope are
representations of that event. Since the Sanchi-sculptures belong to the
second century B.C., the representation is distant from the event by, roughly
speaking, only 100 or most ISO years. I Rhys Davids has expressed the same
opinion. 2
Besides planting the branch of the Bodhi Tree, Tissa did much else that
was beneficial to the religion. His meritorious works included the buiJding
of the Mahiivihara, Cetiyavihara and Thilpariima, the enshrining of the
collar-bone of the Buddha, the erecting of Issarasamal)avihara, Jambukola
in Nagadipa; Tissamahavihara, Pacinarama and the two nunnerie~ Upa-
::ikavihara and Hatthiilhakavihara. 3
The V inaya Recital
Having accomplished all this for the propagation of the ~asana, Tissa
asked Mahinda whether the sasana was established in the island. 4 The latter
replied: "Great king, the sasana is established but it has not taken root."
Being questioned further as to when and how it would take root, Mahinda
explained: "\Vhen a person born of parents who belong to Tambapa1).I).i-
dipa, enters pabbajjii in Tambapal)l)idipa, learns the Vinaya in Tamba-
pal:l1~idlpa, and recites the Same in Tarnbapa~lJ).idipa, then will the sasana
take root in 'the land." The bhikkhu, Ma\1ii-Arittha, possessed all these
qualifications and arrangements were promptly made for a recital of the
Vinaya. A pavilion was erected on the spot where the parive.IJ.a of the
minister Megbaval)l)iibhaya stood. The description is modelled on that
of the first council held at Rajagaha. Sixty-eight mahiitheras, eacb having
a following of thousand bhikkhus assembled at Thilparama .. A basic
difference, however, should be noted between this council and the. one at
Rajagaha. The latter was assembled to codify and arrange the Vinaya and
the Dhamma, whereas the object of the Thilpiiriima Council was the teaching
of Vinaya by a Sinhalese bhikkhu. Thus Mahii-Arittha assumed the rOle
of a Vinaya teacher and five hundred bhikkhus with Mattabhaya thera, a
younger brother of the king, received the teaching. The king, too, with
his retinue (sariijikii ca parisa) was present at the recital, a feature which
was absent in the first Council.
The siisana was thus firmlv established and well-rooted in the island·
Following the lead given by members of the royal family tbousands entered
the Order. Mahinda, needless to say, well deserved the epitbet often applied
to him, , Dipappasadako' (he who made the island bright). About seven
hundred years later the compiler of the Piili Commentary on the Itivuttaka
records that even ·up to his day those who joined the Order did so following
the footsteps of Maha-Mahinda thera.'
I Mv Trans. Jntr. p. xx.
2 Buddhist India. p. 302
3 Mv 20'!7 foIL
4 Smp I 102
5 ItA 259· Also see SA Sn HI 125

56
BhikkhU1pi-siisana
A few words should also be said in this connection with regard to the
establishment of the BhikkhuI)i-sasana or the Order of Buddhist nuns,
Awaiting the arrival of Sanghamitta, Anula and many ladies who followed
her example, took upon themselves the observance of the ten precepts
(dasa silani) and lived in a nunnery specially built for them.' When Sailgha-
mitta arrived they entered the Order under her and within a short time
became Arahants. z
According to the Dipaval1lsa a large number of bhikkhuI)is accompanied
Sailghamitta from India. They were Uttara, Hema, Pasadapala, Aggimitta,
Dasika, Pheggii, Pabbata, Matta, Malla, Dhammadiya,3 Mahadevi, Paduma,
Hemasa, Unnala, Aiijali and Suma.4 All these bhikkhuI)is taught the Vinaya
Pitaka and the Doctrine at Anuradhapura. The first ten in this list were
young (dahara bhikkhu1Jiyo) when they came to the island.' Those who
received ordination in Ceylon included Saddhammanandi, Soma, Giriddhi,
Dasiya, Dhamma, Dhammapala, Mahila, Sobhana, Dhammatapasa, Nara-
mitta, Sata, Kali and Uttara,6 If there is any historical truth in these
records they show us the success which the Bhikkhuni-sasana had at its
very inception in Ceylon. 7 .

The nunnery in which Anula and her friends lived, awaiting the arrival of
Sanghamitta, was known as the Upasikiivihiira, Later Sanghamittii, too,
lived here with her company of nuns. In this place she caused twelve
buildings to be erected, of which three were more important than the rest.
The mast, the rudder and the helm of the ship that brought the branch
of the Bodhi Tree were kept, one in each, in these three buildings and,
therefore, they came to be known as the Kupayatthilhapita-ghara, Piya-
thapita-ghara and Arittha-thapita-ghara respectively, Even when in later
days, other sects such as the Dhammarucika arose, these twelve buildings
were always used by the Hatthii!haka bhikkhuI)is,8 The Mahiival1lsa gives
a detailed account of the reasons that led to the building of the Hattha!haka
nunnery.9 Tbis account explains how the dwellers of the Upasika-vihara
came by the name HatthaJhaka. ro
Passing away uf Mahinda and Sanghamittii
Devanampiyatissa reigned for forty y€ ars and On his death was succeeded
by his brother Uttiya. In the eighth year of his reign Mahinda, who was
sixty years old from the date of his upasampada ordination, passed away
on the eighth day of the bright half of the month Assayttja, while he was
spending the rainy season on the Cetiya Mountain.Xl If, as is customary,
Mahinda obtained upasampada ordination at the age of twenty, he must

t Smp I 91
2 Ibid. I· 101
3 Dip. r8. vv. II, 12
4 Ibid. I~.24
5 Ibjd. 18.12
6 Ibid. 18.14-16
7 It should however be mentioned that these records are in a confused state. The
Dipavatp.sa seems to have had linked together several lists .of names of bhikkhunis
without paying due regard to a chronological order.
8 Mv 19.68-71
9 Ibid. 19.72-83
10 Ibid p. 134 note 2 (in Geiger's translation)
Xl Ibid. 20. 32, 33

57
have come to Ceylon at the age of thirty-two and died at the age of eighty_
The parinibMna of SanghamiWi, too, took place in the following year while
she dwelt in the Hatthii.!haka vihara,'
The great thera passed away from the world of mortals. but the memory
of his name lives fresh to this day in the minds of the people of the land,
for the welfare of which he dedicated his whole life. Even today thonsands
of devout pilgrims ·wend their way up the flight of eighteen hundred and
more steps hewn out of solid rock to the sacred spot where the thera lived.
The mountain is called Mihintale (Mahinda-tkala) and the cave in which
he .lived is known as Mihindu-guha (M ahinda-guhii). A short distance
below the peak is to be seen a sJab of rock which tradition identifies with
the bed of Mahinda. And even at present, on the full-moon day of Poson
Ue!!ha) is held the annual religious festival Mahii Mahindrotsava (the festival
of the Great Mahinda) to commemorate the advent of the royal missionary
to Ceylon.
 CHAPTER THREE

The Spread oJ the Faith

IN the last chapter we saw how the sasana was firmly established in the
island under the royal patronage of Devanampiyatissa. Once deeply rooted
it began to grow and extend rapidly in every direction. In a few months it
reached such southern localities as Kacaragama and Candanagama in
RohaI).a. I The success with which it spread and found a happy home in the
country was so remarkable that it came to be believed that the land was
made fit fnr human habitation by the Buddha himself, for' Lanka was known
to the Conqueror as a place where his doctrine should (thereafter) shine in
glory'.2 . During t.he next few centuries instances are not wanting of people
coming to Ceylon from India to lead the higher life. Visakha, a rich house-
holder of Patna, made his journey to Ceylon and entered the Order at the
Mahavibara. He had heard the report: "The TambapaI)l)i Island (Ceylon)
is adorned with garlallds of shrines, is resplendent with yel10w robes. There
one may sit or lie down in any place one likes. Agreeable weather, suitable
dwellings, agreeable men-all these are easy to get there."3 In another
reference Anuradhapura is described as being as suitable to one who leads the
monastic life as India was in the time of the Buddha. 4
The triumph of conversion was achieved during the reign of Devanampiya-
tissa, and the later kings, with the exception of only a few, did all they could
to make that triumph lasting.
Uttiya
The successor of Deviinampiyatissa was Uttiya (207-197 B.C.)'. As
pointed out elsewhere it was during this reign that Mahinda and Sangha-
mitta entered parinibbiina. The Samantapasadika gives the names of
Tissadatta, Kalasumana and Dighasumana as pupils of Maha-Arittha,
and we would not be wrong in supposing that they lived during the reign
of this monarch. The thera Digha or Dighanaga, too, was very likely a
contemporary.6 The name of Tissadatta occurs several times in the Com-
mentaries. If the allusions are to one and the same person, he was noted
for his recol1ectedness of mind7 and as one who was master of eighteen
languages. 8 Analytic insight came to him as a result of his wide learning;9
and he had the iddhi power of minimising distance 'in time and space.lO
We have no records of Uttiya's contribution to the welfare of the sasana
except that of his building thiipas enshrining relics of Mahinda and Sangha-
mittii..

I Mv 19· VV. 54, 62

'2 Ibid. 1.20
3 Vi I 312 ; P.P. II 359
4 Vi I 91
:> Mv 20.29
b Smp I 62, 104
7 SV 275 ; Pap I :l.go ; Man II 54
8 SV 387
q Ibid. 389
10 Vi II 403

59
 Silratissa and the First T amil invasion
Uttiya was succeeded by his brother Mahiisiva (I97-187 B.C.) and the
latter by his brother Siiratissa (187-177 B.C.). Siiratissa was a pious
monarch and had the welfare of the s1isana at his heart. He built many
viharas at and near Anuradhapura. 1 But his reign was to witness the first
of many foreign invasions which threatened the peace of the country from
time to time. The country, favoured as well by the richness of the soil as
by the persevering industry of the inhabitants, had progressed for three
centuries. This prosperity attracted the envious eyes of the Tamils of
South India and we find Sena and Guttika, two Tamil merchants, determined
and powerful, making an attack on Siiratissa, defeating him and taking
possession of his territory.:l Those two re~gned righteously, usurpers though
they were, for twenty-two years. No records of the happenings of these
dark years are available to us, but there is not the least doubt that with the
assuming of the control of the government by these non-believers there
appeared a cloud of gloom in the firmament of the newly established s1isana.
Eiiira (145-101 B.C.)
Sena and Guttika were in turn overpowered by Asela, a son of Mutasiva.
If we are to accept the Mah1ivaI]lsa chronology he was more than ninety
years old when he ascended the throne. Ten years later came, at the head of
a large army, E!1ira, another Dravidian from the Cola country. Asela,
now a centenarian, though perhaps still young in courage and determination,
proved no match for the powerful invader. He was killed in battle and
E!1ira became king. The latter proved to be one of the most just kings
Ceylon ever saw. Though himself a pious Hindu, he proved no enemy of
Buddhism. Indeed, we have reason to believe that some of his ministers
were Buddhists and probably were Sinhalese too.' He helped the bhikkhus
and maintained the traditions of the earlier kings of Ceylon. 4 The Mah1i-
varpsa bestows unstinted praise on the virtues of this monarch.5 But all
his followers were not E!1iras. They used their power to snatch away
whatever they could from the treasures that Anur1idhapura then possessed.
Yet, though E!1ira was a friend of the Buddhists, it was too much to expect
his active help for the preservation and the propagation of the faith. More-
over, the independent spirit of the Sinhalese people would not long brook
a foreign sway. But as they were not powerful enough to defeat E!1ira.
many of the Sinhalese left Anuriidhapura and went to Rohal)a, awaiting
better times to assert their rights.
Roha1Ja
Let us now leave Anunldhapura for a moment and turn our eyes towards
Rohal)a. At the time when E!1ira was in power at Anur1idhapura, there
was reigning in Rohat:ta a devout but somewhat timid king, Ka.kavat:tt:tatissa
by name, a direct descendent of prince Mahanaga, brother of king Dev1inam-
piyatissa.
Maha.naga was the vice-regent under Devanampiyatissa and was dearly
loved by the latter. A plot on the life of Mahiin1iga was made by the queen
who feared that he and not her son would be the heir to the throne after
Dev1inampiyatissa's death. The scheme failed and Mah1inaga fled to Rohal,la
1 Mv 21.3 foIl.
2 Ibid. 21.10 foIl.
3 As may be inferred from Mv 21.23
4 Mv 21.21
5 Ibid. 21.14 foIl.
60
with his family and retinue. There he established his capital at Mahiigiima
and ruled over the whole of Rohal,la. He founded many viharas such as the
Nagamahiivihiira and the Uddhakandarakavihiira.' The Mahaniiga diigliba
still exists among the ruins of Magama.' The building of the diigaba
known as Kirivehera at Kataragama (Kiicaragiima) is attributed by tradition
to this king., The Samantapasiidika refers to a king Mahiiniiga who went
abroad with his brother and was established on the throne after his return. 4
The Atthasiilini has the same reference but adds that he continued bestowing
gifts of medicine at PenambailgaI).a as long as he lived.s There WflS only one
other king by the name of Mahanaga in Ceylon before the time of Buddha-
ghosa, and that was J\fahiidiithika Mahiiniiga. As far as we can see from the
Mahavazp.sa, there was no occasion for him to go abroad, nor was there any
dispute as io his right to the throne. On the other hand it is possible that
when Mahiiniiga, the brother of Devanarnpiyatissa, fled to Rohal,la he had to
fight with the then ruling prince or chieftain there. Probably having been
once defeated, he was forced to seek refuge abroad as he could not return
to Anuradhapura from which he had already fled.
Passing rapidly over the reigns of his son Yatthiilayakati"a and his
grandson Gothabhaya we come to KakavaI).l).atissa of whom reference was
made before. It will be recalled that he was Gothiibhaya's son and ruled
over Roha!)a from his capital at Miigama (Mahiigii>1Ul). A touching and
interesting account of a poor but faithful man who lived during the reign
of this king and who gave a meal, earned with great difficulty, to the thera
Pil)Q.apatiyatissa of Ambariyavihara is given in the ManorathapiiraI).i. 6
The province of Roha1).a, on the whole, seems to have been prosperous.
While narrating this episode Buddhaghosa remarks that the bhikkhus at
that time had no difficulty in obtaining their requisites. Though the condi-
tions in Roha1).a were satisfactory, it was during this very period that
E~ara had made himself master of the country north of the Mahawali-
gaiJga.
Kalya1Ji
In Kela!)i)'a (Ka/.yii1Ji), too. there was ruling at the same time a king by
the name of Tissa. 7 The Mahavarpsa and other historical records of Ceylon
are silent as to how Kalyiil)i became a separate kingdom. Perhaps when the
power of the kings at Anuradhapura was on the wane, an enterprising prince
made· for himself a small but independent principality in the Maya-rattha
with 1{alyii.l,li as its capital. Tissa was a Buddhist and KalyiiI)i was already
an important Buddhist centre. Tissa's daughter Devi, known later as
Vihara-maha-devi, arrived at Mahagama by sea after many dramatic ex-
periences and was made the queen of Kakaval)l)atissa. 8
Dut!hagiima1J j
Devi was a woman of extraordinary courage and sagacity. Her heart was
burning.with patriotism and foreign domination over the great~r part of the
country galled her bitterly. Two sons, Giima!)i and Tissa, worthy of such
1 Mv 22.9
2 Mv Trans, p. 147 note 1
3 Ep. Zey. Vo!. III p. 214
4 Smp 1I 473
5 Att 399
6 Man Il 60 fall.
7 Mv 22.13
8 Ibid. 22.13-22
61
a noble mother were born to her in due course. Many miraculous incidents
are said to have occurred at the birth of GamaI).i.I He grew up with a firm
determination to put an end to the foreigners' sway. He gradually gathered
together a strong army and begged his father for leave to fight with the
Tamils. The aged king refused permission, fearing that Etara was too
powerful for his ambitious but young son. Gamani resented this refusal
and leaving his father's roof, made secret preparations for the great task
that lay before him. After the death of KiikavaI)I)atissa he returned to
Maljagama, and aided by the sagacity and farsightedness of his mother,
freed the country of the foe. The whole account is given with an abundance
of detail in the Mahavarpsa. vVe shall, however, be concerned here only
with the part that Buddhism played in his activities.
From their childhood the two princes were trained to be respectful towards
the sangha. Once in their early childhood and again when they were twelve
and ten years of age respectively they were made to take a solemn promise
before a large gathering of the sangha that they would never turn away
from the bhikkhus.' Gama!)i's respect towards the bhikkhus was excee-
dingly great. In a battle which he waged against his brother the latter
was defeated and took refuge in a vihara. Though GimaI)i knew that Tissa
was there he would not, on account of his respect towards the bhikkhus,
lay his hands upon Tissa.3 It was ~ bhikkhu, Godhatissa by name, who
appeased the enmity of the two brothers. While granting pardon to Tissa,
GamaI)i is said to have remarked to the bhikkhus: "It is known to you that
we are now also your servants. If you had but sent a samaIJ.era of seven
years our strife had not taken place (and all had ended) without loss of men.".
Gamal,1i strictly observed the practice of offering food to the bhikkhus
before partaking of his meals.5 This he observed even under very trying
circumstances. In the war with his brother, once GamaIJ.i himself was
defeated and, with his minister Tissa, took refuge in a jungle. He felt very
hungry but when some food brought by Tissa was placed before him, he
would not eat it until he had given a portion of it to a bhikkhu. The meal
time was proclaimed and the thera Gotama of Piyailgudipa, hearing it,
sent the thera Tissa to accept the food. 6 Again during the time of the great
famine called the Akkhakhayika famine, Gamal,1i obtained for two precious
earrings a dish of sour millet gruel and gave it to five great theras.' While
lying on his death-bed Dutthagamal,1i declared that of all gifts given by
him these two gladdened his heart most as they were given with disregard
for his own life while he was in adversity. OnJy once had he taken a meal
without sharing it with the sang-ha and, as a penance for this omission, he
built the Maricavatti-vihara' Even when setting out to fight with the
Tamils the king took with him five hundred bhikkhus so that he could treat
them with honour when he was engaged in battle.'

I Ibid. 22.59 folIo

2 Mv 22. 78-80
3 Ibid. 24·39
4 Mv 24·49 foIl.
5 Att 80
6 Mv "4.22 foIl. The Manorathapurani (II 212, 213) gives the same account but with
more detail. There the thera is called Bodhimatu Maha,tissa.
7 Mv 32.29, 30
8 Ibid. 2S.Il5
9 Mv 25·2

62
 Dutthagamal).i's chief aim was to protect the religion from the ravages
of the Dravidian foe. "Not for the joy of sovereignty," he declared,
.. is this toil of mine; my striving (has been) ever to establish the doctrine
of the Sambuddha ".' Having once defeated the Tamils and the whole
country brought under his sole authority, he devoted his entire time (101-77
B.C.) to the improvement of the state of Buddhism in Ceylon.
M aricavat!i-vihiira
His first undertaking was the building of the Maricavatli villara .. As
noted before, this vihara was built by him as a penance for partaking of
some long pepper (maric.) without giving a share to the bhikkhus. The
building of the vihara was finished in three years. To consecrate the
monastery he held a festival. On that occasion a hundred thousand bhikkhus
and ninety thousand bhikkhul,lis are reported to have been present.2
An interesting account of an incident which occurred on that day and
had its consequences later is mentioned in several of the Atthakathas.3
A young samal).era of seven years received a bowl of hot gruel and was
carrying it with difficulty, placing it alternately on the fringe of his robe
and on the ground. A samal,leri saw this and gave him a vessel to serve
as a holder. Sixty years later there was a famine' in Ceylon and both of
them went (separately) to India. The bhikkhuni (formerly samaneri)
heard that a bhikkhu from Ceylon had arrived and came to see him. On
.conversation she discovered that he was none other than the samaI).era
whom she had met at the festival of the Maricavattivihiira. Mutual love
immediately sprang up in their hearts and, though 'elders of sixty years.
they fell from their higher life and .committed the piiriijikii offence.
Lohapiisiida
Dutthagama.Qi proceeded next to cause an uposathiigiira or a meeting-
hall of the chapter to be built. It is said that the erection of this building
was predicted by Mahinda himself and that the plan was made by eight
Arahants on the model of a celestial palace.s Desirous of obtain-
ing the full merit for himself, the king proclaimed that no work in connection
with the building was to be done by anyone without receiving payment or
reward for the same 6 When completed the building consisted of nine
storeys. the first being occupied by ordinary bhikkhus, the second by those
learned in the three Pitakas, the third. fourth and fifth bv those who had
attained to the stages o'f soiiipatti, sakadiigiimi and aniigiim{ respectively and
the four topmost storeys by Arahants.7 The building was covered over
with plates of copper, and hence it received its name Lohapasada or the
'Brazen Palace '8 The pillars that once supported this magnificent
building are still to be seen in their original places at Anuradhapura. The
consecration of this piisiida was done with the same grandeur as that of the
MaricavaHivihara.
1 Ibid. 25.17
2 Ibid. 26.14 foIl.
3 Pap II 145 ; Pj Il 71 ; CuNiA 79 ; ApA 128
4 Very likely the Brahmanatissa famine of Vattagamal').l's day.
S Mv 27·3 fall.
6 Ibid. 27.23
7 Ibid 27·44 foll.
8 Ibid. 27,42
M akatM.pa
The erection of the Mahathiipa (now Ruvanwali-saya) was, however, the
greatest of DutthagamaI)i's works. In the building of this, as in the case
of the Maricavattivihara, he issued the proclamation that none should do
any work in connection with it without receiving due reward for his or her
contribution. The Mahiiva!p.sa and other later literary works have preserv-
ed for us many interesting records of the miraculous ways in which Duttha-
gamaIJi received the wherewithal to put his p]ans into execution. Men
and gods, bhikkhus and laymen, all had their share in making tne work
a success. I
The foundation-stone was laid on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha.
Many well known theras from abroad are 'Said to have come with their
retinues to Anuradhapura on that day: Indagutta from Rajagaha (now
Rajgir), Dhammasena from Isipatana (Benares), Piyadassi from Jetavana,
Urn-Buddharakkhita from the Mahavana monastery in Vesali (probably
the modem Basar in the District Muzaffarpur), Urn-Dhammarakkhita
from the Ghositiirama in Kosambi, Urusangharakkhita from the DakkhiI)a-
giri in Ujjeni (now Ujjain in the Gwalior state), Mittinna from the Asoka-
rama in Pataliputta (modern Patna), Uttinna from Kasmir, Mahiideva from
Pallavabhogga (Persia I), Yona-Mahii-Dhammarakkhita from Alasanda
of the Yona country (probably near Kabul), Ultara from the region of the
Vindhya forest, Cittagutta from Buddhagaya, Candagulta from the
Vanavasa country and Suriyagutta from the Kelasa-vihiira.
The Mahliva!p.sa gives in detail the objects that were deposited in the
relic-chamber of the thiipa. Among them were a golden image of the
Buddha, and statues of Mara, Brahma and many other gods. There were
also scenes depicting the Jatakas. The Vessantara Jataka was depicted
fully.' Here, the Mahiiva!p.sa has, no doubt, followed an older tradi-
tion, probably an account in the PoraI)a-Sihalatthakathii-Mahiiva!p.sa.
If we could tell when the tradition originated much light would be thrown
on the customs, artistic tastes of the people at that time, the growth of
mythology, the association of Hindu gods with the teachings of the Buddha,
and many other suth problems.
DutthagamaI)i did not live long enough to see the completion of this
cetiya, his most stupendous work. He is, moreO:'lter, said to have built
ninety-nine viharas in all. s
DutthagamaI).i's reign gave birth to a renaissance in every direction.
When he ascended the throne, the country had been in a state of political
unrest for nearly three-quarters of a century. The frequent inroads made
by the Dravidians of Soutb India upon the island tended in every way to
diminish the prosperity of the people. This, both directly and indirectly,
compelled the people to withhold tbemselves from their religious and
literary activities. Anuradhapura, which was the centre of Buddhist
learning and culture, suffered most under the Dravidian invaders. In
addition to the disasters wrought by hostile foreigners, Ceylon was visited
by a devastating famine. It is not possible to say whether this famine
occurred before or after the accession of Giimani to the throne. The

I Mv Ch 28
2 Ibid. 30.62 foIl.
3 Ibid. 32.26
famine was so severe that during it akkka nuts (Terminalia Bellerica).
which at other times were used as dice, were eaten, and hence it was called
the Akkhakkhiiyika famine.' However determined and persevering the
bhikkhus may have been. they no doubt had their share of these calamities
from within and without. Hence, it should not be a surprise to us if we
found that theras at that time went abroad. not content with what they
could learn in Ceylon. to prosecute further studies in the Dhamma. The
Sammohavinodani records such an instance where a thera, Punabbasu-
kutumbikaputta Tissa by name. went to study under Yonaka Dhammarak-
khita thera.'
The state of affairs evidently changed when GamaI;li came to power.
His faith in the Buddha, his zeal to propagate the Doctrine, his veneration
towards the sailgha-aJI these knew no bounds. The Buddha was to him
a kinsman, too, whom he affectionately revered and not merely the founder
of a faith.3 Many are the interesting episodes that depict these characteris-
tics of the pious monarch. The SumangalavWisini tells us that after his
victory over the Tamils ..DutthagiimaI;li could not sleep for one whole month
as a result of his excessive joy. The matter was brought to the notice of
the bhikkhus. and. one night. eight theras chanted in the presence at the
king the Citta Yamaka of the Abhidhamma Pitaka. This chantiog induced
sleep and the king On waking up the following morning exclaimed with joy:
" There is no remedy which the children of my grandfather (ayyaka 4 ) do
not know. They know even the medicine that induces sleep ".5 Again.
having heard that a gift of the Doctrine by preaching was more than a
gift of worldly wealth. he made an attempt to preach the Mailgala Sutta at
the Lohapiisiida. but could not do so from reverence tor the brotherhood.'
Fired with this abundance of zeal. he endeavoured to spread the knowledge
of Buddhism in the country by helping the preachers in every manner
possible. 7 It is also interesting to note incidentally the manner in which
he kept an account of his religious activities by recording them in a special
book. the puiiiiapotthaka.' The mention of this tact throws a sidelight.
too, on the literary conditions of the period.
This royal -munificence produced many a great man in the field of religion.
The Mahavarp.sa and the FaH Commen'taries have preserved for us the
names of, and in some cases episodes relating to, several such well known
theras of DuHhagiimaI;lrs day.
Among them the two men about whom we have the best information are
Dhammadinna thera of Talailgaratissa-pabbata in RohaI;la and Malayadeva
thera.

I Mv Trans. p. 222 note 6

2 SV 389
3 According to the Mahavarpsa tradition Dutthagamal)i was a direct descendant of the
Buddha's paternal uncle Amitodana. See Index to the Mahavarp.sa(p.79) by J.StilI,
Colombo 1907.
4 This word reminds us of the epithet piliimahii (grandfather) applied frequently to
Mahabrahma in the Ramayana and other Sanskrit works.
5 Sum Vil II 640
6 Mv 32. vv. 42, 43
7 Ibid. 32'44~46 His other activities for the welfare of the sasana are enumerated in
32.26 fall.
8 Ibid. 32. 25
Dhammadinna
Dhammadinna was an Arah~nt and the teacher of a large number of
bhikkhus.' Many were those who attained Arahantship under his guidance.
His fame spread far and wide and the residents at Tissamaharama, hearing
of his greatness, invited him there to give them instructions on the higher
life. Dhammadinna went thither, but his greatness was not understood
by them. On his way he disillusioned in a very interesting way two theras,
one in Hankanavihara and the other in Cittalapabbatavihara, who were
under the false belief that they had attained Arahantship.' In a very
similar manner Dhammadinna made his teacher Mahanaga thera of
UccatalaiLka understand that the latter, too, had not become an Arahant. 3
He is, moreover, said to have possessed the iddhi power of showing hells
and heavens to his audiences while he was preaching.4- He was also one
of the five great theras who received the gift, highly valued by Duttha-
gamaI,li, of sour millet-gruel during the Akkhakkayika famine. Dhamma-
dinna is said to have shared this gift with many bhikkhus at Piyangudipa.
The other four theras were Malayamahadeva, Dhammagutta, Khuddatissa
of Mangana and Mahavyaggha. 5
Malayadeva
The name of Malayadeva is also found as Malayavasi Mahadeva,6
Malimahadeva,7 Maliyadeva,8 Mahamaliya of Kalavela,9 and sometimes
simply as Mahadeva IO or Deva.Il As is indicated by the epithet Malayavasi,
he was from Malaya, the central mountain-region in the interior of
Ceylon.I~ The ManorathapiiraI)i gives an account of how he was helped
by a devout woman at Kallagama when he was studying at MaI,l<;\alaramaka
Mahavihara, how he attained Arahantship and how he delivered a discourEe
at the end of which that woman attained the First Path. '3 We are told
that he mastered the three Pitakas within three years of being a bhikkhu.I4
As a preacher the thera was exceedingly successful. The Papancasudani
tells us that he discoursed on the Chachakka Sutta at the Lohapasada and
the MahamaI)<;lapa at Anuradhapura, at Cetiyapabbata Sakiyavarpsa-
vihara, Kutalivihara. Antarasobbha, Mutingana, Vatakapabbata.
Pacinagharaka, Dighavapi, Lokandara, Gamew;lavala and Cittalapabbata ;
and at each of these places sixty bhikkhus attained Arahantship." The
description given in the Papancasiidani as to how he bathed with his own

1 SV 489
2 Pap I IS4- 18.). A part of the account i.s given in Man I 42, 43 but with the sUght
difference that Dhammadinna set out, not alone, but accompanied by hhikkhus
(bhikkhusangha parivutu). In SV 489 the names of the two theras are given as
Hailkanakavasi Mahadatta and Nil'lkapot:l~apadhanagharavasi CUlasumma. Vi
II 634 mention!'; CUlasumma as a dweller of Nikapennakapadhanag,hara.
3 SV 489
4 Vi n 31}2
5 Mv 3 2 .49
6 Vi124£
71 1V 490
8 Man I 38 ; Pap Sn 1024
9 J VI 30
10 Man I 39
1.1 Pap Sn 1025
12 Mv Trans. p. 60 note 4
13 Man I 38. 39
14 Ibid. I 38, 39
15 Pap Sn 1024

66
hands an aged thera at Cittalapabbata is very touching.' Whatever the
significance of this number sixty may be. there is little doubt that the thera
traversed the length and breadth of Ceylon, preaching the Doctrine wherever
he went.
Maliyadeva thera was skilful in suggesting to people the kind of
exercise for meditation proper to each. The Visuddhimagga men-
tions an occasion when he gave an exercise, which appeared very simple on
the surface, to two bhikkhus who were well versed in two Of three Nikayas.
At the end of the exercise, however, both of them attained the Sotapatti
state. Z
The name of this thera is mentioned twice in the JatakaHhakatha as
having been one of the last to leave the household life during certain previous
existences of the Buddha.' On the day of his passing away he is reported
to have said that he was the last to enter parinibbiina from among the people
in the Miigapakkha Jataka. 4 A belief prevails in Ceylon, chiefly among
the half-educated Buddhists, that Maliyadeva was the last Arahant in
Ceylon. As we shall see Jater the Atthakathas mention the names of many
others who attained Arahantship after his day. The utterance, mentioned
above, is evidently the basis of this popular belief.
Dhammagutta
Dhammagutta shared DutthagamaJ).i's gift of millet-gruel with the hhik-
khus at KalyaJ).i vihara. Both in the MahavaI]1sa and in the Jatakattha-
katha he is spoken of as one who could cause the earth to quake (pa!havi-
calaka).:; Dhammagutta is also said to be one of .those who left the world
last in the above mentioned previous existences of the Buddha.
Khuddatissa
Khuddatissa (small Tissa) of Mangana divided his portion of the gift
with the bhikkhus in KoHisavihara. A Kujjatissa (humpbacked or deformed
Tissa) of Mangana whose death occurred during the reign of Saddbatissa
(DutthagamaJ).i's brother) is mentioned in the ManorathapiiraJ).i.' From
the proximity in both the meaning of the two names and the periodS in which
they lived, there is no doubt that both names referred to the same individual.
He ·was an Arahant of great repute and loved the life of solitude in his old
age. Lest he should be requested hy king Saddhatissa to visit the palace,
Kujjatissa once resorted to a curious trick to deceive the king. When he
heard the king coming to him he sat down drawing figures. on the ground.
The king was disgusted at the seeming lack of self-composure and went back
without even saluting him. The thera thus saved himself from the burden
of visiting a noisy town and receiving respect and homage from the royal
household.
M ahiivyaggha
Mahavvaggha, who was the fifth of those who received the millet-gruel,
shared it with the hhikkhus in the Ukkanagara-vihara. This thera, too,
died during the reign of Saddhatissa, shortly after the passing away of
Kujjatissa thera.
I Pap Sn 1025
2 Vi I 241
3 JIV490;VI30
4 Ibid. VI 30
5 Mv 32.53 ; J IV 490
6 Man II 247
 If there is any historical truth behind the last utterance of Maliyadeva
thera, r the 'other theras mentioned in the two passages of the Jataka;tha-
katha,' namely, Mahaval]1saka, Phussadeva of Ka;akandhakara, Maha-
Sangharakkhita3 of Upari-ma.w,lala, Mahadeva4 of Bhaggiri, Mahasiva
of Vamanta-or Gamanta-pabbhara a.nd Mahanaga of KiilavallimaI)c;1apa
must have been contemporaneous with or earlier than Maliyadeva.
M ahiiva1Jtsaka
It is not easy to say whether Mahavarpsaka was the name of a different
thera or whether it was linked appositionalIy with some thera's name. The
context makes it difficult to take it in the latter sense. Prof. Rhys Davids
takes it as a literary epithet used to distinguish Khuddatissa of MaIigana
from the many other Tissas. "This (i.e., Mahavarp.saka) means", he says,
" , the one mentioned in the MahavaTflsa '--that is, the old Mahavarpsa,
in Sinhalese prose with Pan verses, on which our Pali Dipavarpsa
and Mahaval]1sa are based. A list of the thera-paramparii taken from that
Mahava.J1lSa is preserved at p.z of the Parivara, and one of the two Tissa
Theras mentioned in it is doubtless the man referred to. In any case, he
was identical with the Tissa Thera who is mentioned in the Pali (p. I97 of
Turnour's edition) as having lived at Mangana, in the highest mountains of
Ceylon, about I20 B.C.'" A good inference indeed. But to me the iden-
tity is not so doubtless.
Phussadeva
Phussadeva of Katakandhakara is mentioned again in the Samantapasa-
dika. There it is described how Mara tried but failed in his attempt to
destroy the feeling of joy arisen in Phussadeva as a result of contemplation
on the Buddha (Buddharammal,la-piti). This joy, it is further said, was
obtained as a result of his cleaning and sweeping the compound of a cetiya
and became the basis of insight for his attainment of Arah~ntship.6
Pro!' Rhys Davids identifies this thera with Mahaphussadeva of Alindaka
mentioned in the Sumangalavilasini 7 and also with 'Phussadeva ' the great
preach~r' whose name occurs in the list of teachers at Parivara p2. 8 The
name Alindakavasi Mahaphussadeva occurs in several other Commentaries
also.9 The way he attained Arahantship is quite different from that relate<,l
of Katakandhakaraviisi Phussadeva in the Samantapasadika.,a This
identity is therefore clearly not correct. Nor is he the same as the Phussa-
deva of the Parivara list. As it will be shown later the last mentioned
thera flourished in the first century A.D.
M ahiisangharakkhita
The next is Mahiisangharakkhita of UparimaI)<,Iala iu Malaya. His name
occurs in the JatakatthakathaII as UparimalJ-<;lala-mala-vasi Maharakkhita
and in the )ianorathapfira1J.jI:2 as Malayavasi Mahasangharakkhita. He is
I J VI 30
.2Ibid. IV 490, VI 30
3 Maharakkhita J VI 30
4 Maha.tissa of Bhaggari J VI 30
5 J. R. A. S. 1901 p. 8go
6 Smp Sn II 376
7 Sum ViI I 18g
8 J. R. A. S. Igol pp. 890, 891
9 More details of this thera will be given later~
10 Smp Sn II 376
IIJVI30
I2 Man I 40

68
 described as one who was noted for his unattachment and freedom from
anger.' He had an excellent pupil in Mahiltissabhiiti of MaJ:H;lalarama,'
who was a prominent thera at the time when Vattagama1).i Abhaya
(29-17 B.C.) ascended the throne of Ceylon.'
M aMtissa of Bhaggari
We have hardly any information about Bhaggarivasi Mahiltissa.' The
corresponding name at Jataka IV 490 is Bhaggirivasi Mahadeva. As
Pro!' Rhys Davids has pointed out it is possible that he is one of the Tissas
--in my opinion, not the second but the first-mentioned in the Parivara list.s
M ahasiva of V iimantapabbhiira
Mahilsiva of Vamantappabbhilra was also a thera who lived about this
time. A Mahasiva of Gi'imantapabbhara is mentioned in the Sumangala-
vilasini and the ManorathapiiraI)i. 6 It is very likely that in one or the
other of the words Vamanta and Gamanta there is a wrong reading and the
same hill (pabbhiira) is referred to by both the words. In this case, too,
I am unable to agree with Prof. Rhys Davids when he identifies this thera
with the Mahilsiva of the Parivara,7 the Sumangalavilasini 8 and the Attha-
salinL9 The thera mentioned in these three books and also in some other
Commentaries lived in the first century A.D. How Mahilsiva of Gamanta-
pabbhilra tried for thirty years and succeeded in becoming an Arahant is
described in detail in the Sumangalavilasini IO and in the ManorathaptiralJi.II
M ahiiniiga of Kiilavallima1Jifapa
The last in this group is Mahilnaga of KalavallimaI)gapa (the Pavilion
of the Black Creeper). He became an Arahant after practising meditation
for seven years using only the two postures of standing and walking, and
again practising the observance called the gatapacciigatavatta for sixteen
years. 12 It is said that one day he gave his own share of food to an Arahant
bhikkhuI)i and as a result of that never had any difficulty in obtaining his
meals. The incident is said to have taken place in the village Nakulanagara
near Guttasalagama (in RohaI)a)."
In addition to the theras mentioned above, the names of the following
also of the same period occur in the Mahavarpsa and in the Commentaries.
Theraputtiibhaya-at first a warrior who took part in the war of Duttha-
gamalJi with the Tamils.I4 When the war was over he joined the
Order and became an Arahant.1s We see him for the last time sitting
by the side of the king and offering him words of consolation as the
latter lay in his death-bed."
I Att 268
2 Man I 39, 40. ; Pap I 66
3 SV 448
4 J VI 30
5 J. R. A. S. 190.1 p. 892
6 Sum Vil In 727 ; Man 40.
7 Parivara p. 3
8 Sum Vii I 20.2, 20.3
9 Att 220.. Also. see]. R. A. S. 190.1 p. 892
IQ SumVil III 727
II Man I 40., 41
12 ApA 121:; SV 352; Pj II 56; SA Sn IH 155 ; SumVil I 190..
13 Att399
I4 Mv 23,55-63 and 32.J2
15 Ibid. 26. 2-5
16 Ibid. 32.18 foIl.
 Sudhamma Siima~~era-a nephew of the famous Talangaravasi Dhamma-
dinna. He is reported to have possessed a marvellous memory and
to have learned the whole of the three Pi!akas by listening to the
Doctrine as expounded by his uncle. I

Iv! ahiitissa of Rohatz.a--another thera who was under the self-deception

that he was an Arahant but was disillusioned by Talangaravasi
Dhammadinna. Z
J1altiitissa of ll,fa1J,r!aliiriima---.a reciter of the Dhammapada. 3
:11altiisi'i'a of Bhiiti'vanka, 4
Tissa 5 of Kotipabbatavihiira (or hotapabbata)
A nula 6
}Juhiisnmm,a,7
So~uiitara--whowas entrusted with the duty of bringing relics for the
:Vlahathilpa,8 and the
Stimatteras Ultara and Sumana--who were requested to bring special
stones to make the relic-chamber in the above mentioned cetiya. 9
A few words should also be said about the state of the bhikkhUl:Ji-sasana
at this period.
Bhikkh"'Jis
According to the Dipavalpsa five well known bhikkhUJ.).is Mahila, Samanta,
(1irikali, Dasi, and Kali came from RohaI.1a with a retinue of twenty thousand
bhikkhUl:Jis and taught the Vinaya at Anuradhapura. Among these Mahila
and Samanta were danghters of king KakavaI.1I.1atissa and, therefore sisters
(or half-sisters) of DU!!hagamaQi; Girikali was the daughter of KakavaI)Qa's
purohita (chaplain), and the other two, though themselves self-restrained
nuns, were daughters of a man of bad repute,IQ The MahavaJTlsa tells us
that ninety thousand bhikkhuQis were gathered together at the festival of the
cOij,.'iecration of the Marica vatti Vihara. I I When the thera Piyadassi preached
the Doctrine on the occasion of the beginning of the construction of the
Mahacetiva, the multitude who attained Arahantship included fourteen
thousand bhikkhunis." Whatever these' thousands' meant there is hardly
any doubt that the bhikkhuQi-sasana was in a flourishing state at the period
under our discussion.
Rendered majestic by the limitless beneficence of the most powerful
monarch Ceylon ever saw and resplendent with the brilliance of these theras
and theris, learned and of stainless purity of character, this period stands
out unique in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon.

I SV 389
2 Man 142
3 DhA IV SI
4 Mv 3°'46
5 Puggala Pani'iatti Commentary in J. P. T. S. 1914 p. 186; 'Vi I 292
6 DhA IV 50
7 Mv 23.60
8 Ibid. 3104
9 Ibid. 30.37
]0 Dip 18.20-23
11 Mv Z6.15
12 Ibid. 19·69

70
Saddhiitissa (77-59 B.C.)
Dutthagamal)i was succeeded by his brother Saddhatissa (Tissa the
Devoted). His was a reign of uninterrupted peace and prosperity. He
did not have the burden of fighting with enemies from abroad and putting
his house in order. As we saw in the foregoing pages all that had been done
by his brother; and the country being already in a state of prosperity, he
could devote his entire time to religious pursuits.
His faith and devotion knew no bounds. Buddbaghosa describes how
for one full night the king stood listening, with rapt attention, to a discourse
delivered by Kala-Buddharakkhita thera.' No less was the sincerity with
which he observed the tenets of Buddhism. For three long years he sup-
pressed a strong desire to eat snipe-flesh (tittira-maf!tsa), fearing that many
of these birds would be killed if he let his desire be known. At last a man,
Tissa by name, was found who would not kill a living being even at the risk
of his own life. The king then requested him to bring tittira flesh that was
kept for sale and not killed specially for him.2 When the dish was at last
ready he offered a portion of it to a samaJ).era at Tatthakasala PariveJ).a,
and, it is said, that he was greatly delighted at the self-restrained
behaviour of the samaJ).era. 3
Perhaps spoilt by the excessive generosity of Du(thagamaI)i, the bhikkhus
at Anuradhapura seem to have had grown lax in discipline, especially with
regard to their personal requisites. Saddhatissa ceased giving alms to them
and daily showered his gifts of requisites on the bhikkhus at Cetiyapabbata.
When questioned by the people as to the reason for concentrating his genero-
sity on Cetiyapabbata alone, he g;lve meals on the following day to the bhik-
khus at Anuradhapura and justified his attitude by pointing out to the people
the unsatisfactory manner in which .the bhikkhus behaved in accepting the
food.4
Another incident which shows lack of self-control on the part of a young
bhikkhu is recorded in the ManorathapiiraI).i. Saddhatissa was one day
going to the vihara in the company of the ladies of his royal household.
A young bhikkhu, standing at the gate of the Lohapasada, looked at one of
them and was instantly consumed'with passion for her. Reciprocal feelings
arose in the woman, too, and, we are told, both died as a result of that ex-
cessive lust.5
It would, however, be quite incorrect to suppose that the whole brother-
hood of bhikkhus of Saddhatissa's day was guilty of such laxity in discipline.
It is not possible to think that the spiritual heights attained by many a
thera hi the time of Dutthagamal)i could have been lost to the country in so
short a time. We have evidence that great theras such as Kujjatissa and
Mahavyaggha survived Dutthagamalji,1i and there probably were many
others of the same group, though we have no records left of them.
One of the most illustrious theras who flourished during the reign of
Saddhatissa was Kala-Buddharakkhita. He was the son of a minister
(perhaps of king Dutthagamal)i), and entering the Order in due course
I Pap II 294
2 Man II 30 ; SA Sn III 49
3 Ibid. II 30
4 SV 473
5 Man I 23
6 Ibid. 11 247

71
became proficient in the teachings of the Buddha. He became an Arahant
while at Vatakasitapabbata and lived at the Cetiyapabbata ViMra as the
head of a vast number of bhikkhus.' Reference has alreadv been made to a
discourse delivered by this thera and listened to with rapt attention
by the king.'
Saddhatissa reigned for eighteen years and during this period many viMras
such as those at Dakkhil)agiri, Kallakiilena, Kalambaka, Pettarigaviilika,
Velangavitthika, Dubbalavapitissa. Dftratissakavapi and the Matuvihara
weTe built by him. He is also said to have built viMTas from AnuTiidhapura
to Dighavapi, one for every yojana (of the way). During this reign the
nine-storeyed Lohapasada caught fire from a lamp and SaddMtissa built
it anew, seven storeys high. 3
Saddhatissa suffered the disadvantages of coming immediately after-or
rather we suffer in a true evaluation of his merits by contrasting him with-a
much greater fuler, DutthagamalJ.i. Nevertheless, Tissa was a powerful
monarch indeed, and contributed much to the welfare of the sa~ana.
The spread of Buddhism in Ceylon was complete in the reign of Tis,sa;
perhaps it had already seen completion before the death of Gama!)i. One
may, without much fear of contradiction, say that it is in the time of these
two brothers that the island of Larika witnessed the zenith of Buddhist glory.
Before conduding this chapter it may be useful to note how the centre of
Buddhist activities moved from time to time during the two centuries that
we have so far reviewed. Though Mahinda arrived at Cetiyapabbata and
the conversion of Devanampiyatissa took place there, Anuradhapura soon
became the stronghold of the faith and remained so for nearly three-quarters
of a century up to the defeat of Siiratissa by the Tamil invaders (c.I77 B.c.).
The scene now changes. Anuradhapura is gradually abandoned by the
sailgha and RohaQa becomes the new centre. Cetiyapabbata retains some
of its strength, as it, being a mountain at some distance from the town,
afforded no material attractions to the invaders, The defeat of Elara by
Dutthagamal)i (101 B.C.) changes the scene again and Anuradhapura
once more becomes the headquarters of the sasana.. Lastly during the reign
of Saddhatissa-and this time not due to political disturbances-Anura-
dhapura loses its grandeur and is eclipsed by Cetiyapabbata.

I Pap II 293 fall.

z Ibid. 294
3 Mv 33.6 foll.

72
 CHAPTER FOUR

The Writing down of the Texts

Thulathana S9 E.C.
The prosperity that Ceylon enjoyed under the reigns of DutthagamaI)i
and Saddhatissa was destined not to last long. After the death of the latter
his second son Thulathana was anointed king according to the decision of
Saddhatissa's counsellors and of the monks in the Thiiparama.' Evidently
Thiilathana was more favourably disposed towards the bhikkhus, but this
intervention in political matters brought with it serious consequences on
the sangha. Only for one month and ten days had Thiilathana been king
when Lafijatissa, the elder son of Saddhatissa, hurried to Anuradhapura
overpowered his brother and took over the reins of government. 2
Lanjatissa (S9-S0 B.C.)
Lafijatissa, being the elder, was the lawful heir to the throne, and in their
choice the bhikkhus were clearly wrong from a conventional point of view,
however right they may have been in choosing the better man. Now that
Lafijatissa was in power he avenged the injustice done to him and for three
years he kept either slighting or neglecting the bhikkhus. Later he changed
his mind and was reconciled with ,them. Thereafter he built many viharas,
and showered upon the monks gifts of food and raiment. The comfort of
the bhikkhuI)is, too, was well looked after. 3
Khalliitaniiga (SO-43 E.C.) Va!,tagiima1}i (43 E.C.): The Eriihma~,atissa Peril
Lafijatissa was succeeded by his younger brother Khallatanaga. After
he had been king for six years, he was overpowered by a rebel of the name
Kammaharattaka, who, in turn, was almost immediately slain by Khalla-
tanaga's younger brother VattagamaI)l. The latter had ruled for scarcely
five months when a young brahmaI).a, named Tissa, in RohaQa raised a
revolt. Simultaneously with this uprising seven Tamils came with their
troops from South India. The Mahavarp.'sa dismisses the rebeIlicn of Brah-
maI).atissa without giving any details of its consequences on the country.4
The Commentaries, however, have preserved for us many valuable episodes
which give an insight not only into the political and social unrest created,
but also to the repercussions it had caused in the sas ana, and into the reason
which led to that most momentous event in the history of Theravada
Buddhism, namely the writing down of the Buddhist Canonical Texts.
Tissa was a very powerful brahmal).a, so powerful that VaHagamal).i,
at least for the time being, dared not meet him in open baHle. 5 The Sammo-
havinodani tells us: "The rebel BrahmaI)atissa plundered the district.
The monks discussed in council and sent eight theras to Sakka requesting
I Mv 33. vv. 17, 18. It. is interesting to note that the bhikkhus responsible for this
selection were those in the Thiiparama and not in the Mahavihiira as one would
have expected.
2 Ibid. 33.19
3 Ibid. 33.21-28
4 Ibid. 33.37--41
5 Ibid. 33·37 fall.

73
him to ward off the rebel. Sakka, the king of the devas, replied: 'Sirs,
it is not possible to ward off the rebel that has risen. May you go abroad.
I shall protect you (while) on the sea. ", Behind this curious story lies
hidden the historical truth of the tremendous power wielded by Tissa. The
hatred with which Tissa was looked upon is well illustrated by the epithet
Ca1J4iila'J. sometimes added to his name.3 What greater dishonour could
there be to a brahamana than to be called a cal).c;liUa!
In addition to the ruin wrought by the rebel, nature too became an ad-
versary of the country. For twelve years there was a severe famine whkh
has no parallel in the history of the island.4 The monasteries in Anuradha-
pura were abandoned and the bhikkhus made their way either to India or to
the hilly di~tricts of Ceylon. It would not be out of place to give here a
brief summary of the episodes treasured for us in the Commentaries.
According to the Sammohavinodani, bhikkhus from all quarters assembled
at Jambukola-pattana in Nagadjpa5 to cross over to India. The three
theTas SarpyuttabhaI).aka Ciilasiva, Isidatta and Mahas€l),a were at the head
of the monks assembled there. Knowing the competency of Mahas€l).a to
protect the sasana at a future date, the other two theTas advised him to go
abroad and return after the peril was over. As CUlasiva and Isidatta had
decided not to cross over, MahaseJ)a too stayed behiI}d. CUlasiva requested
Isidatta to protec{ Mahasel)a with very great care, and himself went to pay
his veneration to the Mahacetiya. At that time the Mahavihara was empty,
castor plants had grown on the courtyard of the Maha.cetiya. All around it
were bushes and the cetiya itself was covered with moss. Thence he went to a
place near the ]agg-ara river where the people were living on leaves. The
thera lived there til1 better times came.& The name of this thera occurs
again in the Visuddhimagga where he is mentioned as an example of one
on whom poison had no effect because he practised universallove. 7
Isidatta and Mahasc1).a, too, had a very trying time. \VhHe travelling
about the country they came to the district of Aja (Ajajanapada)8 In
one place there the people had taken the kernels from some madhu fruits
and left behind on the ground the outer coverings, which the theras picked
up and ate. That was the only food they had for a whole week. On another
occasion they lived on the stalks of the water lily and later on the bark of
the banana. 9
The account of Vattabbaka ~igrodha and of his aged preceptor is still
more pathetic. They travelled from place to place living on most scanty

I sv. 445, 446

2 A man of one of the lowest castes.
3ManI92
4SAIIlII
.5 The north-western part of Ceylon. See :\Iv Translation p. 6 note 2.
6 SV 446, 4-4-7
7 ViI 3 1 3
8 The Samantapasadika mentions that the AJandanagarajamahesi renewed the gift
of an aqueduct which was abandoned by the monks of Cittalapabbata, a well known
monastery in Rohana (Srnp III 680). The word Alandanagarajamahesi, in my
opinion, means' the consort of the Naga king, the chief of Ala (Ala+inda=
Alanda)_ If this interpretation is correct, Alajanapada was a district in Rohat;la,
and its population consisted predominantly of people of the Naga race.
9 SV 447, 448

74
 food. The famine had, by that time, grown so acute that people ate even
human flesh. Tbe aged thera feJl a prey to some such people maddened by
hunger. Nigrodha, however, made good his escape and, after the famine
was over, learned the three Pitakas and became a wel] known thera. 1
Numberless people, both from the monkhood and from the laity, died of
starvation. The Sammohavinodani tel1s us that both at Tissamaharama
and at Cittalapabbatavihara there was at that time sufficient grain for three
years and a11 of it was eaten by rats. Twelve thousand Arahants from each
of these viharas set out to the other vihara, but they met midway and hearing
the same news from each other, entered a forest and passed away", knowing
that it was useless to return to their monasteries.~ \Vhatever significance
there may be in these numbers and in the description of the almost mira-
culous incidents connected with the episode, there is no doubt that a very
large number of bhikkhus died for want of food.
An instance is recorded in the ManorathapiiraIJ.i3 ofa theri, ~aga by name,
who was left behind with some other young bhikkhul)is in the village Bha-
taragama, when the inhabitants abandoned it in search of a less miserable
place. The inhabitants did not inform the theri of their departure because
they were no longer able to support her fellow bhikkhut;lis, and also perhaps
because they did not have the heart to express their inability to support
her at such a disastrous time as that.
Other theras who are mentioned as having lived about tbis time are
Tissabhiiti of Ma1)c.lalarama, Sumanadeva of Gama, Phussadeya and
Upatissa .
.Tissabhuti
Tissabhiiti lived at Mat;lg.alarama in Kalakagama. An interesting account
of how he destroyed his impure thoughts is given in the Manorathapirat;ll.
One day, when he was yet a student, he was going through a village on his
begging round. There he saw a certain woman and immediately impure
thoughts entered his mind. He returned to the vihara, informed his teacher
Malayavasi Mahasangharakkhita thera of the incident and obtained a
suitable meditation from him. He was determined to destroy his impure
thoughts or, failing it, to put an end to his own life. With this determination
in his mind he made obeisance again and again to his teacher before he took
leave of him. The teacher inquired why he did so, and Tissabhftti replied:
" Good it is if I shall be successful in my attempt. If, however, I fail, this
shall be my last salutation to you." Tissabhiiti retired to a solitary spot,
and, engaged in strenuous meditation, extirpated all lustful thoughts and
became an Arahant.4 A short time after the Brahmanatissa famine was
over, the people in Kalakagama arranged an almsgiving on a magnificent
scale. The Sammohavinodani tells us that, on that occasIon, Tissabhiiti
thera was given the principal seat.s

T Ibid. 449, 450

:2SV 445
3 Man Sn 670, 67l
4 :r>.Ian 1 39, 40. The Papanca:=;iidani (166) gives a slightly different ver:;ion, according to
which, Tissabhuti controlled his thoughts as soon as the impurity entered his mind;
but at night, during sleep, he saw the same object in a dream. Then he received
advice from bis teacher and put an end to his sense desires.
5 SV 44 8 '

75
 The Atthasalin[ has another reference to this thera. One day he was
explaining that the place of the Great Enlightenment was the nidiina
(the place of origin) of the Abhidhamma Pitaka. The thera Sumanadeva
of Gama, while preaching the Doctrine at the base of the Brazen Palace,
heard this and called him a heretic (paraviidi) who did not know the nidiina
{)f the Abhidhamma. He then proceeded to give the true version of how the
Buddha preached the Abhidhamma at the foot of the Paricchattaka tree
in Tavatirp.sa, a world of the devas 1 ,
Phussadeva and Upatissa, pupils of the same teacher, were proficient
in the Vinaya. During the Brahmal)atissa famine they protected the Vinaya
Pitaka'. More about these theras will be said in the next chapter.
It should be remembered that at this time the teachings of the Buddha
were, as mentioned before, handed down orally from teacher to pupil. Thus
there remained always at this time the danger of some parts of the
teachings being lost as the result of the death of those who had memorised
them and of the inability of many, weakened by starvation, to proceed with
their studies. Nor was there any guarantee of the returning of thosebhik-
khus. who went abroad as none could guess when the famine would end.
Seeing this grave danger, those who knew the books by heart took all pre-
cautions not to allow the Texts to fan into oblivion. Sixty bhikkhus who had
even gone so far as the coast to cross over to India returned to the southern
Malaya district and lived there eating only roots and leaves. They never
failed to recite the Texts lest they should forget them. When they had
sufficient strength to sit down they recited the Texts, keeping themselves
in that posture, and, when they could no longer keep their bodies erect,
they laid their heads on mounds of. sand and continued their recitations.
In Ihis wise they preserved in full for twelve years the Texts as well as the
Commentaries 3 , One book, however, was on the verge of being lost to the
world. And that was the Mahiiniddesa of the Sutta Pitaka. Only one
bhikkhu could recite it. Mahiitipitaka thera, the preceptor of Catunikiiyika
Tissa', requested a bhikkhu named Mahiirakkhita, who had great powers
of .memory, to learn the Mahaniddesa; but the latter refused to do so on the
ground that the person who knew it was known to be a man of impure life.
Mahiirakkhita was at last persuaded and, learning it day and night, he
completed the task. The person from whom Mahiirakkhita learned the
Text was afterwards proved to be a very immoral hhikkhu; yet the Dook
was thus saved from being lost for ever. Many ohefs thereas, in turn, learned
the' Text from Maharakkhita. 5
Va!!agiima/Ji (29-17 B.C.)
After twelve long years of endless suffering and misery the famine came
to an end. The rebel Brahmal)atissa died and Vattagamal)[ ascended the
throne again. 6 Such is the account given in the Commentaries. Thev are
-silent on the invasion of the seven Tamils recorded in the Mahavarpsa.
1 lHt It), 31. Also see The Expositor I 38, 39
:-: SUck' 1 263
3ManIg2
4 An account of Catunikayika Tissa of Kolita vihara and of his brother Qattabhaya of
Potaliya vihara is given in the Manorathapurar;t.t (II 173). Perhaps these two
Catunikayika Tissas were identical.
5 Smp III 695
-6 SV 448

76
According to this Chronicle the rebel Tissa was slain by the Tamil invaders.
One of these returned to South India taking with him Somadevi, one of the
queens of VattagamaI)L Another took the Buddha's alms-bowl and returned
home straightway well contented. When VatjagamaI)i fled the other five
reigned successively, each of the last four slaying his predecessor and taking
possession of the throne for himself. The last was overthrown by Vatta-
gamaI).i, who then brought the whole country under his sway.!
Things took a better turn with the coming into power of Vatjagamal)i
Abhaya.' Hearing that the peril was over and that the country was pros-
perous, the bhikkhus who had gone to India returned. How they, on their
return sought out MahaseI)a thera and Vattabbaka Nigrodha, mentioned
before, is described in the Sammohavinodani3. The sixty bhikkhus who
had retreated to the southern Malaya district and had sought to preserve
the Texts by reciting them, if necessary, even at the cost of their own lives,
heard of the return of the bhikkhus from India and went in search of them
to compare the Texts as the former remembered them. It is said that the
versions of the two parties agreed word for word.4
The Dipaval)1sa tells us that after the (BrahmaI)atissa) peril had disap-
peared (apagate bhaye) , the bhikkhuI)isMahaseI)a, Datta, Sivala, Naga, Naga-
mitta, Dhammagutta, Dasiya, Samudda, Sapatta, Channa, Upali, Revata,
Mala, Khema and Tissa were the first to teach the Vinaya in Ceylon. Then at
the request of king (Vattag.maI)i) Abhaya came Sival. and Maharuha with
a large number of bhikkhuI)is from India. These, too, taught the Vinaya
Pitaka at Anuradhapura. From them the following bhikkhuI)is received
the upasampadii ordination: Samuddanava, Devi and Siva1a (\\1ho were
daughters of the king), Nagamitta, Mahila and (a second) Nagamitta5 .
Signs of Decadence
It is evident from the description given above of the conditions of the
country at the time that, in spite of the existence of a number of faithful
bhikkhus whose self-sacrificing eflorts saved the Pali Texts from being for
ever lost, the state of Buddhism had fallen from the heights it occupied
in the time of DutthagamaI).i and Saddhatissa. The causes that led to such
a state of affairs are not all clear to us from the evidence available. One
of the chief reasons, no doubt was the decadence of the power of the Sin-
halese kings who were always the greatest benefactors of the sasana~
Another reason was very likely the entering into the order of monks of people
who, however intelligent and learned they might have been, were seekers
after comfort and worldly pleasure. Such a man, indeed, was the thera who
alone knew the Mahaniddesa. The faith of the people was so great that as
long as there were any provisions available in the country the sustenance
of a bhikkhu remained assured. This, needless to say, must have had drawn
many undesirables into the Order.
This period witnessed a change in the attitude of the monks towards 'living
the life'. Perhaps because it was easier to be a learned man than to be a
saint, or perhaps the difficulty, and therefore all the more the necessity, of
I Mv 33 54-61
2 He is also called Piturajii (Father King) as he placed himself in the position of father
to his brother's son, pnnce Mahiicillika Mv 33.36
3 SV 448, 451
4 Man 192
5 Dip IS. 27-35

77
preserving the Texts was becoming more and more evident, the bhikkhus
tended to think that pariyatti (learning) was of greater importance than
palipatti (living the life). The Manorathapiiral)i tells us that a discussion
arose among the bhikkhus who returned from abroad after the famine
" whether par(vatN was the root of the sasana or whether it was pa,tipatti
(pariyatti nu kho sasanassa miila,!,udahu patipatti)." After arguments had
been adduced on both sides the dhammakathikas 1 gained victory over the
pa'f!1,S-ukulikas 2 • Practice was relegated to the background and preaching
gained supremacy. The Sutta defeated the Vinaya. 3 How different this
was from the older attitude! "Vinayo niima Buddhasiisanassa iiyu " (Vinaya
is the very life of the religion of the Buddha) cried out in bold terms the
theras of old." This change in attitude, though no attention has been paid
to it in the Commentaries, is of the utmost importance in the history of
Theravada Buddhism. This school of Buddhism c1aims its descent from
Upiili,l the greatest Vinayadhara among the disciples, of the Buddha.'
Mahinda, too, the founder of this school in Ceylon, insisted on the reciting
of the Vinaya by a Ceylonese bhikkhu as it was only then, he maintained,
that the sasana would take root in Ceylon.7 Mahinda's Buddhism was a
religion predominantly of practice, and the victory, mentioned above. of
Suttanata over Vinaya, would not have been one after the heart of that great
missionary. For this reason--and for other reasons, too, to be mentioned
presently-the period of VattagamaI)i Abhaya opens a new era in the history
of Buddhism in Ceylon.
A bhayagiri~v£hiira
During the fourteen years of his flight and life in disguise through fear
of the To.mils, Vattagiimal)i Abhaya was helped considerably by the two
theras Mahatissa of Kupikkalavihara and Tissa of Hambugallakavihara. H
When VattagamaI)i defeated the Tamils and regained the throne, he abolished
the monastery of Giri, a lain ascetic, and built on its place the Abhaya~
girivihara. As a token of his gratitude the king gave this vihara to the thera
Mahatissa. 9 This vihara, which was to play a large part in the subsequent
history of Buddhism in the island, was built, as ma.y be inferred from the
Mahavarpsa, in the year 2q B.C. IO Several other viharas, too. built by the
ministers of VattagamaI)I were given to the thera Tissa. 1I
The first Schism
Shortly afterwards occurred another event which brought with it results
of a very serious nature. Mahatissa, upon whom the king bestowed the
Abhayagifi vihiira, was expelled by the brotherhood of the Mahiivihiira on the
ground that the former had frequented the families of laymen. His pupil,
the thera known as Bahalamassu Tissa, went in anger to the Abhayagiri-
vihara and abode there forming a separate faction. Thence forward these.
1 Preachers of the Doctrine.
2 Observers of the ascetic practice called paJ!lsukiilika1iga, The term is however used in
a wider sense and denotes observ!'rs of the Vinava in general.
3 Man I 92, 93 .
4 Smp I 13
5 Ibid. I 62
6 A I 25
7 Smp I 102
8 Mv 33· vv. 49, 71, 75
9 Ibid. 33.80--83. More about this vihara will be given later.
IQ Ibid. 33.80
I I Ibid. 33.()1
bhikkhus came no more to the Mahavihara,l This was the fir!=:t schism that
occurred in the sangha of Ceylon. Though the Abhayagiri now became
separated from the Mahavihara, it did not become a centre of heretical
teachings till sometime later. 2 The expulsion of Mahatissa thera must
have had caused great displeasure in the heart of Vat(agamal)i. The
Mahavarp.sa does not mention any favour bestowed by the king on the
Mahavihara, whereas it makes clear the attention paid by him to the Abhaya-
giri. 3
The commit#ng of the Texts to w rz'tz'1tg
1

At this time the bhikkhus of the Mahavihara thought it expedient to

commit to writing the teachings of the Buddha which were preserved till
then by word of mouth. The Mahavamsa has onlv a brief reference
to it.4 -It gives neither the name of the piace where i( was done nor that of
the person whose patronage rendered it possible for the work to be completed.
B.ut from other sources we learn that 500 monks assembled at Alu-vihara
(Aloka-vihara) and receiving the help of a certain chieftain performed this
memorable task.s
The causes that led to this writing down of the Texts may be summarized
as follows:
(r) The island was in constant danger of being attacked by non--
Buddhist foreigners and whenever they were successful, that period proved
to be a very dark one for Buddhism. Wars and other forms of political
unrest necessitated the abandoning of the chief centres of learning such as
the Mahiivihara. This, it is easy to imagine, often resulted in the separation
of the pupils from the teachers-the living books.
(2) The Brahmanatissa famine. too, made the bhikkhus think of the
dangers of leaving the Texts to oral tradition. We have already seen with
what great difficulty the Texts were preserved during that troublous period.
(3) As time went on, irresponsible and irreligious people entered the
Order, ano, no doubt, the enthusiasm to hand down the Texts in their purity
waned. The MahavaqIsa gives this as the direct cause. 6
(4) The last. but not the least. was the formation of a school at Abhaya-
giri, separate from the Mahavihara, and the king's partiality to this new
school in preference to the Mahavihara fraternity. This is 1!.lade evident
by the fact that the bhikkhus decided to write the Texts at the Aloka-vihara,
a place in the vicinity of Matale in the Central Province and remote from
Anuradhapura, the capital of Vattagamal)! Abhaya. Moreover the fact
that the person who helped in the work was a chieftain instead of the king
as one would have expected it to be, probably points to Our former inference,
namely, that the king was not favourably disposed towards the bhikkhus
in the Mahavihara.
\Vhatever may have been the cause or causes that incited the bhikkhus
to this task, the event decided the future not only of the Theravada School
of Buddhism but also of the whole field of Pali Literature.
There is prevalent in Ceylon a tradition that the three Pit<!,kas were re-
corded on sheets of gold and were deposited in a rock at the Aloka-vihara.
Perhaps this tradition is not without foundation and could the records be
discovered on excavation, their value would indeed be unspeakable.
I Ibid. 33.95 foIl. 4 See Chapter on "Growth of Dissentient Schools. "
2 Mv 33·99 5 Mv 33. 100-101
3 Nikayasangraha pp. IQ----II. Also see P.L.e. 43 6 Mv 33-101

79
 CHAPTER FIVE

The First Literary Period

Mahacuii Mahatissa I7-3 B.C.

VaHagama(li was succeeded by his nephew Mahiiciiji Mahiitissa, who
was noted for his piety and for his devotion to the thera Mahasumma l .
Besides his pious activities mentioned in the Mahavarpsa, he is also recorded
in the Karamba-hinna Cave-inscription to have been the donor of a cave at
Ritigala to the Buddhist monkhood.' The Bhikkhu(li-sasana, too,
seems to have been in a flourishing condition at this time. 3
Towards the latter part of his reign the peace of the country was disturbed
by his cousin Coranaga (Niiga, the rebel). The disturbance created by
him was fraught with evil for the sailgha, for Coranaga, when he became
king after the death of Mahiicii!i, continued to harass the bhikkhus from
whom he received nO refuge during his rebellion4. For a quarter of a century
and especially under Anula, Coranaga's infamous consort, Ceylon witnessed
another spell of gloom in the sphere of her public life.
Ku!aka1;t1;ta Tissa I6-38 A.D.
This gloom was dispelled by the rising into power of Kutaka!)!)a Tissa,
the second son of MahaciiF Mahatissa. Ths Mahavarpsa does not give
much information about the state of Buddhism during the half-century
from the time of Mahiiciili to that of Kutakanna, but the Piili Commentaries
have preserved for us a ·wealth of detai"l of inestimable value. During the
whole of the early history of Buddhism in Ceylon we have, perhaps, only
one other period about which we have more information than of this;
and that period is the reign of DutthagamaJ)i. The information available
in the Commentaries is not to be had in any connected form, but, with
careful comparison and linking up of the references and episodes given here
and there, it is possible to make a fair reconstruction of the state of the reli-
gion at that time. The names of more than twenty theras can be- assigned
to this period, most of whom can be identified with those mentioned
in the Parivara and the Samantapasadika lists of teachers.5 We shall
make here a brief survey of the commentarial literature on these theras.
Upatissa and Phussadeva
Perhaps the two earliest theras belonging to the group under discussion
are Upatissa and Phussadeva. The Pariviira list adds the epithet Medhiiv.
(the wise) to Upatissa and Mahiikathi (the great preacher) to Phussadeva. 6
Both of them were Vinayadharas and were pupils of the same teacher
(samanacariyakii). During the great Peril (i.e. the Brahma(latissa famine)
they protected the Vinaya Pitaka. Upatissa was the cleverer of the two,

I Mv 34. 2, 3
:l Ep. Zey. I J46
3 1\1v 34· 6, 7
4 .Ibid. 34. 1 3
5 Par. pp. 2, 3· Smp I 62, 63
6 Ibid. p. 3

80
and he had two well known pupils, Mahiipaduma and Mahiisumma.'
The latter studied the Vinaya Pitaka nine times. Mahiipaduma studied
it nine times with him and another nine times alone. He was thus better
versed in the Vinaya than his fellow pupil. Mahiisumma, after thus study-
ing the Vinaya Pitaka nine times, left his teacher and went to reside on the
other side of the river Mahawaliganga. Mahapaduma expressed his dis-
approval of this departure, saying that as long as one's teacher was living,
one should stay with him studying many times the Vinaya Pitaka as well
as the Commentaries. 2 Differences of opinion between the two theras
Upatissa and Phussadeva3 and alsQ among the four4--these two and
Upatissa's pupils Mahiisumma and Mahiipaduma-as to the interpretation
of certain Vinaya rules are mentioned in the Samantapasa.dika. An
interpretation given by Phussadeva was rejected by his pupils on the
ground that their teacher was not learned in the Abhidhamma, and, there-
fore, had no knowledge of the planes of existence (iicariyo na iibhidham-
miko, bhummantara'lfl- na janiiti).5

Mahiipaduma and Mahiisumma

There is hardly any doubt that the thera Mahiipaduma (the Great Lotus)
was identical with the Pupphanama (the Flower-named) of the Pariviira
list.' In the Samantapasildika we find Buddhaghosa paying great respect to
the views of this thera as well as to those of Mahasumma. There are
instances where Mahapadurna's expositions are considered to be as
authoritative as those given in the Mahapaccari, Kurundi and Maha-
~ttakathas.7 In the Commentaries we often find quoted as authorities
Acariyavadas, views of teachers, and we have reason to suppose that
Mahapadurna was included among those teachers. 8
Though Mahasumma did not have the same proficiency in the Vinaya
as Mahapadurna, his views were considered by Buddhaghosa as authorita-
tive as those of the latter. Different views and interpretations of the
Vinaya as put forward by these two theras occur very frequently in the
Samantapasadika9. According to the Mahaval11sa, Mahasurnma was
highly respected by king Mahadi!i Mahatissa ..w
Anuruddha
A thera named Anuruddha is mentioned as the preceptor of Mahasumrna. ll

1 Called also Mahasumana

2 Smp I 263, 264
3 See Smp Il 456, III 653, 685
4 See Smp III 651, 714, 715
5~rr_ .
6 The Smp list (1 63) has Phus'>anama, but the alternate reading Pupphanama given
in the footnote appears to be t,he correct one.
7 Smp I 283, III 644
8 Ibid I 283
9 See e.g., Smp Il 368 Smp III 683
" 38 7 " "7 1 9
" 477 .. Sn Il 54
III 535 " "59
" 53 8 " 282
" 55 6 " 28 7
" 59 6 " 289
" 609 " 31 5
10 Mv 34.3
Il Smp III 698
8]
M ahatissa of PU1f1Javallika
The thera Mahatissa of PUI:1\lavallika is described as a reciter of the two
Vibharigas (Ubhatovibhariga-bhii\laka). According to the Samantapa-
sadika we feel inclined to think that he was a contemporary of Mahapaduma
thera.' The Atthasiilini and the Visuddhimagga state that as a result
of the thrill of joy (ubbega-pUi) obtained by contemplation on the Buddha,
he was able to transport himself through the air to the Mahiicetiya'. The
reference made by Buddhaghosa to a view held by this thera leads us to
infer that he was probably a dweHer in the forest (araiiiiaviisi or vanavasi).3
If this inference is correct he was very likely identical with the Vanavasi
Mahatissa who attained Arahantship after practising the gatapacciigatavatta
for nineteen years, and was also a contemporary of Mabaphussadeva thera
of Alindaka.4
Godha and Karav,ka Tissa
The theras Godhas and Karavika Tissa6 also appear to be contem-
poraneous with Mahapaduma and Mahasumma. We do not have much
inforrnation about either of these theras. A view of Karavika Tissa on a
point in the Vinaya is recorded in the Samantapasiidikii7, and he is called
the Vinayadharapamokkha (the foremost among the Vinayadharas.)8 He
may probably be identical with the second Tissa of the Parivara list who is
described with the epithets Medhav, (wise) and Vinaye visiirado (proficient
in the Vinaya).Q He was also a contemporary of Mahasiva thera. lo
Mahiisiva
According to the information available in the PaH Commentaries it appears
that there were two Mahasiva theras, one versed in the three Pitakas and
the other devoted to the Vinava. The mention of two such Siv~s in the
Parivara lisPl, too, lends support to this same view. There is not much
information about the one devoted to the Vinaya. The references in the
Samantapasadika are very likely to this theTa I::. Tipitaka Mahasiva thera
(sometimes called also Mabasivatthera-without the epithet Tipilaka) is
held in high esteem by Buddhaghosa and is quoted many times in the
CommentariesI3, He is also sometimes called DighabhaI).aka Mahasiva l4 or
Tipitaka Dighabha.l;taka Mahasiva. 15 On one occasion, however, Buddha-
ghosa prefers the AHhakathii view to that of Mahiisiva.,6
I Ibid. 644
2 Att 1I6, Vi I 143
3 Srnp III 644
4 SV 352. Pj Il 56, Pap I 258, SA Sn III 154
5 Smp III 588
6 Ibid. 646. 647
7 Smp Sn II 208
S Ibid. 237
9 Par. p. 3
la Smp Sn II 237
II Par. p. 3
12 Srnp III 7II
Srnp Sn 11 237
13 Sum ViI 1202, 203
" Il 375
11 430, 511, 554, 555
III 892
14 Sum ViI III 805, 881 ; SA Sn III 171
15 Ibid. II 543, III 883
16 Ibid. TI 554, 555 : SA Sn III Ig8 ; Att 266, .267

82
Culasiva, GOf'araviya and Summa of Kaihiila
Among the contemporaries of Mahasiva may be mentioned the theras
CUlasiva of Lokuttara,r GOJ.).araviya,2 and Summa of Ka!hAla. 3 In the
Visuddhimagga mention is made of a Ciilasiva who went over to India to
lead a quiet life there as people in Ceylon troubled him too much by showing
him their respect and offering him the requisites.4 vVe are, however, unable
to identify him with the Ciilasiva of Lokuttara. GOJ).araviya is mentioned
in connection with a discussion between himself and Mahasiva.5 No detailed
information is available of Summa.
Tipitaka Culaniiga
Another thera belonging to this period is Tipilaka Ciilanaga6 who may be
identified with the CUlanaga of the Parivara list. He was a pupil of Dlpa-
viharavasl Summa,? and is described as a man who would not give a reply
without first carefully thinking of it.' Ciilanaga was intensely loved by
king Kn takaJ).J).a Tissa. When the thera was suffering from a serious illness
and was lying on his death-bed, the king himself nursed him and went
about weeping bemoaning the fact that 'the axle of the wheel of the
Dhamma was about to break' ,9 Ciilanaga was a learned man and a clever
preacher. Once he preached the Chachakka Sutta with very great suc,ess
at Ambilahalavihara. IO A curious effect which a sermon of this thera on
the doctrine of anaitii (non-soul) had on a certain brahmal).a is described
in the SaratthappakasinLII Difference of views with regard to doctrinal
topics between Ciilanaga and his teacher12 and also between himself and
his fellow pupil CiilabhayaI3 is recorded in several places, Once a dis-
cussion arose among Tipilaka CUlanaga, Tipilaka Ciilabhaya and Tipilaka
Mahadhammarakkhita over a word in the Puggalapaiiiiatti. The three
theras expressed three different views, but they were preserved as authorita-
tive statements on the ground that there must be some reason in all the
three views as the theras were all learned men. 4 There is, however, one
I

instance where Buddhaghosa accepts an interpretation of Tipitaka

Mahadhammarakkhita but hesitates to accept those of Ciilanaga and of
Mahadatta of Moravapi as they appeared to contradict the Canonical Text."
Tipitaka Culiibhaya
Tipilaka Ciilabhaya mentioned above was also a pupil of Dipavihara-
vasi Summa,6, and may safely be identified with the CUlabhaya of the
Parivara list. I? A curious episode about his student days is given in the
I Sum ViI III 883
2 Pap Il 286
3 Sum ViI III 882
4ViII7°
5 Pap Il 286
6 Att 266
7 Man II 133
8 PuggaIa Pannatti Commentary, J. P. T. S. 1914 p. 223
9 SV 452
IQ Pap Sn 1025
11 SA II 276
12 Pap I 230; Man II 133; Man Sn 831 ; SV 342 Sum Vil III 744
13 SV 16; SA Sn III 206; Att 230
14 Pug. Pan. COOl., J. P. T. S. 1914 p. 190
IS PsmA 405. For further references to Culanaga (and other persons also) see Appendix lA
16 Pap I 155
17 Par. P. 3
 Visuddhimagga. It would not be out of place here to deal with the episode
in brief as it gives an idea of the importance with which learning under a
teacher and not merely from books was regarded at that time. The story
runs as follows:
Tipitaka CiiUibhaya thera had learned all the three Pitakas but had made
no study of the Commentaries. One day he proclaimed by beat of the golden.
drum that he would preach from the Pitakas at the Paficanikaya Ma!)(lala :
Pavilion. Tpe bhikkhus decided that they would not allow him to preach I
anything which he had not learned from his teacher. When Ciilabhoya went I
to see his preceptor, the latter asked him certain questions on the'
iicariyaviidas and as he was unable to give answers- with any certainty, he I
was asked to go and learn them from Mahadhammarakkhita thera of Tula- I
dharapabbata-vihara in Roha!)a. He went there accordingly and learned
the teachings in their entirety. I
After studying at Roha!)a he returned to Anuradhapura. We find him
more than once engaged in teaching at the Lohapasada. 2 As a judge in I
hearing cases among the bhikkhus he was impartial to the utmosU He
was well known, too, for the power of his memory,4 and he possessed the
talent of answering questions promptly and to the point.' Divergent views.
expressed by this thera and Ciilanaga have already been noted. 6
Dipavihiiravasi Summa
As was remarked above, Summa uf Dipavihara7 was the teacher of both
Tipitaka Ci1lanaga and Tipitaka Ci1labhaya. The thera lived (at least for
some time) at Girivilrara. 8 An explanation given by him of a doctrinal
topic is recorded as authority in the Sumangalavilasini. 9 King KutakaI;tIJ,a
Tissa had yery great affection and respect for this thera. The Sammoha-
vinodani gives an interesting account of a meeting of these two per-
sonages. IO
Tipi!aka M ahadhammarakkhita
Tipitaka Mahadhammarakkhita is already known to us as the learned
thera of Roha!)a who taught the iicariyaviidas to Tipi\aka Ci1labhaya.
According to the account in the Visuddhimagga he knew all the Pi\akas
together with the iicariyaviidas though he had been out of touch with them
excepting the Digha and Majjhima-Nikayas. for thirty yearsY Buddhaghosa
attaches very great importance to the views of this thera. In the Attha-
salini he includes an explanation of Dhammarakkhita among the iicariya-
viidas. u

I Vi I 96
2Smp III 591 ; Sum ViI II 44;1
3 Smp III 591
4 Sum ViI n 530
5 Pu.g. Paii.. Corn. J. P. T. S. 1914 p. 223
6 Also see Man I 26. SA Sn III 215. For some of his other interpretations of the Doc-
trine, see SV 1 I; Vi I 69, Il 394
7 Also called SHmana of Dipavihara (Pap. I 155). Summa of Dibbavihara (SV 342) ..
and Tipitaka eulIa Summa (Pap I 230).
g Sum Vii II 514 ; Also called Girigamakal).I).a SV 452
9 Sum VillI 514
la SV 452
II Vi I 96
12 Att 278

84
M ahiidatta and DighabhiiIJaka Abhaya
Among the contemporaries of Mahadhammarakkhita may be classed
Mahiidatta of Moraviipi and Dighabhal)aka Abhaya.' We do not have much
information, besides what has been observed previously, concerning the
form'er. An occasion on which Mahadatta's pupils pointed out an error in
one of his explanations is recorded in the Atthasalini. 2 From the same
Commentary it is evident that his views, too, were preserved as iicariya-
1.!adas. 3
On the other hand there are many passages referring to Abhaya. He
may be identified with the thera of the same name in the Parivara list.
In some places the name occurs also as Dighabha1)aka Maha Abhaya. 4
Though it is very likely that this name and the name Dighabhal)aka
Ahhaya both referred to the same person we are unable to come to any
definite conclusion about it..
Buddhaghosa quotes the name of Abhaya as a thera noted for his memory'
and again as one famed for his patience with abuse. 6 In the Atthasalini
there is an interesting account of how Dighabhal)aka Abhaya showed hospi,
tality to a band of thieves who came to plunder Cetiyapabbatavihara.7 Not
only was Abhaya a pious and saintly monk, there is evidence to show that
he was also a very clever preacher. According to the Mallorathapiira:(ll
a woman of the village Ullabbhakolakal)l)ika, hearing that Dighabbhal)aka
Abhaya was to preach the Ariyaval!lsapatipada, walked a distance of five
yojanas with her suckling baby in her arms.8 The Papaficasiidani has preser-
ved an account of how Abhaya convinced a thera Jiving at Kalyal)i that the
latter had not till then attained Arahantship.9 The Visuddhimagga and
the Samm)havinodani make mention of two conversations which Abhaya
had with a thera named Mallaka xo and with Mahadhammarakkhita I I res-
pectively. The latter discussion was on the significance of a word in the
Vibhanga. This fact shows that Dighabhal)aka Abhaya knew not only the
Dighanikaya but the Abhidharhma as well.
As was pointed out in the preceding pages, most of these theras can be
identified with those mentioned in the Parivara and in the Samantapa-
sadika. The earliest among those belonging to the period in question are
Upltissa and PhussadevaP Siva thera, the last one in the list, is very likely,
as ob3erved elsewhere, the Vinayadhara thera Mahasiva. From this one
may safely infer that the other theras, who appear in the list between
Upatissa and this Siva and whose names do not occur in the Commentaries,

I SV SI
2 Att 230
3 Ibid. 284~286
4 Man II 249
5 Sum Vii II 530. Here we find another Abhaya, namely, :!\'Iaha.gatimb'L Abhaya, who
was noted for the same faculty. This makes it difficult to determine which of the
two theras is meant when the name OCCllrR Rimply as Abhaya. Ser;l e.g., SV 275 :
Man II 54 ; Pap I 290; Smp Sn IT 377.
6 P"., I 79
7 Att 399 ; Smp II-47+
8 Man II 249
9 Pap Sn 869
10 Vi I 266
II Sv 81
12 We may incidentally infer that the two therasDhammapali and Khem3., whose na11).es
occur immediately before Upatissa's, belonged to the first century RC.
also lived during the same period. Theyare Upiili, Mahiiniiga, Pupphanama
(Paduma?) and Ciiladeva. The absence of the names of any theras of later
date in this list enables us to fix a probable date for the Parivara. The
compilation of the book may have had an earlier beginning, but basing our
inference on the fact mentioned above, it may be legitimate for us to deduce
that it assumed its present shape in the first century A.D.
At the period we are now discussing the BhikkhuI).isasana, too, was in a
prosperous condition. vVe are told that king KutakaI:n:la Tissa's mother
entered the Order,' and that the king built for her a nunnery known by
the name Dantageha.' He built also a bath for the bhikkhunis.3
Bhatika Abhaya 38--66 A.D.
We now pass on to the reign of the next king Bhiitika Abhaya, son of
KutakaI).lJ.a Tissa. His reign of twenty-eight years proved a period of
peace and prosperity to Ceylon and in consequence the religion of the land
was very much benefited during it. His worthy activities to support the
sasana are described in detail in the Mahiivarp.sa,4 and need not be re-
produced here.
The Manorathapura1).i describes anjnteresting experiment which Bhiitiya
tried at the Mahiicetiya to verify a statement of the Buddha that the
perfume of the jasmine surpasses all other perfumes. s So averse was he
to the slaughter of animals for food that he made the eating of beef an offence
punishable with fine. 6 The Samantapiisiidikii has another valuable episode
narrating how he issued a proclamation that he would punish anyone who,
ip any matter of dispute, would not abide by the decision of the thera
Abhidhammika Godha. This proclamation was issued as the king was
delighted at the satisfactory manner in which Godha gave his decision in a
case of theft brought up before the chapter at Cetiyagiri and later brought
up in appeal before the chapter at the Mahavihara. The case was instituted
by a bhikkhu at Antarasamudda-vihara against another bhikkhu for stealing
a drinking vessel made of coconut shell.7 Without much doubt we can
identify this Godha with the thera of the same name and who was a contem-
porary of Mahapaduma and Mahasumma. 8
We have the name of one other thera belonging to the same period, and
that is of CUliibhaya Sumana, who was foremost among the teachers of the
Vinaya at the Mahavihara. 9
At the time in question there were five great monasteries JO and the greatest
number of bhikkhus came to Anuradhapl,lra from the south. I l
Before concluding this chapter it would be helpful to make a few general
observations on the period from the writing down of the Texts up to the
reign of Bhiitika Abhaya. '
I Mv 34.35
2 Ibid. 34.36
3 Dip 20·33
4 :vi:v 34·37 foIl.
5 Man Sn 8TJ
6 SV 440
7 Smp II 307
8 Ibid. III 588. See also Ibid. JI 430, 478
9 Ibid. II 305
10 The Mahaviha.ra, Thiiparama, Issarasama1).ar.1i.ma, Vessagirivihara and the Cetiya-
girivihara. (See P. L. C. p. 56).
11 Smp IJ 306

86
 In the last chapter it was pointed out that in the latter part of the first
century B.C. there occurred among the sangha a change of attitude, which
was of vital importance and which, in my opinion, was a turning point
in the Buddhist life in Ceylon. When the theras of the earlier part of the
first century B.C. (i.e., about in the time of Dutihagama\ll) are compared with
those of the first century A.D., we see that the former were more saintly
than learned, while the reverse is true of the latter. I need not repeat here
the probable causes that led to this change.
Again, as observed before, the Pali Commentaries give the names of over
twenty theras belonging to this period and quote many of them as authorities,
whereas they are almost silent on the teachers who lived after the middle
of the first century A.D, As far as I am aware, there are only two such
theras I mentioned in the whole of the commentarialliterature. 2
An explanation is evidently needed for this silence. And the explanation
is, in my opinion, it was in this period, that not only the Parivara but also
the major portion of the Sinhalese Commentaries came to be put into
definite shape. There is another piece of evidence to be examined.
As it has been pointed out briefly in an earlier chapter, Buddhaghosa tells
us in his Samantapasadika that the Vinaya was brought to Ceylon from India
by Mahinda and was handed down up to ' the present' day (yava aJjatanii
=up to today) by the unbroken line of teachers, and then proceeds to give,
on the authority of the Pora:Qas, the list of those teachers. If yava ajjatana
referred to the time of Buddhaghosa we should find the list to contain the
names of theras up to the fifth century A.D., but, as was shown before, no
thera after the first century A.D., is mentioned there. It should now be
clear that the Sinhalese equivalent of yava ajjatana was there already in the
Sinhalese Vinaya Commentary and that Buddhaghosa's task was merely to
put it into Pali. This fact, too, directs us to the same inference with regard
to the date of the compilation of the Sinhalese Commentaries. The~e Com-
mentaries, no doubt, experienced additions; subtractions, systematizations
and corruptions at the hands of teachers learned and otherwi~e during the
next three centuries, until they' were translated into Fali by Buddhaghosa
and his successors.3
Taking into consideration all the foregoing facts we may not be far wrong
in supposing the first century A.D., as the first literary period in the history
of Buddhism in Ceylon.

1 Namely, Lenagirivasi Tissa in the reign of 11ahadathika ),-lahanaga 67-79 A.D.

(Ylan Sn 669) and Mahapaduma in the reign of Vasabha 127-171 A.D. (Smp II 471).
A thera known bv the name :\lahasatthivassa flourished during the same reign.
He \vas a saint, and we have no evidence to think that he was a teachE'r.

2 Except, of course, the names of the commentators and their contemporaries of the
5th century A.D. as mentioned in the prologues and epilogues to the Atthakathas.

3 Events referring to periods later than the 1St cent. A.D. are found now and then in
the Commentaries. F./?, see mention of Rudradaman (middle of second
century) in Smp II 297, and ::\lahasena (334--3(n A.D.) in Smp III 519. But such
references as these are exceedingly few.
 CHAPTER SIX

The Growth of Dissentient Schools

IT was observed in an earlier chapter that the first century B.C. marked a
turning point in the history of Buddhism in Ceylon. The closing years of
that century saw the first schism in the sangha. How Vaitagama!)i Abhaya
constructed the Abhayagirivihara and gave it to his friend, the thera
Mahatissa, and also how the dwellers of the Abhayagiri seceded from the
Theravada school are described in detail in the Mahaval]1sa.' The Nikaya-
sangraha adds that Mahad;;jiyatissa' accepted the teachings of theDhamma-
ruci Nikaya belonging to the Vajjiputtaka 3 sect in India and that thence-
forth the Abhayagiri school was known as the Dhammaruci Nikaya. 4
The Mahavarpsa is silent on the existence of any heretical sect for nearly
another three centuries. So are the PfUi Commentaries on the whole. But
a passage in the Samantapasadika throws considerable Hght on the events
of that period. During the reign of king Bhatiya (38-66 A.D.) a dispute
arose between the monks of the Abhayagiri and the Mahaviharaschools over
a rule in the Vinaya. Arguments were adduced by either party to prove
its own case but no settlement could be arrived at. The news of the dispute
reached the king who then appointed a minister, the brahma!)a Digha-
karayana, wise and versed in ' other languages' (Pa1J4ito bhiisantarakusalo),
to decide tbe case, wbich the latter did successfully.S The person who was
appointed to solve the problem was not an ecclesiastic reputed for the know-
ledge of the Doctrine but a layman proficient in languages. From this fact
one mal' justly infer that tbe ground of difference between the dwellers of
the two monasteries was, in this case, more of a linguistic than of adodrinal
nature. The Abhayagiri school, as we shall see later, was greatly influenced
by Mahayanism in which the Canonical Texts were preserved not in
Pali but in Sanskrit. Perhaps at the time of tbis dispute the Abhayagiri
scho01 was already us-ing Sanskrit versions of the Canon. The choice, too, of
a brahmal,la minister who, needless to say, must have been well versed in
Sanskrit, lends support to the same hypothesis.
M ahada!hika M ahaniiga 67-79 A.D.
The sas ana continued to flourish uninterrupted for another quarter of a
century. Bhatiya was succeeded by Mahadaihika Mahanaga, who was an
equally pious monarch. Many and varied were his works to help the sasana6 .
The Mahavarpsa describes how his generosity was extended towards the
bhikkhus as well as the bhikkhu!)is in the island.' He risked his own life
at the Ambatthala thiipa 8 The great festival Giribha!)<,lapiija performed
after the construction of this thupa is mentioned more than once in the
I Mv 33.80 foIl.
2 Bahalamassu Tissa of Mv 33.g6
3 For the views of this school, see Points of Controversy Intr. p. xviii.
4 Nikayasat'lgraha, Colombo 1922 p. I I
5 Smp III 582, 583
6 For details see Mv 34.68 foIl.
7 Mv 34,82 foIl.
8 Ibid. 34-71
88
Commentaries. I In connection with this festival occurs, too, the name of the
thera, Tissa of LOI).agiri,2 who was noted for the particularly virtuous life
he led. Mention may also be made of two rock inscriptions at Molahitiya-
velegala recording certain gifts given by this king and by his brother Bhiitiya
to the sangha. 3
Ama1;t,jagama,(!i Abhaya 79-89 A.D.
Though short it was, the reign of AmaI)<;iagamaI)i Abhaya, son of Mahii.-
dathika, was one of peace not only to men but also to bird and beast as well.
Himself astrict vegetarian he forbade the killing of any kind of living beings
and encouraged the cultivation of vegetables throughout the country. 4
The condition of Ceylon during the next two centuries was not very en-
viable. The country was often disturbed by internal political strife and
consequently the religion, too, suffered considerably.
In the reign of Amal)<;lagamaI;1i's younger brother and successor, KaI).i-
raja:r:mtissa, we witness an instance of severe punishment being meted out
to some bhikkhus for taking part in a political strife. 5
In the Atlhakathiis there is hardly any reference to incidents that took
place during this period. The Mahiival]1sa is practically the only source
for the history of Buddhism at this time, and I do not propose to reproduce
here the facts given in that Chronicle. There are, however, a few rock
inscriptions recording the gifts of certain kings belonging to the second
century after Christ. 6
Vasabha I27--I7I A.D.
There was again a definite revival in the time of Vasabha (I27-I7I A.D.).
During his long reign of forty-four years, he tried in manifold ways to pro-
mote the study and teaching of the religion.' He supplied the bhikkhus
who were students with all the necessary requisites,8 and we have rea~on
to believe that Ceylon once more became the abode of many scholars.
The Sumaiigalavilasini tells us how he rejoiced when he heard the Digha-
bhaI)aka theras preaching the Mahasudassana Sutta at the Ambalatthika
to the west of the Lohapasada. 9 The same Commentary gives an episode
connected with a virtuous thera who became an Arahant at the last moment
of his life. King Vasabha paid his respects to the thera just before the latter
passed away.IO Mention is made of another thera who was put to a test
by Vasabha to find out whether the former was an Arahant or not.u Two
other theras who lived about the same time were Mahasiva and Mahiipaduma.
The former gave Vasabha a detailed account of things enshrined in the Maha-
thupa." The latter was noted for his knowledge of medicine though,
I Man I 22 Man Sn 670, Pap n 398
2 Lenagid in Man Sn 669
3 Ep. Zey. HI pp. 153 fall.
4 Mv 35.6 fall.
5 Ibid. 35· vv. 10, 11
6 See Ep. Zey. III pp. 153 foIl. and pp. 162 fall.
1 Mv 35.72 foIl.
8 Ibid 35.92
9 Sum VillI 635
IQ Ibid. I 29I
11 Pap Sn 869
12 See Geiger: Mahiivarpsa and Dlpavatpsa p. 3G

89
conforming himself to the Vinaya rules, he did not use that knowledge to
acquire personal gain. l
The Perumaiyankulam Rock Inscription records a grant made by this.
king to a thera named Majibuka. 2 Further, the construction of a vihara
and the grant of it to the Buddhist fraternity by this king's son Vailkanasika
Tissa are recorded in the Na-ulpata Cave Inscription. 3
Gajabiihu I74--I96 A.D.
An event of importance but one that affected the purity of the religion in
Ceylon, took place in the reign of the next king Gajabahu. Twelve thousand
Co)ian prisoners were brought by him from South India and they settled
down in the country. Along with those CoFans came also the cult of many
Hindu gods and goddesses, such as VisT.m, Kartikeya, Natha and Pattini,
which cult has persisted up to the present day.
Vohiiraka Tissa 269--291 A.D.
Passing over the first half of the third century4 we now come to the reign
of Voharaka Tissa. He stands out resplendant in the history of CeyIon
as the first Sinhalese kmg who enacted a law setting aside bodily injury as
punishment for the offenders of the law. s
Abhayagiri School
The Abhayagiri School which was formed ill the reign of ValtagamaI)i
Abhaya became an independent centre of learning. It was mentioned
before that a dispute arose between this school and the Mahavihara frater-
nity in the time of king Bhatiya. Both the monasteries, however, received
simultaneous patronage from many Sinhalese monarchs, and though the
differences seem to have grown slowly but steadily they did not make
themselves felt strongly until the time of Vohiiraka Tissa. The Nikaya-
sangraha informs us that in the reign of this king, the dwellers of the
Abhayagirivihiira put forward the Vaitulya Pitaka 6 as the true teaching
of the Buddha. According to this Chronicle the Vaitulya Pitaka was
produced in the time of king Asoka by heretical brahmal)as called Vaitulyas
who had assumed the guise of monks to destroy the sasana. Then the
monks of the Theriya Nikaya (i.e. those of the Mahiivihara) compared it
with the authentic Texts and rejected it as being opposed to the Dhamma.
Hearing this, king Voharaka Tissa appointed his minister Kapila, proficient
in all branches of learning, to investigate the matter. Kapila gave his.
\'erdict that the Vaitulya Pitaka was not the true Doctrine. The king,
thereupon, caused the Vaitulya books to be burnt and disgraced the evil-
minded bhikkhus who accepted those teachings.'
1 Smp II 471
2 Ep. Zey. I 66 foIl.
3 .Ibid. I 146 foIl. vVickremasinghe identifies the Lajaka Tissa of the inscription with
Vankanasika Tissa.
4 Belonging about to this period there are several inscriptions which record gifts to the·
monkhood. See Ep. Zey. I pp. 21, 61, 62, 148, 211; HI 116, 166, 214 foIl. One
inscription (I 252) records the particular attention paid by king KaI).itthatissa
(227-245 A.D.: according to Wickremasinghe C.229-247 A.D.) to the Abhaya-
girivihara.
5 :'IIv 36.21)
6 The Vaitulya teachings referred to in this pas!"age are, according to Paranavitana.
identical with the teachings of ::Vlahayanism. See S. Paranavltana : :'IIahayanism in
Ceylon, Colom'ho 1928. p. 36. '
7 Nikayasailgraha p. 11.

90
 Though their books were destroyed, the spirit of the heretics remained
uncurbed. Hardly a score of years had lapsed when the monks at Abhaya-
giri came forward again and proclaimed the heretical teachings to be the
true Doctrine. This happened in the reign of Go!habhaya.' Not all the
monks of the Abhayagirivihara were of this view. A great thera, Ussiliya-
tissa by name, heard the manner in which the heretics were disgraced by
Voharaka Tissa. took with him three hundred bhikkhus who would listen
to his advice, left the Dhammaruci Sect and settled down in the DakkhiJ)a-
vihara." The reason that led to this secession was evidently not the expecta-
tion of forming a new sect but the hope of not committing the same
blunder as was committed by the previous generation at Abhayagiri.
Things, however, took a different turn. A thera called Sagala, from among
the seceders, became the chief expounder of the faith and this led to the
formation of a new school Sagaliya named after this same teacher. The
Nikayasangraha gives the formation of this sect as 795 years after the
Buddha.'
The proclamation of the Abhayagiri Sect reached the ears of Go!habhaya.
The king then assembled the monks of the five chief monasteries and learn-
ing that the Vaitulya doctrines were not the teachings of the Buddha,
branded and sent out of the country sixty monks who had accepted the
false teachings.
The troubles did not cease with this. Some of these monks went over to
Kavira and lived there. At this time a shrewd and persevering man,
Sanghamitta by name, got into their fold and hearing the disgrace wrought
by Go!habhaya on them, left forCeylon with the firm determination of
making the Mahavihara monks accept the Vaitulya teachings or of destroy-
ing the viMra itself. SaiIghamitta soon won the favour of the king and
became the tutor of the king's two sons Jetthatissa and Mahasena. Though
Gothiibhaya had a great regard for SaiIghamitta, his attachment to the
Mahiivihara proved too strong to bring any harm uPGn it.
J etthatissa 323--333 A. D.
Sanghamitta was able to win the young prince Mahasena over to his ways
of thinking but J ellhatissa showed a different disposition towards him.
Therefore, when Jetthatissa ascended the throne, SaiIghamitta, through
fear of him, fled to Kavira. J etthatissa reigned for ten years and was suc-
ceeded by Mahasena.
M ahiisena 334-361 A.D.
Sanghamitta, realizing that his long expected moment had come,
came over to Ceylon, and residing at the Abhayagirivihara, tried to
make the dwellers of the five chief viharas accept the Vaitulya teach-
ings. Finding his attempt unsuccessfu1, he i.nduced Mahasena to make
a proclamation that "whoever gives alms to a bhikkhu dwelling in the
Maha-vihara is liable to a fine of a hundred pieces of money". This procla-
mation had the desired effect. Three days the monks of the Mahavihara
went their usual begging round but received no food whatsoever. On the
fourth day they assembled at the Lohapasada and decided to face death
rather than accept false views. vVith this firm resolve in mind, they left
I Also called Gothakabhaya. 11v 36.98
2 Nikayasaftgraha p. 12
:1 Ibid. p. 12
Anur1idhapura, some going to Rohana and others to the Malaya province.
SaIi.ghalhitta seized the opportunity and receiving the aid of a minis.ter
named SOl)a, caused the king to demolish three hundred and sixty-four
colleges and monasteries. The wealth whkh belonged to these was trans-
ferred to the Abhayagiri vihara. The Dhammarucians who thus came into
power, appropriated the Cetiyavibara and made that place a part of their
residential quarters.
The Dipavarpsa tells us that when Maha:::ena came to the throne he found
two sections of monks and while attempting to find out which party was the
virtuous, he fell into the clutches of the sinful ones including Dummitta
(the bad Mitta) and Papasol)a (the evil Sona). These two names, there is
little doubt, refer to the SaIi.ghamitta and the Son a of the MahiivaIJ1sa.
Among the heretical views taught by them were (r) that" computing the
twenty years required for the Upasampada ordination from the conception,
which has been admitted by the Buddha in the story about Kumarakassapa,
was not allowable, and (2) that the practice of wearing ivory fans which
has not been admitted in the story about the Chabbaggiyas, was allowable.'"
At this time one of the king's own ministers, MeghavaI).IJ.abhaya, raised a
rebellion. The revolt was not to gain power for himself but to end the
disasters that befell the Mahavihara. However, no blood was shed, for
Mahasena overcome by the good faith of his minister promised to restore the
buildings demolished by him. Meanwhile, SaIi.ghamitta who was mainly
responsible for all the mischief was done to death by a certain carpenter
at the instigation of the chief queen. The queen then collected the Vaitulya
books and offered them to the fire-god. The minister S01).a, too, met his
death at the hands of some enraged citizens. The king was as good as his
words, and restored the Mahavihara. He built also many viharas including
the two nunneries UUara and Abhaya. 2 The bhikkhus who were in
exile for nine years returned to Anuradhapura.
But Mahasena was not steadfast in his convictions. Sanghamitta was
nOw dead, but the king directed his admiration this time towards an equally
evil-minded thera, Kohontissa by name, dwelling in the Dakkhi1J.agiri-vihara,
and began to build for him the J etavana-viMra within the precincts of the
Mahavihara. The monks in the latter monastery objected to this, but the
king was determined to put his scheme into action. In this obstinate
perseverance, he was supported by the Abhayagiri fraternity. In due course
the work of the Jetavana-vihara was completed and Mahasena gave it
to his friend. Kohontissa was, before long, accused by the monks of the
Mahavihara of an extreme offence. Dhammika, a Justice in the court of
Maha~ena, was ap}:ointed to conduct the case'. Kohontissa was proved
to be guilty and, much against the wish of the king, was disrobed and ex-
pelled from the Order. Thereupon the monks of the Sagaliya Sect came over
from Dakkhinagiri and settled down in the newly built Jetavana-vihara.
It should be observed that this sect, though it had no connections ;\;th the
orthodox Mabavihara, did not accept the Vaitulya doctrines until the
time of Ambaherana Salamevan of the sixth century A.D.3

I Dip 22.67 foIl.

2 Mv 37-43
3 This is a summarized version of the account in the Nikayasangraha pp. 12-15 and
Mv 36. II 1-123; 37.1-39. For detail<; see P. L. C. 56-63.
Siri M eghava1}1}a
Mahasena was succeeded by his son Siri Meghaval).l).a.' He restored the
buildings destroyed by his father' and did all in his power to help the Mahii-
vih1ira in preserving the teachings of the Buddha in their pristine purity.
A very important event took place during the reign of this monarch, and
that was the bringing over to Ceylon of the Tooth Relic of the Buddha from
Kalinga. The P1ili poem D1ith1ivalJ1sa, based on earlier works in Sinhalese,
deals with the history of this Relic.' It should be observed that though
MeghavaI)l).a was devoutly attached to the Mahlivih1ira, he was very tolerant
to the Abhayagirivihii.ra which was the seat of mischief in the days of his
father, for we find that he decreed that the Relic should be brought every
year to the Abhayuttara4 vihara, and that the same sacrificial ceremonial
as observed at the Temple of the Tooth Relic should be observed there also.5
Buddhadiisa
Passing over the reign of MeghavaI).r;ta's successor jeHhatissa, we come to
Buddhadasa, the great royal surgeon. The description of him as an eminent
surgeon, who devoted his .entire life to the good of man and beast, is given
in detail in the Mahii.valJ1sa 6 During the reign of this king the thera Mah1i-
dhammakathi translated the Suttas into Sinhalese.
Upatissa
Buddhadasa was succeeded by his eldest son Upatissa. In the time of this
king the island was visited with the double ill of a famine and plague.
The king is said to have organised a chanting of the Ratana Sutta to avert
these misfortunes.7
Mahiiniima 409-431 A.D.
Upatissa met his death at the'hands of his queen consort who had an in-
trigue with Upatissa's brother, Mah1in1ima. The latter was at that time
leading the life of a monk, but after the murder of his brother, he gave up the
robes to take in hand the reins of the government and then married Upa-
tissa's consort.
From the account given in the Mahavarpsa it is evident that he was not
favourably disposed towards the dwellers of the Mah1ivih1ira. He erected
several vih1iras and presented them to the bhikkhus of the Abhayagiri-
vih1ira, whereas he gave only one to the Mahii.vih1ira; and that too not of his
own accord but at the request of his queen. 8 The reason for taking this
attitude was perhaps that when he was a monk he probably belonged to the
Abhayagiri fraternity.
Mahii.n1ima is the last monarch belonging to the period under consideration.
An event of prime importance that occurred during his reign marks the begin-
ning of a new era in the histo'ry of Therav1ida Buddhism. That event was

I A rock inscription belonging to the reign of this king is given in Rp. Zey. III 172 fall.
2 Mv 37.54--91
3 Ibid··37·9Z-97·
4 Another name for Abhayagiri
5 Mv 37.97, Thi'!l practice was observed even at the time when the Chinese pilgrim
Fa Hien (c'4oo-4!5 A.D.) visited Ceylon. See Beat! Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims.
p. 157
6 Mv. 37.1°5-171. For a Pillar Inscription belonging to this reign, see Ep. Zey. In 122
7 Mv 37.189--198
.s Ibid. 37.213
93
the translation into PaJi of the Commentaries that existed from the time of
Mahinda up to that day in Sinhalese, and which we have discussed at the
very outset of this work. It is worthy of notice that th~ two most important
events, namely, the writing down of the Pali Texts at Aloka-vihara and the
translation of the Commentaries into Pali, both took place during the reigns
of kings who were not favourably disposed towards the Mahavihara and who
actively helped the opposing camp, the Abhayagirivihiira.
As we have seen before, the Mah:ivihara came into open conflict with the
dissentient schools only on a few occasions, namely, in the reigns of Vatta-
gama\li, Bhatiya, Voharaka Tissa, Gothabhaya and Mahiisena. The
Atthasalini records a controversy that arose at a meeting where the holders
of all the different views were present {sabba-siimayika parisd). Some monks
in that assembly held the view that the Abhidhamma Pija,ka was not
preached by the Buddha.' This was clearly opposed to the orthodox view.
Unfortunately for us, we axe unable to find out when this dispute arose.
It is quite possihle that such meetings were lrequently held and that the
friendly disposition of monks belonging to one school towards those of
another was not usually affected by the mere lact of their holding different
views.
The dissenters, however, did not remain idle. \Ve have every reason to
believe that they, especially the Dhammarucians, were striving hard to
propagate their views. VVhen Fa Hien visited Ceylon in the nrst or the
second decade of the first century A.D., he found more bhikkhus living in the
Abhayagirivihara than i~ the Mahavihara, the actual numbers being 5000
in the former and 3000 m the latter. 2
Abhayagiri Fraternity
It may incidentally be remarked that the Abhayagirivihara continued to
flourish for several centuries to come. An inscription of the eleventh
century gives a glowing description of this vihara. It records that Abhaya-
giri was then a mo~astery , where dwelt ba~ds of scholars directing their
wisdom to great hterary works and adornmg the Abhayaturamaha-sa,
just as a flight of garu<;las hovers with widespread wing over rows of serpents
on the Himalayan range; which responded with the voice of those versed
in the scriptures, expounding the Dharma; which was adorned by virtuous
men as by mines of gems; where flourished like unto an assembla.ge of coral
tendrils numbers of Sakya Srama\las (Buddhist monks) endowed with the
virtues of temperance, contentment and religious austerity" .......... ; where
frequented various teachers of eminence ;............ and over which presided
the Head of the Dhammaruci (fraternity) ........... .'.'
The dwellers of the Mahavihara, Fa Hien tells us, were opposed to the
Great Vehicle (Mahayana) and adhered to the teaching of the Little Vehicle
(Hinayana), whereas the Abhayagiri school studied both vehicles, and widely
diffused the Tripitakas.4 When Fa Hien left Ceylon he took with him a
copy of the Vinaya Pitaka of the MahiSasaka School, the Dirghiigama and
the Sarp.yuktiigama (sutras) and also the Samyuktasanchaya-pijaka, all

I Att 28. This same vjew was held by the 1Iahasa1).ghikas who were the first to form a
school distinct from the Theravadins. See Dip 5·37·
2 Beal: Travels of Budahist Pilgrims, p. I5I, J59·
3 Ep. Zey. I pp. 225, 226
4 Beal : Buddhist Records of the vVestern World. Vol. II p. 247·
written in SanskriLI . Very likely these books were taken away from
Ahhayagiri where, as pointed out before, it is possible that Sanskrit
was the language in which the Canonical Texts were preserved. Among
these books the SarpyukHlgama was translated into Chinese by one GUI).a-
bhadra who arrived in the province Kan in 435 A,D, Though he was born
in Central India, he went to China from Ceylon. 2 Another Ceylonese,
Sanghavarmi by name, arrived in China in 420 A.D., and translated the
MahiSasaka Vinaya.3
M ahiSasaka School
No reference to the existence of the MahiSasaka Sect in Ceylon is recorded
in the Mahavarpsa or in any commentarial work excepting the Jatakattha-
katha. Here, too, the reference is in a verse belonging to the prologue and
not in the main part of the book. 4 The commentator mentions the name of
Buddhadeva, a monk belonging to the Mahimsasaka Sect, as one who re-
-quested him to compose the Ajjhakatha in Pali, This fact together with
the choice made by Fa Hien concerning the copy of the Vinaya Pijaka
enables us to conclude with some justification that the Mahirpsasaka Sect
was a well established school in Ceylon, though perhaps not so influential
as the Dhammaruci Nikaya.
Vita1J4aviidins
Besides the schools mentioned above, we often come across in the Commen-
taries references to the Vita1J.9.avadins.5 They are always depicted as
putting forward views contrary to those beld by the Theravadins, The
Sumangalavilasini gives a sarcastic description of the nature of a Vita1J.9a-
conversation. Their argument would be, the commentator says, " A crow
is white because its bones are white; a crane is red because its blood is red."6
The Vital)<;lavadins differed not with regard to the Text but about the
-interpretation of it. They sometimes adhered strictly to the letter and lost
sight of the meaning.' They quoted as authority the same Suttas as were
accepted by the Theravadins s At times the latter would pour forth blame
upon the Vital)<;lavadins for quoting a Sutta, the meaning of which they
(the Vital)<;lavadins) had not properly grasped. 9 At the end of a dispute
in which the defeat is, of course, always with the Vita1J.9.avadin, he is in-
variably made to appear ridiculous. IQ
The disputes are on doctrinal topics of a varied nature. I I There is, how-
ever, a reference in the Atthasalini which shows that the VitalJ.9avadins
I Legge: Travels of Fa Hipn p. I I I
2 M. Anesaki : Letter published in J.R.A.S. 1903 p. 369.
3 Ibid. p. 368
4 ] I p. I. verse g.
5 Occurs also 8S Vidaddhavadin (Att 3'. Stede defines the word VitaI).c;lavuclin as a
"sophist" or an" arguer". (P. T. S. P.iiJi Dictionary). The word Vitan9a occurs
in Sanskrit literature, too, and Monier Williams in his Sanskrit English Dictionary
defines it as " cavil, captious objection, hypercriticism, perverse or frivolous argu~
ment (especially in the Nyaya phil., idly carping at the arguments or assertions
of another without attempting to establish the opposite side of the question), fri~
volous or fallacious controversy or wrangling, debate, criticism (in general).
6 Sum ViI I 91. Also see Man Sn 831
7 P€lP Sn 821
8 Pap II 363 ; Pap Sn 671
9 Pap Sn 572.
10 Att 93, 241 ~ Pap Sn 572, 671 ; ItA 147~149
II See Att 90, 93, 241 ; Man Sn 848 ; ItA 147-149; SV 9, SI-54, 319; P.,,~p n 363,
Pap Sn 572, 671, 821, 1026.

95
 did- not accept the Kath1ivatthu as a book of the Abhidhamma Pitaka,
but had instead the Mahadhammahadaya'. Now in Nanjio's Catalogue of
the Chinese Tripi(aka there are mentioned two books: the Abhidharma-
hrdaya-sastra (No. I288) and the Dharmajina-Abhidharma-hrdaya-sastra
(No. I294). The first is said to be an Abhidharma book of the Hinayana.'
It was composed by the venerable Dharmajina (?) and translated by Gau-
tama Sailghadeva, together with Hwui-yuen, A.D., 391, of the Eastern
Tsin dynasty A.D. 3I7-420. The second was compiled by the venerable
Upatissa and translated by Narendrayasas, A.D. 563, of the Northern
Tshi dynasty, A.D. 550--577. But we are unable to say definitely whether
the Mah1idhammahadaya of the VitaI).<;iavadins had any connection with
these or not.
The Dipavarpsa, too, has a reference which may' not be overlooked.
Referring to the reign of Voh1ira Tissa, the Chronicle records that wicked
bhikkhus proclaimed VitaI).<;iavadas and destroyed the religion of the Jina;
but the king, when he perceived that, subdued those wicked ones with the
aid of the minister Kapila. 3 As pointed out earlier, the Mahavarp.sa and
the Nikayasailgraha refer to this same event and declare that the Abhayagiri
School accepted the Vaitulya teachings and sought to destroy the pure
Doctrine. This solitary reference is not sufficient to identify the VitaJ).ga-
vadins with the holders of the Vaitulya teachings, but, with the evidence
before us, we may be justified in concluding that they were a class of Bud-
dhists who, though accepting the same Canonical Texts (with the single
exception of the Kath1ivatthu) as Theravadins did, were not bound strictly
hy each and every dogmatic exposition of the latter.
Lokottaravada School
The influence of one other heretical sect on Theravada Buddhism remains
to be mentioned. That sect is the Lokottaravada School who believed that
the Buddha was supernatural.
When a great spiritual teacher passes away it is natural for his followers
to pay little attention to the human aspect of his life and to deify him.
This they do with deep veneration to their leader. The proce~s being a
natural one, it is also possible that the attempts of the Ceylone,e Buddhists
to give a supernatural colouring to the life of the Buddha came about without
the direct influence of the Lokottaravada School which prevailed in India.
Whatever the reasons were, tliere is not the least doubt that the Theravadins,
too, who' adhered strictly to the realistic view of the person of their Master'
did tend to some extent towards making the Buddha supernatural. We
shall now deal with one or two out of a considerable number of cases where
this tendency is evident.
(I) The Jara Sutta of the SaI]1yuttanikaya refers to an occasion when
the Buddha, during a sojourn near Savatthi, was one day seated and was
warming his back in the sunshine.
" Then the venerable A.nanda came to see the Exalted One, and
on coming to him saluted him and, while chafing his limbs with his hands,
said to the Exalted One: 'It is a strange thing, lord! It is a wonder,
lord, how the skin of the Exalted One is no longer clear and translucent,
I Att 3
2 Catalogue p. xvi
3 Dip 22. vv. 43, 44
and how all his limbs are slack and wrinkled, his body bent forward, and a
change is to be seen.in his sense-faculties of eye, ear, nose, tongue and body!'
, So it is, A.nanda, old age is by nature inherent in youth, sickness
in health, and death in life. Thus it is that my skin is no longer clear and
translucent as of yore; my limbs are slack and wrinkled, my body stoops
forward and a change is to be noticed in my sense-faculties of eye, ear,
nose, tongue and body.' "I
This dialogue leaves no doubt whatever concerning the Buddha's
own admission as to his being subject to decay during his old age. Let us
see what the Commentary has to say on this. The bodies of the Buddhas,
explains the Commentary, do not get wrinkled. What led Ananda to make
that remark was a solitary wrinkle between his shoulders. It was the size of
a hair and was seen only by Ananda. Nor was the Buddha's body bent for-
ward to any extent that could be observed by others. Ananda, alone,
being a close attendant of the Buddha, was ~ble to notice it. The power
of the five senses had altered by no means. Ananda said that there was a
change not because he perceived but because he inferred a change. 2
This attitude taken by the commentator (or commentators) is very
much akin to the standpoint of the Lokottaravadin as depicted in the Maha-
vastu. 3
(2) The Majjhimanikaya gives us an instance where the Buddha, after
giving a discourse fOl: some time at the newly built Santhiigara Hall at
Kapilavatthu, asked Ananda to continue the discourse and retired as a pain
arose in his back.' The Commentary, while admitting that the body of
the Buddha was not inaccessible to disease, tries to show that the pain was
an exceedingly small one but the Buddha made use of the opportunity be-
cause he desired to use the hall in all the four postures of walking, standing,
sitting and lying down.'
Space does not permit me to discuss here more references of a similar
nature. 6 In fairness, however, to the Theravadins, it must be mentioned
that though the inevitable tendency to make the Buddha supernatural
existed, they did not proceed far in that direction but 'adhered strictly
t.o the realistic view of the person of their Master' more than any other
school of Buddhism did. The progress (or rather the corruption) attained
by 6ther schools in this line is shown with clearness by Prof. Takakusu
in his article 'Docetism' in Hasting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics.'
Secret Doctrines
A few words remain to be said of a class of literature that did not belong
to the orthodox Canon. The teachings of the Buddha were open to every-
body and there was nothing esoteric or hidden in them. 8 But a few centuries
after his passing away, esoteric books came to be composed and we find
I S. Vol. 5 pp. 216, 217. Also see Kindred Sayings VoL 5 pp. 191, 192
2 SA Sn III 193, 194
3 Mahavastu. Vol. I p. 169
• M. I p. 354
5 Pap Sn 581
6 For more examples see Man 11 379; J I 50, 53, .64. 68; Sum Vil I 58, II 434 foIl.
BuA 241 ; Pj Il (2) 401; SA Sn III 193. 194, 198.
7 Also see N.Dutt. Early History of the Spread of Buddhism pp. 246 fall.
8 See D. n. p. 100

97
them prevalent even in Ceylon, the home of the orthodox Doctrine. There
is reason to believe that secret,books were studied by th.e Theravadins them-
selves and that receiving instructions in such secret books from a teacher
was a special privilege of the well-behaved pupil. This is evident from a
passage in the Visuddhimagga which says: "Again, in entrusting him-
self (i.e., a student-bhikkhu) to a teacher, he should say' Myself I offer
to you'. For he who has not so entrusted himself is unruly, stubborn,
takes advice from no one, or goes about at this own will, without asking
leave of the teacher. And the teacher favours him not with things of the
flesh or of the Doctrine, neither does he teach him any secret book lore
(gu!ha'!' gantha,!, -na sikkhiipeti). Not getting this double favour he gets no
foothold in the religion and before long reaches a wicked or worldly state."l
The Visuddhimagga, being one of the most authoritative books on matters
dealing with the Theravada School, we may legitimately infer that the
state of affairs depicted in this passage was what obtained among the
orthodox circles in the time of Buddhaghosa.
This inference is strengthened by the existence of similar passages in the
Papaiicasiidani 2 and in the Manorathapiira:Q1. 3 The bhikkhus who do not
treat their teachers properly, these two Commentaries say, would not receive
from the latter training in the Piili or the Atthakathii or the Compilation of
Doctrinal Discourses (Dhammakathiibandha) or the Secret Books (G"iha-
gantha). We are unable to say what the Dhammakathiibandha was. Per-
haps it included books that formed the basis of the later Tikiis and works like
the Rasaviihini. The secret book (or class of books) mentioned in these
passages was, no doubt, one accepted by the Theravadins, There were also
other books dealing with secret doctrines but rejected by the orthodox
schools on the ground that they were not the teachings of the 13uddha.
Such were the VaJ)J)api!aka, AIigulimillapi!aka, Ratthapiilagajjita, Alavaka-
gajjita, Gulha 1Jmmagga, Gulha Vessantara and Gu!ha Vinaya.4 Neverthe-
less, the Sumangalavilasini and the Manorathapiiral).i present a more con-
ciliatory attitude in advocating not a wholesale rejection but the rejection
of only those books which, after examination, are not found to be conducive
to the restraint of passion and other defilements. The books mentioned
in these two Commentaries are the last three in the foregoing list and the
Vedallapi!aka. 5
In addition to these there were other compilations, which were not recited
at the three councils but seem to have been accepted by the Theravadins,
They were the Kulumba Sutta, Riijovada Sutta, Tikkhindriya Sutta,
Catuparivatta_ Sutta, Nandopananda Sutta,'_ the five Kathiivatthus:
Dhiitukatha, Arammal)akatha, Asubhakatha, Nal)avatthukathii and Vijjii-
kadambaka;7 the Maggakathii and the Buddhikaral)<;iaka 6 According to
the Samantapiisadika there was an analysis of the thirty-seven bodhipakkhiya
dhammas in the books Maggakathii, Arammal)akathii, Bodhikaral)<;iaka,
I P.P. II 135; Vi I J 15
2 Pap H 264
3 Man Sn 854
4 Smp Sn Il 5. The Sar~tthapp~kasini .IH ~<:H) gives the same I.i'3t with the exception
of the Gii}ha Umrnagga and WIth the addItIon of the Vetullapltaka-or the Vedalla-
pitaka, according to some recensions -and calls these books 'counterfeits of the
true teac.hings ' .
5 Sum ViI 1I 566 ; Man Sn 579
6SmpSnII5
7 SA II 210

98
Nanavatthu and the Asubhakatha.' The Mahadhatukatha' which was
accepted by some in place of. the Kathavatthu in the Abhidhamma Piiaka
was perhaps the same as the Dhatukatha in this list. The Theravadins
rejected it as there was nothing new in it (Mahiidhiitukathiiya1J' apubba'!l
natthi). Another such book called Silupadesa was considered to have bEen
composed by Sariputta thera. 3
It is unfortunate that we do not have any further information about most
of these books. The Nikayasangraha is of considerable help in this connec-
tion. According to this Chronicle the authorship of some of the books are
as follows:
Book Author
Val)l)apiiaka Hemavatika School
Angulimalapiiaka Rajagirika
Gulha Vessantara Siddhatthaka
1.'aithapalagajjita Pubbaseliya
Alavakagajjita Aparaseliya
Gu!ha Vinaya Vajiriya
Information on these as well as on many other books seems to have been
available in Ceylon till as late as the fourteenth century, for Dharmakirti,
the author of the Nikayasangraha, cuts short his account saying that it would
be too long a task to describe separately how these books were composed.4
Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripiiaka, too, is of some help, though
the books that could be traced-and without much certainty either-to
any in the Chinese collection are very few, the number being only three,
namely, the Rajovada Sutta, the Angulimalapiiaka and the Raiihapala-
gajjita.
I. RiiJoviida Sutia
There are four Suttas having the title Rajavavadaka: viz., Nos. 248,
249, 250 and 988 of the Catalogue. The last, called also the Fo-show-shan-
ci un -wan-su- waIi.-ci"I). (Buddhabhii;;;ita-Prasenajit-riija-pariPrcchii-sutra), is pro-
bably the one in our list, as according to Nanjio, it is mentioned in the Tibetan
Catalogue C-yeun-lu under the heading of the sutras belonging to the
Hinayana.
2. A ngulimiilapi!aka
There are three siitras having the name Angulirnala (Nos. 434, 62! and
622). No. 62! is called the Fo-shwo-yan-ciie-no-ciil (Sutra spoken by the
Buddha on Ailgulimalya). This is said to be a Siitra belonging to the
Hinayana. 5
3. Ra!!hapiilagajjita
Three works bearing titles resembling this are gIven m the Catalogue.
(a) No. 23 (IS). Riistrapala-pariprcchii,
(b) No. 594 Fo-shwo-hii-cha-hO-lo-cin (Sutra spoken by the Buddha
on Rasirapala),
and (c) No. 873 Rastrapalapariprccha.
No. 594 belongs to the Hinayana 6
1 Smp Sn II 5
2 Att 4
3 Smp Sn II 5
4 Nikayasangraha p. 9
5 See Nanjio's Catalogue pp. xv and 152
6 Ibid. p. xv

99
 The Nikayasangraha mentions also that there were three classes of non-
orthodox literature which originated in India and, later, wete brought to
Ceylon. They were the works expressing the views of the Vaitulya and the
Vajiriya Schools and also works embodying the sciences such as the Ratna-
kiija.' Nanjio's Catalogue gives a whole series of works belonging to the
Ratnakiija class.' It is said in the Nikayasangraha that the Ratnakiija
Sastras were composed by the Andhaka School and the Ratlhapalagajjita
by the Pubbaseliya.' In Nanjio's Catalogue R~jrapalapariprcchil. (Noz3/18)
belongs to the Ratnakiija class, and hence it, too, should be a work of the
Andhaka School. There is thus an apparent discrepancy if the Rasjra-
palapariprcchil. is the same a, the Rajjhapalagajjita. But, on further
consideration, it becomes clear that there is no discrepancy as the Pubba-
seliya was only a sub-sect of the Andhaka School. 4
From the survey made in the preceding pages it is not difficult to under-
stand the influence which the unorthodox schools had on the Theravadins_
Whenever occasion arose the Theravadins spared no pains in resisting the
inroads of the heretical doctrines and they were successful when the latter
came into open conflict as during the reign of Mahasena. The Theravadins
however, gradually and unknowingly succumbed when the heretical teach-
ing came not in the nature of producing schisms but of tending to make the
Buddha and events connected with bis life appear supernatural. An
account of an event of that de'scription is given by Fa Hien. When he was
residing in Ceylon he heard a monk from India, reciting a sacred book and
giving the past and future 'history' of the Buddha's bowl-relic. This 'history'
was one episode of miraculous happenings. At the end of the discourse
Fa Hien wished to copy it down, on which the monk said. "This is no
sacred book, but only what I have learned by memory and repeat verbally".>
Though Fa Hien, with the historical and literary exactitude of his race,
wished to know the authenticity of that sermon it is not likely that it would
ever have occurred to the ordinary man in the audience to make any such
inquiries. We may, therefore, not be far from the truth if we suppose
that it was heretical influences of this nature that found their way into
Theravil.da Buddhism and obtained a permanent abode there.

I NikiiY<1sailgraha p. 9
2 Eighty·six works in all (Nos 23-60, No. 23 containing 49 Siitras).
3 Nikayasailgraha p. 8
4 See Mrs Rhys Davids : Points of Controversy, Intr. p, xliii.
5 Beal : Travels of Budd.hist Pilgrims pp. 1,61-164_

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 CHAPTER SEVEN

Whe"e the Faith Flourished

WE have already seen how within a short time after the advent of Mahinda
Buddhism spread through the length and breadth of Ceylon. What we
have discussed so far was the evidence of the Pali Commentaries with regard
to the spread of the religion and also the many vicissitudes through which
it passed, considered as far as possible, in their chronological order. The
Commentaries contain also an abundance of information pertaining to events
connected with the history of the faith, but which cannot be treated chrono-
logically, as many of the references give no clue whatsoever to the time of
the occurrence of an event about which the reference is made. A helpful
way of making use of these invaluable references is to treat them from a
geographical aspect, that is to say, to group them according to the places
mentioned therein and thus make an attempt to reconstruct the history of
the different localities where the faith flourished. The references to Cetiya-
giri, however, form a fortunate exception in that we are able to arrange
many of them in chronological order.
One other preliminary remark should be made; that is, though we are
unable to give a connected chronology, we can, with a fair degree of accuracy,
lay down the upper and lower limits. The former is evidently the time of
Mahinda's advent to Ceylon in the middle of the third century B.C. The
extreme lower limit is the early part of the fifth century A.D. when the
Commentaries were written in Fiili by Buddhaghosa and his successors.
But in an earlier chapter it was pointed out that the compilation
of the main part of the Sinhalese Commentaries was, very likely, completed
by about the middle of the first century A.D. We may, therefore not
be far wrong if we consider the description of the Buddhist centres
to be discussed in the present chapter as depicting mainly the state of affairs
during the first three centuries after the arrival of Mahinda. It should also
be remarked that the places to be mentioned presently do not go to form
the whole list of those referred to in the Commentaries. Our attention here
will be mainly ,directed to places which we have had no occasion to discuss
in the preceding chapters,I

C ctiyapabbata
We shall start with Missakapabbata or Cetiyapabbata, the modern
Mihintale (Mahinda-thala). where the first sermon was delivered by Mahinda.
At the time when the Commentaries were compiled Mihintale was known
by the name Cetiyapabbata or Cetiyagiri. This name was given to it on
account of the many shrines built there. 2 The mountain is situated about
8 miles to the east of Anuradhapura. 3 It has three peaks and' each peak
is crowned by a dagaba. The ascent to a tableland between two of the
peaks is assisted by a flight of nearly two thousand steps of granite, each
I For a full list of the places see Appendix lB.
2 Mv tr. p. 114 note 3
3 Ibid, p, 89· note 3

I02
20 feet broad'r. The northern peak was known as the Silakuta.
Immediately below it lies the little tableland on which the Ambatthala-
dagaba stands'. Very likely the Therambatthala mentioned in the Visud-
dhimagga and the place of the same name where the thera Maharohal)agutta
is said to have lived are identical with this Ambatthala. 3
The mountain has many caves which once formed the peaceful abodes
of many a Buddhist hermit. The best known of these caves is the Mahinda-
guhii or the' Cave of Mahinda '. Buddhaghosa mentions Hatthikucchi-
pabbhiira and Mahindaguha as examples of places for meditation for people
with an inquiring turn of mind. Dwelling in a place of this nature which is
hidden by the forest and at the mouth of a cleft, enables such a person to
concentrate his thoughts4. The Papancasiidani mentions the name of
another cave at Cetiyapabbata. It is the cave called Piyangu. The thera
Lomasa Naga lived heres.
The Cetiyagirivihara was so welJ known as an abode of the holy ones that
it became an unsuitable place for quiet meditation, for when a bhikkhu
lived there people would gather to honour him thinking that he was an
Arahant. The same was true with regard to the monastedes such as Dak-
khil)agiri, Hatthikucchi and Cittalapabbata 6
Cetiyapabbata became an important place from the very beginning.
Mahinda made his abode there to spend the first rainy season 7 , and this,
no doubt, attracted many people to the place. When the southern branch
of the sacred Bodhi Tree was brought by Sanghamitta to Anuradhapura,
a sapling from the seeds of that branch was planted at Cetiyapabbata8 •
The demise, too, of Mahinda occurred in the same place, when he was spen-
ding the rainy season there 9 , and his name was further commemorated by
king Uttiya by building a thflpa on the Cetiya-mountain enshrining a portion
of his relicsIO.
The next reference in the Commentaries to Cetiyapabbata is concerning
an event which took place about hundred years later. The thera Maliya-
deva, who lived in the time of king Dutthagamal)i, preached the Chachakka
Sutta here and sixty theras attained ArahantshipII.
During the reign of Saddhatissa, the younger brother of Dutthagamal)i,
there lived in this vihara the thera Kala Buddharakkhita, receiving the res-
pect of the king and imparting religious instructions to a large number of
bhikkhusY The king was once observing the uposatha-sila or the eight
precepts in the King's Cave (Riijalena) at Cetiyapabbata, and, as mentioned
on a previous occasion, listened one whole night to a discourse delivered by a
I T. V-,'. Rhys Davids in Hasting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Vol. 3, P.332.
For further details see H. W. Cave: Book of Ceylon pp. 526--535.
2 Mv tr. p. 90 note I
3 Vi I 155, II 37.'5 ; Also see Att 187
4 Vi I IIO; P.P. II 128. I do not agree with l\Iaung Tin in taking Hatthikucchipabbhara-
Mahindagllha~sadise senasane as ' in a dv.Telling like l\Iahindaguba on Hatthikucchi~
pabbhara.'
:) Pap I 78
6 Vi I 120
7 Smp I 83
8 Ibid. I 100
9 Mv 20·32
10 Ibid. 20-45
I I Pap. Sn 1024
12 Pap II 294

r03
certain pil;lc;lapatika thera. The king was greatly pleased at the saintly life
of the bhikkhus there and gave alms to them daily, while he acted rather
indifferently towards the bhikkhus at Anuradhapura'.
The famous Dighabhal)aka Abhaya who flourished during the reign of
king Kutakal)l)a Tissa' lived in this vihara. At that time a powerful bandit,
Abhaya by name, the head of a large number of other bandits, encamped
near Anuradhapura and lived by pillage and plunder. The people of Anu-
radhapura feared to cross the river Kalamba and the road to Cetiyapabbata
was left untrodden. One day the bandits went to plunder the Cetiyapab-
batavihara. Dighabhal)aka Abhaya, hearing of their arrival, treated them
with hospitality, and we are told that they, overcome by the kindneES of the
thera, were converted and thenceforth became protectors of the vihara3 .
The Mahavihara seems to have regained the prestige lost at the time of
Saddhatissa, for we find that in the reign of king Bhatiya (38-66 A.D.)
Cetiyapabbata occupies an ecClesiastical po~iticn le:'::s imrcrtant than that
of the Mahavihara, as is evidenced by an appeal made to the Mahavihara by
a bhikkhn who was dissatisfied with a decision given by the chapter at Cetiya-
pabbata•.
Bhatiya's successor, king Mahiidathika Mahanaga caused a great festival
called the Giribhal)c;lapiija to be held at the Cetiyapabbata. The magni-
ficence with which the festival was held is given in considerable detail in
the Mahavamsa5, It is said that a shower of hot cinders fell on this occasion
and 'the Visuddhimagga attributes it to an action of Mara, the E.,ril One'.
Mention is made several times of the thera Lenagirivasl Tissa, who, as a result
of his special merit, received the best gifts at this festival'.
Cetiyapabbata did not escape the notice of the Chinese traveller Fa Hien.
He records" Fortv li to the east of the No-Fear Shrine', there is the sacred
mountain Mihinta'le, with a shrine on it called Bhadrika, in which there are
about two thousand priests. Among them is a Shaman, tlie Reverend
Dharmagupta, whom all the people of this country respect and look up to.
He has dwelt in a stone cell for more than forty years; and by constant
exercise of kindness of heart he has succeeded in so influencing snakes and
rats that they will live together in the same cell without hurting one another. 9 "
There are references to a few other theras but to whom we are unable to
assign any definite date. Thoy are:
I. Mahatissa thera, who attained Arahantship while on his way from
Cetiyapabbata to Anuradhapura",
2. Lomasa Naga thera, already alluded to before, who was noted for
the ability to bear with intense cold",
I SV 473, The reason for taking this attitude has already being discussed elsewhere.
:2 A visit ofthis king to Cetiyapabbata is mentioned in SA I 34 and Pap Sn 653.
3 Smp II 474, Att 399
4 Smp II 306
5 Mv 34·75 foil.
6 Vi II 376
7' Sum ViI II 534, 535 ; Pap II 397 foIl; Man Sn 669, 670
g i.e., the Abhaya (gin) vihara.
9 H. A. GiIes: Travels of Fa Hien pp 7I, 72
IQ Vi I 20, I94
I l Pap I 78

I04
 3. the paI)lsukiilika thera of PacinakhaI)<,iaraji, well known for the
purity of his life', and
4 & 5· two brothers who adhered strictly to the dhutanga practices.'
In connection with Cetiyapabbata mention should also be made of the
village DvaramaI)<,iala3 . A large number of young men from this village
are said to have entered the Order, following the lead of Abhaya, Devanam-
piyatissa's brother4,
A nuriidhaj>ura
From Mihintale we now turn to Anuradhapura. Being the. capital of the
country, there is good reason to suppose that the monasteries at Anuradha-
pura received greater attention from the Sinhalese monarchs than those at
()ther places. Whenever the vastness of a place in India is desirea to be
shown. it is customary in the Commentaries to make Anuradhapura the
standard of comparison, as it was the biggest city in Ceylon'. Not only was
it the biggest city, Anuradhapura could also be rightly called the Madhya-
desa 6 of Cey]on 7 . Fa Hien has recorded in words of admiration his impres-
sions of the city. He says: "In the city there are many Vaisya elders
and Sabaen merchants 8, whose houses are stately and beautiful. The
lanes and passages are kept in good·order. At the head of the four principal
streets there have been built preaching halls, where, on the eighth, four-
teenth and fifteenth days of the month, they spread carpets, and set forth a
pulpit, while the monks and commonalty from all quarters come together
to hear the Law 9." The Visuddhimagga, too, records an instance
()f a bhikkhu expressing his opinion that conditions at Anuradhapura were
as good as they could have been in a place where the Buddha himself lived.
" Thiipariima ", he says, " is a place where the relics of the four Buddhas
were deposited. In Lohapasada it is convenient to get a hearing of the
Teachings. I~ is, as if it were, in the time of the Buddha 1o." .

The .'11ahiimhiira
The most important and very likely the biggest u monastery in Anuradha-
pura was the Mahavihara. It was this monastery that preserVEd for us the
teachings of Theravada Buddhism. \Ve have already seen under what
trying circumstances the dwellers of the Mahavihara preserved those tea-
chings from the devastating influence of the Vaitulyavadins. The vihara
was built by king Devanampiyatissa shortly after the arrival of Mahinda."
It was situated to the south of the city I 3 and appears to have comprised more
I Sum Vi! III 10ro
2 Vi I 62
3 Mv tr. p. 68 note I
4 SmpIgo
5 See SA II 194; DhA I 31,18; ApA 219
6 Madhyadesa (the Middle Region was, to the Buddhist, the most sacred portion of
India)
7 Man II 37
8 According to Legge these' merchants were Arab forerunners of the so called Moor-
men who still form so important a part of the mercantile community in Ceylon.'
9 Legge; A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p. 104
10Vilgl
I I As may be inferred from the references in DhA IV 74: Smp Sn II 314; Sum ViI II
578 etc.
12 The whole of Mv ch. 15 is devoted to the description ofthe acceptance of the Maha-
vihara by Mahinda.
13 CuNiA 108. To the east of the city was the monastery Uttamadevi-vihara. But of
this we have no information given in the Commentaries.
105
than one building. PiyatigupariveI).a, the name of one of the buiIdings is
mentioned in the Sammoha vinodani. I There was also a separate pavilion,
for the discussion of questions (pafihamal)<;!apa)'. Bhikkhus who came,
from other parts of the island to worship the Mahacetiya and the Mahabodhi,
used to make their temporary abode at the Mahii.vihara3. The fame of the,
monastery spread far and wide and people even from abroad went there in
search of the pure teaching. The names of Visakha4, Pitimalla5 and
Buddhaghosa may be mentioned as examples.
Though the Mahiivihara was one of the most flourishing monasteries in
ancient Ceylon, it was however not without its periods of adversity. It was
abandoned during the BrahmaI).atissa famine and during the several Tamil
invasions. Also during the reign of king Mahasena the dwellers of the rival
monastery Abhayagiri caused the king to harass the Theraviidins at the
I'tIahiivihara 6 , It was in a prosperous condition when Fa Hien visited Cey-
Ion. At that time there were 3000 bhikkhus living in it. The Chinese tra-
veller describes in detail the cremation of the remains of an eminent bhikkhn
who lived there and who was considered by the people as an Arahant7~
In the fifth century when Buddhaghosa wrote his Commentaries, the views
held bv the Mahavihiira school were considered to be unmixed and un-
entangled with the views of other (heretical) !'ect!:,8 and all the Commentaries.
including the Visuddhimagga, were written with their contents hased on the
tradition of tbe Mahiivihara 9 .
Closely connected with the Mahii.vihara are the Lohapasada (the Brazen
Palace), the Mahacetiva (also called Mahathiipa, SOl)l)amaJi-cetiya or
Ruvanvali,aya) and the Mahabodhitfhana (the Place of the Great Bodhi
Tree).
Lohapasada
The nine-storeyed Brazen Palace built in the early part of the first century
B.C. by king Dutthagamal)! was the Uposathiigara (the house where the
Vinaya activities were performed) of the Mahavihara. It rested on sixteen
hundred monolithic columns of granite, and at present only these pillars remain
to mark the spot where the once magnificent building stood. The construc-
tion o'f the Piisada is described in full in the Mahavarpsa 1o • The importance
of this building was so great that Mahinda is said to have paid his reverence
to the spot on which it was to stand at a later date I l . There was always a
large number of bhikkhus in the building12, and it was one that Anuradhapura
could well boast of."
I sv 292
2 SA Sn III 151
3 SV 292, 446, 449, 451 ; Sum Vil III Ior I
4ViI31Z
5 Pap I 234 ; Sum ViI III 748
6 These, as well as the conflicts which the two rival viharas had, have been discussed
in detail in earlie,r chapters.
7 Beal : Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims pp. 159, 160. The chief thera in the time of ki.ng
Candamukha Tissa was also an Arahant. (Pap Sn 869).
8 Att 2
9 See Vi 1 2 ; Pap I I ; J I I ; UdA 2; Kv I
10 Mv ch 27. Also see H. VV. Cave: Book of CeyJon pp. 548-550
I I Smp I 101
12 DhA III 472
13 Ibid. IV 74. For comparison bearing ant its size, Sl,e SA I 74; UdA 101 ; Pap II 185.
I06
 Attached to the Lohapasada were two meeting places, the Ambalatthika
and the PaiicanikayamaI)<.iala. The former was situated to the east of the
building. Mention is made twice of the DighabhaI)akas assembling there to
recite the teachings. Once they recited the Brahmajala Sutta I and on the
other occasion, when king Vasabha was also present, they recited the Maha-
sudassana Sutta'. We are unable to say exactly what the specific purpose
of the PaficanikayamaI,l<;lala was. Perhaps it was a common meeting place
of the BhaI)akas of all the five Nikayas of the Sutta Pitaka. We have records
of more than one meeting held at this place. Tipitaka CiiJabhaya thera
once proclaimed that he would preach here from the three Pilakas3. The
Dighanikaya Tika tells us that a Dhammasangiti (a recital of the Doctrine)
was held at the same place under the auspices of the Mahavihara4. The
Sumangalavilasini records that it was customary for the bhikkhus residing
in the country to the north of the Mahavaligariga to come to the Mahavihara
to spend the rainy season. At the end of their stay they would assemble at
the Paiicanikayama\l<.iala in the Lohapasada. Here those who knew the
Texts would recite them and those who knew the Commentaries would recite
the Commentaries. If during the course of the recitation anyone made a
mistake, it was immediately pointed out and rectifieds.
We have also a few references to different theras preaching the Doctrine
at the Lohapasada. Maliyadeva, a thera of fame in the day of Duttha-
gamaI)i, preached the Chachakka Sutta 6 • His contemporary Mahavyaggha
is also mentioned (on another occasion) to have performed certain Vinaya
rites in the same building'. Other theras who expounaed the Doctrine
here and whose names are recorded in the Commentaries, are Tipitaka
Ciilanaga8 , Tipitaka Ciilabhaya9 and Gamavasi SumanadevaIO,
M ahiicetiya
Of a more permanent structure than the Lohapasada was the Mahacetiya,
which, too, was built by king DutthagamalJ.iII. It was considered unique
in the quantity of relics enshrined in it, and hence it was supposed to be the
" Asadisa Mahiithupa" (The Great Cetiya without a parallel)". Its size
too, was considered to be the biggest that a cetiya could be expected to be
built of l 3, According to tradition the relics that were to be enshrined in
this cetiya were reserved for that purpose by Mahakassapa thera when king
Ajatasattu deposited the relics oftheBuddha, a short time after the latter's
passing away l 4, Further, it was held that the Buddha, in one of his visits,
sanctified the site of the cetiya by taking his seat there'S, and also that
1 Sum Vii I 131
2 Ibid, II 635
3 Vi I 9f
4 Pap I 197 foot note 1
5 Sum ViI II 581
6 Pap Sn 1024
7 Man II 247
8 SA II 276
9 Vi I 97
10 Att 31
II An account of its construction was given in an earlier chapter. For fQrther details see
Mv cbh. 28~3I; Cave: Book of Ceylon pp. 550-561. An idea of its architecture
can also be obtained from SV 293.
12 Pap Sn 699
13 Man II 5 ; Sum Vil II 578
14 Sum Vi! II 61 I
15 Smp I 89. Also see I 92
r07
Mahinda venerated the place by offering it flowers'. According to another
tradition the Mahiicetiya is one of the places which would be visited by the
relics just before the Dhatuparinibbiina (the extinction of the relics) which
is to take place in the future'. There is no d01lbt at all that this cetiya was
one of the most sacred treasures of the early Ceylonese Buddhists. Keeping
the cetiya in good condition3 was considered as a privileged duty not only
of the layman but of the bhikkhu as well. The Papaiicasiidani gives an
instance of a thera who took part in the white-washing of the cetiya 4 • The
only other object of worship that was perhaps on a par with this was the
Mahiibodhi. There are many references to people going to worship the
oetiya and the Bodhi Tree5, In this connection mention may also be made
of an interesting episode of a minister (amacco) who offered jasmine flowers
to the cetiya and shared the merit with Yama, the ruler of the Underworld.
As a result of this, the story proceeds, he was able to escape the torments
of hell and to take birth in a world of the devas'. The Saratthappakasini
tells us that the sight of the Mahacetiya was capable 01 producing sublime
emotions in the hearts of devotees and that numberless bhikkhus attained
Arahantship by developing and reflecting on those emotions'.
Bodhi Tree
The Bodhi Tree dates from the time of Mahinda. 'The Samantapasadika
describes how it was brought to Ceylon and was planted in the Mahamegha-
vana at Anuradhapura 8 , It is, as far as we know, the oldest historical
tree in the WOrld9, We have already mentioned in connection with the
Mahacetiya how bhikkh1ls 1lsed to come from vario1ls parts of Ceylon to
offer their veneration at this tree. This practice continues down to the
present day. Even the non-Buddhist Tamil invaders, who from time to time
destroyed many a vihara, left this tree untouched. As Cave ob£erves " that
it escaped destruction by the enemies of Buddhism throughout many in-
vasions is perhaps attrib1ltable to the fact that the same species is held in
veneration by the Hindus who, while destroying its surrounding monuments,
would have :tpared the tree itself."IO
The Commentaries, excepting the Samantapasadika, do not throw any
light on the history of this sacred tree or on the buildings that were erected
round it in course of time ll .
Thupiiriima
To the south of the city of AnurMhapura stood the Thfiparama-vihara u ,
the dagaba of which exists up to the present day". The latter was built
I Ibid. 101
"2 Sum ViI III 899 : Pap Sn 882
3 It was neglected only in such disastrous times as that of the Brahmal).atissa famine.
At that time, as pointed out elsewhere, it was neglected to the extent that castor
plants grew on the compound of the cetiya. (SV 446).
4 Pap II 403
5 See e.g., SV 2g2 ; Pap Sn 6g8 ; Vi I 1.43-
{) Mann 231 ; Pap Sn 955
7 SA Sn III 151
8 Smp I 90--100. Also see Mv ch. 19 and Cave's Book of Ceylon pp. 542-544.
9 See Ceylon by J. E. Tennent pp. 613--.615.
'la Cave: Book of Ceylon p. 544.
n A Mahabodhidvarakotthaka (gateway of the Mahabodhi) is, however. mentioned in
SumVil III IOIl and Man Sn 523.
1:2 Mv tr. P lIB note 2. Also see SA I 22<: : UdA 238
1:3 See Cave: Op. cit. pp. 538.539
1.08
by king Devanampiyatissa, and is situated 400 yards north of the Rllvan-
validagaba l . Its construction and how the relics wefe brought to be en-
shrined in it are given in detail in the Samantapasadik~i2. According to
tradition the site of this cetiya was sanctified by the Buddha by entering
into the trance called the nirodhasamiipatti at this place' and it was also
believed that relics of all the four Buddhas (i.e., Kakusandha, Konagamana,
Kassapa and Gotama\ were deposited at the same place'. This belief re-
sulted in making the Thiiparama cetiya also one of the most venerated spots
in Anuradhapllra 5 . We find it mentioned along with the Mahabodhi and
the Mahacetiya as placEs worshipped by a large number of bhikkhus who
came to Anuradhapura after the BrahmaIJ.atissa famine came to an end.&
The sanctity of the place was enhanced by the planting of a sapling produced
from a seed of the sacred Bodhi Tree 7•
Among other references in the Com_mentaries to events connected with
this place may be mentioned:
(I) a remark about two theras of Anuradhapura, who entered the Order
at the Thflparama and one of whom was noted for his absence
of attachment to property', and
(2) an episode connected with a thera who is said to have met at its
gate two Yakkha children'.
Further, a gift made by king Gajabahu to the community of monks at
Thiipanima is mentioned in the PaIu Ma,kkcava Rock-inscriptiolll:O,
I ssarasama~liiriima and Vessagiri
Two other important viharas in Anuradhapura were the Issarasama-
Darama ll and the Vessagiri-vihara. They were included in the five great
monasteries (paftca mahCivihiira) , the other three being the Mabii.vihara,
the Thuparama and the Cetiyavihara. But we are unfortunate in having
hardly any information in the FaH Commentaries about these two
monasteries. As far as I am aware there is no reference to
Vessagiri and there is only one to IssarasamaI,larama. And this too, is
not a very important one by itself, being an incidental reference to the
planting of a sapling of the sacred Bodhi Tree there by king Devfmampiya-
tissa. 12
The construction of the latter vihara is attributed to Devanampiyatissa,13
It is situated about a mile to the south of the Mahavihara." As found at
present it is a ' curious' building carved out of the natural rock I 5 Vessagiri,
too, was built by the same king." From the silence of the Commentaries
I Mv tr. p. 230 note 2
2 Smp 183 fall
3 Ibid. P 89.
4 Vi I 91 ; Smp I 86
.5 Vi 91
6 SV 451
7 Smp I 100
8 J. V .. 254
9 Pap Sn 713
IQ Ep Zey. I 208 fol1~
11 Now called Isurumut;liya
12 Smp I 100
13 Mv 20.14
14 Mv tr. p. 133 note 2
15 See Cave: Book of Ceylon pp. 554. 555
16 Mv 20.15. W.ickremasinghe gives a description of this place, in connection with the
inscriptions found there. See Rp Zey. I pp. la fall.

109
on these two monasteries we have room to infer that, perhaps, they did
not occupy an important position prior to the compilrttion of the Sinhalese
Commentaries.
A bhayagiri vihiira
Outside the northern gate of the city stood the Abhayagirivihilra.' It
was built by king Vattagamal,li Abhaya on the place where existed a monas-
tery of the Nigal,ljhas. As Geiger has shown. tradition appears to have
confounded the name of the Abhayagiri-dagaba with that of the Jetavana-
diigaba and, therefore, the site of the former monastery must be sought
where the now so-called Jetavana-dagaba stands.' The Abhayagirivihilra,
being the headquarters of the Vaitulyavadins in Ceylon, played a very
important part in the history of Buddhism in the island. This question
has been dealt with in detail in the chapter on the" Growth of the Dissen-
tient Schools."
M aricavatfi-vihiira
In the south-west part of Anuradhapura and to the west of the Mahilvih1i.ra
stood the Maricavatli-vihara, the diigaba of which exists today under the
name of Mirisavatiya 3 . The vihara and the cetiya were built by king
Dutthagamal,li4 . A festival on a very large scale was held by the king
at the consecration of the vihara. As it was mentioned earlier in another
occasion, an account of an incident which occurred at this festival is given
in several of the Commentaries. s
Dakkhi1J,agiri-vihiira
The Dakkhil,lagiri-vih1i.ra. which for some time was the headquarters of the
Sagaliya Sect, was, as is indicated by its name (dakkhi~a=south), situated
to the south of the city. This vihara is mentioned in the Commentaries 6
as well as in the Mahavaf)lsa. 7 It was built by king Saddh1i.tissa.' At
one time it was famous as an abode of saints.' The thera Kiila Buddha-
rakkhita belonged to a neighbouring village and when he grew up he entered
the Order at this vih1i.ra." Buddharakkhita, we are told, became the teacher
of a large number of bhikkhus but, on the advice of his preceptor, went to
Vatakasitapabbata-vihara and there by strenuous meditation became an
Arahant. I !
Other viharas mentioned in the Commentaries as belonging to Anuradha-
pura are:
(I) Chiltapabbata-The mountain by this name is situated to the south
of Anuradhapura. 12 It was here that the treasures were found which Deva-
nampiyatissa sent to his friend Asoka. '3 A young bhikkhu residing in this
I See Beal: Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims pp. 150, 151.
2 Mv tr. p. 235 note 1. and p. 269 note 1. Also seeWickrernasinghe's discussion of the
Jetavanadirna Inscription of Malu-tisa. Ep. Zey. I 253.
3 Mv tr.p. 179 note 2
4 For det&ils see Mv ch. 26
5 Pj Il 7I ; CuNiA 79 ; ApA 128 ; Pap II I45.
6 Man II 172
7 Mv. 33.9 8
8 Ibid. 33.8
9 Vi I 120
10 Pap II 293
rr Ibid. II 294
12 J. P. T. S. 1888. p. 35
13 Srnp I 74
!IO
monastery is mentioned as having come to grief as far as his higher life was
considered, on listening to a woman's voice. I
(2) Kalambatittha-viMra-a monastery on the banks of the Kalamba
river. 2 The Saratthappakasini gives an account of fifty bhikkhus who went
to this vihara to spend the rainy season. They decided among themselves
not to talk to each other till they attained Arahantship and, it is said, within
the three months of the rainy season they all fulfilled their ambition'.
(3) Kutelitissa Mahavihara-Only the name of this vihara is mentioned
in the Conunentaries. A thera who went on a pilgrimage to Anuradhapura
to worship the MaMcetiya and the Mahabodhi is mentioned as having arrived
at this vihara on his return journey.4
(4) PacinakhaI)<;laraji-a woodland solitude to the east of Anuradhapura.
It was a place very suitable for solitary meditation (patisallanasaruppam
thiina7Jl). The Visuddhimagga gives an account of a thera who lived here
for a long time and paid a visit to a friend of his at Anuradhapura.5 The
Sumarigalavilasini6 and the Manorathapiira:Q-i7 mention another thera who
Eved in this place and went to the city in search of a garment as allowed in
the Vinaya rules.
(5) Pathamacetiya-the cetiya built on the first spot to which Mahinda
and his companions came when they arrived at Anuradhapura. This place
was to the east of the city. 8 Here, too, was planted a sapling grown from a
seed of the sacred Bodhi Tree.'
Arilthapabbata
To the south-east of Anuradhapura and at a distance of about 30 miles
from it" is the mountain Aritthapabbata, the modem Ritigala. A viMra
called Makulaka was built at the foot of this mountain by king Suratissa
(187-177 B.C.)," Though no reference to any monastery here is made in
the Commentaries it deserves our attention as some interesting inscriptions
which may be assigned to about the first century B.C. have been found in
this place. 12
Nagad,pa
The maritime region that lies to the north-west of Anuradhapura was
known as Nagadipa (the island ofthe Nagas)." A part of the present Nor-
thern Province also may have been included in the same. Perhaps it was a
district which was predominantly, though not exclusively, inhabited by
the Naga people. According to the Jatakatthakatha Yakkhas'4 and
1 Man I 26
2 Called also the Kadamba river; it is the present Malvatu Oya to the south of
Anuradhapura. See P. L. C. p. 27 note 2.
3 SA Sn III 155
4 SV 293 ; Pap Sn 699, 700
5 Vi I 90, 91
6 Sum Vil In IOIO, IOII
7 Man Sn 523, !'i24
8 Smp r 79. Also see Mv tr. p. 95 note 2
9 Smp 1100
10 As may be judged from the map of ancientCey10n in Geiger's translation of the Maha.-
varp.sa (facing page I). Also see Ibid. p. 72 note 3.
Il Mv 21.6
12 Ep. Zey. I I35·f011.
13 Mv tr. p. 6 note 2
14 ] II 128
HI
SupalJ.lJ.as,I too, lived there. It was customary for merchant vessels to call
at Nagadipa to obtain water and fuel.' The Akitti jataka tells us that near
Nagadipa there was another (is) land known as Ahidipa, the name of which
was later turned to Karadipa.3 Probably this was the ancient name of I
one of the small islands off the northern coast of Ceylon. These references
in the jatakatthakatha, most likely, carry us to a date earlier than th'e colo-
nization of the island by Vijaya and his followers.
Coming down to the period after the conversion of the island, we find in
Nagadipa a cetiya that attracted worshippers from many parts of Ceylon.
The famous Tipitaka Cillii.bhaya thera went there with a retinue of five
hundred bhikkhus to worship the cetiya.' In the time of Lenagirivasi
Tissa them another band of fifty bhikkhus went there for the same purpose.'
We are not in a position to say definitely which this cetiya was. There was
one by the name of Rajayatana-cetiya6 and another at the jambukola-
vihara built by king Devanampiyatissa.7
JambulwZa
jambukola was the chief sea port of Nagadipa, and probably of the whole
island. The branch of the Bodhi Tree was brought by ship to this port
and from there was taken to Anuradhapura.' During the Brahmal)atissa
famine, when the bhikkhus sought to go over to India, they assembled at
Nagadipa and took ship at jambukola-pattana,9 and when the thera
Tissadatta came from India to Ceylon he, too, disembarked atthe same port.'"
The Samantapasadika informs us that when Tissadatta arrived at the
jambukola ViMra he saw Tissa, a young bhikkhu, cleaning the compound
of the cetiya, and from the manner in which the latter did the work, con-
cluded that Tissa was one free from the defilementsY Very likely this
Tissa is identical with Tissa the son of Punabbasu-kutumbika, mentioned
in the Sammohavinodani,12. The importance of the Jambukola monastery
may be judged from the fact that one of the eight saplings sprung up from
seeds of the sacred Bodhi Tree was planted there and also from the fact that
pilgrims from as far a country as the Yonarattha came to worship its cetiya.· 13
The name of one of the monasteries (if not of the monastery) was Vii.Jika-
vihara,I4
M ahiitittha
According to the Sammohavinodani, the bhikkhus who went to India
during the great famine disembarked on their return journey at MaMtittha
(the Great Port)," the modern ~ntota opposite the island Mannar."
Perhaps Mahatittha was another name for the port at Jambukola.
I J III 187
2 Ibid. III 18g
3 Ibid. IV 238. Also see CpA 19
4 SV 457
5 Pap II 398 ; Man Sn 669 ; Sum Vii II 534
6 Sum ViI III 899' Also see Mv 1,54
7 Mv 20,25
8Smp I 98
9 SV 446
10 Smp Sn II 377
11 Ibid.
12 SV 389
'3 SDlP Sn II 377
14 SV 389
15 Ibid, 448
16 Mv tr. p. 60 note I ; J.P.T.S. 1888 p. 67

II2
Kalyii1;i
Coming from Mahiitittha along the coast towards the south we arrive
at the mouth of the Kalyal)i river (Kalyii1Ji-mukha-dviira), the modern
Kela1)i-ganga in the District of Colombo. About six miles towards the inland
and lying by the river is the famous Kalyal)i-cetiya. According to tradition
the Buddha visited Kalyal)i twice and the celiya stands on the spot where
the Buddha sat down on the throne of jewels offered to him by the Nagas.
It is also believed that in the cetiya is enshrined that throne of jewels. I

Further, according to the Samantapasadika the Buddha entered into

nirodhasamapatti on that same spot.:< We are unable to say definitely when
the present cetiya was built. Cave gives the probable date as the thirteenth
century.' If there is any truth in the tradition attached to the episode
concerning the Naga king Mal)iakkhika, the site of the present cetiya is
perhapsnotidentical with that olthe original one, for Mal)iakkhika's residence
is said to have been at the mouth of the river, the place now called Mutwal
(Sinhalese Modara <Muvadora <Mukhadvara).4 Associated with traditional
sanctity, the cetiya, in times of old as now, attracted many devout wor-
shippers. The Sammohavinodani mentions an incident that happened when
about thirty bhikkhus were returning after worshipping the cetiya.'
Kalyat;li was a centre- of Buddhism from very early times-perhaps from
the days of Mal)iakkhika, the Naga king, if there is any historical truth in the
Mahiivaf!1sa legend attached to this person. The name of the monastery
occurs for the first time in the Mahiivarpsa at about the middle of the second
century B.C. Already at that time it was a well organized vihara and hence
its establishment must have been earlier.' Maliyadeva, who lived during
the reign of DuHhagamal)i, is reported to have preached the Chachakka
Sutta at two places in Kalyal)i, namely, at the Nagamahiivihiira and in the
village Kalakacchagama. 7
In the Commentaries we have the names of a few other theras connected
with the Kalyal)i vih1ira; e.g., Mahatissa' and Godha. The latter is des-
cribed as a thera noted for his punctuality,9 Several Commentaries men-
tion also an episode connected with a young bhikkhu of this vihara who
went in his begging round to the village Kaladighaviipidvara and, as a
result of the same, came to disaster afterwards,lo The accounts in the several
Commentaries differ somewhat from one another. The Apadana Atthakatha
records that this young bhikkhu was a reciter of the Dighanikaya.u Another
thera, Dighasumma by name, lived in the vicinity of the mouth of the river.
A fisherman, it is said, gave him alms on three occasions and, as a result
of this merit, was reborn in a happy state,l2 It is interesting to note that
this place (now Mutwal) is even today a chief fishing centre in Colombo.

I See Mv I -44 foIl.

2 Smp I 89
3 Cave: Book of Ceylon p. 202
4 See Dip 2.42 foiL
5 SV 295, 296; Pap Sn 701. For another instance of bhikkhus going for the same pur-
pose, see Pap II 145.
6 See Mv 22.13 folL
7 Pap Sn 1025
8 Pj II 6, 7; Vi II 689
9 Pap I 122
10 Pj II 70; Man I 23 ; Pap II 144; CuNiA 78.
II ApA 128
12 Pap Sn ro08

1I3
Malaya
The central mountainous district from which the KalyaI)i river takes its
source was known in ancient days as Malaya-rattha. In times of foreign
invasion it was often a place of refuge of the Sinhalese king~, It afforded
also shelter to Buddhist monks when, as often happened, living in AnnTa-
dhapura was fraught with peril.
Sumanagiri or Adam's Peak
Sumanagi.ri, the mountain from which flows, among other rivers, the
Kalyal).i-nadi, is at present one of the most sacred spots to the inhabitants of
Ceylon. Its modern name is Sri-pada-kanda (the Mountain of the Auspi-
cious Foot) or Adam's Peak as the Europeans call it. It is believed that the
Buddha, on his third visit to Ceylon, planted his foot-print on the peak
of this mountain. I The Hindus regard the mark on the summit resembling
a human foot as the foot-print of Siva, 'and the Mahommedans, borrowing
their history from the Jews, as that of Adam '.2 Its importance as a place
of pilgrimage seems to have increased with the passage of time.
The Mahavarpsa states that in the time of king Dutthagamar;i the tt,era
Malayamahadeva (or Maliyadeva) received some millet-gruel from the king
and shared it with nine hundred bhikkhus on the Sumana mountain. 3 The
episode contains the miraculous element in it, but there is little doubt that
it is based on tradition considerably earlier than the date of the composition
of our Mahavamsa, It is therefore likely that there was a monastery on the
mountain. . - ¥

A reference in the Commentaries, too, adds strength to this supposition.

The Manorathapiiral)i tells us _that Dighajantu, the Damija, gave a red silk
cloth as an offering to the Akasa-cetiya at Sumanagiri-vihara. 4 This is
a valuable piece of information both for what it says and as being, as far as
I know, the only Atthakatha reference to this sacred mountain. From the
Mahavarrsa we know that Dighajantu was a warrior of the Tamil -(DamiJa)
king E)ara, the powerful enemy of Dutthagamal)i.5 The word Akiisa (sky)
Cetiya shows clearly that there was a shrine on the peak of Sumanagiri.
So high and abrupt in its ascent is the mountain that to one standing at its
base the shrine on the peak appears to be situated in the sky, and" Akiisa
Cet(va" is indeed a deserving name for it. The article, too, offered by
Dighajantu is of significance. Even today one of the commonest offerings
which the Tamil pilgrim takes to this sacred spot is a piece of red cloth--
preferably silk, if he can afford it-with which he covers the foot-print.
Fa Hien also mentions in his records the existence of the foot-print,6
It is, however, not till the time of king Vijayabahu I of the eleventh century
A.D. that we find Sumanakiija (called also Samantakiija) as a place of
regular pilgrimage. 7

I Mv 1.77
2 For further details see Cave: Book of Ceylon pp. 452-46r.
3 Mv 32-49
4 Man II 230, Also see Pap Sn 955
5 Mv 25·54
6 Beal : Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims p. ISO. Also see an article on this subject by Real
in J .R.A.S. (New Series) Vot. IS pp 338 foll.
7 Mv 60.65

II4
M utiymigana-vihiira
The Mutiyangana I vihara, situated in the present District of Badullaz
which coincides in some parts with the ancient Malaya, is also a place of
historic importance. It was believed that the Buddha, on his third visit,
entered into nirodha-samapatti on the spot where the Mutiyangana cetiya
stood later.' According to the Papaiicasiidani the thera Maliyadeva
preached the Chachakka Sutta here.'
Pangura-vihiira
Another place in the Malaya districts mentioned in the Commentaries
but about which we do not possess at present sufficient data to fix its exact
geographical position is the Parigura viMra in Hatthibhogajanapada.
The Papaficasiidani records an instance of a young bhikkhu of this monastery
reciting the Mahadhammasamadana Sutta. 6
Rnha1Ja
V'./e now come to the southern part of Ceylon known in ancient days as the
province of Roha!)a. Buddhism was introduced to this region during the
very first year of Mahinda's arrival in Ceylon. The nobles of the two villages
in RohaQa, namely, Kajaragama and Cannanagama, are reported to have
come to Anuradhapura to take part in the festival helel by king Devanam-
piyatissa on the occasion of the bringing o!the southern branch of the Bodhi
Tree by SaIighamitta;7 and according to the Samantapasadika, a short
time later, saplings grown from the seeds of that branch were planted in these
two villages. s The religion thus introduced into Roha1).a was placed on a
firm footing hy Mahanaga, a younger brother of Devanampiyatissa. 9
On several occasions Rohat;La and Malaya served as places of refuge to the
defenders of the faith in Ceylon. Thus when the greater part of the island
was devastated by Tami! invaders in the second century B.C. these were the
only two provinces that were safe from their attacks. The once resplendent
light of Buddhism was almost wholly extinguished in Anuradhapura by the
Tamils but they were unable to extend their harmful influence towards the
south. Referring to RohaQa of that period the Mahavarpsa remarks:
" In RohaI).a there are still princes who have faith in the three gems."IO
"early a century later when Ceylon "Was visited by the devastating Brah-
ma1).atissa-peril, the bhikkhus who did not cross over to India sought refuge
in the south. I l Al'!"ain when the Theravadins were harassed by king Mahasena
at the instigation of the dwellers of Abhayagiri, headed by SaIighamitta,
the Theravadins left the Mahavihara and went over to Roha!)a and Malaya
and waited there till better times carne. I2 Thus from the day of Mahinda,
Buddhism has flourished and has been preserved there up to the present
time- in a manner unparalleled in any other part of the island. The firm
I Also called Mutingana (Pap Sn 1024).
2 Codrington : A Short History of Ceylon p. 28.
3 SmpI8g
4 Pap Sn 1024
5 See Mv 35· vv 26, 29, 44
6 Pap II 377
7 Mv 19·54, 55
8 Smp I 100
9 Mv 22.9
10 Ibid. 23.13
11 As may be inferred from the episode concerning Culasiva thera (SV 446).
12 Nikayasangraha p. 13
lIS
faith of the inhabitants of Roha\la may be ganged from the fact that in the
beginning of the last century, after three hundred years of strenuous mission-
ary efforts on the part of three European powers, the Portuguese, the Dutch
and the Fnglish, there were hardly any converts among the Sinhalese in the
District of Matata, which covers a considerable portion of the ancient pro-
vince of RohalJ.a,1
Among the many centres of learning in RohaI).a, the two most outstanding
were the Tissamahariima and the Cittalapabbatavihara (the modern
Situlpav-vehera), both of which were founded by king K1ikava\l\la Tissa
in the second century B.C. z
Tissamahiiriima
Of these two vih§xas Tissamaharama mav be considered to have been
the more important one in ancient days. Ifheld a position in the southern
half of Ceylon which corresponded to that held by the Mahiivihiira in the
northern half. The bhikkhus living in the country to the south of the Maha-
vali-gaiIga used to assemble at the Tis::::amaharama to spend the rainy
season in the same way as those living to the north of the river assembled at
the MaMvih1ira. While assembled there the bhikkhus would revise the
Texts and Commentaries they had already learned.'
The monastery was a very prosperous one. "'hen the Brahmal)atissa
famine broke Qut, we are told that there was grain in the vihara to last
three years. According to the Sammohavinodani there were at that time
twelve thousand bhikkhus Jiving in Tissamaharama.4 There was, however,
one disadvantage there then, as now, namely, the scarcity of water during a
certain period of the year. Thus we find it recorded that a thera went over
to the Cittalapabbata-vihara because of this reason.5
Among the theras who lived at Tissamaharama may be mentioned Maha-
siva of GiimantapabbMra. He knew the three Pitakas together with their
Commentaries and was the teacher of eighteen groups of monks. He strove
hard and became an Arahant by reflecting on the spotle" purity of his life
after he had obtained the upasampada ordination. 6 The theras Maliyadeva
and Dhammadinna came to this vihara to preach the Doctrine. The former
preached on one occasion, the Chachakka Sutta. 7 Hearing the widespread
fame of Dharnmadinna the bhikkhus of Tissamaharama sent him an invi-
tation to come to them and preach the Doctrine. But, it is said that when
he arrived at the vihara, the resident bhikkhus did not treat him in the
manner they ought to have had done. 8 On another occasion he preached
the Apa\l\laka Sutta at the same viMra.' The Dhammapadatthakatha
refers to another incident that took place in the reign of king Dutthagamal).i.
The reference is to the wife of Lakul)taka Atimbara, a minister of this

1 Information obtained from a document written in 1807 by Sir T. ::-"faitland, English

Governor of the maritime provinces of Ceylon from 1805-18II.--London Public
Record Office, e.O. 54. Vol. 25·
2 Mv 22.23
3 Sum ViI II 581
4 SV 445
5 Pap II 91
6 Man I 40---42
7 Pap Sn 1025
8 Pa.p I 185. Also see Man I 42
9 Vi IJ 392

II6
king. She joined the Order of Buddhist nuns and, while listening to a dis-
course on the Satipatthana Sutta at the Tissamaharama vihclra she attained
the First Path.'
Mahiigiima
The ancient city which stood near the place where the ruins of the Tissa-
mahiirama vihara lie on the left bank of the Magama-river was known as
Mahiigama. 'The village at the mouth of the rlver still bears the name
Miigama '.' This city is well known in the history of CeyJon as the birth-
place of her greatest monarch, Dutthagamal)i. From the Commentaries
we learn that the people of Mahagama were noted fo~ their piety. When
the Dighabh1i1)aka thera Abhaya preached the Maha-Ariyaval)1sapatipada,
the Papaiicasiidani tells us, ' the whole of Mahiigiima ' (sabbo Afahiigiimo)
came to hear him.s
A very touching account of a poor man named Darubhal)<;Jaka Mahatissa,
who lived in Mahagama in the time of king Kakaval)l)a Tissa and who with
great difficulty procured the means to supply delicious food to the bhikkhus,
is given in the Manorathapiiral)i. It is said that with twelve kahiipal)as
obtained by hard work during six months in a sugar mill he gave alms to
Pil)c,iapatiya Tissa thera of Ambariyavihara. This thera, too, learning how
and why Tissa worked hard to earn that money, increased his efforts and
became an Arahant in order that the gift of Tissa may bear ample fruit.-
We are told that the thera received this gift when he was On his way to wor-
ship the cetiya at Mahagama. This cetiya is perhaps the Mahaniigadagata
which still exists in the ruins of Mahagama.-s
Ambariya-vihiira
From this account it appears that Ambariyavihara was in RohaI)a and
probably near Mahagiima. Another well known thera who lived in this
vihara was Piilgala Buddharakkhita. Several Commentaries narrate
an account of a peasant of Uttarava<;J<;Jhamana6 who received the sikkhiipadas
(the five steps in self-discipline taken by a lay Buddhist) from the thera
mentioned above. One day when the peasant went to a forest he was caught
in the coils of a monstrous· serpent. He had a weapon with him, with which
he could have killed the serpent, but, remembering the sikkhapadas taken,
he preferred to let himself be devoured by the reptile. The Commentaries
tell us that in this moment of danger the purity of the peasant's heart was
so great that the serpent left him and crept into the forest.' The thera,
Pingala Buddharakkhita, is also stated to have lived near the village Uttara, 8
but we are not able to say definitely where this village was.
Cittalapabbata
Fifteen miles north-east of Tissamahariima lie the ruins of the Cittalapab-
bata-vihiha.9 As was mentioned before, this monastery was built by king
KakavaI).I).a Tissa, and at one time it was one of the two most flourishing
1 DhA IV 50, 51
"2Mv tr. p. 146 note 5
3 Pap I 79
4 Man II 60---65
5 See Mv tr. p. 147 note T
6 Antarava<;lQ.hamana in SA II 150
7 Att 103; SA IlISO; Pap 1204
8 Pap Sn 978
9 Mv tr. p. 148 note "2

II7
viharas in Rohat]..a, the other being the Tissamaharama. In the time of
the Briihma:r:mtissa famine there were in this monastery also twelve thousand
resident bhikkhus. I The Papaiicasudani describes it as an exceedingly
crowded (accantasanghiko) place,2 and according to the Visuddhimagga
many bhikkhus have become Arahants in that place. 3 It was so well known
as an abode of sages that it became unsuitable for quiet meditation during
the day time as people used to assemble in large numbers to pay their homage
to the s'lges. 4
Concerning the theras who lived in this vihiira, too, we have valuable
references in
the Commentaries. The famous MaHyadeva preached the
Chachakka Sutta here.s A thera contemporaneous with Maliyadeva and
known by the name of Ciilasumma of Ninkaponnapadhanaghara lived in
this monastery and was for a long time under the false belief that he was
an Arahant 6 The thera Visakha, who came from Pataliputta and entered
the Order at the Mahavihara, journeyed towards the south and arrived at
Cittalapabbata. Here he attained Arahantship and spent the rest of his
life.'
Incidents in the lives of several monks belonging to this monastery are
mentioned in the Commentaries as illustrations of the development of various
ascetic qualities, which will be seen from the following examples: Padhiiniya
thera could bear with the intensest form of bodily pain and yet keep his
mind calm and concentrated; 8 a piI).<;lapatika thera presented his valuable
alms-bowl to assuage the anger of another who hated him; 9 two theras
purified their minds to ::-:uch an extent that they obtained the power of
clairvoyance and could see objects in the dark; ID a thera by the name of
Cittagutta possessed such previous training in meditation that the sign
of the pUa-kasi,/:ta (yellow device) arose in him when he saw a heap of pattanga
flowers offered in the monastery; I l and another thera who was able to know
the exact length of his span of life performed the extraordinary task of
passing away while walking to and fro on the terrace of the vihara. 12
We have had occasion earlier to refer to a thera who came from Tissamaha-
r&ma to Cittalapabbata because of the scarcity of water in the former place. 13
This thera came with a samaI).era who, while clearing a cave for his teacher,
recited the SaITlyuttanikaya and practised the tejo-kasi1;la (fire-device)
meditation. It is said that before long the samaI).era became an Arahant
and, when he passed away, a cetiya was built enshrining his relics. This
cetiya was known as Tissattheracetiya and was extant when the Commentary
on the Majjhimanikaya was compiled. I4 The Manorathapiira1).i bears also

I SV 445
'2 Pap II 91
3 Vi I 127
4 Ibid. I 120
.5 Pap Sn 1024, 1025
6 SV 489
7 ViI 3 1 3
S Pap I 79. Also see Ibid. I 275 ; SV 264
9 Vi I 306
10 Ibid. II 634
I I Ibid. I 173
I2 Ibid. I 292
13 Pap II 91, 92. Also see Man I 44
14 Ibid
rr8
testimony to the amazing devotion of a lay woman who came to the Citta-
lapabbata vihlira to listen to a preaching of the Dhamma.'
Side by side with people of high spiritual attainments, we find also in the
same place those of a different nature. \\Te are told that once a resident
bhikkhu of this vihlira drew a circle at the entrance of the dining hall, thus
cunningly suggesting to the attendants of the monastery that the monks
should receive cakes of that size. Such an irregular act, the Samantapa-
sadika says, was never heard of at Cittalapabbata and all the bhikkhus
remonstrated against it.::! Another amusing account of a dull-witted monk
of this Vihlira, who entered the Order in his old age and acten as an Upa!!hiika
(attendant) of an Arahant is recorded in more than one Commentary.'
Further, mention is made of a young bhikkhu!)! of Cittalapabbata, who
died as a result of passion. 4 Instances of this nature are, however, seldom
found in connection with this monastery and form the exception and not
the rule.
Ko!apabbata vihiira
A monastery not far from Cittalapabbata was the Kolapabbata-vihara.
The Visuddhimagga mentions a thera known as Tissa belonging to this
vihlira and who knew exactly the end of his span of life.' A sama!)era of
the same vihara is mentioned in the Mahav~rpsa as having fixed three
slabs of stone as steps to the courtyard of the Akasacetiya, the ruins of which
are to be seen today in the neighbourhood of the Cittalapabbata monastery.-
Kiijaragama
Abont ten miles to the north of Tissamaharama was the Kajaragama7-
mahlivihara (now Kataragama)8. It is about the same distance, but in a
different direction, from Cittalapabbata. A sapling grown from the seeds
of the sacred Bodhi Tree was caused to be planted there by Devaoampiya-
tissa.9 In this place there is a dagaba known now as the Kirivehera, which
is traditionally said to have been founded by Mahlinaga. 'On some of the
bricks fallen down from the dome there are Brahm! letters of about the
first century B.C. inscribed as masons' marks. And, .................. Qlle of the
inscriptions at the place records its enlargement in the first or second century
A.D. Therefore this thilpa may well be ascribed to a very early date,
though we may not accept the tradition in its entirety'." In one of the
inscriptions found here mention is made of a thera named Nada and of a
monastery called Akujuka."
Giime1'JCjaviila M ahiivihiira
In the vicinity of both Cittalapabbata and Kajaragama there was another
monastery known as the GameI,lQavala Mahavihara. A hunter by the name
I Man II 250
z Srnp III 681
3 Att 350; Pap I 22 ; CuNiA 54 ; SA II 252
4 SV 498 ; Sum ViI III 994
5 Vi I 292; Pug. PaiL Corn. in J.P.T.5. 1914 p. 186
6 Mv tr. p. 148 note 4. A Kotipabbatamabavihara is mentioned in DhA IV 50. Perhaps
this is the same as the one under our present d(Scllssion. A thera Anula by name,
lived there in the time of Dutthagamar.ti.
7 Kiitaragiima in Srnp 1 100
8 Mv tr. p. 132 note I
9 Smp I 100
10 Ep. Zey. III 214
I t Ibid. p. 215
of Milakkha Tissa (Tissa, the Savage) entered the Order under the guidance of
Ciilapin<;lapatika Tissa of this viMra. After he became a monk Milakkha
Tissa was very zealous and attended diligently to the duties at Cittalapab-
bata, GameIJ.9.av5.1a and Kajaragama on successive days. Once he heard the
AruIfavatiya Sutta from a samal)era at Pacinapabbata and, reflecting
on that Sutta, he became an Anagami. Later he attained Arahantship.I
The Game1jgavaJa vihara is also mentioned as one of the places where
Maliyadeva thera preached the Chachakka Sutta 2 , •••••••••
T alangara-vihiira
The Talailgara3 vih5.ra, too, was situated in the neighbourhood of the
locality under our discussion at present. This vihara is mentioned in the
Atthakathas as the abode of Dhammadinna thera about whom we have
already made mention several times. 4
Digha'vapi
In the northern part of the province of Rohana lies the district of Digha-
vapi. A cetiya and a monastery were built there by Saddhatissa who during
the reign of his elder brother Dutthagamat)l, was in that district for many
years busily engaged in the promotion of agriculture.5 The cetiya was
considered to be a sacred one as there prevailed the belief that the spot
on which the cetiya stood was visitEd by the Buddha. 6 How a samal)era
who was. engaged in white washing the cetiya slipped down but was mira-
culously saved from death is described in the Saratlhappakasini.7 Digha-
vapi is also mentioned as another place where Maliyadeva preached the
Chachakka Sutta. 8 On one occasion it was announced that a Mahajataka-
bhal)aka thera would preach at Dighavapi the Mahavessantara Jataka,
and we are told that a samal)era went there from Tissamaharama covering on
foot the long distance of nine yojanas.9
There are a few other monasteries belonging to RohaI)a but which I am
unable to locate in relatiC'n to other known localities. They are:
(I) Bherapasfma vihara--The ManorathapiiraI).l describes how certain
young bhikkhus of this vihara deceived an ignorant man and made him
carry a huge load of grass. IO
(2) Ciilanagaleno-A large number of bhikkhus is said to have atlained
Arahantship while meditating in this place." There was a monastery by the
name of Ciilanagapabbata vihara. I2 It is possible that CUlanagalena was a
cave or a group of .caves at the CUlanaga mountain (pabbata).
(3) Kalavalliman<;lapa-the place of residence of Mahanaga thera who
lived in the time of DutthagamaJ:.ll. It appears as if it was about six hours'
journey by foot from Guttasalagama, the present Buttala. I 3
1 Man I 35 foIL; Pj II 236; SA I 332; II 273. According to SA II 274 he became an
Anagami by hearing a verse in the Dhammapada and not the AruI).avatiya Sutta
(5 I '56 foil.)
2 Pap Sn 1024
3 Also called Talangaratissapabbata (Pap 1184).
4 SV 389, 489 ; Man I 42 ; Vi n 392, 634 ; Pap I 184
5 See Mv 24,58; 32.2
6Smp I89
7 SA I 34'
8 Pap Sn 1024
9 Man II 249
10 Ibid. II 347
I I Vi I 127
12 Mv 34.90. Also see Mv tr. p. 245 note 1
13 Att 398
120
 (4) Kutimbiya-vihara-According to the Manorathapiira!)i a young
bhikkhu in this monastery was well known for his contentment,l
(5) Nagamahavihiira-Probably this was the vihara of the same name
built by king Mahanaga, a younger brother of Devanampiyatissa. 2
(6) Tuliidhiirapabbata-vihiira-This was a famous centre of learning
an Roha!)a in the first century A.D. Tipilaka Ciilabhaya was sent from
Anuradhapura to study the Acariyavadas under Mahadhammarakkhita
thera who l:i.ved in this monastery.3
(i) Uccatalanka4-The thera Mahanaga lived here in the fIrst century
B.C. Probahly this place was not far from Talailgara (or Talailka) and from
Tissamahar:ama. 5
We have so far dealt with places which could be either identified with
those known at the present day or located with some degree of certainty
in relation to them. There is, however, a considerable number of referenc;es
in the Commentaries which I am unable to include in the one group or the
other. Perhaps with the further discovery of inscriptions and the publi-
cation of hitherto unpublished Sinhalese texts it may become possible to
locate many of them. The places in question are as follows;
{I} Alindaka-Phussadeva thera, of whom we had occasion to mention
un an earlier chapter, lived in the place known as .Alindaka. 6
(2) Ariyakoli-A thera by the name of Mahadatta lived here. His
virtues were so great that, it is said, even hostile deities could not terrify
him.'
(3) Antarasamudda-The Samantapasadika refers to a certain event
that followed the visit of a bhikkhu from the Antarasamudda-vihara to
CetiyagiTi. This took place during the reign of king Bhatiya. 8
(4) Devaputtamaharatlha-The thera Pi!)gapatika tissa of Deva-
puttamaharattha is mentioned as a thera who knew exactly the end of his
span of life. 9
(5) Do!)uppaJavapigama--A thera of this village was noted for his
ability to bear with insults flung upon him.W
(6) Galambatittha-vihara-Fifty bhikkhus who spent the rainy season
in this monastery decided among themselves not to speak to each other
until they became Arahants. ~'ith this firm resolve in mind thev strove
diligently and fulfilled their ambition." .
(7) Gaggaravaliya-anga!)a-Pitimalla, who ea me from India and en-
tered the Order at the Mahavihara, did his meditation here and finally
became an Arahant. I2
1 Man II 30
2 SV 407 ; Mv 22·9
3 Vi I 96
4 UccavaJika in Vi Il 634
5 ~V 489
6 SA So III I54 ; Pj Il 55 ; SV 352; ApA 120
7 Pap I I60
8 Srnp Il 306, 307
9ViI292
10 Pug, Pan. Corn. in J.P.T,S. 19I4 p. 184
II SV 353 ; Pj II 57 ; ApA I21
12 Pap' I 234
I21
 (8) Girivihiira-According to the Manorathapiira]Ji the thera Culla-
pi]J<;Iapiitiya Tissa of Girivihara saved a Tamil fisherman of the village
Madhu-angal,la from being reborn after death in an unhappy state.' In
the same vihiira there lived also a pupil of Tipitaka Cullasumana thera'
who flourished in the first century A.D.
(9) Girikal,l<;lavihiira--mentioned in the Visuddhimagga3 and the Attha-
sruin;" Vattak1llaka was a village in the neighbourhood of this monastery.'
(ro) Hatthikucchi vihiira-described as a well-known (lokasammata)
monastery. When a bhikkhu resided here, people came to pay their rever-
ence to him, taking him to be an Arahant.' In the Visuddhimagga a Hat-
thikucchi-pabbhiira7 is mentioned along with Mahindaguhii,' Perhaps
this cave was also a part of the same vihara. An inscription at ~ihintale
belonging to the eleventh century A.D. has a reference to an At-vehera
(P1lli Hatthi-vihiira). This evidence combined with the fact that Hatthi-
kucchipabbhiira is mentioned along with Mahindaguhii which is at Mihintale
makes it probable that there is some close geographical connection between
the two.
(II) K1l!h1lla-An opinion of the thera Summa of K1l!h1lla is mentioned
with those of some others as a therasall1lpa (discussion of the theras) .•
(12) Kal,likarav1llika-samudda vih1ira--The thera S1lketa Tissa went
to this vihara to obtain a quiet time for meditation,lO '
(13) Karal,l<;lakola-mentioned as the place of residence of a thera by
the name of Mahadeva. I I
(14) Kassakalena-A thera Mahiimitta lived in the cave Kassakalena.
Many of the Commentaries have preserved an account of a poor woman who
provided this thera with dainty food, while she was content with mere gruel
of coarse vegetable and rice. The thera, it is said, came to know of this fact
and acted in such a way as to bring ample reward to the faithful upasik1lY
(IS) Khal,l<;lacela-vih1lra-There was a padhiinaghara (meditation- house)
by the name of KaI)ikara attached to this vihara. I 3
(16) Koral,l<;laka-vihara-A young bhikkhu went from here to Rohal,la
to receive his education. The detachment of this bhikkhu from all family
ties is highly praised in the Visuddhimagga."
(17) Kurundaka-A thera, Phussamitta by name, is mentioned as
a resident of Kurundaka." If Codrington's identification of Kurunda tank
with the present Giants' Tank is correct,I6 this vihara was probably situated
near Mannar .17
1 Man II 215
2 Sum Vii II 514
3 Vi I 143
4 Att 116
5 Ibid. 116
6 Vi I 120
7 Pa.bbbara-A cave in a mountain
8 Vi I IIO
9 Sum Vii III 882
10 Pap II 140; Man I 77
II Man Sn 6II
12 SV 279; Man II 59; Pap I 294; SA Sn In 136
13 Pap I 78
14 ViI g 1
15 Man I 53, 59
16 A Short History of Ceylon p. 35
17 Geiger: Ciilavarp.sa translation Vol. I p. 66 note 6.
122
 (18) Kupuvel).a-vihara-The Papaficasudani gives an account of a
thera who went with a samal).era to worship cetiyas in different
places. When they arrived at Kupuvel).a-vihara, the samal).era went out
to obtain his meals and there having seen a weaver's daughter, a girl ex-
ceedingly beautiful and in the prime of youth, fell in love with her and fell,
too, from the high spiritual development which he had acquired. Conse-
quently he gave up the monk's life and, the account proceeds, spent his
days under very unsatisfactory conditions. I
(19) Kut,i1i-vihara-one of the places where Maliyadeva thera preached
the Chachakka Sulta.'
(20) Lokantara-vihara--Datta, a young bhikkhu of Lokantara-vihara,
is said to have developed the odata-kasi1Ja (white-device) meditation as a
result of the mental calm he ohtained by cleaning the compound of a cetiya.3-
A Lokandara is mentionecl as a place visited by Maliyadeva. 4 If these two
names are ioentical, there is reason to suppose that the monastery was in
Rohat,la as the position of Lokandara in a list of viharas given in the Papafi-
casudani4 is between Dighavapi and Game1).c;iavala, both of which, we have
already seen were in tbat district.
(21) Mahakaraiijiya-vihara-The thera Mahatissa of this monastery
is said to have had the power of knowing beforehand the exact moment
of his passing away.5
(22) Miiluppalavapi-vihara--According to the Papaiicasudani an Ara-
hant thera of this vihara was greatly misunderstood by one of his co-residents_
Out of compassion for the latter the thera made him understand the purity
of his life.'
(23) Nagapabbata-vibara-mentioned in connection with a thera called
Padhaniya Tissa,7
(24) Paiicaggalalena-Another instance of a young bhikkhu who lost
the powers of his spiritual attainment is seen in the caEe of Tissa of Pa:i\cag-·
galalena. He was enticed by the song of a smith's daughter in Girigama
and consequently left the Order to marry heL 8
(25) Piyangudipa (Panicum Island).--' The monks living there enjoyed
a reputation for particular holiness,'9 and the Mahavarpsa speaks very
highly of them. 1O This Chronicle and the Commentaries mention several
miraculous incidents said to have happened in connection with the theras of
Piyangudipa. The thera Mahanaga, according to the Visuddhirnagga, was
unmolested by a fire that burned to ashes a hall in which he was sitting in
meditation;lI and according to the Sumangalavilasini, Sakka, the chief
of the gods, came personally to invite the monks of Piyangudipa in connec-
tion with their spending of the vassa season. 12
I pap Sn 700, 701
2 Ibid. 1024
3 Smp Sn II 377
4 Pap Sn 1024
5 Vi I 292
6 Pap II 385
7ViII27
8 Pap II 144; ApA 128; Pj JI 70; CuNiA 78
9 Mv tr. p. 166 note 4
10 Mv 24.25 : 25.104; 32 ..52
11 ViII 706
12 Sum ViI II 648
12 3
 (26) Potaliya-vih1ira-A thera DaWibhaya by name, lived here. He
was the elder brother of Catunikayika Tissa thera of Kolita-vih1ira.' The
Atthasalini quotes the name of a Dattabhaya thera as an example of those
people who have strong likes and dislikes, but are 'intelligent and keen
as adamant in wit ',2 It is, however, not possible to say whether these two
names referred to the same person.
(27) SOI)agiri Mountain-At the foot of this mountain there was a monas-
tery known as the Paiicalamahavihara. 3 The thera SOl}a of this monastery
caused his father, a man who had spent all his life up to this time as a hunter,
to join the Order in spite of the latter's unwillingness to do so. We are told
that the thera was, at last, successful in turning his father's mind away
from sinful acts and thus paving the way for him to have a peaceful death.'
(28) Sudh1imuI)<,Iaka-A young bhikkhu of SudhamuI)<,Iaka-vih1ira
is mentioned as still another monk who fell from his higher life as a result
of listening to a woman's voice. s
(29) Vadhatalanagara-vih1ira-The Saratthappakasini gives an account
of two brothers Mahanaga and Ciilanaga of the village Vadhatalanagara
jgama), who joined the Order and lived at Cittalapabbata for thirty years.
After they became Arahants they returned to Vadhatalanagara to pay a
visit to their mother.6 From this account it appears that this village was
in RohaI)a.
(30) Vajagaragiri-vih1ira-The Papaftcasiidani has preserved for us the
description of the daily routine of Ka!adeva, a thera who lived in Vajagiri-
nagara-vih1ira. During the vassa season he performed the duty of striking
the gong in the monastery. He was so accustomed to do this at the proper
time that it was not necessary for him to set the tube of the watch-machine
(Na ca yiimayanta-niilika'7' payojeti), whereas others were in the habit of
setting it. At the end of the first watch of the night he would get up and
strike the gong. He was so accurate in doing this that simultaneously
with his striking the gong, the watch-machine, too, would begin to strike
(yiimayanta'7' pa!ati). In the morning after returning from his begging round
he would keep the bowl in the dining hall and go for quiet meditation to
the place where the bhikkhus spent the day-time (diviivihiira!!hiinam).
When it was time for meals the bhikkhus would look at the time-post
(kiilatthambha-perhaps a pillar on which a sun-dial was fixed) and send
some bhikkhu to fetch Ka!adeva. The latter was so clever in sensing the
time that he always met the bhikkhu on his way.' This account is both
interesting and useful in that it shows us that at least fifteen centuries ago
there were in use in Ceylon skilful contrivances for the measurement of time.
The yiima-yanta was evidently a kind of alarm-clock.

1 Man II 173
2 Att 268. The Expositor II 356
3 The name of this vihara is given as Pipphalivihara in SV 439 and as Paceliviha.ra in
Pap Sn 887.
4 SV 439; Man II 17; Pap Sn 887
5 ManI26
6 SA II 166
7 Pap I 122, 123
 CHAPTER EIGHT

The Buddhist Life

IT is clear from what was discussed in the preceding chapters-and especially

in the last one-that Buddhism had, by the time the Commentaries were
written, spread throughout the length and breadth of the country.
It was this one faith that prevailed from Dighavapi in the east to Kalya1)i
in the west, from Nagadipa in the north to Mahagama in the south; and
there is not the least doubt that it had its influence in every department
of the life of the Sinhalese nation. The laymen-comprising the kings,
the nobility and the common folk-considered it their bounden duty to
help the monks by bestowing on them food, clothes and other requisites,
and the monks in turn considered it their duty to instruct and enlighten
the laity in matters spiritual pertaining to this life and to the hereafter. In
this chapter we shall, therefore, discuss, in general outline, how the Buddhist
faith affected the everyday life of the inhabitants of Ceylon. Our obser-
vations on the subject may be brought roughly under three broad headings;
viz., (I) the life of the bhikkhu, (2) the life of the layman and (3) the relation-
ship between the bhikkhu and the layman.
1. The Life of the Bhikkhu
We have seen how shortly after the advent of Mahinda, people, both men
and women, left the home-life in large numbers to don the yellow robe.
Perhaps, as was pointed out in an earlier chapter, Buddhism was sufficiently
well known in Ceylon and the soil was already prepared for Mahinda to
sow the seed of monasticism. This, in my opinion, was the reason why men
and women, both great and small, rich and poor alike, entered the monastic
life by the hundreds. Before long the Buddhist Order became a highly
respected and influential organization in the island. The causes that led to
this state of affairs need not be repeated here. The Commentaries are full
of statements which show how monasticism spread. Buddhaghosa remarks
that were thupas to be erected enshrining the ashes of ordinary (Puthujjana)
bhikkhus, the island of Ceylon would not have sufficient room for them.'
At one time, it is said, there was not a bhikkhu in Ceylon who had not attained
to the Paths of Salvation.' In Anuradhapura alone, a mahathera is made
to say, more bhikkhus attained Arahantship than there were grains of sand
in the compound of the Mahiicetiya.3 According to another Commentary
there was no seat in the resting-houses of the viIJages of Ceylon but that
a bhikkhu had sat on it and attained Arahantship there.' The country
was so full of monasteries that there was one long peal of bells from Niina-
mukha to Licchikali, from Kalyani to Nagadipa ;5 and many were the viharaS
such as the Abhayagiri, the Cetiyapabbata and the Cittalapabbata, each
of which had twelve thousand bhikkhus. 6 These statements are not to be
I Man Sn 607
2 SV 431, 432
3 SA Sn In 151
4 Pap I 257. The same statement is n:ade in ApA'1I9, Sum ViJ I z88 and Pj II 53.
5 SA n 230. I am unable to locate the first two places.
6 Sum Vil II 478
taken literally. Due allowance should be made for the use of figurative
language. But when all such allowance is made, we are still left with the
picture of a Ceylon dotted with monasteries and with the yellow robe
shining everywhere.
With the growing numbers of the bhikkhus and in the absence of one sup-
reme head it would have been in the nature of things for the organization
to become unwieldy and for the bhikkhus to grow lax in their discipline.
Laxity on the part of certain individuals there indeed was, but, as far as
we can see from the Commentaries, the sailgha on the whole preserved a
high degree of purity. It is possible for the objection to be raised with regard
to this point that the Commentaries were the work of bhikkhus and hence
facts unfavourable to them may have been purposely left out. To those
who read the Commentaries carefully it becomes evident that
this charge of possible conscious omission is not true, for the aim of the com-
mentators was not to give a history of the sangha but to elucidate points of
difficulty in the Doctrine. Local illustrations were brought forward now
and then to drive the explanations home into the pupils, and in these were
mentioned virtues as well as weaknesses of several Ceylonese monks and
laymen.
We are therefore led to assign the long sustained purity of the sangha to
the faith that the monks had in the Masteras well as in his teachings. Buddha-
ghosa explains several methods used by the bhikkhus to check impure
thoughts and to lead a pure life. One of the methods was for a bhikkhu to
advise himself thus: "By birth you are not one of a low order. You are
descended from the unbroken line of Mahasammata and born in the dynasty
of king Okkaka. You are a grandson of the great king Suddhodana, and you
are a younger brother of Rahulabhadda. It ill becomes one such as you. a
son of the Jina (Conqueror i.e., the Buddha) to live in idleness".' This
passage shows clearly the close relationship Wat the bhikkhus were taught
to have towards the Buddha.
The Commentaries have many episodes which depict the intensity of such
faith--not blind faith that made one believe without investigation all that
c:;true under the name of the Doctrine, but that faith which was living. which
revealed the true meaning of the teachings, which enthused one to seek
the truth and live the life. A young bhikkhu of Tissamaharama, it is said,
came the long distance of nine yojanas to Dighavapi to hear the preaching
of a Mahajatakabha!)aka thera.' A bhikkhu at Gavaravala-anga!)a endured
for one full night a painful scorpion-bite lest by his moving from the place
he should disturb_ others listening to the Doctrine.' Another thera, Maha-
phussadeva of Alindaka, shed tears and wept because, in spite of his
attempts,he could not become an Arahant during the time limit he fixec1 for
himself.' The thera Cittagutta lived in the cave Kara!)<;Iaka for over o,,,ty
years, but so restrained was he in the use of his five senses that during the
whole ofthatlime he did not look at the beautiful paintings on the walls of the
cave.' A young bhikkhu of Kora!)<;Iaka viMra, on his return from Roha!)a
whitherhe had gone to receive his education, did not make himself known
I Man II 65
2 Ibid. II 249
3 Ibid. n 248
4 Pap Il369
5 Vi I 38
126
to his parents though he visited them daily for three months as he did
not wish to receive any special treatment from them. I These are only a few
of many such example,.
We are also told of many bhikkhus who subjected themselves to rigorous
discipline in order to attain complete emancipation from the defilements of
the heart. They observed rigorous practices such as the gatapaccCigata-
vatta'2 and also the ascetic practices known as the dhutaitgas.3 The gata-
pacciigatavatta is such that if an impure thought arises in a bhikkhu while
he is walking, he strives to get control over it by remaining in the posture of
standing, or, if necessary, of sitting down at the same place; and if he is
unable to destroy it then and there, he puts off his journey and returns
to his abode. The thera Mahaphussadeva practised this for nineteen years
before he became an Arahant,4 For seven years Mahanaga of Kalavalli-
mal,l<;lapa used only the two postures of standing and walking and then fora
period of another sixteen- years practised the gatapacciiga.tavatta. 5 The
thera SosaIJ.ika Mahakumara, it is said, lived meditating in a burial ground
for sixty years.' Another thera at Cetiyapabbata observEd the eAiimnika-
dh,/langa7 for fifty years.'
Not only were there bhikkhus rigorous in discipline there were also tho£e
well versed in the canonical literature. It is not rarely that we read about
monks who could recite from memory long Texts such as the Majjhirna and
the Sarpyutta Nikayas from beginning to end without making any mistake.
Majjhimabhal,laka Reva thera, we are told, knew the Majjhimanikaya
so well that he could recite it from memory though he was out of touch with
it for twenty years. 9 In a similar manner the thera Naga of Karaliyagiri
could recite the Dhatukatha after an interval of eighteen years." While
clearing a cave for the use of his teacher, the samaI)era Tissa recited the whole
of the Salllyuttanikaya. u It was this proficiency in their learning that
enabled the bhikkhus to hand down the Texts by word of mouth until they
were committed to writing in the first century B.C. The traditional practice
of a pupil remaining with his teacher as long as the latter lived, no doubt,
helped in a great measure to obtain a high degree of proficiency.I2 Unfortu-
nately we are not in a position to know any details of the methods of teaching
in those days. There is one passage -repeated many times-in the Com-
mentaries which throws some light on the manner in which instruction was
imparted. The passage in question mentions a class held in the courtyard
of the Mahacetiva. It consisted of young bhikkhus and bhikkhul,ljs, and
the bhikkhunjs were seated behind the bhikkhus, the distance separating
them being less than an arm's length.'3 Though the customary method of

I Ibid. I 9I
2 I ' the observance of one who has gone and returned.'
3 Par details of these practices see Vi ch. 2
4 Pap I 257. Sum Vil I I89. ApA I20, SV 352, Pj II 55, 56.
5 Pj II 56
6 Man 177
7 For details see Vi I 69
S Pap II I40' Man 177. These are but a few of a large number of similar references
in the Commentaries.
9 Vi I 95
10 Ibid I 96
II Pap II 9I
12 See Smp I 264
I3 Pap I 264, II I45 ; SA Sn III 159, Man I 27
127
learning was by listening to one's teachers, each bhikkhu carried with him in
his knapsack a small hand-book (muHhipotthaka) in which were written the
virtues of the Buddha and the Dhamma. The chief purpose of this was
to read it whenever an undesirable thought arose in the mind of the
bhikkhu.'
The literary qualifications that teachers of various grades should possess
are given in the Samantapasadika,2 and we have already dealt with these in
the chapter on the BhaI)akas.
We have also in the Commentaries some information with regard ,to the
every-day life of the bhikkhu. It was the duty of the resident bhikkhus
of a vihara to keep it tidy and in good condition. 'The courtyards of the
cetiya and the Bodhi Tree are well cleansed. The brooms are properly
placed. Water for the use (of the bhikkhus) is well kept.' Such is the
description of a monastery in which the residents live in harmony and peace.3
Sometimes even the white-washing (sudhii-kamma) of the cetiyas was done
by the bhikkhus. 4 There were also bhikkhus who were appointed to look
after the repairs of the community building. They were called the Sailgha-
bhiirahiirakii (bearers of the burden of the community).' The personal
property of a bhikkhu, as shown in the Commentaries, was not mucb.
Besides the three robes and the alms-bowl, the following were also included
in it.
1. Muffhipotthaka (Hand·book), in which as mentioned before, the
virtues of the Buddba and the Dhamma were written.
2. Aratti etc. Apparatus for producing :fire.
3. Sipiifikii Razor-case.
4. Arakantaka Thimble (?).
5. Pipphalaka Pair of scissors.
6. N akhaeehedana Nail-clipper.
7. S,)e; Needle.
All these articles were carried by a bhikkhu in his knapsack (thavikii).6
We have discussed at the end of the last chapter the daily routine of the
bhikkhus at the Vajagaragiri monastery as described in the Papaiicasiidani.
Though we do not have any definite evidence to prove it, it is quite likely
that bhikkhus of other viharas, too, had a somewhat similar time-table.
Much emphasis is laid on the importance of attending on the sick in a mo-
nastery. It was so important that Buddhaghosa says that even in the case
of a bhikkhu devoted to meditation, he should first look after the sick,
if there are any in the monastery. If a teacher is seriously ill, a pupil
bhikkhu should attend on him even as long as the former lives.'
2. The Life of the Layman
We now come to the life of the layman. Much of what has to be said in
the present discussion has been dealt with in earlier chapters by way of
incidental references here and there. We shall now attempt to present
some of them in a connected form.
I Pap II 91
Z Smp Sn II 34, 35
3 Pj II 57
4 Pap II 403
5 Vi 194
6 Pap Il 91
7 Vi I 9"1-
128
 One who reads the early history of Ceylon cannot but be struck by the
large number of Sinhalese kings whose lives were embotliments of faith and
piety. DutthagamaI)i, Saddhatissa, Bhatiya and Sailghabodhi may be
cited as examples. The religious life of the common folk, too, is not less
worthy of notice as will be seen from the following. Tissa, a lay follower
of the Buddha, disobeyed king Saddhatissa, who with the intention of
testing the former's faith ordered him to kill a fowl. The king threatened
Tissa with punishment by death for disobeying the order, but Tissa was not
to be moved by such threats.' The peasant of Uttarava<;l<;lhamana, who
took the five precepts at the feet of Pingala Buddharakkhita, was ready to
allow the python that caught him in its coils to swallow him rather than kill
the dreadful serpent.' CakkaI)a, another faithful observer of the precepts,
did no1: destroy the life of a hare even to save that of his own mother.'
Protection of the life of every sentient being, which isa basic ethical principle
in Buddhism, was practised through the length and breadth of the land on
more than one occasion under the influence of the early Sinhalese monarchs.
In the !ime of king Bhatiya eating beef was an offence punishable with
fine. 4 AmaQQ.agamal,li made the whole country vegetarian by issuing a
royal decree forbidding the killing of any kind of living being.' Voharaka
Tissa instituted a law making corporal punishment illega1. 6
There is good reason to suppose that Buddhism had also a strong influence
in minimizing the abuses of the caste-system. A comparison of the system
as it exists today in India and in Ceylon bears testimony to this fact. Un-
touchability as it is found in some parts of the sub-continent is unknown
among the Sinhalese inhabitants of Ceylon. The system was, however,
not altogether done away with. We find mention made of places named
after people belonging to different grades of society, e.g., Kevattavithi
(Fishermen's Street) in Anuradhapura7 and VessagirivihiiTa8 (the monas-
tery so called because 500 young men belonging to the vessl\, or the merchant
caste entered the Order and dwelt there). Perhaps the system was already
too deeply rooted in the people when they accepted the faith or perhaps it
survived because of economical reasons.
Some form of slavery, too, seems to have existed in ancient Ceylon. The
Samantapasadika has recorded an account of a hhikkhu who was the son
of a slave woman in Anuradhapura. She eloped with a man and having
fled from Anuradhapura lived with her husband in RohaI)a. There she
gave birth to a son, who in due course entered the Order and obtained the
higher ordination. Later he discovered that he was the son of a slave woman
and, as it was against the Vinaya rules for a slave to enter the Order uuless
he had received pennission from his master,9 he went to Anuradhapura
and obtained the necessary permission. Io This account shows that to the
master helonged not cnly the slaves but their offspring as well.

I SA Sn III 49
2 Pap I 204, Att 103, SA II 1.50
3 Pap I 203, Att 103, SA II 150
4 SV 440
5 Mv 35. 6 fall.
6 Ibid. 36.28
7 Pap Sn 713
8 Mv 20.15
9 Oldenberg : Vinaya Pitaka. Vol. I p. 76
10 Smp Sn II 178

129
Unfortunately we do not have sufficient light on the problem of slavery in
ancient (eylon to find out how far Buddhism helped to destroy its evils
and abuses.
Buddhism entered so intimately into the activities of everyday life that
*e find even songs sung by the ordinary folk to be pregnant with deep reli-
gious sentiment. Thus, it is said, sixty bhikkhus attained Arahantship by
hearing a Sinhalese song sung by a girl who was keeping watch over a rice
field. I vVe are also told that the Ceylonese people were in the habit et saying
•Namo Buddhiinam' (Salutations to the Buddhas) when they coughed or
sneezed. 2 This was very likely due to a belief that something auspicious
should be said after either of these acts, e.~pecial1y after that of sneezing. 3
3. The Relationship between the Bhikkhu and the Layman
(a) Attitude of the layman to the bhikkhu
From the king down to the poorest man each one tried to the best of his I

ability to perform the duty of helping to maintain the sasana. We have

already had occasion many times to refer to the piety of the ordinary poor
peasant and how he strenuously sought to help the monk who led a righteous
life. Suffice it to repeat that even poor men and women who could only
eke out a hand to mouth existence tried all possible means to keep the bhik-
khus in comfort.4 Even in times of famine when the people lived on leaves
they did not fail to share their scanty provisions with the bhikkhus. 5
(b) Attitude of the bhikkhu to the layman
The monk who was thus looked after did not fail to perform his duty by the
lay supporter. His duty consisted predominantly in teaching the people
as to the way of right living. It is not easy to overestimate the importance
of the part played by the bhikkhu in bringing about in (eylon that high
~tandard of culture which she enjoyed for a period whose parallel in duration
is 'not to be found in many other countries in the world.
In addition to the informal elucidation of the teachings which, no doubt,
the bhikkhus imparted to the laymen whenever the latter desired it, there
was also an organized and more formal method of preaching. The earliest
mention of this organization goes back to the time of king DutthagamaI)i.
He instituted " the preaching of religious discourses to be kept up in the
viharas in various parts of Lanka, supporting the ministers of religion who
were gifted with the power of preaching". Later kings, too, extended
their liberality to promote the same cause. King Buddhadasa went to the
extent of fixing salaries for the preachers in different places. 6 The
preachings usually lasted a whole night. 7 It was customary for a spacious
I Pj II (2) 397, SA I 273
2 Sum ViI III 875
3 Such a belief exists in most Christian and other 'countries, too, at the present day.
According to the Encyclopaedia Brittanica "A Venerable and widespread belief
survives in the custom of saying • God bless you 'when a person sneezes. The Hindus
say' live' to which the answer 'with you' is given (E. S. Taylor, Primitive Culture.
I,IOI), A sneeze was considered a sign or omen from the gods by the Greeks and
Romans; it was one of the many common every day occurrences which if coming at
an important moment could be interpreted as presaging the future. There are many
allusions to it in classical literature.. . .. .. ...... . .. .There are references to it in
Rabbinical lite;ature, and it bas been founJ in Otaheisto, Florida and the Tonga
Islands (Enc. Bit. Vol. 25 Article on' Sneezing '.)
4 Man II 59 foIl.
5 SV. 447·
6 Mv 37.149
7 SV 348 ; Pap II 294

130
hall to be built in a village for conducting such preaching. People then
assembled at this building and listened to the discourses.' The procedure
adopted at a dhamma-desanii (preaching of the Doctrine) is given in the
Manorathapilra(ll. The diviikathikathera (the thera who preached during
the day-time) finishes his discourse in the evening. Then comes the turn
of the padabhanaka (reciter of the words). It is difficult to say what the
exact function of the padabhii.(laka was. Perhaps he recited word by word
the scriptural passage which was to be expounded next. Finally comes the
chief preacher for the night, who explains the Doctrine in detail.~ In
some places the dhammadesanii was held at regular intervals, especially
during the vassa season.3 The announcement of a preaching was sometimes
made by beat of drum. 4
Though there is no direct evidence to prove that during the period under our
discussion the village monastery was also the village school, there is to be
seen a tendency towards the task of the teacher falling upon the bhikkhu.
The monks were naturally more educated than the lay people, and the
latter used to approach the bhikkhus to obtain even such information a~ the
dates of the month.' In later times the education of the Sinhalese children
aud even of the adults became a sacred duty of the monk. How far the
bhikkhus helped the lay folk in the art of writing we are unable to say.
If the practice adopted by Dutthagama(li of recording his meritorious
deeds G was a general one, we shall not be wrong in assuming that the ancient
Sinhalese possessed a very satisfactory and complete system of education.
The pious or learned bhikkhu was regarded with very high esteem. There
is an instance of a thera being appointed by the king to decide cases that
arose not only among the clergy but among the laity as well.7 The history of
Ceylon is, however, not without instances when thisinfiuence possessed by the
sangha was directed towards channels which cannot be very well regarded
as proper to the monk-life. A bhikkhu who has left the entanglements of
the world is not expected to take part in politics, especially in pulitical
issues where a slight misjudgment may involve the destrnction of life.
When Saddhii.tissa died, his younger son, ThUlathana, was elected king in
preference to Laiijatissa the lawful heir. The ministers did this on the
strength of the support of the bhikkhus. But this interference of the
bhikkhus brought destruction on ThUlathanaand much worry to the bhikkhus
themselves, for hardly had six weeks elapsed when Laiijatissa seized the
government by overpowering his brother and for a long time after that he
continued to harass the bhikkhus-' A few years later it was as a direct
result of the interference of a certain thera that Vaitagamal).i received the
support of his angered ministers to fight the Tamils.' No doubt the unity
thus brought about was of great moment in the struggle to regain the lost
freedom of the country, but at the same hme it cannot be forgotten that it
caused the death of many a Tami! foe. Again, in the time of king
'I SV.348
2 Man II 249
3 Ibid. II 248
4 Vi I 96
5 Pj 11 56, Vi I 187. Sum Vii I 190
6 Man II 214. Mv 32.25
7 Smp II 307
8 Mv 33.:<7 foIl.
9 Ibid: 33·74
Kal)irajal)u Tissa we hear of sixty bhikkhus charged of high treason.' The
adventures of the bhikkhus into the realm of politics were occasional and
few and there is no reason to suppose that these affected in anY consider~
able degree the detached and quiet life of the monk in generaL
A few words remain to be said on the more intimate social relations
between the bhikkhu and the layman.
Buddhaghosa explains in his Visuddhimagga--and there is little doubt
that he based his statements on the accepted views as were found in the
older Sinhalese Commentaries -how a monk should behave towards his
kinsfolk. "Parents", he says, "should be tended like the preceptor.
Indeed, even if they are placed in royal authority, they yet expect service
from their son, the latter should serve them. If they have no medicine,
he should give them his own. If he has none, he should seek for it in going
round for alms and give it to them. But as for his brothers and sisters,
he should compound medicine helonging to themselves and give it to them.
If they possess no medicine he should give his own for the time being, and
should take it when given afterwards, but should not press for it, if it is not
given. He should not make medicine for, nor give it to, his sister's husband,
who is no kinsman. But he should give it to his sister, saying' Give it to
your hushand.' And the same with one's brother's wife. But their sons
being kinsmen, it is proper to make medicine for them."2
In the Samantapasadika the same point is explained in greater detail.
Besides the parents there are ten others whom it hehoves a bhikkhu to tend
in case of their illness. They are: elder brother, younger hrother, elder
sister, younger sister, maternal aunts junior and senior to the mother,
paternal uncles junior and senior to the father, father's sister and maternal
uncle's wife. ~rith regard to the children of these ten relations, no Vinaya
rule is violated by giving medical treatments to them and to those connected
with them up to the seventh family circle. If the husband of a sister or
the wife of a brother is ill. and if he or she is a (blood) relation, the monk
may give medicine to him or her directly. If not, the medicine should be
given through the monk's sister or brother or through the children of one
of them. The monk should act in the same manner as this towards the parents
of his teacher, but in giving them medicine he should first transfer its owner-
ship to the teacher and then bestow it on the latter's parents. A teacher,
too, should act in like manner towards the parents of his pupil.
If, however, a stranger, a robber, a chief defeated in battle, a poor man
or villager neglected by his relations were to he indisposed and come to the
monastery and even if that person were not a blood relation of the monk,
medicine should be given to him, but without expectation of reward.3
The Samantapasadika contains also an account of a wen-known thera at
Cetiyapabbata who gave food and showed hospitality to a robber who came
to plunder the monastery. By the kindness thus shown, we are told, the
robber was converted and became thenceforth an ardent protector of the
vihara. A complaint was brought later by some bhikkhus against the thera
for giving to a robher the property that belonged to the community of monks.
The thera was, however, successful in proving that the attitude he took was
correct. 4
I Mv 35.10, II
2 P. P. 11 pp. IIo--III ; Vi 194,95
3 Smp Il 469 foll.
4 Ibid. Il474
132
 The rules of social conduct described in the Commentaries and of which
the foregoing are a few examples, are taken partly from the Canonical Vinaya
and partly from what is known as the Piilimuttaka' Vinaya. The latter
embodies rules of conduct in relation to many aspects of a monk's life and
provides a wide and interesting field of research into the growth of the Vinaya
in Ceylon and also to a considerable extent into the social conditions that
prevailed in the island at the time when such development took place.

I This term has been explained in an earlier chapter Part I ch. 4)'

'33
 CHAPTER NINE

The Growth of Ritual

A religion which enters into the everyday life of a people is very likely to be
influenced or corrupted by the beliefs and superstitions of that people.
Adherents of a religion do not corrupt it consciously or in a day. The
process is gradual and one is able to see a substantial difference only when
the beliefs current in two periods not too dose to one another are compared
and contrasted. In the Buddhist literature of Ceylon we have two such
periods, having a mass of literature belonging to each. namely. the paJi
Pitakas and the Pali Commentaries. We are however unfortunate in not
being able to know definitely the dates of the Pitakas in their pre,ent form
and of the compilation of the original Sinhalese Commentaries which were
translated into Pali by Buddhaghosa and his successors.
Though the Pitakas were committed to writing as late as the first century
B.C. there is not sufficient reason to believe that they received any substan-
tial additions after they were brought to the island by Mahinda. The
Parivara of the Vinaya Pitaka is clearly an exception. Its compilation
either in its entirety or in some of its parts including the introduction was
done in Ceylon. As it has been pointed out elsewhere the Buddhavarpsa,
too, has received some addition~. With regard to the rest of the Canon the
case is different. \Vhenever an addition to the Canon was made by the
Sinhalese bhikkhus, care was taken to record that fact in the Commentaries.
All' example of this nature is seen in the Sumangalavilasini. which says
that the verses beginning with" A!.thado1Jam cakkhumato sarira1J1.." of the
Mahil.parinibbana Sulta of the Dighanikaya' were composed by the theras
of Ceylon. 2 For this as well as for other reasons we may ~afely consider
that· the Pali Pitakas on the whole depict the Theravada Buddhism of a
pre-Mahindian day.3 On the other hand the Commentaries had a gradual
growth in Ceylon, and as we have shown in an earlier chapter they were
compiled in the Sinhalese language probably in the first century A.D.
~evertheless, their growth was not arrested until they were translated into
Pali in the fifth century A.D. Therefore the beliefs, forms of worship and
the like which are absent in the Canon and are to be found in the Commen-
taries may well be regarded as having grown in Ceylon or, at least, as being
prevalent in the island at the time theSinhaleseCommentaries were written.
In the present chapter we shall deal with some of these beliefs and forms of
worship.
Veneration of cetiyas and Bodhi trees was a prominent feature in the reli-
gion of ancient Ceylon. It was only at a later stage that images came to
be so regarded. As Sir Charles Eliot remarked' "It is one of the ironies of
fate that the Buddha and his followers should be responsible for the growth
of image worship, but it seems to be true. He laughed at sacrifices and left
to his disciples only two forms of reli~dous exercise, sermons and meditation.
I D II pp J67~-168
2 Sum Vii II 615
3 See Rhys Davids : Buddhist India pp 174 foIl.

134
For Indian monks, this was perhaps sufficient, but the laity craved for some
outward form of worship. This was soon found in the respect shown to the
memory of the Buddha and the relics of his body, although Hinduism never
took kindly to relic worship."I
Cetiyas
The sanctuaries in which were deposited relics of the Buddha or of his
holy disciples were known as Cetiyas, Thupas (Stupas) or Dagiibas (a later
word used in Ceylon). In some Commentaries the word cetiya h8s a more
extensive meaning as we see from its division into the two classes: (l)
Siirfra-cetiya, one containing a relic of the body of the Buddha or of an
Arahant and (2) Paribhoga-cetiya, containing an article such as the bowl
used by the Buddha. The Bodhi tree was also considered to belong to this
group, for the Buddha attained Enlightenment under it. A sarira-cetiya
was of greater importance than a paribhoga-cetiya.: In the Dhammapadat-
thakatha is given a third group called the Uddissa-cetiya. 3 As far as I
am aware, the word occurs on]:v in this Commentary and even there it appears
to be an interpo]ation. 4 An uddissa-ceti:ya signified an image or some other
object ma.de to resemble the figure of the Buddha. In later works the
classification always consists of these three groups and the uddissa-cetiya
occupies the third position in order of importance.
Veneration of the cetiya originated in India as is evidenced by the stupa
at Saiichi, which in the opinion of Cunningham was built hefore the time of
Asoka,5 and also by the stupa of Piprava on the borders of Nepal. 6 Buddha-
ghosa's account in the SumangalaviHisini that Mahakassapa requested
Ajatasattu to collect the relics of the Buddha and place them in a stlipa
may also have a historical foundation,? but it is not po~sible to ~ay how far
relics were then regarded as objects of worship. According 10 the Manora-
thaplira]), a cetiya originally meant a dwelling place of the yakkhas and the
Buddha is said to have resided often during the first twenty years of his
ministry at the Gotamaka, Capala, Siirandada and the Bahuputta celiyas,
that is, at the dwelling places of the yakkhas having these names.' Many
of these cetiyas such as the Aggalava and the Gotamaka were converted
into Buddhist viharas, but they still retained the original names.') The
dressing-hall of the Malla kings was also known as a cetiya. It was so called
because the hall was coloured or painted (cittaka).lO
The Buddha himself is said to have caused cetiyas to be built depositing
in them relics of several of his disciples who were Arahants, such as Sari-
putta and Moggallana. H It may here be noticed that lour kinds of people
are mentioned as being 'Worthy to be respected by building thiipas, eD-
I Hinduism and Buddhism. Vol. II p. I71
2 Pap Sn 378, Man 11 0, 7
3 DhA HI 2.')1
4 Two reasons lead me to consider this as an interpolation: (a) The word, if it occurred
in the original Commentary, should, as it i,:; more appropriate, come third and not
between sarirlkacetiya. and paribboga-cetiya, and ,b) a-s seen tram the P.T.S. Edi-
tion several of the Mss. omit this 'word frolll the text.
S Rhys Davids : Buddhist India p. 288
6 Hinduism and Buddhism Vol. 111 p. 23
7 Sum Vil II 6n. Also see Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol UT pp ..Z} •.q
8 :Wan II 373. Also see Sum Yil II 554
9 Pj II 344
10 Sum ViI II 596
J I DhA III 83 ; Sum ViI II 554
shrining their relics, namely, a Buddha, a Paccekabuddha, a disciple of a
Buddha (Tathiigata-siivako) and a Cakkavatti king.' The Dighanikaya
which mentions these four makes no distinction between an Arahant and
an ordinary virtuous disciple of the Buddha, but its Commentary, the
Sumangalavilasini, takes it for granted that only an Arahant disciple is
meant here and gives as a reason for excluding the ordinary virtuous disciples,
that if they were also included the thupas of such disciples would have
covered the whole of Ceylon and other Buddhist countries and consequently
suffered by being too common.::!
According to the Dhammapada\\hakatba, the Buddha praised a man
who paid respect to the cetiya of the former Buddha Kassapa, though the
man did not know the significance of the cetiya at the time he was wor-
shipping il.3 The same Commentary informs us tliat the Buddha was born
in a previous birth as the briihmal)a Sankha and that then he cleared away
the graes that had grown on the compound of the cetiya containing the relics
of the Paccekabuddha, Susima, spread sand there and offered flowers of the
forest at the cetiya. The harvest of these meritorious dEeds he reaped in
abundance in his last birth as the Buddha.' The BuddhavaI11satthakatba,
too, has a story which shows how a previous Buddha, Mangala by name,
while he was yet a Bodhisatta, honoured the cetiya of a still earlier Buddha.S
How old these Commentarial narratives are and how they grew we are
unable to say, but it is interesting to nO.te that so important a place should
have been given to cetiya w","ship in the Commentary of the Dhammapada,
which of all books of the PiU; Tipi\aka assigns a decidedly insignificant value
to reliance on this kind of worship. Two verses in the Dhammapada may
be quoted to illustrate this:
Bahu1'[t ve sara1Jarp, yanti-pabbatani vaniini ca
Arama rukkha cetiyiini-manussii bhayatayjitii.
N'etam kho saranam khemam-n'etam saranam uttamam
N' etam sara1J,am ·iig~mma-sa·bbadukkhii pamuccati. 6 •
These verses leave us with no doubt as to the original Buddhist attitude
towards the kind of ritual such as we are now considering.
Whatever the original attitude may have been, the construction of cetiyas
began in Ceylon at a very early date. Mahinda is reported to have said to
Devanampiyatissa that he (i.e., Mahinda) was desirous of returning to India
as he had not seen the Buddha for a long time, meaning thereby that he
had not seen the Buddha's relics. The king understood the hint and made
I D II p. 142
2 Sum ViI II 583, 584
3 DhA IH 251
4 Ibid. 111 448
5 BuA 117
6 Dhammapada vv 188, 18g
188. "To many refuges men verily
betake themselves when peril makes afeared;
to hills and woods, to gardens, trees and shrines.
189. Nay, this refuge no haven is,
nay, this refuge is not supreme.
Not when to this refuge he's come
is he from every ill set free."
Mrs Rhys Davids: The Minor Anthologies of the Hili Canon. Part I
pp. 65, 67·
speedy preparations to build a thiipa.' He is also said to have built many
other smaller cetiyas at a distance of a yojana from one another.2 This
example set by Devanampiyatissa was followed by many of his successors,
the most noteworthy among them being DutthagamaJ).i, who caused the
erection of the Mahacetiya and whose faith in the veneration of relics was
so great that he had had a relic put into his spear, the royal standard,
when he set out to fight the Tamils.'
The helief that the existence of his relics was equivalent to the existence
of the Buddha himself (dhiitusu hi !hiliisu Buddhii thilii va honti)' was deep
rooted in the heart of the Sinhalese Buddhist. According to the Sumangala-
viHisini, the relics of long-lived Buddhas remain as inseparable masses, but
in the case of our Buddha, Gotama, they separated into pieces of varying
size. For, the Buddha thought that as he would pass away before long,
before his sasana spread in every quarter, the relics should be available
to the people 50 that they, who make a cetiya with a relic even as small as
a mustard seed and venerate it, may attain a happy state after death,s
The Buddha is said to have caused a cetiya to be built near a four-way
junction with the relics of the minister, Santati, who attained Arahantship
and passed away as a lay disciple, in order that people may venerate it and
acquire merit (mahiijano vanditva pufiiiabhiigi bhavissati ti).6 The very sight
of a cetiya was considered to be a most desirable thing. 7 It was also held
that when a layman went to pay his veneration at a cetiya or at a Bodhi
tree he performed thereby a bodily act of love (metta~, kiiyakamma1fl), and
'When he uttered the words "Let us go to worship a cetiya or a Bodhi tree",
he perfonned a vocal act of ·love (mettatJr. vacikarnmmtt),8 Merits acquired
by' worshipping a cetiya were still greater. "If", says the Sumangala-
vIHisini, "one who set out with a delighted mind to worship a cetiya, were
to die on his way, he would forthwith be born in a happy state.'" Instances
are not wanting of people who were believed to have taken rebirth
in a deva-world as a result of building a cetiya. GopakasivaJi,
who caused the cetiya at Tiilapitihikavihilra to be built may be cited
as an example. lo On the other hand, destroying a cetiya was a deadly
sin equal in gravity to t.hose known as the Analltariya kammas II which are
heinous such as killing one's parents.
Beliefs such as these led to the making of cetiya-worship an important
religious institution diligently sought after by the faithful disciples among
both the monkhood and the laity. We have had occasion to refer many
times in the preceding chapters to theras who went on pilgrimages to various
cetiyas and also to some who came from abroad to worship the cetiyas in
Ceylon. I2 Laymen, too, went, in large numbers. On great festive occasions
connected with the worship of cetiyas, people used to assemble from all
1: Smp 183
z Mv 20. 1:2. Also see 20.45
3 Mv 2,5.1
4 SV 431, Pap Sn 88I
.5 Sum ViI II 604
6 DhA III 83
7 Vi I 91
$ Sum ViI II 531
q Ibid. 11 ,82. The same idea, though in a less developed state, is found in the
. Dighanik~ya see Vat. II p. 141.
10 SV 156
Il Man II 6, Pap Sn 878
1 Z See Smp Sn II 377
137
quarters, dressed to the best of their means in fine clothe.s, so much so that
bhikkhus were advised not to go to such assemblies lest their mental calm
should be disturbed.'
How a bhikkhu should worship a cetiya is explained in the Commentaries~
" Full of zest obtained by thinking about the Buddha, one shoulo ascend
the courtyard of the cetiya. If the cetiya is big. he should circumambulate
it thrice and bow down at fouriplaces. If H is small he should circumambu-
late in like manner and bow down at eight places."2 The acceptance of a
particular routine of worship such as this, too, shows how far cetiya-worship
had developed as a ritual.
Collar-bone and Tootlt Relics
Two relics belonging to the first group, that is, the siiY'ira-cetiya deserve
special mention. They are the Buddha's collar-bone and the left eye-tooth.
The former was brought to Ceylon a few months after the arrival of Mahinda . .
and king Devanainpiyatissa built the Thiiparama Dagaba at Anuradhapura
enshrining the relic. 3 The tooth relic found its way to Ceylon about five
centuries later in the time of king Sirimeghaval)l)a. 4
The king placed the relic in a specially built shrine known as the Danta-
dhiitughara and decreed that every year it should be taken from that place
to the Abhayagiri-vihara and hold ceremonies there.5 Fa Hien, too, records
the existence of an organized annual ceremony held in honour of this relic at
the time of his visit to Ceylon. The ceremony was held in the middle of the
third month. Describing the ceremony Fa Hien records: "Ten days before-
hand, the King magnificently caparisons a great elephant, and commissions
a man of eloquence and ahility to clothe himself in royal apparel and, ricling
on the elephant, to sound a drum and proclaim as follows: ............ ' Let
all ecclesiastical and lay persons within the kingdom, who wish to lay up a
store of merit,prepare and smoothe the roads,adorn the streets and highways,
let them scatter every kind of flower, and offer incense in religious reverence
to the Relic.' This proclamation being finished, the king next causes to be
placed on both sides of the road representations of the coo bodily forms which
Bodhisattwa assumed, during his successive births. For instance, his birth
as Su-ji-no; his appearance as a bright flash of light: his birth as the king
of the elephants, and as an antelope. These figures are all beautifully
painted in divers colours, and have a very life-like appearance. At length
the tooth of Buddha is brought forth and conducted along the principal road.
As they proceed on the way, religious offerings are made to it. When they
.arrive at the Abhayagiri Vihara, they place it in the Hall of Buddha, where
the clergy and laity all assemble in vast crowds and burn incense, and light
lamps, and perform every kind of ceremony, both night and day, without
ceasing. After ninety complete days they again return it to the Vihara
within the city. This chapel is thrown open on the chief holidays for the
purpose of religious worship, as the Law (of Buddha) directs."6 This account
is invaluable in that it shows to what extent ritual had become a part of the
Buddhist religion by the end of the fourth century A.D.
I SV 348 Sum ViI I 184
2 SV 349, Sum ViI I 180
3 Smp I 83 fall. ).Iv Ch. J7
4 :vlv 37· 92~97
:; Ibid. 37·97
6 Beal : Travels of Buddhist Pjl~rjms, pp 155 fall.
 DhiitftParinibbiina
The Commentaries contain also a tradition as to how the siirfra-dhiitu
(bodily relics) of the Buddha would disappear from the world. That dis-
appearance is called the dhiitft-parinibbiina (complete extinction of the relics).
When the end of the sasana draws nigh, the relics that are in Ceylon will
collect together and make their way to the Mabacetiya. From there they
will go to the Rajayatana cetiya in Nagadipa and finally to the Mah1i.bodhi-
pallanka (Seat at the Great Bodhi Tree). Then other relics, too, that are in
other spheres of the universe, namely, the worlds of the Nag", Devas and
Brahmas, will arrive at the same place. Till then no relic even of the size
of a mustard seed is destroyed. Having come together at the Mah1i.bodhi-
pallailka (in India) they will join together as a lump of gold and shed forth the
sixfold radiance throughout the systems of ten thousand worlds. Then
the deities of all those worlds will assemble and expre~s their sorrow more
intensely than they did when the Buddha passed away. None excepting
the Anagamins and the Arahants will be able to remain unmoved. At last
fire will spring from the relics and, blazing forth as far as the world of the
Br::thmas, will burn the relics entirely.l
The howl used by the Buddha and the sacred Bodhi Tree may be mentioned
as the most important in the group known as the paribhoga relics. The
rlijiiyatana tree and the precious throne-seat which the Buddha was be-
lieved to have given to the Nagas were also regarded as coming under this
group,2
Bowl
The bowl used by the Buddha was brought to Ceylon during the reign of
Devanampiyatissa. This' the king kept in his beautiful palace and wor-
shipped continually with manifold offerings',3 Even as the tooth relic,
this, too, was considered a valuable possession of the Sinhalese kings.
When Vattagamal)j Abhaya fled through fear of the Tamil invaders, he
hid it in the Vessagiri forest,' but one of the Tamils found it and, valuing
it even more than the kingdom of Ceylon, took it away to India. s Eliot
compares the part played by this relic to that of the Holy Grail in Christian
romance,6 Fa Hien saw it at Peshawar. He records that formerly a king
of Yueh-she invaded Peshawar with the main object of carrying away the
bowl. Though he subdued the kingdom he was unable to remove the relic.
At the time when Fa Hien visited the place the bowl was exhibited thrice
daily and people made their offerings to it.'
Bodhi Tree
The veneration of the Bodhi Tree was as common and widespread as that
of the cetiyas in ancient Ceylon and it exists so up to the present day.
Bodhi Tree means the I'Tree of Wisdom". But as Rhys Davids points out,
, the wisdom was the wisdom of the Master not of the tree or of the tree-god.
and could not be obtained by eating of its fruits '.8 The reverence paid to the
tree was' not for its own sake, and not to any soul or spirit supposed to be in
I Pap Sn 882
2 Mv I. vv 68, 60
3 Ibid. 20.VV 10, I3
4 Ibid. 33· 48
.'i Ibid, 33, 55
6 Hinduism and Buddhism 'Vol. lIT p. 24
7 Legge: Travels of Fa Hien, pp. 34, 35
8 Buddhist India p. 230

139
it, but to the tree as the symbol of the Master, or because ............ it was
under a tree of that kind that his followers believed that a venerated Teacher
of old had become a Buddha. In either case it is a straining of terms, a
misrepresentation or at best a misunderstanding, to talk of tree-worship'.I
The Pippal tree (the Bodhi tree of the Buddhists) was held in high esteem
before Buddhism arose, even as early as the Vedic period.' Many Buddhist
sculptures ranging from the second century B.C. to the second A.D. and in
which are represented the veneration of this tree have been discovered in
India,3 and, no doubt, the practice existed from a much earlier date.
Ananda Coomaraswamy is of opinion . that every Buddhist temple and
monastery in India once had its Bodhi Tree and flower-altar, as is still the
case in Ceylon'.4 Tradition asserts, and the belief prevails widely in Ceylon,
that the Bodhi-pujii or the veneration of the Bodhi Tree dates as far back
as the time of the Buddha, for it is held that the ascetic Siddhatlha Gotama
afte~ he attained Enlightenment under this tree, remained there for seven
days looking at the tree as a mark of gratitude to that which helped him
with the cool shade of its leaves. This tradition, however, does not have the
full support of the Pali Commentaries. The Udanatthakathii and the
BuddhavaI!1satthakathii mention that the seat (pallanka) as well as the
tree received the grateful gaze of the Buddha.s In another passage of the
latter Commentary only the pallanka is mentioned;6 and so is it in the Attha-
salini and the }atakatthakatha.7
Whatever the origin of the practice was. its cult in Ceylon existed from the
time of Mahinda. According to the Samantapasadika and the Mahavarpsa,
the southern branch of the sacred Bodhi Tree at Gaya was brought to Ceylon
a short time after the advent of Mahinda. Amidst solemn festivities
befitting the occasion, Devanampiyatissa planted this branch at Anuradha-
pura and it has drawn to this day many millions of devout pilgrims. The
Mahavaqtsa refers frequently to various acts of homage performed by kings
that followed Devanampiyatissa. 8 Fa Hien, too, refers to this tree in his
memoirs. 9 Saplings grown from the tree at Anuradhapura were planted
in many places in the island. lO
But among all these the parent tree at Buddhagaya and its branch at
Anuradhapura were held to be the most sacred. The Atthasalini gives an
account of a thera who went to India to pay his respects to the great Bodhi. XI
King Sirimeghava:r:u;la is said to have sent two bhikkhus to India to king
San-maon-to-lo-kiu-to, that is Samudragupta, requesting him to provide
shelter there for the Sinhalese monks who were on a pilgrimage to the sacred
tree at Bo-gaya,I2 Two inscriptions have also been found at Gaya which
record the building of a temple and the gift of a statue by Mahanama, a

1 Buddhist India p. 230

:z Ibid. p. 231
3 See Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Vol. 24· No. 144
4 Ibid. No. 144 p. 54
5 UdA .')2, BuA 18
6 BuA 240
7 A1.t 12, J In
8 See e.g. Mv. 28. I ; 34. 58; 36.25, 52, 56, 126; 37, 15
9 Legge: Travels of Fa Hien, p. 103
10 Smp. 100.
I l Att JI, 12
12 CuI. tr. Vol. I p. 1 note 3

I40
resident of Amradvjpa and a member of the royal family of Ceylon. Cun-
ningham is inclined to take this thera as the author of the Mahavarpsa and
suggests that he may have visited the Bodhi Tree in Magadha. where he
built a temple and dedicated a statue,l References to theras who went to
venerate the one at Anuradhapura occur frequently in the Commentaries
and we have alluded to them on many occasions.
That there was a Bodhi tree in each monastery in ancient Ceylon is also
confirmed by the fact that tending the tree by watering it and cleaning its
courtyard was regarded as the duty of every bhikkhu.' The Sammoha-
vinodanj tells us further that a bhikkhu who enters the courtyard of a Bodhi
tree should venerate the tree behaving with humility as if he were in the
presence of the Buddha.3 Destroying a Bodhi tree was considered a very
grave sin. There are certain exceptions. If a branch obstructs a thiipa
or an image in which bodily relics of the Buddha are enshrined, or if birds
perching on a l:ranch soils a cetiya underneath, that branch should be cut
and removed. Similarly if the root of a Bodhi tree enters piercing the base
of a cetiya, that root should be removed. But this should not be done if the
building obstructed is one pertaining to the Bodhi tree, such as the Bodhi-
ghara, since the huilding is for the tree and not the tree for the huilding.
If one lops off a diseased branch or a part that is rotten in order that the
Bodhi tree may not perish, he thereby obtains merit as if he had tended the
bod" ('If a diseased person).'
Images
Thirdly, to the uddissa group of cetiyas belong the images of the Buddha.
Their veneration began much later than that of"the relics and of the Bodhi
tree. "The early Buddhists", says Cunningham, "had no statues of Buddha.
He is not once represented in the sculptured bas-reliefs of Bharhut, which
date from ISO to 100 B.C., and there is no image of his amongst the numerous
scenes of the great Sanchi Stiipa. The oldest representations of the Buddha,
that I am aware of, are found on the coins of the Indo-Scythian king, Kani-
shka, about A.D. 100."5 But the art of sculpture was certainly known and
practised by the Hindus as early as the time of Asoka as is seen from the
old Buddhist Railing of the Mahabodhi Vihara 6 Foucher has discussed
the subject in greater detail. According to him, in ancient Buddhist sculp-
tures in such places as those mentioned above and at Amaravati the figure
of the Buddha is without exception left out in scenes where one would expect
to see it. The Buddha's presence in these scenes is represented by a symbol
such as a vacant seat, a promenade or caitkama1'}a, the foot prints or the Bodhi
Tree.' In the Piili Commentaries, too, there is hardly any mention of the
statues of the Buddha. To my knowledge there is only one such instance,8
and it also refers not to an ordinary image (pafima) but to one in which is
enshrined a relic of the Buddha and hence occupying the position more of a
thiipa than of a statue.
1 Cunningham! Mahabodhi, London 1892, p. 60
2 Sv. 473, Sum ViI I 186, SA Sn III 152
3 SV 349
4 Man II 6, 7 ; Pap. Sn 878
S Cunningham: Mahabodhi, London 1892, P 53
6 Ibid p. 53
7 A. Foucher: The Beginnings of Buddhist Art, and other Essays, London 1917, PP·S,
19,72,75,1°4. 117
8 Man II 6, repeated in PapSn 878
 The Mahavarpsa, however, enables us to form an idea of the growth of the
Buddha-image in Ceylon. The first mention of it refers to the time of king
Vasabha (I27--I7I A.D.). He caused to be made four beautiful images
of the Buddha and a temple for them in the courtyard of the great Bodhi
Tree.' More than a century later king Voharaka Tissa (269-29I A.D)
set up two bronze images in the eastern building of the Bodhi.' At three
entrances of the courtyard of this sacred tree Gothabhaya (309--322 A.D.)
placed three statues made of stone. 3 Mahasena (334-36I A.D.) caused
two bronze images to be set up on the west side of the building ..;. After this.
the construction of image and image-houses becomes quite common and
their location is no longer limited to the courtyard and the vicinity of the
Bodhi Tree. When the image of the Buddha was introduced to Ceylon
the most natural place to keep it was under the Bodhi Tree and this is exactly
what we see to have occurred. Fa Hien, too, records that he saw a very
beautiful image in the same place. "Beneath the tree", he writes, " there
has been built a vihara, in which there is an image (of Buddha) seated,
which the monks and commonalty reverence and look up to without ever
becoming wearied P.5 In the Abhayagiri monastery also he saw a very
beautiful image, more than twenty cubits in height.' It is also significant
that the earliest mention' of a Buddha image in Ceylon refers to the second
century A.D. and thus agrees remarkably with the date of its origin in India.
Further, this fact shows in an interesting manner how innovations ih the
methods of Buddhist worship in India found their echo in the neighbouring
island.
Religious Festivities
Along with the veneration of the relics and of the Bodhi Tree there grew
up also the custom of holding religious festivities. Of these the Giribhaw;la-
piijii of king Mahiidii!hika Mahaniiga (67--79 A.D.) may he regarded as
the best kno\oVIl. 8 Descriptions of various other festivities of a minor and
major character are given frequently in the MahavaJ1lsa. Saddhatissa is
said to have made 84,000 offerings in honour of the 84,000 sections of the
Dhamma (Dhammakkhandhas).9 This is worthy of notice as it appears to be
the prototype of similar offerings (pujii) which are prevalent in Ceylon
today. The usual articles of offerings to the cetiyas and Bodhi trees were
flowers and lamps. According to the MahiivaI)1sa, king DutthagamaI)l
caused a thousand lamps, having in them white wicks fed with ghee, to burn
perpetually in twelve places as offerings to the Buddha." King Vasabha
I IVlv 35. 89
2 Ibid. 36. 31
3 Ibid. 36. 104
4 Mv 37· 3 1
5 Legge: Travels of Fa Hien p. 104
6 Ibid. p. 102
7 The Mahaval11sa (36. 128, 129) refers to an imageplac.ed near the Thuparama vihara
by king Devanampiyatissa and removed from there to Pacinatissapabbatavihara
by king jetthatissa. The possibility of such a thing as this is contrary to all that
we know as to the date of the origin of the Buddha-image. It is, however, very
likely. that an image which stood near the Thuparama and the source of the
construction of which was forgotten by the people, was naturally attributed
to the work of Devanampiyatissa as it was this king who built the Thuparama..
8 Mv 34.75 fall.: Man I 22, Man Sn 670; Surn Vi) II 535
9 Mv. 33. 12
IQ Ibid 32. 37

142
<had a thousand lamps lighted in four places; that is, on the Cetiya-
pabbata, about the celiya in the Thupaxama, about the Great Thupa and
in the Temple of the great Bodhi-tree'.' The same king gave the thera
Mabapaduma hundred kahiipa1JilS to be spent for offering flowers.::
Recitation of Parittas
One other form of Buddhist ritual remains to be discussed; and that
is the recitation of the Parittas (Protection Suttas). It is generally believed
that the Buddha preached the Ratana Sutta at Vesali to free the city from a
plague and from the dangers of evil spirits.3 As we have mentioned else-
where, king Upatissa of Ceylon caused the monks to chant this Sutta in
public at a time when the island was vexed by the ills of a famine and a
plague, and it is said that immediate relief was the result of this public
chanting. 4 Ever since this time the custom took deep root in Ceylon and
exists up to the present day. The Suttas usually chanted are the Mangala,
the Ratana and the KaraI)iyametta of the Khuddakapatha. If the ceremony
is conducted over a long time the whole of the Piritpota or the Book of
Parittas is chanted. The Suttas in this book are mostly of the nature of a
code of ethics to be practised in one's everY'day life and it is strange how
such simple and profound, though highly practical, teachings have been
:shifted from the realm of life and conduct to that of ceremony and
'superstition.
The ~elief in the efficacy of the chanting of the Parittas is perhaps even
Dlder than the time of Upatissa. The Pali Commentaries have several pas-
-sages extolling its virtues. A young bhikkhu who was cleaning the Digha-
vapi Celiya fell from the top of that building but, we are told, his life was
miraculously saved as a result of invoking the heJp of the Dhajagga Paritta. 5
The Parittas such as the Atanatiya, Mora, Dhajagga and Ratana are said
to have their influence over ten thousand kotis (i.e., one hundred thousand
million) of world-systems. 6 The Mahasamaya Sutta was considered to be
bringing delight to deities and it is, therefore, recommended for inviting
luck.'
When laymen were ill, it was customary for the people to invite the
bhikkhus to recite Paritta. The Samantapasadika describes which forms
of invitation should be accepted and which should not be accepted. 8 The
Sumangalavilasini explains in greater detail how a Paritta recitation should
he conducted to heal a man possessed of a demon. In such a case,
says the Atihakathii, the Metta, Ratana and Dhajagga Suttas
should be chanten for seven days, and if the evil spirit does
not leave the man, then the Atanativa Sutta shouJd be recited;
but it should not be done without fi;st chanting the Suttas men-
tioned before. During this period the bhikkhu who does the chanting
'Should eat neither flesh nor food made out of flour nor should he dwell in a
cemetery, and from the vihara to the house of the layman who is ill he should
I Ibid 3.1. 80
2 Smp. n 471
3 See Pj I 157
4 Mv 37· I89~I98
5 SA I 34I
6 Man IT 9, Pap Sn 880. SV 430
7 Sum ViI II 694
S Smp II 472

143
be conducted well protected with shields. The chanting should be done inside
a house. The doors and the windows of the house should be shut, and the
bhikkhu protected by armed people surrounding him, should start the
chanting keeping foremost in his heart thoughts of love. If the demon
does not yet leave the man, the latter should be taken to the courtyard of a
cetiya and Marigala verses should be chanted there. Failing in all these,.
the deities should be invoked saying: "Know ye, (0, deities) this spirit
(amanusso) does not obey us. We shall do the orders of the Buddha".
If a bhikkhu is possessed of an evil spirit, incense and flowers should be offered
to the Buddha and, sharing the merit with those assembled, the other'bhik-
khus should chant Paritta for the benefit of the afflicted one.' The spirit
should also be asked not to torment a. virtuous monk.:!
No words are necessary to indicate how far these rituals are from the spirit
of the original, pure and unadulterated teaching of the Buddha as exempli-
fied, especially. in the Dhammapada. The growth of ritual was a necessary
one if the faith was to have a hold on the masses. It was bound to come.
But there is always this satisfaction that these new practices, though they
formed a part of the common religion of the masses, did hardly affect the
Pi!akas which the Sinhalese monk zealously protected from aIJ possible
accretions.

I Sum vn III 969, 970

2 Smp II 476
 CHAPTER TEN

The Position oj the Deities

ALONG with the growth of ritual there grew also the attention paid to the
denizens of the heavenly spheres. We cannot consider this attention paid
to deities (devas or devatiis) as a growth that took place entirely in Ceylon.
The mention of devas is bv no means a rare occurrence in the Sutta Pitaka.
< The significance of thei~ appearance nearly always lies in their reiations
with the Buddha or his disciples'. As Sir Charles Eliot ob,erves: "Their
existence is assumed, but the truths of religion are not dependent on them,
and attempts to use their influence by sacrifices and oracles are deprecated
as vulgar practices similar to juggling. Later Buddhism became infected
with mythology and the critical change occurs when deities, instead of being
merely protectors of the church, take an active part in the work of salvation.
When the Hindu gods developed into personalities who could appeal to
religious and philosophic minds as cosmic forces, as revealers of the truth
and guides to hliss, the example was too attractive to be neglected and a
pantheon of Bodhisattvas arose. But it is clear that when the Buddha
preached in Kosala and Magadha, the local deities had not attained anv such
position. The systems of philosophy then in vogue were mostly not theistic,
and, strange as the words may sound, religion had little to do with the gods.
If this be thought to rest on a mistranslation, it is certainly true that the
dhamma had little to do with devas."'·
These remarks are also trne to a very considerable extent with regard to
Buddhism in Ceylon as represented by the Pali Commentaries. The old
Canonical accounts dealing with the devas were expanded and mythology
grew round them, but to the Ceylonese Buildhist these devas were still
merely classes of living beings, some of them such as the Great Brahma
and Sakka being devout followers of the Buddha and others such as the
sinful Mara (Piipimii. Maro) being opponents of the Great Teacher and those
who followed his teachings. Even the greatest gods of the Briihma,pc
pantheon were in their status considered to be far below the Buddha and his
virtuous disciples. How Iow these deities bent before the majesty of the
Buddha is seen from the following incident which, the Commentaries say,
took place in the morning of the day of his Enlightenment. Early in the
morning, Sujata, the wife of the chieftain Senani, was preparing a milk-rice
pudding to be offered to the deity of the sacred banyan tree in her village.
Though she was unaware of it at that time, the Buddha was to be the reci-
pient of the offering. As it was the last meal which the latter was to partake
of before his Enlightenment, all the great deities of the world assembled
in her kitchen and assisted her in the cooking. The four Guardian Deities
of the world kept watch over the oven, the Great Brahma hdd a parasol over
it, Sakka (the Indra of the brahmal)as) kept the fire burning by adjusting
the firewood !,

I Hinduism and Buddhism. VaL I p. 330

2J.1.68

145
 The legends connected with these deities are not devoid of their humour.
Thus when the Bodhisatta is seated under the Bodhi Tree immedi-
ately before his Enlightenment, all the great devas, induding
Sakka and Brahma, come to sing his praises. Then arrives the dreadful
Moxa with his ghastly legions. The Bodhisatta remains unperturbed, but
those great devas are terrified at the sight of Mara and take flight helter-
skelter. Sakka takes to his heels with his conch Vijayuttara hanging on his
back and does not stop till he reaches the edge of the universe. The Great
Brahma flies to his world leaving his white parasol behind. I
Such being the attitude of the early Buddhists in Ceylon towards the
deities, we cannot expect to find them engaged in praying to or worshipping
deities. There is, indeed, no evidence in the Pali Commentaries of the prac-
tice of any ritual to propitiate them. As it was mentioned in an earlier
chapter when king Gajabii.hu (174-196 A.D.) brought from South India
twelve thousand Colian prisoners, along with them arrived also the cult
of many Hindu gods and goddesses. But how far this cult affected the
Buddhism of that day we are unable to say definitely. The Mahii.vaIjlsa
tells uS that king Mahii.sena destroyed three deviiiay"s (houses or temples of
gods) and built viharas in, their place.' In the Sumangalavilasinj it is said
that a bhikkhu in need of thread to stitch his robes may pick up any thread
left on the streets or at altars (deva!/hiina) or brought by someone and offered
to him by placing it at his feet.3 Here we have reference to some ritual in
connection with the worship of the devas, but it may well be that the ritual
was one performed by tbe non-Buddhists of Ceylon.
Though the ritual side is absent we cannot ignore the effects of the growth
of mythology, as this, too, is a potent factor in influencing the minds of the
common folk. And a study of the religious conditions of early Ceylon would
be incomplete without, at least a brief survey of the Atlhakatha legends
connected with the deities referred to above. It should also be mentioned
that these legends may have been influenced by those in the Brahmal)ic
literature of India, but it is beyond the scope of this work to enter into a
comparative study of the two. Nor is it possible to give here a detailed
account of all the deities mentioned in the Commentaries.
The Brohmiis
The highest among the Buddhist deities are the Brahmas. They are said
to lead pure lives and to be free from the enjoyment of sense-pleasures.
Some of the most sublime virtues in Buddhism such as brahmacariya. and
the brahma-vihiiras are called after their name. They are also said, as
mentioned before, to have attended on the Buddba frequently both hefore
and after his Enlightenment. Thus at the moment of Prince Siddhaltha's
birth four Great Brahmas, pure in thought, received him in a golden net;4
immediately afterwards when he walked the seven steps (satta-pada-viti-
hiira) proclaiming his supremacy over the whole universe, the Great Brahma
followed, holding a parasol over him5 and when the prince renounced the
home-life to become the Buddha, the Great Brahma Ghatikara brought
to him the eightfold requisitef (If (lTI ascetic. 6
I Ibid. I 7'1.
2 Mv 37. 40
3 Sum ViI III 1012
4 J. I 52
5 Ibid. I 53
6 Ibid. r 65

I46
 The names of many Brahmas are mentioned in the Canon as wen as in the
Commentaries. That of the Brahma Sahampati occurs several times.
According to the Jatakatlhakatha he was the first to request the Buddha to
preach the Truth discovered by the latter.' According to another Com-
mentary he offered the Buddha a jewelled garland as big as the Mountain
Sineru. 2 It is interesting to note that this Brahma is said to have come to
Ceylon to attend on a thera on the occasion of the latter's attaining to Ara-
hantship. In this visit the Brahma was accompanied by the Four Great
Kings (Cattaro Maharajano) and Sakka. 3 The Brahma Harita, whose name
also occurs in the Mahasamaya Sutta, appears to be the chief of the Brahmas
even as Sakka is the chief of the devas.' On the other hand, the Brahma
Sanan Kumara appears often to take the role of a preacher among the
deities.s A list of the different classes of Brahmas is given in the
Sumarigalavilasinl. The Suddhavasas or those of the Pure Abode occupy
the highest position 6
Sakka and his group
Sakka is the deity who is mentioned most in the Pali Commentaries.
Even in the Canon his name is of frequent occurrence. He is the Indra7
of the pre-Buddhistic Indian pantheon, now a devout follower of the Buddha.
In the Vedas we find him as a 'demon-slaying Soma-drinking' deity.
Now he is ' the heavenly counter-part of a pious Buddhist king. He fre-
quently appears in the jataka stories as the protector of true religion and
virtue, and when a good man is in trouble, his throne grows hot and attracts
his attention. His transformation is analogous to the process by which
heathen deities, especially in the Eastern Church, have been accepted as
Christian saints '.8 Instances are however not entirely lacking of Sakka's
tendency to appear in his pre-Buddhistic garb. Thus in the Abbhantara
jataka he plots to destroy a number of ascetics.9 Again we find him
stealing a Tooth-relic of the Buddha from the hands of DOl)a, who
distributed the relics, IQ and, on another occasion, he incites the bhikkhus
to deceive king Ajatasattu.n
The Pali Commentaries refer often to the attention paid b:y Sakka to the
personal needs of the Buddha. I :! He is also said to have taken a keen interest
in the affairs of Ceylon. According to the MahavaI)1sa he was asked by the
Buddha himself to protect Ceylon." Accordingly he sought out Mahinda
and requested him to go over to the island as the time for its conversion
approached." When king Dutthagamal)i contemplated the building of the
Mahathupa, Sakka sent his attendant Vissakamma" to make bricks for the
1 J I 81
2 Pj 1 171
3 SV 352, Pj I I 56
4 Sum Vii I 40, II 693, BuA 13'1
.'i Sum ViI II 650, 666
6 Ibid. II 5IO, .'il I
He appears also under the name Purindada, DhA I 264
Eliot: Hinduism and Buddhism Vol. I p. 333
" T II 394
"Co Sum ViI II 609
11 Ibid. n 610
12 See e.g., J I 60, 80 ; DhA HI 269
13 Mv 7· 2-4
14 Ibid. 13, IS, 16
IS For other duties entrusted by Sakka to Vissakamma see JVlan II 236; Sum Vil II 613,
614, 630; Mv 18.24 fall.

I47
king·l -and· later when the time for the enshrining of relics came, he sent
Vissakamma again to decorate the whole of Ceylon.' Sakka himself, records
the Mahaval]1sa, attended the ceremony which was attended also by
Brahma, the' gods Sal]1tusita and Suyama and a host of other deities.' It
is, however, said that their umbrellas and not the deities themselves were
visible to men on that occasion. 4
During the Calf9alatissa (also called Brahmalfatissa) Peril, Sakka advised
the bhikkhus of Ceylon to go over to India and,so the legend proceeds, he
even created a raft far the purpose. 5 The SumangalaviHisiul records that
he went frequently to Piyailgudipa in Ceylon to invite the bhikkhus there
to celebrate the Paviiranii Ceremony (held at the end of the rainy season).6
It was also believed inCeylan-and the belief prevails even at the present
day--that Sakka kept a record of the good deeds done by men on this earth.
The Sumangalavilasini gives an interesting description of how this record
is made. The Four Great Kings, their sons and their ministers set out on
the full-moon, new moon and the fourteenth day of the lunar month respec-
tively. In a golden book they write down the good deeds done by men and
hand it over to Pancasikha. 7 The latter gives it to Matali 8 who jn turn
submits it to Sakka. Then Sakka reads it in the assembly of nevas, who
rejoice greatly if men have done many meritorious deeds..9
In addition to the deities mentioned above as belonging to the retinue
of Sakka, we read also of his four daughters and his elephant. His daughters
are Asa (Wish), Saddhii (Faith), Siri (Prosperity) and Hiri (Modesty)."
These names suggest that they are personifications of certain mental states
and they bear a striking resemblance to the names of the three daughters
of Mara, viz., Talfha (Craving), Arati (Discontent) and Raga(Attachment),"
the difference being, as one would expect it, that the latter repre,ent a set
of states of mind undesirable from the Buddhist point of view. The
description of Sakka's elephant, EravaI)a, affords interesting reading.
He is said to be a deity belonging to the class called Kiimarupi (capable of
assuming any form at will). When Sakka desires to go to his parks Eraval,la
assumes the form of an elephant and takes Sakka on his back.l2
The Four Great Kings
Holding posts under Sakka are the Four Great Kings (Catiiiro 1\1 ahii-
rajano) , also called the Guardians of the World (Lokapalii). They are
Dhatarattha, Viru!ha, Virupakkha and VessavalJ.a and are mentioned
in the Atanatiya Suttanta" of the Dighanikaya. The Commentary has
1: Mv 28.6 foIL
2. Ibid. 31.34
3 Ibid. 31.75
4 Ibid. 31. 89
5 Man 19 2
6 Sum ViI n 648
7 The deity who is the musician (Gandhabba) of Sakka. See Sum ViI II 640, 647 ;
Man I 127. According to the Mahavaq1sa (31.82) this deity, too, attended the
ceremony of enshrining relics in the Mahathiipa in Ceylon.
8 The charioteer of Sakka. See J I ~02, II 254-
9 Sum ViI II 650. The belief that the Four Great Kings make such a record is found
even In the Canon, but that belief is developed to a marked exte-nt 10 the Commen-
taries. See Anguttaranikaya Vol. I pp 142 fall.
10 JV 392
Il Pj II (2) 544
12 For a detailed description see Pj II 368, Sum ViI II 688.
13 D. Sutta No. 32

148
interesting notes on them. These notes evidently embody beliefs that were
current in Ceylon at the time of the compilation of the Afthakathas. The
Suttanta itself appears to be a later addition to the Dighanikiiya, though
very likely it is of Indian Origin.
According to the Commentary, VessavaI:la was a particular friend of the
Buddha and was proficient in the art of speaking.' He was also known by
the name Kuvera.' As it was in the case of Sakka, here too the change that
took place in the character of VessavaQa after his conversion is shown to
be very marked. The Paramatthajotika tells us that in his earlier
days he used to kill thousands of yakkhas3 with his gadii (mace).' In
the Samantapas1idika, too, it is said that before he became a Sotapanna
he was in the habit of killing ·Kumbha!}.c;las' by staring at them.' After
his conversion, however, he became a protector of the righteous. The
Jatakatthakatha records the death of one Vessava!}.a and the appointing
of another by Sakka.' This is a good illustration of the Buddhist point of
view with regard to the nature of deities. They are as mortal as human
beings are, and their systems of government and the like are but a counter-
part of the systems that prevailed. among men. In the Mahasamaya'
and the Atiinatiya9 Suttas Datarattha is mentioned as the ruler of the Gan-
dhabbas (heavenly musicians).'o But the Sumangalavilasini describes
him as a Ha1f1.Sariija (King of the swans) with a retinue of ninety thousand
swans." As pointed out by Rev. R. Morris popular etymology may have
had something to do with this change. In Pali, Ha1f1.Sa.raja may also mean
, King Hamsa " who in Indian mythology was a chief of the Gandharvas."
Virii!ha and Viriipakkha do not appear so frequently as the other two in the
Pali Commentaries.
These four deities are said to have protected the Buddha's mother from
the day of his conception to the day of his birth" and seven weeks after his
Enlightenment to have given him four earthenware bowls which miraculously
became one." We find them, as noted before, visiting (eylon also, once to
wait on AlindakavasiPhussadeva thera" and again to take part in the cere-
mony at the Mahacetiya. 16
Yama
In some Commentaries the legends connected with the£e deities are more
developed than in others. Thus in the Sumangalavilasini it is said that
there are similar Guardian Deities having the same names in all the ~en thou-
sand world-systems." The Netti AHhakatha gives another set, ",Zo., lnda,
1 Sum Vii III 962
2 Ibid. III 9Q6
3 The yakkhas are described as terrestrial deities (bh1,mma-tievata) in Man 5n 72~.
4 Pj 11 225
5 A class of minor deities. ': See Sum VillII 964-
6 Smp II 440
71 1 328
8 D. Val. II p. 257
9 Ibid. Vat III p. 197
10 Sum Vi} II 498
I I Ibid. I 40. Also see Pap II 6
12 J.P.T.S. 1893 p. 24
13 J I SI
14 Ibid. I 8o; BuA 9
15 SV 3.'>2
16 Mv 31. 79
17 Sum ViI II 687
I49
 Yama, Varu"a and Kuvera as the names of the LokapaJas.' Inda, men-
tioned in this list, is evidently another term for Sakka whom we have already
discussed. Yama,' too, is one of the Bdlhma"ic deities' adopted by Bud-
dhism '. He is mentioned in the Devadiita Sutta of the Ailguttaranikiiya,'
a Sutta added probably at a later date to the Canon. In this Sutta it is
said that there are Guards of the Underworld (Nirayapiilii) to assist Yama.
There were some theras in Ceylon who did not believe in the existence of
Nirayapiilas as they held that kamma was powerful enough to bring about
due retribution to evil doers. The orthodox school seems to have held the
former belief.' When a person is born in hell (Niraya), it is the NirayapaJas
who take him to Yama to obtain the final decision as to whether that person
is to remain in hell Of not. A man who has sinned excessively, we are told,
is not taken to Yama, for in his case there is no question that he must suffer
the torments of hell.' Yama is a righteous king.' He tries his best to save
a person from falling into Niraya. Yama asks him to recall some good
deed that he has done. Even at the eleventh hour if he can recall a good
deed, that enables him to take birth in a happy world. The Manoratha-
eiira"i tells us that Dighajantu,the Tamil, offered a piece of red. cloth to the
Akiisacetiya of Sumanagirivihiira (Adam's Peak). Nevertheless, on account
of his other misdeeds he was born in Niraya and the raging flames brought
to his memory the piece of silk cloth he had offered. This at last enabled
him to take birth in a happy state.7 If the person cannot remember a good
deed himself, Yama tries, if possible, to give him a clue. The Papaiicasii-
dani has an interesting story to illustrate this. Once a minister in Ceylon
offered a vase of jasmine flowers to the Mahacetiya and shared the merits
with Yama. But, as in the case of Dighajantu, he too was born in Niraya
and was taken before Yama. All the attempts of the latter to save him
proved futile and, at last, Yama asked him" Did you not offer jasmine
flowers at the Mahacetiya and share the merits with me?" The minister
at once recalled to his memory this incident and thus he was able to escape
from Niraya.' This belief in the efficacy of sharing merits with Yama seem
to have originated in Ceylon and even today it exists in the island a~ong
some people.
According to the Manorathapiira"i, Yama is a king of the Vemiinika
Pe/as (the Departed Ones living in fairy mansions). Alternately he enjoys
celestial pleasures and suffers the torments of hell. This Commentary
presents the picture in a very developed form. Here it is said that the number
of Yamas is not one but four.' In the Paramatthajotika he is described
as a person capable of infinite wrath, for when he is angered he kills number-
less Kumbha,,<;Ias by merely staring at them.'· It is difficult to harmonize
these divergent pictures. What we find now is perhaps a curious conglo-
meration of old and new beliefs that were current in Ceylon and which
I NA 5
2 In the ]atakatthakatha (II 318) he is called Vesayi.
3 A I pp. 138 foIl.
4 Man Il 227, Pap Sn 953, Sum ViI III 80g
5 Man Il 230
6 lbid II 228
7 Ibid. II 230
8 Pap Sn 955
9 Man II 228
10 Pj II 225

150
found their way gradually into the Sinhalese Commentaries during the
process of their growth.
Suyama and Santusita
Higher in status than the deities discussed so far,excepting the Brahmas,
are Suyama and Santusita. We find them often coming in the company of
other devas to pay their respects to the Buddha. According to the Maha-
varp.sa they, too, came to Ceylon to take part in the celebrations in connec w

tion with the Mahathiipa in Anuradhapura.'

Miira
Still higher in status than these deities is Miira, the Sinful One.' As
far as might is concerned he excels all other devas, not excluding the Brahmiis.
Mara, as depicted in the Pali Canon and the Commentaries,is the result of
an inextricable mixture of l~gend, myth and personification of evil. He
appears frequently in the Canon, but the accounts of him in the Commentaries
are of a more developed nature. His name M aro (Papima) 'corresponds
to the Mrtyu/t of the Vedas, but as a personality he seems to have
developed entirely within the Buddhist circle and.to be unknown to general
Indian mythology."
Mara is known to Buddhist literature under a large number of names:
e.g., Adhipati (Chief),' Antaka (Ender),""" Kala (Black),'" KaQha
(Black),""" Maccu (Death)', Maccuraja (King of Death)'", MaraQa
(Death)'o, Mahiisena (One with a large army)', Namuci(?)',',' Pajiipati
(Lord of beings)", Pamattabandhu (Kinsman of the intoxicated)','" and
Vasavatti (Wielder of power).. Some of these names are explained in the'
Commentaries. Thus, for example, Mara is called Mahiisena because he
has a large army that is composed of death-dealers, such as serpents, scor-
pions, poisons and weapons,14 Those names as well as their explanations
show us clearly that Mara is predominantly a personification of death and
also of what is regarded as evil. As shown before, the names of his daughters,
too, point to the same conclusion.
His ambition is always to hinder the activities of good people and hence
his appearance again and again to stop the ascetic Gotama from attaining
Enlightenment. Failing in other attempts he is said to have concentrated
all his efforts when he came for his well-known M ara-yuddha accompanied
by many legions of his followers." The Padhana Sutta of the Suttanipata
leaves us with no doubt as to what his legions were. They were none other
I Mv 31.78
2 For a detailed discussion on this deity, see Windisch : }[iira nnd Buddha.
3 Eliot: Hinduism and Buddhism Vol. I p. 337
4 SA I 169
.iPsmA 107
6 SumVil IT 555
7 UdA 367
8 NA 203
9 P jII35'
10 Ibid. 338
II Ibid., 350
IZ DhA I 366
13 Pap I 33
14 NA 203
'5 J 17' foil.; Pj II (2) 39' ; BuA 238 loll.
than sense-desires, aversion, craving and the like.! The account of the strug-
gle which the Buddha had'at that moment with the forces of evil was couched
in figurative language in true Indian fashion.' At a later stage the figu-
rati,-e nature of the struggle was lost sight of. and, already by the time of the
Pali Commentaries, the general belief which prevailed was that an actual
war took place between the Buddha and Mara and that the latter was
defeated by the power of love and virtue of the Buddha.
In the Commentaries we find also a compromise between these two views
of the nature of Mara and his legions. The SumailgalaviJflsini tells us that
at the Bodhi-pallailka (the seat under the Bodhi Tree) the Buddha defeated
the three Maras: Devaputta (Deity), Maccn (Death) and Kilesa (defilements).'
Buddhaghosa's Commentaries know only three whereas in certain others
Mara is given as fourfold 4 and in some even as fivefold.5 These five com-
prise the three mentioned before and Khandha (the aggregates of mind and
body) and Abhisailkhara (the preparation or working of kamma). In
post-AHhakatha works of Ceylon Mara is invariably described as being
fivefold.
Other minor deities
In addition to those mentioned above there are also a few other minor
deities. Siva and Khanda are mentioned in the Udana Atthakatha,
but their uames are brought forward only to show the futility of propitiating
them.' Several times reference is made to Rahu, whose physical body is
said to be bigger than that of any other deity.' But here, too, the chief
object is to point out how he, despite his gigantic stature, appeared insigni-
ficant before the Buddha.' The Mahavamsa introduces us to the deva
Sumana of the Sumanakuta Mountain (Adam's Peak).' He is a local deity.
According to the Papancasiidani his daughter KaJi was married to Digha-
taphala, a tree deity at Rajagaha in India. lO
M etteyya Bodhisalla
Holding a unique position among all the deities is MetteyyaBodhisatta. U
According to the Mahavarpsa he is now a deva in the Tusita heaven, await-
ing the time when he shall be born in the world of men and become the next
Buddha." King Jetthatissa n, who was proficient in the art of ivory carving,
made a beautiful image representing this Bodhisatta." Metteyya is not
mentioned often in the Commentaries. If the Mahavarpsa ac.count is
I Suttanipata, P.T.S Edition p. 76. Also see E. J. Thomas: Life of Buddha as legend
and History, p. 72.
2 Eliot: Hinduism and Buddhism Vol I pp 327 foll.
3 Sum ViI II 659 lIT 858; also see Ibid. I 129; II 680; DhA IV 45; PsmA 147;
SA Sn III 35.
4 hA 136: Pj n (2) 43&. As was pointed out in Part I ch. 1 there is no definite evi-
dence to show that thf' latter CommentarY (R a work of Buddhaghosa, though it is
attributed to him. It should also be mentiOllE'd that, as far as I am aware, the
four Maras are not enumerated in the Cornmentarie".
5 ApA 95 ; ItA 120 : NA 122
6 UdA 351
7 SA I 108, 109
8 Pap So 790
9 Mv 1.33
10 Pap Sn SI3
II Att 361, 415. The name Metteyya occurs again, but without any details, in Pj II 28.
12 Mv 32.73
13 Ibid. 37. JOT, 102
'Correct, there i's reason to believe that he was well known in Ceylon in the
"arly part of the fifth century A.D. as we are told that when the theras of
the Mahavihara read Buddhaghosa's first work in Ceylon, the Visuddhimagga,
they exclaimed in joy" Without doubt this is Metteyya ".' Buddhaghosa
himself expresses that his aspiration is to be reborn in this world in the time
o()f the Buddha Metteyya and attain Arahantship under his guidance.'
The ideal of Bodhisattvaship, it should be noted, was not foreign to the
Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon in the time of Buddhaghosa. A striking
proof of this fact is found in the Visuddhimagga where it is said that the
highest virtue (sila) is ' that virtue of the perfections which arises for the sake
-of the emancipation of all beings' ,3 which, of course, is the virtue of a Bodhi-
satta. The doctrine, however, attained its development in Mahayanism. 4
Buddhist Cosmography
A word should. also be said in this connection on the cosmography of the
Buddhists. The Buddhist view of the physical nature of the universe,
with all its hells and heavens, is already found described in different parts of
the Canon. The Commentaries furnish us with some more details. It
would be interesting to study how far the Buddhist conception has been
influenced by other schools of religious literature in India, but here again
'Such an investigation is beyond the range of the present work. \V. Kirfel
in his Die Kosmographie der Inder has dealt in considerable detail with
the Buddhist conception of the universe. In the same work he has given
separately the views of other Indian schools, thus making an investigation
of the influence of them on Buddhism a comparatively easy task. It would
suffice for us to deal here with the Buddhist point of view in the barest
outline. 5
The Underworld or the Apaya consists of four divisions:
1. the animal kingdom (Tiracchiina-yoni).
2. the hells (Niraya, Naraka'),
3. the world of the departed beings (Petaloka) and
4. the world of the Asuras (Asuraloka).
The Naraka has eight chief divisions; Sarpjiva, KaJasutta, SaiIghata,
Roruva, Maharoruva, Tapana, Pahipana and Avici. Each of these in turn
has a lari$e number of sub-divisions (Ussada-Narakas).7
Next comes the world of men (Manussaloka) and above it ,are the six
heavens (SaggaZokii):
I. Catummaharajika, the Realm of the Four Great Kings,
2. Tavati!jlsa, the Realm of Sakka,8
3. Yama
"IMv 37.242
2 Vi II 7I3 ; Att 43I
3 P.P, I 16; Vi 113
4 See Rhys Davids: American Lectures pp 199 foil. and Eliot: Hinduism and Buddhism
.Vot. I p. xxix.
5 What follows is more or less a mere enumeration of the contents of Kirfel's work
pp 178- 20 7.
6 Also called sometimes by the names Yamaloka (DhA I 334), Yamakkhaya and Yama-
sadana (J V 304).
7 See J. V. 270 foIL .
8 According to the Atthasalini it was in this world that the Buddha preached the Abhl-
dhamma. The same Commentary tells us that there were theras who did not hold
this opinion (Att 31).
153
 4. Tpsita, where, as mentioned before, the Metteyya Bodhisatta is
believed to dwell at present,'
5. Nimmiil;1arati, and
6. Paranimmitavasavatti, the Realm of Mara.
These eleven spheres, viz., the four Apayas, the world of men and the six
Sagga-Iokas belong to the Kama-Ioka or the world of sense-desires.
Higher than the Kama-Ioka is the Riipa-Ioka or the World of Form, the
abode of the Brahmas who have a material body. It has fifteen subdivi-
sions ;2
1. Brahmaparisajja
2. Brahmapurohita
3. Mahabrahma
4. PariWibha
5. ~ppamiil;1abha
6. Abhassara
7. Parittasubha
8. AppamaJ)asubha
9. SubhakiJ)J)a
10. Vehapphala
II. Aviha
12. Atappa
13. Sudassa
14. Sudassi
IS· Aka.I)ittha
The last five are known as the SuddMviisii (Ahodes of the Pure Ones).
Above all these is the four-fold Ariipaloka or the World of no-Form.
It is the abode of the Brahmiis who do not possess a material body.

1 The Mahavatpsa (32.72) says that king Dutthag1m.aJ}.i, too. was born in this world.
2 In some books an Asai'ii1asatta is also mentioned (See Kirfel p. 193). This is usually
placed after Vehapphala.
154
APPENDICES
 APPENDIX lA

NAMES OF PERSONS
(Ceylotuse and those closely connected with Ceylon
Mentioned in the Commentat'ies)

A
Ahhaya Smp I 63. II 47+
Smp Sn II 59. 377
Vi [ 36, 266
Pap I 79. 290
:\fan II 54
SV 275
Att 399
Sum ViI II 530
Ahhaya (Prince) Smp 190
Abhaya (a thief) Smp II 473. 474
A!andanagarajamahesi Smp III 680
AnuIa DhA IV 50
AnnUl. (theri) Srnp I 80. go. 91
Mv 19.65
Anuruddha Smp III 6g8
Arittha (Prince) Smp I go, 101
Arit;1:ha Srnp r 62, 82, 102
AtthadaRsi JI I
B
BhaQ-Q.ika (Catunikayika) SA I 21
Bhatiya (King) Srnp II 305, 307
SV 440
SA Sn HI 119
Man Sn 810, SI I
Mv 34<~7 fall.
Ep. Zey. III 155
BhattisenQ CuNjA 108
Buddhadeva JI I
Buddhamitta Pap Sn 1029
Buddharakkhita Srnp I 62
Vi I 154
Buddhasiha BuA I

c
Cakkana (upasaka) Att 103
Pap I 203
SA II 150
Candarnukha Tissa (kjng~ Pap Sn 869
Citta (mahamatta) Sv 341
Citta Man I 22
Cittagutta Vi I 173
Coranaga (king) Att 399
Smp II 473
C1iliibhaya Srnp 163
Ciilabhaya (Tipitaka) Srnp III 591
Man I 26
Vi I 6g. 96. II 394
SV 16, 457
Pap I :155, Pap Sn 902
Sum VillI 442
SA Sn III 191, 206. 215
 CiiIabhaya Sumana. Smp II 305
Cilladeva Smp I 63
Ciilanaga (of VadhataIanagara, SA II 166
Ciilanaga (Tipitaka) Smp I 62, III 699
Pa.p I 230, Pap Sn 1025
Man 1. 26. II 133, Man So 831
sv 16. 342. 452
Att 229, 230, 266. 267. 284
SA II 276, SA Sn III 184, 206
Pug. Pail. Com. in J. P. T. S. 1914 pp 190, 223
PsmA 405
Vi Il 398
Sum VillII 744
CftlapiJ~u;lapatikaTissa (01 Girivihara) ... Man II 215
Cullapil;u;lapatika Tissa (ot RohaJ;la) Man I 36
Ciilasamudda Vi n 403
Ciitasiva Vi I 170
Ciilasiva (of Lokuttara) Sum Vii III 883
Culasiva (Sarp.yutta.bhal)aka) Vi I 313
SV 446
CiiJasu (dha) mma SV 452
Ciilasumma (of CittaIapabbata) SV 489
Vi Il 634
Cullasumana (Tipitaka) Sum VillI 514
Cullasumma (Tipitaka) Pap I 230
D
Damila devi (queen) Man I 22
Mv 3.')'48
Damila dovarika Man II 215
Datta Smp Sn Il 377
Dattabhava Att 268
Dattabhaya (of Potaliyavihara) Man II 173
Deva Smp I 62
Mv 36.29
Devanampiyatissa (king) Smp 17°,71
Dhammadinna Man I 42
Pap 1184
SV 489
Mv 32.52
Dhammagutta J IV 490
DhammapA1i Smp I 63
Dhammika Tissa (king)
(Sep. al~ Saddhatis...a) SA Sn III 48 loll., '47
Dlgha Smp I 62
Dighakarayaoa (minister) Smp III 583
Dighajantu (Damija) Man II 230
Pap Sn955
Dighasumma ~mp I 62, 104
Pap Sn 1008
Dlpa (king) SV 443
Dutlhagamal)t Att 80
CuNiA 79
Sum ViI II 640
Man II 212, 379
Pj Il 71
DhA IV 50
Mv. ehh. 22-32

G
Goda (of KalYlJ>i) Pap 1122
Godba Smp Il 307, 430, 478, III 588
GoJ)araviya Pap 1I 286
Gopaka Sivali SV 156
ii
Isidatta SV 446

J
Jivaka Man Sn 854, 855
Jotipala Man Sn 8.')4, 855

K
Kakava~~a Tissa (king) Man 1I 64
Mv 2~.22, foll., 23.16, 24.8 toll.
Kata BUddharakkhita Pap II 293
KaJadeva Pap I 122
Kalasumana Smp 162,104
Karavika Tissa Smp III 646, 647
Smp Sn 1I 208, 237
Khema Smp 163
Kujjatissa Man II 247
Kutakal).l).a Tissa (king) SA I 34
SV 452
Pap Sn 653
Mv 34. 28-36
Ep Zey III 156
Kutumbiyaputta Tissa Man I 49

LakuI).taka.-Atimbara (minister) DhA IV 50

LamhakaJ;lQa (royal family) Man II 30
Mv 35.16 foIl., 36,58 foll.
Lomasa Naga P.p 178

M
Maba (thera) SV 359
Pap 1264
M.ha Abhoy. Man II 249
Smp Sn II 59
Mahadatbika Mahanaga (king) Man 122
Mv 34.68 foll.
.Mabadatta (of Ariyakoti) Pap 1160
MaMdatia (of Hankariaka) SV 489
Vi II 634
Pap I 184
.Maha.datta (of Moravapi) Att 23&. 267, 284. 286
PsmA 405
Mahadeva (of Bhaggira) J IV 490
Mahadeva (of KaraQQakoJa) Man Sn 611
Mahadeva (of Malaya) Vi I 241
Mahadbammarakkhita Att ~67' 278
SV 81
PsmA 405
J. P. T. S. 1914 p. ll}O
Mahagatimbayatissadatta Att 1I
Mahakumara Man I 77
Pap Il 140
Mahamitta SV 279
Man Il_59
Pap I 294
SA Sn III 136
Mahanaga Smp I 63
Mahanaga (king) Att 399
iii
Mahanaga (king) Smp Il473
Ep Zey Ill, 156, 214
Mahanaga (sub-king) Mv 14.56
Mahanaga (of Bhiitarama) Mv 36,7
Mahanaga (of Kala.vallima1).Qapa) ApA 121
Att 399
J IV 490
SV 352
Pi Il 56
Sum Vil 1190
SA Sn III 155
Mahanaga (of Piyangudipa) Vi Il 706
Mahanaga(of Ucca.talanka) SV 489
:Mahanaga (of VadhataIanagaraglima! SA II 166
Mahanigama-sami Smp Sri II 427
Maha.paduma Smp I 184, 263 2B3
II 368, 387, 477
III 535, 538, 556, 588, 596, 609, 6H
65 1 , 6 8 3, 715> 7 Ig
" Sn Il 54, 59, 208, 282, 287, 289, 315
Mahlipaduma (of RohaJ)a) Mv 35.30 foll.
Mahiipaduma (of the time of
king Vasabba) Smp Il 471
Mahiiphussa Pap I 257, II 369
Maba.phussadeva (of Alindaka) Pi II 55
ApA 120
SA So III 154
Sum Vii I 189
Maharakkhita Smp III 695
MaharohaJ)s,gutta Vi I J55, Il 375
Att 187
MaMsangharakkhita J IV 490
Man I 40
Pap I 66, 197
Att 268
Maha.sena (king) Smp III 519
Mahasiva Att 220, 266, 405
Pap I 269, 270, II 286
Man Sn 525
SA Sn III 159, 171, 198
Smp I 63, III 711, Smp Sn II 237
Sum ViI I 202
Il 375, 430 , 511, 543, 554
" III 805. 881, 883, 892, 1013
Mahasiva (of Bhativanka) Mv 30-46
Mahasiva (of Vamanta) J IV 490
Mahasiva-(of Gamantapabbhara) Man I 40, 49
Sum Vil III 727
'Mahasiva (king) Mv 2I.VV I, 2
Mahasol,la SV 445
Maha.~umma Smp 1263> 264
Il 368, 387, 477
" III 53.1, 53$, 556, .;88, 596, 609.
646 , 647, 651, 683, 6g81 7IS, 719
Smp Sn II 54, 59, 208, 282, 287, 289. 315
Mv 23.60
Mahatipitaka Smp III 695
Mahatissa Man I 42
Mahatissa (of Anurarama) Mv 36,30
Mahatissa (Bodhimatu) Man n 213
Mahatissa (of Cetiyapabbata) Vi I 20, 193, 194
Mahatissa (of Civaragumba) Vi I 43, 47
Mahatissa (of Kaly/i.ij.igama) Pi II 6, 7
Mahatissa (of Kupikkala) Mv 33.49 foIl., 82,95
Ma)lltissa (of Mahakaraiijiya) Vi I 292

iv
Mahatissa (of Mat;1Qalarama) DhA IV 51
Mahatissa (of PuJ;lI;lavallika) Att 116
Vi I 143
Smp III 644
Mahatissa (vanavasl) Pj II 56
Pap I 258
Mahavacakalaka (upasaka) Man II 216
Mahavyaggha Man II 247
lVlv 32.54
Mahinda Smp I 6<) fall.
ItA 259
Mv 20.30 fall.
Malimahadeva J IV 490
Mv 32.49
Maliyadeva Man I 38
Pap Sn 1024
Mallaka Vi I 26.';. 266
Milakkha Tissa Man I 35. 49
Pj II 236
SA I 332, II 273
Milhabhaya Vi I 79
Mutasiva (king) Smp I 6<)

Naga Srnp I62

Vi I 96
Man Sn 670, 671
Naga (thed) Sum Vi} 11 535
:'dan Sn 670, 671

P
Padhaniya Tissa (of Cittalapabbata) Pap I 79
Padhaniya Tissa (of Khru;u;J.acela) Pap I 78
Padhaniya Tissa (of Nagapabbata) Vi 127
Pat;u;lita Tissa Pug. Pan. Corn, in J. P. T. S. 1914 P 223
Phussa Smp I 63
Phussadeva Smp 163.263
II 456, 495
" III 6jI, 653. 685
Phussadeva (of Katakandhakara) J, IV 490
Phussamitta Man I 53. 59
Piilgala Buddharakkhita Pap 1204
Att 103
SA II 150
Pap Sn 978
PiQQapatika Man II 248
PiQ.Qapatiya (01 Ambariya) Man 11 6t foIL
Pitimalla Man I 49
Pap I 234
Sum ViI III 748
Pituriija (king) SV 448
Smp 11 440, 473
Mv 33.36
Puppha Smp I 63

Reva (MajjhimabhaJ;laka) Vi I 95
Reva (of Malaya) Vi I 95
 s
Saddha.tissa (king) Man I 23, 11 30, 246 foIl.
SA Sn III 49
Mv 33.5 foll.
Also see under Dhammikatissa
Siiketatissa Man 177
Pap II 140
Sanghamitta (therl) Smp I 90
Mv 20'48 foIl.
Sangharakkhita Att 187
Sahaya Smp I 63
SirinivAsa (king) Smp Sn II 427
Siva Smp I 63
SOJ;la SV 439
Man II 17
Pap Sn 887
Kv I
Sudhamma (siimat;lera) SV 389
Sudinna Sum Vii II 566
Sumana (householder) DhA IV 50
Sumana Smp I 62
Sumana (of Kalhiila) Sum ViI III 882
Sumanadeva (of Gama) Att 31
SUI;nma (of Dibbavihiira) SV 342
Summa (of Dipavibara) Man II 133, Man Sn 831

T
Tissa (king) sv 473
Pap Jl 294
Tissa (minister) Man 11 30, 212
Vi I 63
Tissa (a lay man) SA Sn III 49
Tissa (samat;lera) Pap II 91
Tissa (dahara-bhikkhu of Jambukola) ... Smp Sn II 377
Tissa ( u of Pancaggalalena) ApA 128
Pj Il 70
Pap II 144
CUNIA 78
Tissa Smp I 62
Tissa SA I 273
Tissa. (asubhakammika) Man! 47
SV27°
Tissa (catunildyika) Smp III 695
Tissa (catunikiyika ot Kolitavihira) ." Man II 173
Tissa (of CittaJapabbata) Man 144
Tissa (CullapiIJ.Qaplitika) Vi I 191
Pap 11 146
TiSS8 { of Gamel).9ava\a} Man J 36
Tissa. ( " of Giri) Man n 215
Tissa (of Kotapabbata) Vi I 292
Pug. Pan. Corn. in J. P. T. S. 1.914 p. 186
Tls.~ (of Lenagiri) Sum Vii II 534-
Pap II 397 foIl.
Man Sn 669, 670
Tissa (Pit;lQapiitiya) .,. Man II 61 foil.
Tissa ( .. of Devaputta Maltarattha) Vi I 292
Tissa (Punabbasukutumbikarutta) .,. SV 389
'-Cissabhfitl of (M8t;lQalarama ... SV 448
Man I 39
Att 30
Tissadatta SV .75, 387, 389
Pap I 290
Man II 54
Vi II 403
!=imp I 62,1°4
Smp Sn II 377
U
Upali Smp I 63
Upatissa Smp I 63, 063, II 456,
III 651, 653, 685, 7'4
Uttara (janapada·manussa) Man II 347
V

Vasabha (king) Smp II 471

Pap Sn 869
Sum ViI I 291, II 635
Mv 35. 69 foIl.
Ep. Zey. I 66 foll .. 211
Vattabbaka Nigrodha SV 449
Vattagamal;1i Abhaya (king) See under Pituraja
Vijaya (king) Smp I 72
Mv ebb. 6, 7; DIp. 9·21
Visikha VI I 312

vii
 APPENDIX IB

NAMES OF PLACES IN CEYLON

(Mentioned in the Commentaries)

A
Abhayagiri Smp III 583
Mv 3,,79 fall.; 33:96 foil.; 35.120;
36.7. 33, III. 112; 37.12 fol1.; 37.212 fall.;
Mv tr. p. 235 note I
CuI. Vol I p. 3 note 2
Ep. Zey, I 22,'5, 252, 253
Beal: Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims pp. 1St,
'57
Ahhayavapi Smp I 88
SA Sn HI 151
Mv 17.35 fall.
Mv tr. p. 74 note 3
Adam's Peak Man II 230
Pap Sn 955
Beal: Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims p. ISO
J.R.A's. New Series Vol. 15 pp. 338 foU.
Ahidipa CpA 19
AJajanapada SV 447
Alinda ApA 120
Pj II 55
SV 352
SA Sn In 154
Ambangaoa Smp I 101
Ambalatthika (at Lobap1sada) Sum ViI 1131, Il 635
Ambariya vihara Att 103
Man II 61 foiL
Pap I 204
SA Il IS0
Ambatthala Man I 22
Smp I 73
Mv 34.7'; 36.9•• 06; 37.68, 6g
Mv tr. p. 90 note I
Amhilahala vihara Pap Sn 1025
Antarasamudda Smp II 306
Antarasobbha Pap Sn 1024
Antarava~Qhama.na SA II IS0
Anuradhapura ApA I 219
Uda 238
SV 473
Man II 37
DhA I 398, IV 50
Vi I 90
SA I 222, II 194, SA So III IS!
J. V. 254
Smp So II 178
Sum ViI II 573 •.i96
Mv 7.43
Legge: Fa Hien's Records of -Buddhist
Kingdoms p. 104
Anuracthavapi·pili SA So III 1St
Ariyakoti Pap I 160
Atthasat.thilena Smp I 82-
Mv 16.[2, 13, 14
viii
 B

Bhaggiri J.
IV 490
Bba.taragama Pap Il 399
Man Sn 670, 671
Bherapasanaka Vihara Man Il 347
Bhokkantagama DhA IV .10

c
Candanagama Smp I 100
Mv 19.54, 62
Cetaligama Smp I go
Cetiivigama Mv 17.59
Cetiyapabbata Smp I 8-2-85, 100, Il 306, 474
Pap I 78, Il 140, 294,.398
Pap Sn 653, 1024
Man I 22, 77; Man Sn 523, 670
Vi I 20. 62, 120
SA I 34. SA Sn III 48 loll.
Sum Vii Il 535, III 10Il
Att 399
SV 473
Mv ch. 16; 17.9, 23: 19.62; 20·33. 45 ;
21.22; 34.30, 31, 64, 75 foIl.
35.1 I, 80; 36.130
Mv tr. p. II4 note 3
Chatapabbata Smp I 74
Man I 26
Cittalapabbata Att 350
CuNiA 54
Sv 264. 445, 489. 408
Pap I 22, 79, 185, 275; II 91
Pap Sn 1024, 1025
Vi I 120, 127, 173, 292, 306, 313, 11 634
Man I 37, 44; II 250
Smp HI 680, 681
SA H 166, 252
Sum Vii III 774, 994
Mv 22.23 ; 24.9
Mv tr. p. 148 note 2
Civaragumba Vi 143
Corakamahavihara Vi I 38
Coriyassara SV 447
Cfilatiganiya Man Il 212
Culatiganiyapitthi Mv 24.19; Mv tr.- p. 165 note 5
Cfilanagalena Vi I 127

Dakkhi~a-viMra Man 11 IJZ

Mv 33.88; 35·5; 36.12, 13, 35, 10 7
Dakkhi~agiri-vihara Pap II 293
Vi 1 120
Mv 33.8,98
Dakkhit).a-Malaya-janapada Man 1.92
Devaputta Maharattha Vi I 292
Dighavapi cetiya Smp I 89
SA 1 341
Mv 1.79
Dighavapi-rattha DhA IV 50
Dighavapi-vihara Pap Sn 1024
Mv 33.10
ix
DigbavA.pl Man II 249
Pap Sn 820
Mv 24.2
Dibba-vibara SV 342
Dipa-vihara Man II 133; Man So 831
Pap I 155
Donuppalavapi gama Pug. Pan. Corn. in J. P. T. S. 1914 p. 184
DvaramalJ.Q.aUi Smp I 90
Mv 17.59: 23.24
Mv tr. p. 68 note I

G
Gaggaravaliya-angana Pap I 234
Galambatittha-vihar:o. ApA 121
SV 352 353
Pj II 57
Mv 35. 85-86
GamelJ.Q.avala-vihara Pap So 1024
Man I 3." foil.
Gama Att 31
Gavaravala-angana Man II 248
Gavilangana Pap So 758
Girigama ApA 128
CuNiA 78
Pap II 144
Pj II 70
GirigamakaQ.lJ.a SV 45'.1:
GirikalJ.Q.a-vihara Att 116
Vi I 143
GirikaQ.?a mountain Mv 10.28
Giri vihara Man II 215
Sum ViI II 514
Gotasamudda Sum ViI n 695
Guttasaiagama Att 398

H
Hankana (ka) Vi 11 634
Pap I 184
Hatthibhoga janapada Pap II 377
Mv 15-44
Hatthikucchi pabbhara Vi I IIO
Hatthikucchi vibara Vi I 120

I
Issarasamar.aa vihara Smp 1100
Mv 19.61; 20.14; 35.47: 35.87: 36.36

J
Jaggaranadi SV 447
Jambukola Smp 1. 98, 100; Smp Sn II 377
SV 389. 446
Sum ViI II 695
Mv 11.23; 18.7: 19.28, 60
Jambukola cetiya Smp Sn II 377

K
Kabupelanda vihara SV 294
Kacchaka-tittha Man II 216
Mv 23.17; 25.12
Mv tr. p. 72 note:1
x
Kacchaka-daha SV 352
Kadamba River SA I 34, 222
Pap Sn 653
Mv tr. p. 58 note 3
Kajaragama Smp I 100
Man I 37
Mv 19.54, 62
Mv tr. p. 132 note I
Ep Zey III 212 fall.
Kalakacchagama (in Kalyani) Pap So 10"25
Kaladighavapigama (in Kalyani) ApA 128
CuNiA 78
Man I 23
PaplIJ44
Kalamba-nadi See under Kadamba River
Kalamba-tittha SA Sn III J5:)
Kiiladighagama Pj Il 70
KalavallimaI).Q.apa ApA 121
Att 399
SV 352
]IV 490
Pj II 56
Pap I 258
SA Sn III 155
Kalagama Pj II 30
Kalakagama SV 448
Kallagama )..-Ian I 38, 92
Kallavaiagama Thera A II 94
l\Ian I 160
Kallaka-mahavihara DhA IV 51
Kalumbara xIan II 250
Kalyani Pap Sn 102.'>
SV 295, 296
J II 128
SA II 230
Pj II 6, 7
Vi II 689
~lv 1.63, 1.74 foIl.; 22.13 foU.
Kalyani viM-ra ApA 128
CuNiA 78
Smp I 89
Pj IT 70
1.Iv 32.51 ; 36.17. 34
Kalyaninadi-mukhadvara Pap Sn 1008
KaI).ikarapadhanaghara Pap I 78
KaI).ikaravalika-samudda vihara )'-1an I 77
Pap II 140
KaI).taka cetiya Smp I 82
:\Iv 16.12, 13
Kailkanaka SV 489
KaraI).Q.akoia ~:Ian Sn 6II
Karadipa CpA 19
Kiiraliyagiri Vi I 96
Kassakalena SV 279
SA Sn III 136
:Man II 59
Pap I 294
Katakandhakara J IV 490
Srnp Sn II 376
Vi I 228
KhaI).c.!acela vihara Pap I 78
Kilaiijakasanasaladvara Pap I 234
Kolita vihara )..lan II 173
Koral).c.!aka viM.m Vi I 91
xi
Kotapabbata vjhara Vi I 292
DhA IV 50
Pug. Pail.. Corn. in J.P.T.S. 1914 p. c86
Mv 22.25; 23· 55 fall.
K l.lteli tis.ommaba vihara SV 293
Pap Sn 699
Kumbhakaragama Vi I 91
Kupuvena vihara Pap Sn 700
K ural).c;lakamahalena Vi I 38
Kurundaka Man I 53. 59
H.uruvaka-tittha Pap So 1025
Kulimhiya vihara Man II 30
Kutali viM.ra Pap Sn 1024
Mv 22.23

Lenagiri Pap II 397

Sum Vii II 534
Licchikali SA II 230
E"ohap3.silda Att 31
UdA 101
ViI 91. 97
DhA III 472, IV 74
Man I 23, II 247
Smp J IOr. Smp Sn II 120
SA I 74, n 276
Sum Vil 1 131, 11 581. 635
Pap II 185, Pap Sn 1024
Mv 15.205; ch. 27; 32.9; 33.6. 7. 30;
34·39; 35·3; 36.2,';' 52. 102, 124; 37.lI.
62 ;
Mv tr. p. Il2 note 5
cm tr. p. 3 note 1
Lokandara vihara Pap Sn 1024
Loka ntara v~hara Smp So II 377

Madhuangana-gama Mao II 215

Mahabodhi Srnp I 89
SV 449, 4.')1
Mahab'odhi-angaoa Smp So II [20
Mahabodhi-dvarakotthaka Sum ViI III laIr
'Mao So 523
Mahacetiya Pap I 264, II 145, 403
Pap Sn 6<)8 fol!., 882, 955
Smp I 89. 92. 101
Smp So II 120, 377
Sum ViI II 578, 6II, III 899
Man I 27. II 5, 214. '131
Man SO 8II
Vi I 143
SV 292, '193. 446. 449. 451
SA Sn III '59
CuNiA 108
Mv 1.82; l,'i. 51 fall.; 20·43; ch. 28; 32.3
fall.; 32.8; 33.5; 2:2, 23. 31: 34.39 foIl.,
60 foIl.; 34·70; 35.2. 17. 80; 36.24. 65
foll., 126
"Mahagama Man I 40 II 60 foIl.. 63. 249
Pap I 79. Pap Sn 820
Sum Vil II 695
Mv 22.8 foIl.; 24.1
Mv tr. p. 146 note 5
p. 164 note 3
Mahagirigama Pap II 397
Mahakaraiijiya vihara Vi I 292
Mahikhiragama Man Sn 669
Mahamal)c,iapa Pap Sn 1024
Mahamunigirna DhA IV 50
Mahanagavana Smp I 83
Mv I. 21. 22
Mahipul)l)agama DhA IV 50
Mahitittha SV 448
Srnp Sn II 46
Mv tr. p. 60 note I
Ep. Zey. III 135
Maha viM.ra ApA 128
DhA IV 74
Pap I I. 197 foot note. 234
Pap II 297. Pap Sn 869, 1030
Kv 1
Att 2
UdA 2
J I 1,85
Vi I 2, 96. 3I2
Pj II 71
CuNiA 108
Sum Vii II 578. 611
Sum VillII 743, IOII
SV 292. 446. 449. 4.~ 1
SA Sn III 151
Srnp II 307. III 583. Smp Sn II 314
Mv 20.38 ; 33·97; 35.65. 88 ;
36.2, 10 foil; 32, 74. 105 ;
37·3 foil. 54 foil; 85. 232 foIl.;
Mv tr p. 77 note 1
Mv tr. p. 99 note 4
Mv tr. p. 113 note oS
Beal : Fa Hien p. {59
Mahindaguha Vi I IrO
Mv 20.16
Malaya Man I 40
Vi I 241
SV 224
Mv 7.68 : 24·7; 37.6 fall.
Mv tr. p. 60 note 4
Milarirna vihara SV 452
Ma~c,iatarirna Att 30
SV 448
DhA IV 51
Man I 38, 92
Pap I 66
MaIigana Man II 247
Mv 32.53
MaIikulakararna vihara Sa Sn III 15
Maricavatti ApA 128
CuNiA 79
Pj II 71
Pap II 14.'S
Mv 26,8 fall.; 35·l:lI ; 36·33. 36. 107
Meghavana Srnp I 81
xiii
:\Iihintale See under Cetiyapabbata, and also I.H.Q. U
No. I p. 10
Beal : Fa Hien p. 158
Hasting's Encl" of Religion amI Ethics
Vol. III p. 332
Mv tr. p. 89 note 3
Missakapabbata Smp I 73
Mv tr. p. 89 note 3
Moravapi Att 230, 267, 284, 286.
PsmA 405
:Vliiluppal8,vapi vihara Pap II 385
Mutingana Smp I 89
Pap Sn 1024

Nagadipa Man II 3 I I ; ::\lan Sn 669

CpA 19
Pap II 398
Sum Vii II 534. III 899
SA 11 230
J 11 128; In 187; IV 238
SV 433, 444, 446, 457
Mv 1.47, 54 : 20.25; 35.124; 36·9
Mv tr. p. 6 note 2
Xagamahavihara (in Kalyal,1i) Pap Sn 1025
Nagamahavihara (in Rohana) SV 407
Mv 22·9 ; 3.').29
Mv tr. p. 147 note- I
Nagapabbata Vi I 127
Nakulanagara Att 399
Nanamukha SA 11 230
Nandanavana Smp I 81, 82
Mv 15.202 ; :;\Iv tr. p. 77 note 1
Ninkapol,1l,1apadhanaghara SV 489

Paceli vihara Pap Sn 887

pa.cinagllaraka vihara Pap Sn Jo.q
pacinakhal,1Q.araji Sum Vil III 10IO
Man Sn .')23
Vi I go, 91
Padhanaghara Pap I 78
Pahecivatthu Smp I 86
Paiicaggalalena ApA ]28
CuNiA 78
Pj 11 70
Pap 11 144
Paiicamahavihara Smp II 306
Paiicanikayamat:lQ.ala Vi I 96
Sum Vii 11 581
Pap I 197 foot note t
Pangura vihara. Pap 11 377
Paiihambangal)a Sum ViI III 101 I
Panhamal).Q.apatthana SA Sn III I5!
Pathamacetiya Smp I 79, ]00
Mv 19.61
Mv tr. 9.5 note 2
Pennamana Man Sn 524
Penambangana Att 399
Pipphali viha.ra SV 439
xiv
Piyailgudipa Vi II 706
Sum Vii II 648
My 24.2.; : 25.1°4; 32.52
Mv tr. p. 166 note 4-
Piyailguguha Pap 1,8
Piyailguparivet;ta SV 292
Potaliva vihara ).fan II 173
PunnavalIika Att 116
Vi I 143
Smp IU 644

R
Rajamatu vihara SA I 222
Rajayatana cetiya Sum ViI III 899
Roha1,1a Sum Vii II 695
SV 407
Smp I 100
Man I 33. U 3 0 • 341
Vi I 91, 96
My 22.6; 23.13; 31.6 foil.
1. H. Q. Vot. II No. I p. 12

s
SakiyavaQlsa vihara Pap Sn 1024
Samuddagiri vihara SA Sn UI 15
Setambangana Att 399 (foot note 4)
Silacetiya Man II 247
Mv 1.83 Mv tr. p. 9 note 3
Sirisavatthu ] II 127. 128
l1:v 7.32
SihaIadIpa ApA 119
CuNiA 78
Sum Vii I 188
Pap I 203, 257
SA II 150
Pj II 30. 53. 55 •.17. 70
Pi II (2) 397
Sot;lagiripada Sv 439
Man II 11
Pap Sn 887
Sudhamut;ldaka Man I 26
Sumanagiri vihara Man U 230
Pap Sn 955

T
TaJaJ\gara SV 389. 489
Man I 42
Vi II 392. 634
My 32.S2
Talangaratissapabbata Pap I 184
TiIapitthika vihara SV IS6
Talavelimagga Vi I 63
Tambapat;lt;lidipa Pap I 234, II 293. 295
Pap Sn 882, 920, 978
Smp I 69, Smp Sn II 261
.T I 85. II "7. IV 490
Vi I 36, 312; II 392, 393
SAlt 111
Kv sq
Man II 37, Man Sn 601
Sum VillI 433
Mv 6,47 ; 7·39
Tambapal).I.1isara ] II 129
Tatthakasala pariveT,la Man II 30
Therambattha lena Att 187
Therambatthala Vi I 155, II 375
Thuparama Smp I 86, 87, 89. 92, 100
Srnp Sn II 120
JV 254
SV 449, 451
Vi I 91
Man II 247
SA I 222, SA Sn III 151
UdA 238
Pap Sn 713
Sum VillI fill, 61'2
Mv 15.192; 17.30,50,64; 19.61
20.52 ; 33.23, 24 : 35·3, 80, 87, 91
36,4, 106, 107. Iq, 128, 129
37. 28 , 20 7
Mv tr. p. 118 note 2
Ep. Zey. I 208
Tissamaharama Man I 40, 42; 11 fil, 249
Pap I 184; II 91; Pap Sn 1025
Vi.II 3C)2
DhA IV 51
Sv 445
Sum Vii I1 581
Mv 20.25; 22.3; 24.13; 25.2 folIo
Mv tr. p. 138 note 3
Tivakkabrahmal).agama Smp I 100
Mv 1<).37 foIl. ; 19· 61
Tissattheracetiya Pap II 92
Tuladhara pabbata Vi I 96
Mv 23·90 ; 35.30

u
Uccatalarika sv 489
Uccavalika Vi II 634
UlIabbhakolakaI.1I.1ika Man II 249
Uppalavapi Sv 452
Uparimal).c;l.ala ] IV 490
Uttamadevi vihara Pap II 297
Uttaragama Pap Sn 978
UttaravaQlj.hamana Att 103
Pap I 204

v
Vadhatalanagaragama SA II ,66
Vajagaragiri vihara Pap I 12'2
Vallivavithi Man II 63
VaIika vihiira SV 389
Vamantapabbhara J IV 490
Vatakapabbata vihara Pap Sn 1024
Vatakasitapabbata vihiira Pap 11 294
Vattakaiakagama Art 116
Vi I 143
Vel),u nadI SV 446
 APPENDIX IlA

QUOTATIONS FROM THE PORANAS

(Verse)

I. Attani httamajjhatte ahite ca catubbidhe

Yada passati nanattarp sakaIp. cittarp nibandhati.
(1) Vi. 1.307
2, Adhimokkhe ca paggahe upatthane ca kampati
Upekkhavajjanaya ca upekkhaya nikantiya.
(I) Vi. n. 637
(2) SA. n. 201 (Not as Porat;la)
3. Anagate pi sarpsare appavatte na dissati
Evam attham aiiiUiya titthiya asayarp. vasi.
(1) Vi. Il 6Q2
4. Annarp. panarp khadaniyam bhojanan ca maharaharp.
Ekadva.rena pavisitva navadvarehi sandatj.
Irl Vi. L 346
5. Annarp panarp khadaniyatp bhojanaii ca maharahaItl
Ekaratti parivasa sabbarp. bhavati putikarp..
(rl Vi. L 346
6. AnnaIP pana1{l khiidaniyarp. bhojanaft ca maharahaQ1
Bhunjatj abhinandanto nikkhamento jigucchati.
Irl Vi. L 346
7. Annarp. panarp. khadaniyal!l bhojanan ca maharaharp.
Bhuftjati saparivaro nikkhamento niliyati,
(~) Vi, 1. 34t)

8. Ayarp. kammabhiimi idha maggabhiivana

Tha.nani sarpvejaniya bahit idha
SaIp.vcga sarpyojaniyesu vatthusu
Sarp.vega jato va payuiija yoniso.
(rl SA Sn lII. 3r
g. Asiti pada sahassani tatha nava satanl ca
Anusandhi naya ete Majjhimassa pakasita.
(I) Pap 1. 2
10. Adananikkhepanato vayovu(.1Q.hatthagarnito
AM.rato ca ututo kammato ca pi cittato
Dhammatariipato satta vittharena vipassati.
(I) Vi. n. 618
I I.Imani atthaggul).am uttamani
Disva tahirp. samrnasati punappunarp.
Adittacelassirasiipamo muni
Bhanganupassi amatassa pattiya.
i'l V;. II. 645
12. Ete naga mahapaiiii.a vidayaiiiiii magg'akovida
VinayaIP dipe pak8sesUIp- Pitakatp Tambapa~lJ;tiya.
(rl Smp L 62
13. EvaIP kammo vipiike ca vattamane sahetuke
Bijarukkhadikanarn va pubba koti na i\ayati
Irl Vi Il. 602
14. Evam etatp abhiiiiiaya bhikkhu Buddhassa savako
Gambhiratp nipulJ-aIfl suiifi.arp. paccaya:ql pativijjhati.
(rl V; II. 603

xvii
'5· Evam evarp. akusala andhabala puthujjana
Panca gal).hant' anatthani bhave jatabhinandita..
(I) SA Sn Ill. 4'
16. OhM.se ceva iicine ~a pltiya ca. vikampati
Passaddhiya. sukhe ceva yehi cittarp pavedbati.
(I) Vi Il. 637
(2) SA H. 201 (Not as Poral}i)
Kammarp. natthi vipakamhi pako kamme na vijjati
Ai'ifiam afifiatp ubho sufiiia na ca kamrnatp. vina phalatp.
(I) Vi Il. 603
18. Kammassa karako natthi vipakassa ca vedako
Suddha dhamma pavattanti evetarp. sammadassanarp..
(1) Vi n, 602
'9· Kiimesu chandatp. patigbarp. Yinodaye
Uddhacca middhatp. vicikiccha paiicamarp
Vivekapamojjakarena cetasa
Raja va suddhanta gato tahil}1 rame.
(I) Vi 1. 152
(2) PsmA 163
20. Kalavakafi ca gailgeyyarp pal)c;lararp. tamba piilgalatp.
Gandha mangala hemafi ca uposatha chaddant'ime das§..
(I) PsmA 451
(2) SV 397
(3) Pap I!. 25
(4) SA H. 43
(5) CuNiA 37
21. Khandha nirujjhanti na c'atthi anno
Khandhanatp. bhedo maral}.an ti vuccati
Tesarp. khayarp. passati appamatto
Mal}.itp. va vijjharp. vajirena yoniso.
(I) Vi lI. 644
(2) PsmA 183
22. Gantvana mal)Q.alam§Jarp nagavikkanta cariko
Obhasayanto lokaggo nisidi varamasane.
(I) UdA 4'5.
(2) SA Sn Ill. 66
23· Gantvana so satta padani Gotamo
Disa vilokes! sama samantato
Atthaitgupetarp. giram abbhudirayi
Siho yatha pabbatam uddhani thito.
(I) Sum Vi! 1. 61
(2) PsmA 145
(3) Man 1. 105
(4) BuA 14 (Not as Poral)a)
(5) Pap I. 47
(6) MNiA 127
Catta.j.ise vapadanani catu vaggani yassa ca
Idarp. theri' padanan ti catuttharp. anulomato.
(I) ApA 85
25· Cittamhi sarpkilitthamhi saQlkilissanti manava.
Citte suddhe visujjhanti iti vuttarp. mahesina
(I) SA 11. 327
(2) ItA 215
26. Cfiladevo ca medhavi vinaye ca visarado
Sivatthero ca medhavi vinaye sabb'attha kovido.
(I) Smp I. 63
Ciilabhayo ca medhiivI vinaye ca visarado
Tissatthero ca medhavI saddhamma varp.sa kovido.
(I) Smp I. 63
28. Jalanto dipa rukkho va pabbat'agge yatha sikhi
Devanarp. paricchatto va sabba phuno virocati.
(I) UdA 416
(2) SA Sn III 66
Nataft ca na.t;Jan ca ubho vipassati.
(I) Vi n. 642
(2) PsmA 182
3 0 • Tato Arittho medhavi Tissadatto ca pa~Q.ito
Visarado Kaiasumano thero ca Digha namako.
(I) Smp I. 62
31. Tato pasfu;lake ramme padiyana samagame
Amatatp papayi Buddho cuddasa pana kotiyo.
(I) Pj II (2) 604
(2) CuNiA 59
3 2 . Tata Mahindo Itthiyo Uttiyo Sambalo pi ca
Bhadda nama ca paJ.l(;lito
Ete naga mahapaiiila Jambudipa Idhagatii.
(I) Smp 1.62
33, 1:athii·na anto kammassa vipako upalabbhati
Bahiddhii pi na kammassa na kammaqJ. tattha vijjatt.
(I) Vi II. 603
34· Tassa sisso mahapaiii'io Puppha nama bahussuto
Sasanarp. anurakkhanto Jambudipe patitthito.
(I) Smp 1. 63
is. TahiQl nisinno varadammasarathi
DevMidevo sata pui'ifta lakkhaI).o
Buddhasane majjhagato virocati
SuvaI).:Q,a nikkhaI!l viya paQdukambale.
(I) UdA 4,6
(2) SA Sn Ill. 66
TiQi sandhi sahassani tathii nava satani ca
Anusandhi naya ete Majjhimassa pakasita.
(I) Pap I. 2
37· Ditthi bandhana bandhii te ta:Q,ha. sotena vuyhare
Tal).hii sotena vuyhanta. na te dukkha. pamuccare
(I) Vi n. 603
Dighasumano ca palJ.Q.ito punareva K1Uasumano
Nagatthero ca Buddharakkhito
Tissatthero ca medhiivi Devatthero ca paQ.Q.ito.
(Il Smp 1. 62
39· Dipe taraka raja va paniUiya atirocatha
Upatisso ca medhavi Phussadevo mahakathi
(I) Smp I. 63
Duggandharp. asucirp. vyadhirp. jararp. maraI,la pancam.aIp
Anattha honti pai\c'ete milha litte bhavantare.
(I) SA Sn Ill. 41
Duggandhal1l asucirp. byadhirp. visatp maraI,la paiicarnatp
Anattha honti paiic'ete milha litte bhujangame.
(I) SA Sn Ill. 41.
4 2 • Dviire caranti kammani na dvaradvara carino
Tasma dvarehi kammani aiiiiam aiiiiam vavatthita..
(1\ Att 84 .
43· Dve a,>Ui sahas,>a.ni ajjhoga.Jhe mahaI).I)ave
Accuggato tiivadeva cakkava!a siluccayo
Parikkhipitya. tarp. sabbarp. 10kadhatumayaQ1 thito.
(I) Vi I 206
(2) CuNiA 30.
xix
 Dhammapali nama ca Rohal)e sMhu plijito
Tassa sisso mahapaniio Khema mimo tipetako.
(I) Smp I 63
45· Na kayato jayare phassa pai'icama
Na phasSato no ca ubhinnam antadi
Heturp. paticca pabhavanti :-ailkhata
Yatha pi saddo pahataya hheriyil.
(I) Vi !I 596
Na ghanato jayare phassa paficama
Na saddato no ca ubhinn'am antara
Hetulp paticca pabhavanti sailkhata
Yatha pi saddo pahataya bheriya.
(I) Vi U. 59.')

47· Na cakkhllto jayare phassa paficama.

Na nipato no ca ubhinnam antadi
Heturp. paticca pabhavanti sailkhatii
Yatha pi saddo pahataya bheriya.
(I) Vi !I 595
Na jivha.to jayare phassa paftcama
Na rasato no ca ubhinnam antara
HetuIJl paticca pabhavanti saIikhata
Yatha pi saddo pahataya bheriya.
It) Vi !I 595
49· Na njkamalabhi mettaya kusali ti pavuccati
Yadii catasso simayo sambhinna. ,honti bhikkhuno.
(I) Vi I 307
50. Na vatthurupa pabhavanti sailkhata
Na capi dhammayatanehi niggata
Heturp paticca pabhavanti sailkhata
Yatha pi saddo pahataya bheriya.
(,) Vi Il 596
Na sotato jayare phassa paiicama
Na saddato no ca ubhinnam antara
HetuIp paticca pabhavanti sankhata
Yatb.a pi saddo pahataya bheriya.
(I) Vi Il 595
52. Na h'ettha devo brahma v50 samsarass'atthi karako
Suddha dhamma pavattanti h~tu sambhara paccaya.
(I) Vi Il 603
53· Namaii ca rupafi. ca idh'atthi saccato
Na h'ettha satto manujo ca vijjati
Suiiiiarp. idarp yantam ivabhisailkhatarp.
Dukkhassa punjo til).akatthasadiso.
(I) Vi II 595
54· Nikkharp jambonadass'eva nikkhittarp pal)Qukambale
Virocati vitamalo mat)i verocano yatha.
(,) VdA 416
(2) SA Sn Ill. 66
55· Nimitte tbapayarp cittarp. nanakararp. vibhavayalp
Dhiro assasapassase sakal1l cittal1l nibandhatL
(I) Vi 1. 286
(2) PsmA 344
(3) Smp Il 428
Paiicasata das50padanani ekapaiiMsa vaggato
JdalTl therapadanan ti tatiyal1l anulomato.
(I) ApA 84
57· Panc'eva apad5.nani panca suttani yassa ca
Idarp paccekabuddhapadanan ti dutiyaIp. anulomato.
(l).ApA 84

xx
58. Paiic'eva apadanani pafica ~uWini yassa ca
Idam buddhapadanan ti pathamam anulpmato.
(.) ApA 84

59· Palina Jambudipato hal11Sariija va ambare

Evam uppatitii thera nipatil11su naguttame.
(I) Smp I 7'
60. Piitali simbali jambu deviinam paricchattakry
Kadambo kapparukkho ca sirisena qhavah sattatnaQ1.
(I) Vi I 206
(2) CuNiA 30
61. Punareva Upali medhavi vinaye ca visarado
Mahanago maba,paiifio saddhamma varpsa kovida.
(IJ Smp 1. 63
62. Punareva Sahayo medhavi pitake sabbattha kovido
Tissa thera ca rnedhiivi vinaye ca visarado.
(I) Smp I 63
Punareva sumano medhavi Phussa namo bahussuto
Mahakathi Mahasivo pitake sabbattha kovido,
(I) Smp I 63
Punareva Sumano medhavi vinaye ca visarado
Bahussuto Clilanago gajo va duppadharpsiyo.
(I) Smp I 62
Purato purasetthassa pabbate megha sannibhe
Patitthahimsu klitamhi harpsa va nagam uddhani.
(I) Smp !. 71
66. Phalena suiiiiarp tal11 kammarp. phalarp. kamme na vijjati
Kamman ca kho upadaya tato nibbattate phalarp..
(I) Vi I 603
Bhagava ti vacanalp settharp. bhagava ti vacanam uttamarp.
Garugaravayutto so bhagava tena vuccati
(I) Vi I 209 (2) Sum Vi! I 34
(3) PsmA 367 (4) BuA 3'
(5) UdA 23 (6) Man 1. 14
(7) Pap I IO (8) MNiA 186
(9) Smp 1122 (IO) ItA 3
(Il) SA I 12 (12) PjlI 107 (not as PoraIJ.fi).
68. Mahasalo va samphullo Meru raja va alankato
SuvaJ;ll)a riipa sanka~o padumo kOkasako yathii.
(.) UdA 416
(2) SA Sn In 66
Mahindo nama niimena sanghatthero tada ahu
Iddhiyo Vuttiyo them Bhaddasalo ca Sambalo.
(I) Smp I 70
Muhuttajato va gavampati yatha
Samehi padehi phusi vasundharatp
So vikkami satta pad ani Gotamo.
Setaii ca chattatp anudhiirayutp marli.
(I) Sum ViI I 61 (:2) PsmA 145
(3) Man I 105 (4) Pap I 46
(5) MNiA r27 (6) BuA I4 (not a!'J: PoraIJ.oiJ.
Yatp passati tarp. na ditthaIp
Yatp dittharp tarp na passati
Apa.c;sayaIp. bajjhate mu}ho
Bajjhamano na muccati.
(I) Sum Vi! IH 757 (2)'PsmA 122
(2) NA 81 (4) Pap I 242
(5) MNiA 32

xxi
 YatM. thambhe nibandbeyya vaccharp. damarp. Daro idha
Bandheyy'evarp. sakaQl cittarp. satiyarammaI;J.e dalhaQ1.
(I) Vi I 269 (2) Sum Vi! III 763
(3) PsmA 335 (4) Pap I 247
(5) Smp Il 406
Yatha na suriye aggi na malJ.imhi na gomaye
Na tesarp. bahiso atthi sambha.rehi ca jayati.
(I) Vi II 603
14· Yatha pi dipiko nama nilIyitva gal)hati mige
Tath evayaIp. buddhaputto yuttayogo vipasako
Araiiiiarp. pavisitvana ga(lhati phalam uttamarp..
(I) Vi I 270 (2) Sum Vil In 764-
(3) PsmA 336 (4) Pap I 248
(s) Smp 11 407
75· Yamakarp nama riipaii ca. ubho aiiiioiiiianissita
Ekasmit}l bhijjamanasmiq1 ubho bhijjanti paccaya.
(I) Vi 11 S95
Ye ked sapparp. gaI)hanti mi}halittarp. mahavisarp.
Paiica gal).bant' anatthaya loke sappabhinandino.
(I) SA Sn III 41
Rupamhi saIikilitthamhi sailkilissanti manava
Rupe suddhe visujjhanti anakkhatatp. rnahesina.
(I) SA Sn 11 327
(2) itA 215
Vatthurp. kalaii ca desaii ca aggharp. paribhoga paficamarp.
Tulayitva parica tha,nani dhareyy' attharp. vicakkhalJ,o.
(I) Smp II 305

79· Vinayarp tc vacayirpsu pitakam Tambapat;u:tiya

Nikaye pafica vacesurp. satta c'eva pakarat).e.
(I) Smp 1 62
80. Vedisagirimhi Rajagahe vasitva. tirpsa rattiyo
Kale ca gamanassa ti gacchami dlpam uttamarp..
(I) Smp I 71
8r. Saitgamma turnhe idha maggabhavana
Thanani saqlVejaniyani'dha bahu
Sarpvega sarpyojaniyesu vatthusu
Salpvega jato va payujja yoniso.
(I) SA 11 400.
82. Sarp.vijjarnanamhi visuddhadassano
Tadanvayarp. neti atTt'anagate
Sabbe pi satikharagata. palokino
Ussava bindu suriye va uggate.
(I) Vi 11 643
(2) PsmA 183
SaccaIJl satto patisandhi paccayakaram eva ca
Duddasa. caturo dhamma desetuii ca sudukkara.
(I) Vi II 522
(2) SV 130
Satta sannarp gahetvana sassat'uccheda dassino
Dvasatthi ditthiIp gat).hanti aiiiiarn aiiiia virodhita.
(I) Vi 11 603
85. SamananaI}1 hi pasado na visamananarp.
(I) Vi 11 445
86. Samatp pharati mettaya sabbarp lokatp. sadevakatp
Mahaviseso purimena yassa sims. na paniiayati.
(I) Vi I 307
87. Samal)ero ca Sumano chalabhiniio mahiddhiko
Bhat:lQuke sattamo tesaIp. ditthasacco upasako
Iti ete mahanaga mantayiIp.su rahogau:
(I) Smp I 7'
88. Saraddhe kaye citte ca adhimattaIp. pavattati
Asaraddhamhi kiiyamhi sukhumarp. sampavattati.
(I) Vi I 275
(2) PsmA 339
(3) Smp II 4I2
$9· SilaIp. yogissa aial'lkaro f;ilatp yagissa mal)~anaIp.
Stlehi alailkato yogi malJ.~ane aggatarp gato.
(I) Sum ViI I 55.
90. Subhasitaf!\ sutva mano pasidati
Sameti narp. piti sukhaIf! ca vindati
Tassa arammalJ.e titthati mano
GogO va kitthadako dagQatajjito.
(I) SA Sn III 78

xxiii
 APPENDIX lIB

QUOTATIONS FROM THE PORANAS

91. Asubhamhi asubhanimittatp asubharammaJ).o pi dhammo asubhanimittarp..I.

(I) Man I 46
92. Idatp saitkha,rupekkha iiat;tarp. ekam eva tilJ.i namani labhati. Hettha rnniici-
tukamyata 4'iat;larp. nama jatarp, majjhe patisankhanupassana nama, ante ca sikhap-
pattarp saIikharupekkha nat:tarp. nama. 2.
(I) Vi II 660
93. Idatp hi suttarp. (= Anumanasuttarp.) bhikkhupiitimokkharp. nama. 3.
(1) Pap 11 67
94. Obhasagatarp. cittarp avijjandhakiire na iiijati ti iinefijan ti rupavacara catut-
thajjhiinam eva ca nipaviragabhavanavasena pavattitall1 aramm.al).avihbagena catub-
bidbarp ariipavacarajjha,nan ti etesarp. paiicannatp jhananarp. iinaiijavohiiro tesu yarp.
kii\ci padakarp katva samiipanna arahattaphala samiipatti iinenjasamadhi tL4'
(1) UdA 23
9.'). Cakkhu riipaIp na passati acittakatta. cit~aq:t na passati acakkhukatta, dvaram-
mal}.asailgr.atthe pana cakkhupasadavatthukena clttena passati. Idisi pan'esa dhanuna
vijjhati ti a.disu viya sasambharakatha nama hoti. Tasma. cakkhuviiiila.l}.ena riipaIJl
disva tt ayam ev'ettha attho ti. 5·
(I) Vi I 20
(2) Att 400
(3) MNiA 277
96. Tasmirp. samaye ti va tena samayena ti va ekarp samayan tt va ahhila.pamatta
bhedo esa niddeso, sabbattha bhummam eva attho. Tasma. ekatp samayan ti vutte pi
ekasmirp. samaye ti attho veditabbo. 6.
(I) UdA: 23
(2) Man I 13
(3) Pap I 10
97. Tasu bhiimisu asamugghatita kitesa bhiimiladdhuppanna ti sarpkharp. gacchanti.7
(i) SV 299
98. Dassanamaggo sammaditthi, abhiniropanamaggo sammasaIikappo ......... pe
... avikkhepamaggo sammasamadhi. 8.
(I) Pap I 105
99. Na macchamarp.san ti akhadiyamanarp macchamaQlsaQl na sodheti, tatha
anasakattatp. 9·
(I) Pj II 291
100. Pokkharan ti sarirarp. vadanti. val}.l}.arp. val}.l}.arp eva ti. 10.
(I)' Sum ViI I 282
IOr. BaraQAsi raiifto kira aggamahesiya kucchimhi ................................. I I.
(1) Pi I 158
(21 Pi II 278
102. Bhayatupatthanarp ekam eva til}.i niimani IabhatL Sabba sankhare bhayato
addasiiti bhayatupattha.narp. nama ja.tarp., tesu yeva sailkharE'su adinavaq:t uppadcl'1i ti
adinavanupa§ana nama jataJ!1 tesu yeva sankharesu nibbindamanarp. uppannan tt
nibbindanupassana naffia jatarp.. 12
(I) Vi II 651
103. Macchariyan ti parehi siidharaI).abhavassa asahanata. Ten'ev'assa PoraI).a
evam vacanattharp vadanti: Idarp. acchariyarp. mayham eva hotu ma aftiiesarp. accha-
dyain hotii tt pavattatta macchariyan tt YUccat! tt. 13·
(I) Sum ViI II 491
104. Mana ussannataya manussa. 14·
(1) Pi I 123

xxiv
 105· Yatha padipo apubbaIp. acarimaql ekakkha1)ena cattari kiccani
karoti: vattiIp jhapeti andhakaraIp vidhamati alokarp patividarpseti ~inehaQl. pariya-
diyati. evam eva inaggana1)axp apubbaIll acarimaxp ekakkha1)ena cattari saccani
abhisameti dukkharp pariiiiiAbhisamayena abhisameti samudayaIp. pabanibhisamayena
abhisameti maggarp bhavanabhisamayena abhisameti nirodharp saccbikiriyibhi-
samayena abhisameti. Kirp vuttatp hott ~ Nirodharp arammat;latp. karitvll cattari
pi saccani paput;lati passati pativijjhatt ti. 15·
(I) Vi II 690
106. Yamhi kalehi va1)lJ,enti. 16.
(I) Pap I 83
107. Yasma tasmirp. thine sattha samayoge kiQl bhal)c;larp. atthi ti pucchite sabbam
atthi ti ahaQlsu, tasma tarp vacanam upactaya Savatthi ti vuccati. 17·
(I) Pj II 300
108. Yasma pubbe Mahapanadarp. rijakumaratp nana natakAdihi .................. 50
padeso Kosalo ti vuccati ti. 18.
(I) Sum Vit I 239
(2) Pap II 326
rog. Sadevakan ti devatahi saddhim avasesatp. 10kaITl· 19·
(I) Sum Vii I 175
(2) Pap Il 202
(3) MNiA 211
1I0. Sa ca yasma sahajAtapahin·ekatthehi ............ ettha attho veditabbo. Esa
Pora1)anatp. adhippayo. 20
(T) Pap I 74·
HI. Sujaya diyaminaya mahayagam patigaQhantanan ti. 2I.
(r) Sum ViI I 289
It is difficult to say whether 29 and 85 are parts of stanzas or whether they are two
prose sentences. •

'XV
 APPENDIX IIe

TABLE SHOWING THE PORANA QUOTATIONS IN EACH CO.lIMENTARY

(The numbN'S refer to those in Appendix I/A a.nd B).

Visuddhimagga 1,2,3.4.5,6,7.10,11,13.14,16,17.18,19.
21, 29, 33, 37. 43, 45. 46, 47. 48. 49. 50, SI, 52,
53,55,60,66,67.72,73, 74. 75. 82, 83. 84. 85.
86, 88, 92, 95. 102, 105.
Sarnantapasadika 12,26,27.30,32,34, 38, 39. 44, 55. 59, 61, 62,
63. 64. 65. 67, 69, 72; 74. 78, 79, 80, 87. 88,
Atthasalini 4 2 ,95.
Sammohavinodani 20,83, 97·
SumailgalaviUisini 23,67.7°,71,72,74,89, 100.103,108, 109, Ill.
Papancaslidani g, 20, 23, 36. 67. 70, 71. 72, 74,93,96, g8, 106,
108, log, 110.
Saratthappakiisini 8,15,20,22,25.28,35,40,41,54.67,68,76,
77, 81, 90.
ManorathapuraI).i 23,67,7°,91, g6.
I<huddakapatha Atthakatha 101, 104.
Udana Atthakatha 22, 28, 35, 54. 67, 68, 94, 96.
Itivuttaka Atthakatha 25, 67, 77·
Suttanipata Atthakat:hit 31,99, 101, 107.
Niddesa Atthakathii. 20, 23, 31, 43, 60, 67, 70, 71. 95, log.
Patisambhidamagga Atthakath5. 19,20, 'It, 23, 29, 55, 67, 70, 71, 72, 74. 82, 88.
Apadana Atthakatha 24, 56, 57. 58.
Buddhavarp.sa Atthakatha 67·
N etti Atthakatha 7'
 APPENDIX liD

REFERENCES TO. AND QUOTATIONS FROM. THE PORANAKA THERAS

t. Ten'eva Por8.J;l8.katthera.. lajji rakkhissati lajji rakkhissatt ti tikkhattutp. ihatp.su.

Vi.!. 99
2. Pori1)akatthera. hi anusuyyakl honti. na attano rucim eva ucchubhiratp. viya.
evatp ukkhipitva vicaranti. kiraJ)am eva gaQhanti ak!it'ClJ)atp. vissajjenti.
Sum Vii Ill. 745

3. Poril)a.kattheri pana evariipalll bhikkhuIJ1. cii!asotipanno ti vadanti.

Pap n. 120

4. Porir;takatthera atiracchanakathi honti nisinnattbine paiihatp samutth5.petva

ajananti. pucchanti jananta vissajjenti, tena nesatp ayal}l kathA: udapidi.
SA Sn III 9'

5. Imasmjil ca pana Bijopamasutte ditthi ti niyatamicchiditihi gahiti ti Poi'ina ..

kattheri. ihatpsu. Tarp. pana pakkhipitvi. sabbini pi dvisaUhi ditihiga~ni gahitlnt
ti vuttatp. .
Man rt .•6
6. PoriI}.akatthera pana ettakena pikatalJl Da hott ti vibhajitvi aassesutp..
S~

7. POrir;taka bhikkhii kira amMkaQl upajjhiyo lca.riyo ti na mukhalJl oloketva

vattatp. karonti. sampatta pariccbeC:leo'eva karonti.
SV 350
 APPENDIX III

LIST OF KINGSI

I. Vijaya 483--445 B. C.
Interregnum 445-444
2. Pa-'.l~uvasudeva 444-4 1 4
3· Abhaya 4 1 4-394
Interregnum 394-377
4· Pal).Qukabhaya 377-3 0 7
5· ~utasiva 307-247
6. Devana..mpiyatissa 247-'207
7· Uttiya 20 7- 1 97
B. Mahasiva 197- 18 7
9· Suratissa 18 7-- 177
10. Sena }
11. Guttika 177-155
12. Asela 155-145
13· Eliira 145-I0 1
14· DutthagamaIJ i 101-77
15· Saddhiitissa 77-59
16. Thiilathana 59
17· Laiijatissa 59-50
lB. Khallatanaga 50-43
IQ. Vattagama1).i 43
20. Pulah"ttha
21. Bahiya
22. Panayamara
Pi!ayamara
\ 43-29
23·
24· Diithika ,I
25· VattagamaI),i 29- 17
:lv. Mahaclili Mahlitissa Ij-3
27· Coranaga 3 B. c.---9 A. D.
2B. Tissa 9-12 A. D.
29· AnuUi 12-16
30 . Kutakal)I,latissa 16-38
31. Bhatikabhaya 3B-66
3 2. Maha.dathika l\laha,naga 67--79
33· .3..ma1}.c;iagama1).i \ 7g-i!9
34· KaI).iraja~lUtissa 89--92
35· CiiUibhaya 92----93
36. Sivali 93
37· l1anaga 93-103
38. Candamukhasiva 103-112
39· YasaUilakatissa 112-120
4°· Subha 120-126
4 1. Vasabha 12 7- 1 7 1
4 2. Vatikanasikatissa 171--174
43· Gajabahil 174- 191)

I The dates are based on Cfilavarp.sa Vol. II pp iX-lo-xi

xxviii
44· Mahallakanaga 196-202
45· Bhatikatissa 203-22 7
46. Kal).itthatissa 227-245
47· Khujjanaga 246--248
48. Kuftcanaga 248- 249
49· Sirinaga I 249-268
50,' Voha,rikatissa 269-29 I
5I. Abhayaniiga 291-299
52. Sirinaga II 3 0 0-3 02
53· Vijayakumara 302-3 0 3
54· Sanghatissa 30 3-3 0 7
55· Sirisanghabodhi 30 7-30 9
56. Gothiibhaya 3°9-3 22
57· Jetthatissa I 3 2 3-333
58. Mahiisena 334-3 6 ,
59· SirimeghavanQ.a ~
60. Jetthatissa II
6,. Buddhadiisa
62. Upatissa I
63· Mahaniima

xxix
BIBLIOGRAPHY
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Piili

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padana Atthakatha (Visuddhajanavi~
liisini) Sinhalese Edition
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thavilasini) Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition
Cariyapitaka Atthakathii (Paramat-
thadipani) Sinhalese Edition
Dhammapadatthakatha P. T. S.
Dighanikaya P. T. S.
Dipavatp.sa Edited and translated by Oldenberg. London.
18 79.
Gandhavamsa P. T. S. (Journal 1886)
Itivuttaka "Atthaktha Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition.
Jatakatthakatha FausbOll's Edition
Khllddakapiitha Atthakathii
(Paramatthajotika) P. T. S.
MahavaQlsa p. T. S.
Majjhimanikiiya P. T. S.
Manorathapiiral).i P. T. S.
ManorathapfiraJ;ll Sinhalese Edition
Milil1dapaiiha Edited by V. Trenckner. Royai Asiatic
Society. London, 1928.
Netti Atthakathii Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition
Niddesa Atthakatha (Saddhammapaj-
jotilm) Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition
Paiicappakaral).atthakatha P. 7:: S. (J ourn.ls)
Papaficas(idani P. 1. S.
Papaiicasildani Sinhalese Edition
Patisambhidiimagga Atthakathii
(Saddbammappakasini) Hewavital'ana (SinhaJese) Edition
Petavatthu Atthakatha (Paramat-
tbadipani) P. T. S.
Samantapiisiidikii P. T. S.
Sarnantapiisfidika Sinhalese Edition
Sammohavinodani P. T. S.
Satp.yu ttanikiiya P. T. S.
Siiratthappakasini P. T. S.
Siiratthappakiisin i Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition
Sumangalavilasini P. T. S.
Sumangalavilasini Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition
Suttanipata P. T. S.
Suttanipata Atthakatha
(Paramatthajotika) P. T. S.
Theragatha Atthakatha (Paramat-
thadipani) P. T. S.
Theragatha Atthakatha. (Paramat-
thadipani) Hewavitarana (Sinhalese) Edition
Therigatha Atthakatha (Paramat-
tlladipani) P. T. S.
Udana Atthakatba (Paramatthadi-
pani) P. T. S.
Vimanavatthu Atthakatha (Paramat-
thadIpani) P. T. S.
Vinaya Oldenberg's Editiob.
Visuddhimagga P. T. S.

x:.vxiii
 Sanskrit

Mahivastu Edited by E. Senart. Paris. 188~-1897

Sinhalese

Nikayasangraha Colombo, 1922

English Translations

Beginnings of Buddhist Art and other

Essays by A. Foucher ... Translated by L. A. Thomas and F.
W. Thomas. Humphrey Milford, London.
1917.
Buddhist Manual of Psychological
Ethics Translated by Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids.
Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1923.
Buddhist Records of the Western
World Translated by Samuel Beal. Trubner,
London, 1884.
CtllavaQlsa Translated by W. Geiger. P. T. S. London.
DipavaQlsa Translated by H. Oldenberg. London, 1879.
DipavaQlsa and MahavaQlsa by
W. Geiger Translated by E. M. Coomaraswamy. Colombo
1908 .
The Expositor Translated by P. Ma.ung Tin. P. T, S. London.
Fa Hien's Records of .Buddhist
Kingdoms Translated by James Legge, Oxford. 1886.
Kindred Sayings Translated by F. L. Woodward. P. T. S.
London.
MahavaQlsa Translated by W. Geiger. P. T. S. London.
Minor Anthologies of the PaH Canon ... Translated by Mrs, Rhys Davids. Oxford
University Press, 1931.
Path of Purity Translated by P. Mating Tin P. T. S. London.
Points of Controversy Translated by S. Z. Aung and Mrs. Rhys
Davids. P. T. S. London
Travels of Buddhist Pilgrirns Translated by S. Beal. Trubner, London 1869.
Travels of Fa Hien Translated by H. 'A. Giles Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1923.

English

American Lectures on Buddhism T. W. Rhys Davids. Putnam & Sons. London,

1896.
Buddhist India T. W. Rhys Davids. Fisher Unwin Ltd.,
London.
Book of CeyJon H. W. Cave. Cassel & Co., London. 1908.
Ceylon J. E. Tennent. London, 1859.
Early Buddhist Monachism S. Dutt. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.,
London. 1924.
Hinduism and Buddhism Sir Charles Eliot. Edward Arnold & Co .•
London. 1921.
History of Pre-Buddhistic
Indian Philosophy B, M. Barua. Calcutta UniverSity. 1921.
Index to MahavaQl5a J. Still. Colombo, 1907.
Life of Buddha as Legend and
History E.J. Thomas. Kegan Paul, Trench. Trubner
& Co., London, 1927-
Life and Work of Buddhaghosa B. C. Law. Thacker. Spink & Cq.• Calcutta,
:19 23.
Mahabodhi or the Great Buddhist
Temple under the Bodhi Tree at
Buddha-gaya A. Cunningham. W. H. Allen & Co., London.
:1892.
Mahayanism in Ceylon S. Paranavitana. Colombo. 1928.
.Pili Literature of Ceylon G. P. Malalasekara. Royal Asiatic Society•
London, 1928.
Ruined.Cities of Ceylon H. W. Cave. London. 1897.
A Short History of Ceylon H. W. Codringtoll. Macmillan & Co.• London.
1926.
Spread of Buddhism and Buddhist
Schools N. Dutt. Luzac & Co., London.
German

Die Kosmographie der Inder W. Kirfel. Leipzig. 1920.

Mira und Buddha E. Windisch. Leipzig, 1895.
Pl1i Literatur uod Sprache W. Geiger. StI"<\ssburg, 1916..
Visuddhimagga (German Translation)... Nyanatiloka. M.unich, 1931.

JOURNALS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS

Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Catalogue of the Chinese Tripitaka, by B. Nanjio.
Catalogue of the Sinhalese Manuscripts in the British Museum, by D. M. de Z. Wick-
remasinghe.
Ceylon Documents in the Public Record Office, London.
Encyclopaedia Brittanica.
Epigraphia Zeylanica.
Hasting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.
Indian Historical Quarterly.
Journal of the Pali Text SOCiety. London.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch.
PAli-English Dictionary (of the PaH Text Society).
Sanskrit-English Dictionary by Monier Williams.

XXlI.V
INDEX
 INDEX
Abbhantara Jataka, 146 Anamataggiya Discourse, 52.
Abhassara, 153 Ananda thera. 24. 26--27, 96,---97,
Abhaya, bandit, 103; Devanampiya- Ancients, 18, (See Poral).a)
tissa's brother, 54, 104; Digha- Andha Country, 12.
bhaJ).akathera, 26, 85, 103, II6: Andhaka, atthakatba 10, 12-13,
thera, 26. -language, 12.-School. 100.
Abhayagiri. 79. 95 ;-DagAba, 109; Aftgulimala. 99.
-dwellers, 88, 90, 105, 114;-frater- l\.ftg'ulimalapita,ka, 98-99.
nity, 92-95 ;-monastery. 141; Aftguttara,-atthakatha. 10, 13;
-School. 79, 88, 90, 94, 96;-sect, -bha1}aka. 25, 29--30
91 ;-Vihara. 45. 78. 88, 91-94. Aftguttaranikaya, I, 5--6. 21, 24, 30,
log. 124. 137. 149 ;-atthakatha (Sinh.) 29.
Abhayaturamaha ~A-, 94 Aiijali, 57.
Abhidhamma. 5. 13, 24--25, 40, 81, Antaka. ISO
85 ;-commentaries, 8 ; Pitaka. Antarasamudda, 120 ;-vibllra. 86. 120
27, 65, 76, 94. 96, 99· Antarasobbba; 66
Abhidhammatthakatha. 10, 13. Anula, of Kotipabbatavihli.ra, 70
Abhidhammika, 24-2.') Anula.. 53, 55, 57, 80
Abhidharmahrdaya Sastra, 96. Anul§.devi, 5 I
Abhisaftkhara, 151. ..A1numana Sutta. 19
Acariya, 10, 15. Anupada, 24
Acariyamata. 10, 15. Anuri1dhapura, 5, 9, 26. 43· 44, 50,
Acariyavada, 10, IS. 81. SI. 54, 55, 59, 60. 61. 64. 66. 10,
Acariyavadas, 84-85, 120 71, 73, 77, 79, 84. 86, 92, 101,
Acariyanarp. samanatthakatha. 15-. 102,103, Ill, 113. 120. 124. 128.
Acchariyabbhutadhamma Sutta, 35. 137, 139, 140, ISO; Buddhism
Adam, II3. flourishing, 72, I04-IIO; guar-
Adam's Peak, 113. dian deity, 44: Monasteries at.
Adhipati, 150. 74. I04--IIo;over-run by Tamils,
Agama Nikaya. 32. 5. 60, 114; pagan families. 45:
Agamatthakatha, 10, 13. slave living at, 128; standard
Aggabodhi I, 9. of comparison, 1°4;
Aggalava Cetiya, 134. Anuruddha, 84; pupils Of--24
Aggikhandopoma Sutta, 52. Apadana, 1, 9. 17. 27; -attbakatha.
Aggimitta, 57. 20, 26, II2; Commentary, 20
Ahidipa, Ill. Apannaka Sutta, II5
Ajatasattu, 106, 134. 146. Aparaseliya School, 99
Ajivakas, 45, 47· Apiiya. 153
Akanittha, 153. Appamanabha, 153
Akasacetiya, II3, lI8, 149. Appamanasubha, 153
Akitti Jataka. Ill. Arammanakatha.. 98
Akkhakkhayika famine, 6:2, 65-66. Arati. 147
Akujuka Monastery, IIS. Arittha, embassies to India, 44. 50.
Alajanapada, 74. 53, 55; enters the Order, 53, 54;
Alasanda. 64. Aritt;hapabbata, 110
Alavakagajjita, 98-99. Arittha-thapita-ghara. 57
Alindaka, 68, 120, 1:25. Ariyakoti, 120
Alokavihara, 32, 79. 94· AriyavaQ'lsa Patipada, 85
Aluvihara. 79. Arunavatiya Sutta, IIg
Amanc;lagama1}i. 1:28 ;-Abhaya, 8g. Anipaloka, 153
Amaradvlpa, 140. Asa, 147
Amaravati, 140. Asadisi Mahathupa, 106
Ambaherana Salamevan, g:2. Asalha, 53· 54
Ambalatthika, 26, 89, 106. Asela, 60
Ambadya Vmara. 61, II6. Asivisopama Sutta, 22, 52
Ambatthala, 102; DagA-ba, 102; Thupa Asoka. 43-44. 53-55, go, 109. 134,
BB. 140; Edicts of. 49.
Ambatthakola District, 45. Asokarama, 49, 64
Ambilahalavihara, 83. Assayiya, 57.
Anagatavarp.sa. 4. Asubhakatha, 98
Asuraloka, 152 Bo-Gaya, 139
Atanatiya, Palitta, 142; Sutta, 142, Brahma, 144-147, ISO, 153,
148; Suttanta, 147, 148 Brahmajiila Sutta, 26, 106
Atappa, 153 Brahmal,latissa, the rebel. 73-74.
Atthadassi, 6 76 ; -famine, 29, 63. 74-76,
AtthasaJini, 2, 4, 8, 13, 17, 26, 61, 69, 79--80, 105, 108, Ifr, uS' 1l7;
76, 82, 84--85, 94--95, IZI, 123, -peril, 73-74, 77, H4, 147
139 Brahmanic, deities, 149; gods, pan~
Atthakatha, 10, 13, 14, 15; Paii-, theon of-. I 44--(Chap. 10);
1-2, 7---9, 17-18, 2:2, 25, 33, literature, 145
38-42~ 49, 63, 67, 82, 89, 113, Brahmanism, 43-44
Il9. 145, 148; Sinhalese, 2, 4, Brahmaparisajja, 153
IJ--12; works, post-, 151 Brahma.purohita 153,
Atthakatha,cariya, 10 14, 15, 20, 22 Brahmi, letters of 1St Century, B,C. 118
Atthakathfunuttaka-iicatiya-naya, 40 Brazen Palace, 76 (See Lohapasada)
Atthakathanaya, 39 Buddha, 2, 7, 19, 24, 28, 30--3 1, 44,
~tthakathikas, 14, 15, 25 50, 59, 67, 134--136; alms bowl
Atvehera, 121 of-. 77, 138; collar bone of--.
Avid Naraka, 152 56. 137; Hall of-, 137 ;-image,
Aviha, 153 140-141; sarira~dhatu oi-, 38;
statues of-, 140--141; super-
Badaratittha, 9 natural idea of--. 96--97, 100;
BaduUa District, 114 teachings of-, 32, 76, 79. 104.
Bahalamassu, 78 142-143; tooth relic of--93,
Bahuputtacetiya, 134 137--138, 146; visits to Ceyion.
Bakkula, 29 45-48, 106, 1I2--II4. 119
Benares, 20
Buddhadasa, 93, 129
Bhaddakacdna, 45, 47 Buddhadatta. I, 8-9
Bhaddasaia, '49
Bhadrika Shrine, 103 Buddhadeva, 6, 95
Bhaggari, 68-69 Buddhagaya, 64, 139
Bhal).akas, 10, 23--26, 30, 32, 42, 106, Buddhaghosa, 1-14, 16-23, 26,
127, (Chap. '!, i}; of Anguttara, 29-32, 41:, 6I, 71, 81..0-85, 87,
24, (Set; Anguttarabhal).aka); of 98, 102, 105, 124-125, 127. 131,
Dhammapada, 24 (See Dhamma- 133--134, 151--152; chrono-
padabhal).akii); of Drgha. 24 (See logical error of--, 3--4; date of.
Dighabhal).aka); of Maha- Ariya- 6, 41; etymological errors of his
valTl-sa, 24; of Majjhima, 24 works, 3; first work in Ceylon,
(See Majjhimabba1)aka); of Sarp- 4, 13, 152; index to his scholarly
yutta. 24 (See Sarpyuttabhal,la- way, '1., 3; legends round, 2:
ka); of Vibhailgas. 24 list Of his works, I, 2,; refers to
Bhal).9u, 51 Poriil).as, 16--18, 22; task of.
Bhal).9.uka, 49 2, 4; tra.dition of, 7; why he
Bharhut, 140 left Ceylon. 5
Bhiitaragama, 75 Buddhaghosa, (another thera) 8
Bhiitika Ahhaya, 86 Buddhamitta, 5--6
Bhiitiya, 88--90, 94, 103, 120, 128 Buddhapakinnaka-khanda, 34
Bhativailka, 70 Buddharakkhita, Piilgala, II6, 128
Bhattisena, 9 Buddhasiri. 5
Bherapasana ViMira, lI9 Buddhist -attitude to Devas, 144-
Bhikkupatimokkha, 19 145, 148-[49; -centres, moving
Bimbisara, 37 of 72; Cosmography 152-153;
BOdhi Puja, 139 (See Bodhi Tree) -faith, 46, 59--72, (Chap. 3 ii) ;
Bodhisatta, 29, 35-36 -hermit<;, 102; -life, 41, 87.
Bodhisatva,-ideal 152, pantheon of-, 124........ 132, (Chap, 8); literature,
144 4, 10, 133, 150; missionary 43;
Bodhi Tree, bringing to Ceylon and -ritual. 133--143 (Chap. 9);
planting. 55-57, 102. Ill, .114, Sculpt~re, 139-140
139: construction of images and Buddhikaral,ldaka. 98
temples etc., 134, 139-142; Buttala, 119
destruction, 140; historicity, 56; Buddhavamsa, I, 9, 17. 27, 34--35.
-in Magadha. 140; saplings, 38-39: 133; --Atthakatha, 38 •
55, 108, Uo--Il I, lI8, 139; 40--41, 135, 139; Commentary.
veneration, 55, 107. 136, 13B-139, Pa.h 18, 29, 34-35, 39; Commen-
14 1 tary, Sinh., 38; Commentator. 34.
xL
 Buddhism, r--2, 33, 42-48, 5r, 60, Cittar.'ija, 44
62, 63--65, 70--72, 77-80, 87- Civaragumba, 16
88, rOl, r07, JI4-115, 124, Cola, country, 60
128-- 12 9, 133-- 143, 144, 145, 149, Colian, prisoners, 1)0, 145
152; Association with Hindu Coranaga, 80
gods and Growth of Mythology etc. Council, 21; books not recited in--,
64, 144-~-153J (Chap. 10); growth 98--99; (at Rajagaha), First
of ritual, 133--143, (Chap. 9); Buddhist--24, 27, 54, 56; Third
influence on people etc., 124-132, Buddhist--, at Patna: 49: Thupa-
(Chap. 8): --in pre-Mahindian rama-, ,,6;
Ceylon, 43, 45-48, SI, 124: Cfrladeva, 86
in Rohal)a, 114-115; Signs of Culahatthipadopama Sutta, Sf
decadence 77-79, 87--88. Cillabhaya of Parivara list, 83; Sumana,
C~kkana, 128 86; Tipitaka, 14, 83--84, 106,
Camendavala, 66 11], 120
Candagutta, 64 Ciilanaga, mountain, 119; of Parivara
CanQalatissa, peril, 147, (See Brah- list, 83; them, 84; Tipitaka, 83
ma:t:J.a tissa perill Cillanagalena, Ill)
Candanagama, 55, 59, 114 Ciilanagapabbatavihaxa, 1 [9
CapaJacetiya, 134 Ciilaniddesa, 27
Cariyapitaka, I, 9, 17, 27 ;-Com- Ciilapil)Q.apatikatissa, 119
mentary, 8 Culapil)Qapatiyatissa, 121
Catumaharaiika, ]52 CUlasiva, IS, 29, 83; Satp.yutta-
Catunikayika.. 25--26 bhal)aka-,74
Catuparivatta Sutta, 98 Ciilasumma, of Nillkaponnapadhana-
CetaJi, 54 ghara, It7
Cetiya, mountain, 57, 102, (See Cetiya- CiiJinaga, Tipitaka, raG
gui)--Vlhara, 56, 92, 108 Cullapaccari, 13
Cetiyagiri, 53--54, 101, uo,; Chapter, Cullasumana, Tipitaka, 12r
86; Vihara 102--1°4
Cetiyapabbata, 16, 50, 55, 66, 71--72, DakkhiI,lagiri, 64 ;--Vnlara. 72, 92,
101--103, u6, 131, 142, (See 102, 109
Missakapabbata); Chapter, 103; Dakkhil)aviha.xa, 91
Vihara, 26, 72, 85, 124. Damilas, 46. Il3
Ceylon, 1-2, 4--6, 8, II--]3, 15--16, Dantadhatughara,' 137
20,22--23,25--26 ,29--30,3 2--33, Dantageha, Nunnery, 86
35,41--52,54--60,63--67,69--70 Diisi, 70
73--74, 77--80, 86--90, 93--95, Dasik5.., 57
98--101,104,107,111--114,123-- Dasiya, 57, 77
12 5, L~8--129, 132--133, 135-- Datarattha, 148
143, 145--IS2; Caste-system in--, Dathanaga, 6
128, chief sea-port in Ancient--, Dathavamsa, 93
Ill; corporal punishment abo- Datta, 122
lished in--, go; embassies from Datta, 77
- , 44, 47; famines, 63--65, Dattabhaya, 123
]4--75, 93: invasions, 60, 73, Deities, Guardian-, 44, Lj-4, 148;
79, ]07, 113; killing of animals Patron->44; position of--, 144--
abolished in--. 89; Slavery in--, 152, (Chap. 10); Tree--'H, 151.
128-129 Deva, 9, 66
Cey]onese, rI, 16. 23,45,95-97,107, Devadatta Sutta, 149,
'29 Devadiita Suttanta, 52
Chabbaggiya: story, 92 Devanampiyatissa, 43, 4(,· 49, 50,
Chachakka Sutta, 66, 83, 102, 106, 54--55, 57, 59--60, J04, I08--IOg,
]12, II4--1I5, Il7, lI9. 122 Ill, II4, 1I8, 120, 135--139;
Channa, 77 Connections with Asoka, 44, 49~-
Chatapabbatavihii.ra, 109--110 50, 53, Conversion, 47--48, SI,
China, 95 59, 72; meeting of ?llahinda etc"
Chinese, 95, 96, 99, 105 50-52
Chronicles, Ceylon, 42, 43, 45, 49; Devaputta, r.5 I
--Great, 46, (See Mahavarp.sa and Devaputtamaharattha, ]20
DlpavaqIsa) Desananaya, 39
Cittayamaka, 65 Devi, bhikkhuI.lL 77: queen, 61--6:2
Cittagutta, 64, 117, 125 Dhajagga Paritta, 142
Cittalapabbata, 6G--67' 102, Il6-- Dhamma, 24, 50--51, 56, 65
II9, 12}, ;--Vihara, 66, 75, It5-- Dhamma, 57
II8 Dhammadhara, 23
Dhammadinna, 65-66, 70, lI5, lI9 Dutthagamao.i, 31, 46, 61--65, 69-73.
Dhammadiya, 57 77, 80, 102, 105--106, 109, 112-
Dhammagutta, 66-67. II3, !I5, II9, 128--13°, 136.
Dhammagutta, 77. 141; attempt at preaching, 65;
Dhammakathabandha, 98. birth-place, 116; helped by Sakka.
Dhammapada, I, 6, 17, 24-25, 27, 146-147, sidelight on the literary
31, 135, 143 ;--atthakatha, I, 6, condition of the period, 65, 129.
3 1, 37, 4 1, 1I5, 134-- 135; Dvaramal).Q.alii, 54, 104·
-bhal).akas,31.
Dhammaprua, I, 8--9, 17. Eliira, 60---61, 72, 113·
Dhammapala, 57. English, 115.
Dhammarakkhita, thera, 9; Yonaka, Eravana, 147.
65·
European, 113, lI5·
Dhammaruci, Head of-, 94; Nikaya, Fa-Hien, 94--95, 100, 103-105, 113,
88, 95; sect, 57, 91. 137-139, 141. Account of Anu-
Dhammasarigani, .2, 8. riidhapura, 1°4; account of Tooth
Dhammasaitgiti, 106. relic ceremony, 137; books remov-
Dhammasena, 64. ed from Ceylon, 94-95.
Dhammasoka, 9, 49-50. Gaggaraviiliya-ailgana, 120.
Dhammatapasa, 57. Gajabahu, 90, lOB, 145.
Dhammika. 92. Galambatittha Vihiira, 120.
Dharmagupta, 103. Gama, 75, 76.
Dharmakirtj, 99, Gamal).i, 61-62, 72, (See Duttha-
Dharmajina, 96. giimat;li)
Dharma.1ina-Abhidharma-Hrdaya- Gamantapabbhara, 68-69, II5.
sastra, 96. Gamet;ldaviila, IIB--II9, 122.
Dhatarattha, 147. Gandabbhas, 148
Dhatubhajaniyakatha, 34. Ganges, 47.
Dhatukatha, 2, 8, 98-99: 126. Gandha vamsa, 9, 21.
Dha.tuparinibbana, 107, 138. Gavaraviila-arigana, ~25.
Dhiitaniiga, 104, 126. Gaya, 139,
Digha, thera, 59. Ghatikara. 145.
Digha,--atthakatha, 10, 13 ;-bhao.a- Ghositarama, 64·
kas. 25-29. 31, 89, 106. Giant's Tank, 12I.
Dighajantu,. lI3, 149. Gi.ri, 44-45, monastery of--, 45, 78.
Dighakarayana, 88. Giribhao<;lapuja, 88-8g, 103, 141.
Dighanagha, 59. Giriddhi, 57·
Dighanikaya, I, 5, 24, 26-27, 32, Giridipa, 46.
84--85, 112, 133, 135, 147-148; Girigama, 122.
-atthakatha, Sinh:, 14,-Com- Girikali, 70,
mentary, 147--148 ;-Tika, 106. Girikandavihara, 12I.
Dighasumana, 59. 112. Girivihira, 84, 121.
Dighataphela, 15!. Godha, Abhidhammika, 14, 86;
Dighavapi, 30, 66, 72, lI9, 122, 124- jataka, 33: thera, 82, "Il~.
125 ; -cetiya, IIg, 142. Godhatissa, 62.
Diparikara, 39. Gomuttavanko, 28-29·
Dipavarpsa, 16, 20, 42-43, 45--46, Gonagamaka, 47.
50, 57, 68, 70, 77, 92, g6. Gonaraviya, 83.
Gotakasivali, 136.
Dipavihara, 84 ;-va$i, 83, 84· Gotama Buddha, 108, 136, 150;
Dirghagama Sutra, 94. thera, 62.
Dissentient Schools, Growth of, Gotamakacetiva, 134·
88-100, (chap. 6! Gothabhaya, 61, 91, 94, I4I.
Ditthamailgalika, 31. Gunabbhadra, 95·
Doctrine, heretical, 100; secret 97- Guttasalagama, 69, 119·
100. Guttila, 39.
DOl).a, 146. Guttika. 60.
Gulha,-Urnma~ga. 98 ;-Vei'isantara"
Donuppalavapigarria, 120. 98-99 ;-Vinaya, 98 -99.
Dravidian, 9, 14, 16, 40, 60, 63-64;
Commentaries, 9, 14, 40. Hambugallakavihara, 78.
Dubbalavapitissavihara, 72. Hamsaraja, J 4B.
Hankanavihara, 60.
Durnmitta, 92. Harita, Brahma, 146.
Duratissakavapi vihal'8., 72. Hattha}haka, nunnery, 5(J, 57 ;--
Dutch, 115. viM.ra, 56-58.
:XLii
Hatthibhogajanapada, 114. Kaladeva, 123
Hatthikucchi, monastery, 102; --pab- Kaladlghavapidvara, 112
bhara, 102, J21 ; -vihara, 12I. Kalakaccagama, II2
Hema, 57. K5.1akagama. 75
Hemasa, 57. KaJamba, 103, 110
Hemavatika, school, 99. KaJambakavihara. 72
Himalayan, region, 49. KaJambatittha Vihara, IIO
Hinayana, 94, 96, 99· Kalashdhara, 44-
Hindus, 60, 107, lI3, 140. Kalasumana, 59
Hindu-Gods, 64, 144; cult of-, go, Kalasutta Naraka, 152
J39, 145· KalavalIimalJ.Q:apa, 68-69, Ilg, 126
Hinduism, 134. K;1Javela, 66; ascetic, 40; Yak!ja, 44
Hiri 147. Ka!haJa, 83, 121
Hwui-yuen, 96. Kati, 151
I!anaga, 30. KaJi, 57, 70
Inda, 148-'-149 (See, Indra and Sakka). Kalinga, 93 ;-tribe, 55
Indagutta, 64. Kallagama, 66
India, 9, 23, 25. 43-47, 54, 57, 59, Kallakalena, 72
63. 74, 76--77. 83, 87, 96, 100, Kalyani, 26, 46, 61, 85. Il2, 124;
104, lIl, Il4, 120, 128, 134-135. Cetiya, Il2; nadi, II3, river. 112,
138-139,141, 145, 147, 15-1--152; 113; Vihara. 26. 67, 112
Central, 95; North, 44, 52; Kamaloka, 153
North-West, 45; South, 9, 12, 60. KamarupI, 147
64, 73. 77, 9 0 , 145· Kammaharatthaka 73
Indian, '[48. 151; monk,;, 134; Kammasapada, 29
mythology. 148, 150. Kammaradeva, 44-
Indra, 50. 146, (See Inda and Sakka). Kan, Province in China, 95
Isidatta, 74. Kaficipura, 6, 12,
ISipatana, 64. Kandacela Vihara, 121,
Issaranimmanavihara. 55. Kai'lha, 150
Issarasamanarama, 108, log. Kanikara, Padhanagha.ra, 121
Issaragamanavihara, 56. Kanika.ra valika.-Samudda vihara, 121
ltivuttaka, 1,9, 17, 27; Commentary, Kanirajanutissa, 8g, 130-131
56. Kanishka, 140
I\\hiya, 49. Kankhavitarani, I, 5, 17
Jaggara, 74. Kapijataka, 30
J ainism, 43-45· Kapila, 90, 96
Jains, 45· Kapilavatthu, 19, 97
Jambudipa, 45· Karadipa, 1 I I . .
jambukola, 55--56, I I I ; -patthana, Karamba·Hinna, Cave Inscnpbon, 80
74, III ;-vihara, Ill. I{araIJ.9aka, Cave, 125
Jadisutta, 96-----97. Karandakola, 121
Jataka, I, 6-7, 13, 17, 27, 30, 69; Kara~i'yametta Sutta, 142
-atthakathii, I, 6~7' 13,33, 37, Karavaliyagiri, 126
39, 40---41, 67-6S. 95, IIO---llI, Karavikatissa, 82
139, 146, 148; atthakatha, Sinb :, Kartikeya, go
33 ;-bhii1).aka, 25, 30, 31; book, hakusanda, Buddha, 108
25; collection, 30; Commentary, Kashmir, (';4
25; reciters, 30; scenes, 64; Kassakalena, I'ZI
stories, 31. 146; text, 33; Kassapa, Buddha. 108, 135; king, 45
Jayaddisa, 29. Katakandhakara, 68
Jetavana, 64; Dagl1ba, 109; Vihara, Kataragama, 61, (See Kacaragama)
92 . I(athavattbu, 2, 8. 96, g8, 99; -Com-
jettbamUla, 50, 54 ;-nakkhaita, 50.
jetthatissa, gl, 93; n, 151 mentary, 16
Jews, Il3 Kiivira, gl; --patthana, 9
Jina, 125 KeJaniganga, Il2, (See Kalyani)
jotipala, 6 Kelasa V ibara, 64
jotiya, 44-45 I(evatta Vitthi, 128
jutindhara, 44
Khall[tanaga, 73
Kacaragama, 55, 59 Khanda, 1,51
Kajaragama, 114, 118, IIq
KakavalJ.lJatissa, 60--62, 70, 115---116 I(handha, 151
Kala, 150 Khandhaka, 34
Kala-Buddharakkhita, 71, 72, 102, 109 Khema, 77
XLiii
Khuddaka,-atthakatha, 8, 17, 21, 11ahii-Arittha, 54, 56, 59
.34; ~bhaI)aka, 25; Commen ary IVlaha-Ariyavarp.sa,--patipada, rIG;
7, 20, 31; -gantha, 27; Niki'LYa, reciter, 3 I
I, 6, 25 ;--patha, I, 6, Ll:~ . Maha-Atthakatha, 2, 10-14, 23, 41.
Khuddatissa, 66-68 S [; -Sinhalese, 6
Kilesa, 151 Mahabodhi, 105, 107-108, lID:
Kings, Four Great, 147-148 -pallanka 138 ;-itthana, 105 ;
Kirivehera, 61, 118 Viham, 140
Kohontissa, 92 Maha Brahma, 153
Kokalika Sutta, I l 1Iahacattalisakabha.l.la '.,a, 31--32
KoHisa vihara, 67 Mahacattarika Sutta, 32
Kolitavihara, 123 Maha Cetiv-a, 70, 74, 82, 86, 105-108,
Konagama, Buddha, 108 rIO, I;q, 126, 136, 138, 148, 149;
Koral).qaka Vihara, 121, 125 ceremony attended by gons, 148;
Kosala, 144 place sanctifien by Buddha, 106--
Kosambi, 6+ 1°7
Kotipabbata Vihara, 70, lIB l\{aha D;iliyatissa, 88
Kujjatissa, 67, 71 T\.1ahaclatta, 83, 85, 120
Kulumba Sutta, 98 l\Iahadeva, 64, 6fl, 68, 121; Bhaggari-
Kumarakassapa, story, 92; thera, 6 vast. 6q; 1-!alaya vast, 66
KumbhaD0as , 44, q8-149 ::\hhane\'i, 57
Kupayatthi-thapita-ghara, Si ::\lahadhammahadaya, 96
Kupikkah Vihara, 78 Mahadhammakath[, 93
Kupuvena Vihara, 122 Mahadhammarakkhita, 84--85, 120;
Kurudhamma Jataka, 44 Tipitaka-, 83; Yona--, 64
Kurunda. Tank, 121
Kurundaka, IZI l\Iahadhammasamadana Sutta, 114
Mahadhatukatha, q9
Kurundi, 2, SI; --atthakath;'i. 10--12,
J\-Iahagama. 30, 61--62, 116, 124
23 Maheja, 44
Kurundivelu Vihara, 12 MahajatabhiiJ)aka, 31, 125
Kutakal).l.latissa, 80, 83-84, S6, 103 Mahajatakabhanaka, 30, 119
KutaH Vihara, 66, 122 lVIaha.kaccavana, 21
Kutelitissa, Mahavihara, J TO MahakarauJiya Vihara. 122
Kuthiirivihara, 45 11ahakassapa, 24, 106, 134
Kutimbiva Vihara, 120 Mahakumara, Sosanika, 1'26
Kuvera, - 148-149
Mahamaliya, 66
Lakul1taka, atimbara, 115 11ahaman<;lapa, 66
Lafijitissa, 73, 130 Maha-IVIahinda, 56 (See Mahinda)
Lanka, 45--46, 51, 59, 72, 129 (See Maha-!.-lahi dotsava, 58
Ceylon) MahameghavaDa, 107
Licchikali, 124 Mahamitta, 121
Lohapasada, 26, 63, 65--66. 71-72, Haha.niiga, Dagaba, 61, 116; garden,
S4, 89, 91. 104-106 45; king, 61, 114, lIS, 120;
Lokandaq., 66, 122 -of Kalavallimal1qapa, 68-69,126;
Lokantara Vihara, (22 --of Uccatalanka, 66; prince, 60
Lokottanivada, School, 96--97 ,--61 ;thera, 86, 119--lzo, 122
Lokottaravadin, 97 !vlahanaga Mahadathika, 61, 8S--89.
Lokuttara, 83 la}, 141
Lomasanaga, 102-103 l\Iahanama, hing, 93--94; of Amara
Lonagiri, 89 dv-ipa, 139-140; thera, 1,5--6,8
--9, 17
Maccu, 150---151 Mahaniddesa, 27, 76--77
Maccuraja, 150 Mahanigama, 5
Madhu-angana, IZl Mahapaccari, 2, 12, 23, 81 ;-attha-
Madhura, 47 katha, JO--12, 25; Commentary,
Madhuratthavilasini, I, 9 31
Madhyadesa, of Ceylon, 104 Mahapaduma, I I, 15-16, 30, 81-82,
Madras, 9 86, 8q--90, 142
Magadha, l40' 144 Mahaparinibbana Sutta, . 133
Magama, 61, 116 Maha Parivena, 9
Maggakatha., 98 l\laha Phussadeva, of Alindaka, 68, 82,
Maggasira, 53 125--126; .Alindakavasi-,68
Maha-Abhaya, Dighbhanaka, 26-27. Maharakkhita, 76; Uparimal.lqala-
85 malavasi-, 68
Maha-Appamada Sutta, 52 Maharohanagutta, J02
XLiv
 Maharoruwa Naraka, I,:;::: Mahincia, 3, h, II, 4(l-5?, ()j, 72, 78,
Maha.rliha, 77 87, 101--102, 104--105, 107, 133,
l\'Iahasangharakkhita, 68-69; Mala- 135, 139, 146; Arrival, <10, 43,
49-·_~2, Iq, 124, 137; bod of-
yavasi--, 68, 75
58; --guha, 102, 121; passing
l\'Iahasena, King, 91-94, 100, 105, away of-, 57--59, relic."I of-,
114, 141, 145; name for Miira, 59, 102
15 0 : thera, 74, 77
MahiSasaka, School, 95 ;-Vinaya, 95
l\'Iahasiva, DlghabhiilJ.aka, 15, 25--27, Mahiyangana thUpa, 46-47
82; Dighabhii1).aka, Tipitaka, 82 ; Mahomme.,ans, 1.I3
king, 60; of Bhalivanka, 70; Majjhima,--atthakathii, IQ, 13 ;
of Gamantapabbhara, 68--h9, 1I5; -bhiil),aka, 25--26, 28-29, 32;
of Parivara list 69; of Vamanta- --bhiilJ-aka, thera, 29;--reciters, 28
pabbhara, 69; thera, 14, 82-83,
Majjhirnanikiiya, 1, 5, 19-20, 22, 21-
89; Tipitaka, 82, Vinayadhara, 85
26,32, 35, 84, 97, 12/); Commen-
Mahasamaya Slltta, 142, 146, 148 tary, 117
Mahasammata, 125 Majjibuka, 90
Mahasudassana Sutta, 26, 8q, 106 Makkhali, 3 ;--Gosala, 45
lVIahasumana, 46 Makulakavihara, 110
MahaSllmma, 12, 16, 80, 81. 86 ;-0£ MiUa, 77
Kotipabtata, 70 Malay~) 29, 66, 68, 92, 113--114;
Mahasussa, 82 district, 76-77, 1I4 ;--rattha, 1I3
Malayadeva 1 65-67, (See Maliyadeva)
Mahatipitaka, 76
Malay mahadeva, 66, J 13
Mahatissa, 31, 78, 88, 103, 112, 122: Malimahadeva, 66
Ambakhadaka, 16; DarubhaQ.- Maliyadeva, 66, 68, 102, le6, 112,
daka, 116; Mahaciili, 86-81; II4-IIS, 1r7, IIg, r 2
.:....af Bhaggari, 69; ,--of C~iya­ alla, kings, 134
pabbata, 16 ;-0£ KupikkaJa, 78; MalHi, 57
----of Mandalarama. 70 ;--of PUlJ-Q.a- Mallaka, 8
valik5., 3i, 82; --of Rohana, 70; Mannar, 121
vanavasi. 82 Mandalarama, 69--70, 7
MaMitissabhuti, of l\{anc;lala,rama, 69 MandaUiramaka, Mahaviha.ra, 66
Mahatittha J l11--II2 Matigala, Buddha, 135 ; -Sutta, 8, 65,
Mahathftpa, 22, 64, 70, 89, I05, 146-- 14 2 - 1 43
147, 150: foundation reremony, Mailgana, 66-68
64; function attended by gods, Maniakkhika, 46, II2
147, 150 ManorathapiiranI, I, 5-6, 17, 2(j--30,
Mahavagga, 25, 54 39,61,66-69, 71, 75, 7-'~, 85--86,
Mahavaliganga, 61, SI, IOrl, 115 g8, rIO, 113, rr5-rzr, 130, f34,
Mahavarpsa, 2, 4-5, 9, 22, 42 ---B, 149
Mantota, III (See Mahatittha)
45-4 6 ,49-5 1 ,.)3--55,57,60-62, !\ anussaloka, 152
64--65, 68-70, 76, 78-8r, 86,
Mara. 103, 144-145, 147, 150--151,
88-89, 92-93, 95--96, 103, 105, 153; --yuddha, 150-151
109, 112-TI4' 118, 122, 139--141,
145-146, 150-1.'11; Sinhalese, Marana, 150
68; --Tika, 22 Maricavatti Vihara, consecration festi-,
Mahavansika, them, 68 val70, 109; reasons for construc-
tion, 62-6~
Mahavana, 1\-!onastery, 64
Maskarin,
Mahavastu, 97
Matali, 147
Mabavessantara Jataka, 1 It,) Matailga. 31
Mahavihara, 5-8, 15, 43, 52, .,6, 59, Matikatthakatha., 5
74, 78-79, 86, 92-94, 103--106, Matta, 57
108,114-115, 117,120; bh!kkhus Mattabhaya, 56
91; Chapter, 86; communlty, 4; Mattaku.!J.l}ali, 4 I
dwellers, 94, 1°4; fraternity, Matula Janapada, 12
7, 90; schism, 78-79: School, Matuvihiira. 72
88; theras, 152; tradition 105 Maya.-rattha, 61
Mahiivyaggha, 66-67' 71, 106 Mayura Pattana, 6
Mahayana, 94 Meghavana, 52
Meghava.iJ..iJ.a.bhaya, 56, 92
Maha.yanism, 88, 152 Metta Sutta, 8
Mabila, 57. 70, 77 Metteyya, Bodhisatta, I51~I53,
MahiIPMi.saka, Sect, 7, 95 -Buddha, 152
XI.V
Mihindu-guha, 58 Okkasa, dynasty ·,0[-, 125
Mihintale, 58, 101. 1°3--104, 121
(See Cetiyapabbata) Pabbajja Sutta, 37
Milakkhatissa, 118-119 Pabbata, 57
Milindapanha, 4, 16, 21, 23, 25 Pacchimarajini, 44
MirisavMlya, 109 (See Maricavatti) Pacinagharaka, 66
Missaka, Mountain, SI-52 ;-pabbata Pacinakha1.lQarajl, 104, 110
50, 52, 102 Pacinadima, 56
Mittil).l).a, 64 Padabhat;laka, 24, 130
Padhana Sutta, 1.)0
Moggallana, Arahant, 134; king, 9, Padhaniva, thera, I 17
45 Paduma: 86
Molahitiyavelegaha, rock, 89 Paduma, 57
Mora Paritta. 142 Padumuttara. Euddha, 2)
Moravapi. 83, 85 Pajapati, ISO
Mughapakkha Jataka, 67 PakaraI,la-naya, 39
MliJa-Atthkathii, Io(5ee l\Iaha-attha- Palimuttaka,--naya, 38, 40 ;-Viraya,
katha) 13 2
Miilapariyaya Sutta, 22 Pallavabhogga, ( 4
Mulappalavapi Vihara, 122 Palum&kiccava, Rock Inscription, 108
Mutasiva. 49, 60 Pamattabandhu. 150
Mutingana, 66 Paiicagga1alena, 122
Mutiyangana, -Cetiya, II4-;- Vihara Paficalamahavihara, 123
II4 Paiicanikaya Man<;lala, 84, 106.
Mutthipottaka, 127 Paiicappakaral),atthakatha, 2, 8, 17
Mutwal, II2 Paiicasikha, 147
PaI).Q.u, 47
Nada, lIB PaI).<;lukabhaya, 44--45
Naga, 126 Pal)<;lula, 44-
Niiga., 75, 77 Pandyan'47
Naga, of KiUavalliyagLri, 126; Pangura V ihara, 1 I 4
Nagas, 43, 46, 55, 1I0, II2; kings, 46, Piil)iIJ.(, 3 ;-Sfitra, 3
II2
Papai'icasiidani, I, 5-6, 8, I7, 20, 22.
Nagadipa ,56, 74, IIO-IlI, U4, 138. 29-30, 39. 66. 85, 98. 102, 107,
Nagamahavihara, 30, 61, 112, 120 II4, II6--117, 122-123. 127, 149,
Nagamitta, 77 151; -Tika, 29.
Nagapabbata Vihiira, 122 PapaSOt;l3, 92
Nagapattana, g. ParamatthadipaIJ.i, I, 9
Nagasena, 21 Pacamattajotika, I, 7, n, 17--19.
Nakulanagara, 69 40-41, 148-149
Nruako, 40
Paranimmitavasavatti, 153
Namuci. 150 ParasamuddavasI Thera, 10, 15
Nana:mukha, 124 Parayana Sutta, 19
Nlinavattukatha, g8 Paribbhajakas, 45
Nandanavana, 52 Paribhoga, Cetiya, 134; relics, 138-
Nandopananda Sutta, 98
Niirada. 39 '4°
Paricchattaka, 76
Naramutta. 57
Narendrayasas, 96 Paritta, 142-143
Parittabha, 153
Natha, 90 Parittasubha, 153
Na-ulpata, Cave Inscription, go Pa-rivara, 68, 80, 82, 85--87, 133
Nepal, 134- Pasadapala, 57
Netti, 9, 17 ;-Atthakatha, 148 Pasal).c;iakas, 45
Nidanakathii, of Jatakatthakatha, 35 Pataliputra, 49, 64
Niddesa, I, 9, 17 ;-Commentary, 17 Pataiiputta, I17
Nighantas, 44. 45; monastery, 109 Patanjali, 3
Nigrodha, thera, Vattabbaka, 74-75, Patapana Naraka, 152
77 Pathamacetiya. 55, 110
Nikayas, 5--6, 24--2? Paticcasamuppada, 21
Nikayasarigraha, 88, 90-91, 96, 99- Patimokkha, I, 5
'00 Patisambhida.magga, I, 9. 17, 27;
Nimmanarati, 153 --atthakatha., 34; Commentary, 17
Niftkaponnapadhiinaghara, 117 Patna,59
Niraya. 149. 152 Patthana, 2, 8
No-Fear Shrine, 103 Pattini,90
xLVi
Pavarana Ceremony,' 147 Roruwa Namklt, l;')2
Penambangana, 61 Riipaloka, 153
Perumliiyankulam, Rock Inscription, Ruvanva.li, Daga.ba, 108; sa.ya, 105.
90 (See Mahathiipa)
Peshawar, 138 Sabaen, Merchants, 104
Petakopadesa, 4, 16 Saccasa!p.yutta, SI
Petaloka, 152 Sadda naya, 40
Petavatthu, 1,9, 17,27,51 Saddha, 147
Pettangavalika Vihiira, 72 Saddhammanandi, 57
Pheggii,57 Saddhammapajotika, I, 9
Phussadeva, 75-76,80--81, 85, 120; Saddhammappakasini, I, 9
-Alindakavasi, 148; of Katakan- Saddhatissa, 67, 71-7"]', 77, 102-103,
dhakara, 68; of Parivara list, 68 109, Irg, 128, 130, 141
Phussamitta, 121 Sagala, 91
Pippal Tree, 139, (See Bodhi Tree) Sagaliya, Sect, 92, 1°9; School, 91
Piprava Stlipa, 134 Saggaloka, 152--153
Piritpota, 142 Sahampati Brahma, 146
Pitakas, 5, 7, 1 I, 13, 25, 32, 63, 66, 70, Sakiyas, 50
82, 84, 106, lI5, 133, 143 Sakka, 122, 144-149, 152; interested
Pitimalla, 105, 120 in affairs of Ceylon, 146-147;
Piyadassi, 64, 70 position in Buddhism. 144--145
Piyangu,-cave, 102 ;--dipa, 62, 66, Sakyan, '47
122, 147; -parivena, 105 Sakyava!p.sa Vihara, 66
Piyathapita ghara, 57 Salamevan, Ambaherana, 92
PoraI,la, 4, IQ, 16---23, 42, 87 ;-attha- Samanta,7°
katha, 10, 16, 22--23; --cariya, Samantakiita, Mountain, 151
10, 20-22; Samantapasadika, 1-5, 7, 1I-I2,
Poral),akatthera, 10, 20--23 16--17, 20, 25, 31--32, 40, 43,
Poral),a-Sihalatthakatha,-:\1ahava!p.sa, 45-4 6 , 49-5 0 , 53--55, 59, 61,
64 68, 80-82, 85-88, g8, 107-108,
Portuguese, lI5 111--1,12, 114, 120, 128,131, 139,
Poson, 58 142, 148
Potaliya Vihara, 123 Sambala,4g
Pubbacariyii, 20,21 Samjiva Naraka. I5z
Pubbaseliya School, 99-100, Samkhepatthakatha, 10
Puggalapai'ii'iatti, 2, 8, 83 ;-Com- Sammohavinodani, 2, 8, 17, 31-32,
mentary,4° 34. 65. 73--75, 77. 84--85. r05,
Punabbasu Kutumbika, I I I III-II2, 115, 14,0
PUQQavalika, 31, 82 Samtusita, 147
Pupphanama, 81, 86 Samudda, 77
Raga, 147 Samuddal)..ava, 77
Rahu, 151 Sa!p.yuktagama Sutra, 94-95
Rahulabhadda, 125 Sa!p.yuktasailchaya Pitaka, 94
Rajagaha, 24, 37, 54, 64, 15 1 Sa!p.yutta atthakatha, 10, 13 ;-bha-
Rajagirika School, 99 Qaka, 25, 29 ;--bhaI).aka, thera, 29;
Riijalena, 102 Nikaya, I, 5, 22, 24,96, 117, 126;
RaJayatana Cetiya, llI, 138 Nikaya, Commentary, 97;
Riijavaviidaka,99 -reciters, 28 ;
Rajovada Sutta, 98-99 Sanan Kumara, Brahma, 146
Rasavahini, 98 Sai'ici, 49; sculptures, 56; Stiipa,
RastJapalaparipraccha,99- IoO 134, 140; Tope, 56
Ratana Sutta, 7-8, 22, 93, 142 Sarighabharakaraka, 127
Ratnakiita, lOO ;-Sastras, lOO Sanghabodhi, 128
Ratthapa\agajjhita,9 8- 100 Saoghadeva Gautama. g6
Reva, 29; MajjhimabhaQaka, 126 Sanghamitta, 91--g2, 114
Revata'77 Sanghamitta, 53. 55, 102, II4; passing
Ritigala, 80 away of 57--59; relics df, 5Q
Ritual, growth Of--,I33--I43 (Chap. Sanghata Naraka, 152
9). '45 Saoghavarmi,95
Rohal),a, 5-6, 30, 55, 59, 60--61, 65, Sankha, 135
69-7°, 73, 84, 92, 114-117, Sankhepatthakathfi, 12-1,
lI9-I23, 125, 128; centre of Santati, 136
learning, 115, 120--121, centre of Santhagara Hall, 19, 97
Buddhist activities, 72, 114; Santusii:a, 150
monasteries at, JIg, 1:20 Sapatta, 77
VXLii
?arabhaJ).aka, 24 Sumanaklita, 46, II3
Sarabhu, 46 Sumangala, Buddha, 39; Parivet;la, 6
Sarandada Cetiya, 143 Sumailgalavilasini, 1--2, 5--6, 13--14,
Saratthadipat;li, 12 17, 26, 39, 65, 68--69, 84, 89, 95,
98, 106, 110, 122, 133--136, 142,
Saratthappakasini, I, 5--6, 17--18, 145-148, IS!.
83, 107, IIO, 119, 123
Summa, DipaviharavasI, 83; of Ka!-
Sariputta, 24, 46, 99, 143 ha1a, 83, 121
Sarira Cetiya,I34, 137 Supal)t;las, I I 1
Sasana naya, 39 Sfiratissa, 60, 72, I ro
Sata,57 Suriyagutta, 64
Satipatthana, Sutta, II6 ;--vaQ.l).ana, Susima, 135
29
Savatthi, 96 Sutasoma, 29
Sena, 60 Sutta, 5, 13, 16, 24--25, 78 , 93, 95,
Senani 144 142; --Pitaka, 76, 106, 144
Shaman, 103 Suttanipkta, r, 6, II--LZ, 17, 27, 37,
150; --atthakatha, 8; Commen-
Siddhartha, 28 40~41, 145 tary, 7, 8, 31, 37; commentator, 22
Siddhattaka School, 99 Suttanta, 15. 26 ;--atthakatha, 10 13,
Sfua1atthakatha 10-1 I pitaka, 27 ; .
Silaklita, 101--102 Suttantika, 25
Silfipadesa, 99 Suttavibhanga-vaI).nana, 32
Sineru, Mountain, 146 Suyama, 147, 150
Sinhalese, 5, 14, 16, 44, 49, 55--56, Talanka, 120
60, 77, 87, 90, 93, II3, 115, 12.4, Talailgara, 120; Vihara, Ilg
128-130, 133, 136, 138-139,
143; Commentaries, 2--9, I4~I5, Talangaratissa Pabbata, 65
23, 40--41, 87, 94, 101, 109, 131, Talipitthaka Vihara, 136
133, ISO Tambapanni. dipa. 56 ;~island, 51, 59
Siri, 147 Tamil, 5, 60, 62-63, 69, 72--73,
Siriku, !).a, 6 77-78, 105, 107, 113--114, 121,
Sirimeghaval}l).a, 93, 137, 139 130, 136, 138, 149
Sirinivasa, 5, 6 Tanha, 147
Sirisanghabodhi, Sirinivasa, 9 Tapana Naraka, 152
Siva, deity, 151 ; God, 113; thera, 85 Taraccha tribe, 55
SivaHi, 77 Tatthakasala Parivet;la, 71
Sobhal).a, 57 Tavakka, 55
Soma, bhikkhuI;li, 57 ;--devi, 77 Tavatirpsa, 76. 152
Sona, Minister, 92: thera, 5, 123 Theragatha, i, 9, 16--17. 27
Sonagiri, Mountain, 123 Therambatthala, 120
Sonnamali Cetiya, 105 (See l\lahathiipa) Theraputtabhaya, 69
Sonuttara, 70 TherasalHipa, 10, IS, 12X
Theravada, Buddhism, 73, 78, 93--94'
Sripadakanda, 113
96~97, roo, 104, 133, 152;
Subhakit;lt;la, 153 sasana, I6; School, 23, 30, 78--79,
Sudassa, 153 88, g8; Sef't., 7, 43
Sudassi, 153 Theravadins, 95--100, 105, I I4
Suddhavasa, 146, 153 Therigatha, I, 9,17,27
Suddhodana, 40, 125 Theriyanikaya, go
Sudhamma, Samanera, 70 Thiiladharapabbata, Vihaxa, 84
Sudhamundaka Vihara, 123 Thiilathana, 7.), 130
Sujata., 14'4' Thupa, Great, 142 (See Maha.thilpa)
Su-ii-no, 137 Thfiparama, 55--56, 73, 104, r07--
Suma,57 108 ;--Cetiya, 142; Dagaba, 54,
Sumana, Kalhalava.si, IS; mountain, 1°7,108; Vihara, r07
46, I I 3; novice, 49; samaI).era, Tibetan, Q9
70 TIkas, 98
Sumanadeva, Gamavasi, 106, of Gama, Tikkhindriya Sutta, 98
75--76; of Samantakuta, 151 Tipitaka, 25--26, 135
Sumanagiri, II3 ;--Vihala, 113, 149 Tiracchana-yoni, 152
xLviii
 Tissa, bhikkhu, 111: brahmin, 73, Va"iavamukhi, 44
77; (See Bnihmanati"sa), Catu- Vadhatalaligara,--gama, 123 ;-Vi-
nikayika-, 76,123; king, 53-54, hara, 123
56, 61-62, 72, (Sec Devanampiya- VaisraVal.1a, tree-deity, 44; yak!;la, 44
tissa and Saddhatissa); king of Vaisva, 104-
Kalyal).i, 61; layman, 71, 128; Vaitulya, bhikkhfis, 91 ; books, 90-92
Lenagirivasi~-, 103, 1 rI; Minister
doctrine, 92, 96 ;-Pitaka, 90;
of Dutthagama!J.l, 62; of Hambu- School, 100:- teachings, qr;
gallakavihara, 78; of Kotipab- -vadins, 104, Jog
bata, 70, 118; of Kenagiri, 89; Vaitulyas, 90
of Pancaggalalena, 122; of Pari- Vajagaragiri, ).Ionastery, 127 ;-Vi-
viira list 82; Padhaniya, 122; hara, 123
Pil).<;iapatika Pil).<;iapatiya· 61, J16, Vajirabuddhi-tika, 13
120; Punabbasukutumhika, 65; Viijiriya School, gg-Ioo
Saketa-, 121; samal).era, 126; Vajjiputtaka, sect., 88
thera, 62 : Viilika Vihara, 1 I I
Tissa, 77 Vamantapahbhara, 68-69
Tissabhuti, 75~-76 VaI).avasa, country, 64
Tissadatta, 59, I I I Vailkanasikatissa, go
Tissamaharama, 66, 75,115-120,125; Val).l).apitaka, 98--99
--Vihara, 115--117 VarulJ.a, 149
Tissamahavihara, 30, 56 Vasabha, 26, 8g-90, 106, 141--142
Tissattheracetiya, 1[7 Vasavatti, [50
'fivakka, 55 Vatakasitapabbata, 72 ;--Vihara, J09
Tripitakas, 94 Vatakapabbata, 66
Tshi, dYnasty, Northern, 96 Vattakalaka. 121
Tsin, dynasty, Eastern, 96 Vattagamani Abha:va _ 45, 69, 73, 76- .
TuHidhara, ·pabbata, Vihaxa, 120; 80,88, ,)0,94,1°9,13°,138
Vihara, 30 Veda", 140, J.50
Tusita, 151, 153 Vedalla Pitaka, 98
Vedic, Period, 139
Ubhatovibhangabhiil)aka, 31--32, 82 ; Vedisagiri, 49--50
thera, 31 Vedisaka, 50
Uccatalanka, 66, 120 Vehappheia, 153
lJdana, I, 9, 17, 27 ;--atthakatha, 34, VeIangavitthika ViUxa, 72
139, 151 Vemanika Petas J49
Uddhaciiliibhaya, 46 Vesakha, 50, 6+ .
Uddhakandaraka Vihara, 61 V~sali, Ig--20, 22, 64, 142
Uddissa Cetiya, 134, qO--I41
Ujjeni,64 Vessagiri, Forest, 133 ;-Vihara, 108-··
Ukkanagara Vihara, 67 109, I28
UllabhakolakaI).I).ika, 85 Vessantara ]ataka, 36, 64
Unnala, 57, Vessaval).a, 147-148
lTpaIi, 24, 54_, 78, 86; bhikkhUl.1L 77 Vibhailga, 2, 8, 85
UparimaI).<;iaIa, 68 Vibhi;;;ana, 44
Upasena, 1, 8--g, l7 Vihara ::\1aha Devi, 61
Upasika Vihara, 56--57 Vijaya, 43-44, 47, I I I
Upatissa, brahmal).a, 44; king, 93, Vijayabiihu 1, 113
142; thera, 75,-76, 80-81, 85, Vijayattaci, 145
96 Viijakadambaka, g8
Upatissagama, 44 Vimanavatthu, 1, 8--9, 17, 27, 51;
Uru-Buddharakkh:ta,64 - a tthakatha, 41
Uru-Dhammarakkhita, 64 Virnativinodani Tika, 12
Uru-Sangharakkhita, 64 Vimuktisailgraha, 18
Uruvela, 56 Vinaya,3, 5, 12--13, 24--26, 31, 40,
Ussada Naraka, 152 55--56, 70, 77~-78, 82, 86--87.
Ussiliyatissa, 91 106., 132; -atthakatha, 10,
Uttara, Nunnery, 92; Samal).era, 70; 13; commentaries, 13; Commen-
thera, 64; village, 116 tarv Sinh., 87 ;-dharas, 25, 8o;
Uttara, 57 --Pitaka, I, 57, 76, 80-81, 94--95,
Uttaramanti, 9 133; recital. .')4, 56; rule, 30,
Uttaravaddbamana, peasant, 116; 88, 110, 128, 131
village, 128 Vindhya, Forest, 64
Uttinna, 64 VirG-1ha, 147-148
Uttiya,.king, 57, 59, 102; thera, 49 Virupakkha, 147-148
;L
Visakha, 59, 10.5; thera, 117 Vyadhadeva, 44
Vi!;ll).U,90 Yakkhas, 43. 45--46, 5.).. IOR, II0~11
Visuddhijanavilasini, 1,9 Yak!;la, cult, 44 ;--worship in CeyJon,
Visuddhimagga, I, 3-4, 7--8. 13-Q, 43-44
16- 19, 21, 29-30, 39, 67, 74, Yak!;lil).is, 44
82~85, 98, .102-105, I la, 117-- Yama, 148-149; sharing of merits
1I8, 121-122, 131, 152 with--, 107, 149
Vissakamma, 146, 147 Yama, 152
Vital).Q.avadas, 96 Yamaka, 2, 8
Vitaw~avadL la Yatthiilayakatissa, 61
Vital).Q.avadins, 15, 95-96 Yona, country ,64 ;-rattha, 1 I I
Voharaka,tissa, 90-91, 94, 96, 128. Yuan Chwang, 24
'4' Yueh-She, 138