UNIT 3: RURAL ECONOMY AND SOCIETY

(A) Agricultural Production in Mughal India

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India has a very large land area with diverse climatic zones. Throughout its history,
agriculture has been its predominant productive activity. During the Mughal period, large
tracts of land were under the plough. A wide range of food crops, fruits and vegetables were
grown in India. Contemporary Indian and foreign writers praise the fertility of Indian soil.

(1) Extent of Cultivation

In the absence of relevant data, it is difficult to find out the exact area under the plough.
Nevertheless, the available data helps us to have an idea about the cultivable land during
Mughal period. Abul Fazl in his Ain-i Akbari provides area figures for all the Mughal
provinces in North India except Bengal, Thatta and Kashmir. And for most of the provinces,
like Delhi, Agra, Awadh, Lahore, Multan, Allahabad and Ajmer, separate figures are
provided for each pargana. The figures of the Ain belong to the year c. 1595. The area figures
for the 17th century for various regions are available in an accountancy manual of A.D. 1686.
The same figures have been reproduced in a historical work Chahar Gulshan (1739-40). This
manual provides measured area figures for each province; total number of villages in each
province and a break-up of measured and unmeasured villages.

As stated earlier, the Ain provides area figures in most cases for each pargana but it is difficult
to say to what extent the pargana was actually measured. The set of figures available from
Aurangzeb’s reign provide a better picture. These show that almost fifty per cent of the
villages were not measured till A.D. 1686. The figures for Aurangzeb’s reign show that the
measured area increased compared to the Ain (1595). But it is difficult to say that the total
increase in the measured area was due to extension of cultivation. This may as well have been
due to the inclusion of some of the earlier unmeasured area under measurement.

There is a debate among historians as to what these measurement figures actually represent -
whether these figures are for the area actually under crop, or cultivable land or the total
measured area. W.H. Moreland was of the view that these figures represent the total cropped
area. Irfan Habib holds that it would have included cultivable area which was not sown and
also area under habitation, lakes, tanks, parts of forests, etc. Shireen Moosvi agrees with Irfan
Habib and has calculated this cultivable waste as ten per cent of the measured area. But she
feels that even after deducting this ten per cent, the remaining area cannot be taken as net
cropped area because large tracts of cultivated areas were not measured. She also thinks that
many a times the land under kharif and rabi crops was measured separately and, after adding
the two, it was recorded as measured area. In such a situation, measurement figures of
Mughal period alone are not of much help to ascertain the extent of cultivation.

Irfan Habib and Shireen Moosvi have taken the help of other available data such as detailed
figures of some areas available in some revenue papers, jama figures and dastur rates. These
have been compared with the figures of actually cultivated area in the beginning of 20th
century. According to their estimates the cultivated area between the end of the 16 th century
and the beginning of the 20th century almost doubled. The increase in Bihar, Awadh, and

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parts of Bengal is ascribed to the clearance of forest. In Punjab and Sind the spread of canal
network also contributed to the extension in cultivation.

(2) Means of Cultivation and Irrigation

The Indian peasant used a variety of implements and techniques for cultivation, depending on
the nature of soil and need of the crops. Similarly, irrigation was done through various means
in different regions.

Means and Methods of Cultivation:

Tillage was performed by harnessing a pair of oxen to the plough. The latter was made of
wood with an iron ploughshare. Unlike in Europe, neither horse nor bullock-drawn wheeled
plough nor mouldboards were ever used in India. Regional variations, in a sprawling country
like India, in the size and weight of ploughs must be expected from a light plough that could
be carried by the tiller upon his shoulders, to the heavy one meant for harder soil. Again, for
soft soil, the iron ploughshare or coulter could have been dispensed with, more so as the price
of iron was high. Many contemporary European travellers noted with surprise that Indian
plough just turned the soil and that deep digging was not done, it seems that this suited to
Indian conditions because deep digging would result in the loss of moisture in the soil.
Moreover, it was only the upper layer which was more fertile.

A separate devise was used for breaking the clods or lumps of earth. This was done with the
help of wooden boards called patella in parts of north India. Like plough this flat board was
also harnessed to a pair of oxen. Generally a man would stand on the board to provide
weight. The patella was dragged on the field by oxen.

The sowing of seeds was generally done through scattering by hand. In 16th century Barbosa
also refers to the use of a sort of seed drill in the coastal region for sowing rice. Efforts were
made to increase the fertility of the soil through artificial means. In South India flocks of goat
and sheep were widely used. Generally flocks of these cattle were made to spend a few nights
in the agricultural field for their droppings were considered good manure. It was assumed that
if a flock of 1000 spend five or six nights in one kani of land (1.32 acres) it was enough to
keep land fertile for 6 to 7 years. The same practice was commonly used in Northern India
also. Fish manure also seems to have been used in coastal areas.

Rotation of crops was used for the optimum utilisation of land throughout the year. It was
also considered good to maintain the productivity of the soil. Peasants through the experience
of generations had acquired some knowledge of using rotation of crops for the good of the
soil. They would decide which crop to be replaced by another in a particular field for a better
yield.

A semi circular sickle was used for cutting the crop. The harvested crop was spread on the
ground for threshing. Our sources refer to two methods: in the first method the crop was
beaten with sticks; in the second method the animals were made to move on the spread out
crop. The weight and movement of the animals treaded the grain. The threshed out matter
was put in open baskets and the contents were thrown outside the basket at a controlled
speed. The chaff got scattered by the wind and the grain fell on the ground.

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Means of Irrigation:

Indian agriculture was heavily dependent on rains for irrigation needs. The major criterion for
selecting the crops for sowing was availability of rain water in a particular region. Apart from
rain water, a number of devices were used for artificial irrigation.

Well-irrigation was the most common method employed throughout the length and breadth
of the country. A number of methods were used to lift water from wells depending on the
water table and technology available.
In the Northern plains both masonry and non-masonry wells were dug. The non-masonry
wells were not durable and some digging was required every year. The masonry wells were
durable and were suitable for fixing better water lifting devices. The masonry wells had raised
walls and enclosures or platforms. Both bricks and stones were used to construct wells. These
wells were usually set inside with terracotta rings. These are also known as ring wells.

A number of devices were used for lifting water from the wells.

1. The most simple method was to draw water with rope and bucket by hand without any
mechanical aid. Due to its limited capacity this device could not have been used for irrigating
large fields.

2. The second method was the employment of pulleys over the wells. The same rope and
bucket was used over the pulley to lift the water. With the help of pulley larger amounts of
water could be drawn with less effort than the first method. Both the above devices were used
for the supply of water in domestic use or for irrigating small plots.

3. In the third method the rope-pulley was used with the addition of the employment of a pair
of oxen. The use of animal power in this method helped in irrigating larger areas.

4. The fourth device worked on a lever principle. In this method a long rope is lashed to the
fork of an upright beam or trunk of a tree to put it in a swinging position. The bucket was
fastened to rope tied on one end of the pole. The pole’s other end carried a weight heavier
than filled bucket. One person is required to operate it.

5. The fifth method required the use of a wheel. In its earlier form the pots were attached to
the rims of the wheel which was to rotate with the help of animal power. It was used to lift
water from shallow surface and was of no use for wells.

6. The use of wheel for lifting water from well was also made. In this form a garland of pots
was used with 3 wheels, a gear mechanism and animal power. With the help of this device
regular supply of large amounts of water could be ensured for irrigating large fields. This was
also helpful for lifting water from deep wells. The complex machine and animal power would
have made the device expensive. It therefore would have been accessible to the peasants with
substantial means.

Lakes, tanks and reservoirs of water were also used uniformly in all parts of the country. In
South India, this was the most prevalent method used for irrigation. Here the dams were
made over the rivers. Construction of such reservoirs was beyond individual means. It was
therefore the responsibility of state, local chiefs and temple management to create such
facilities. The massive Madag Lake built by Vijaynagar rulers is a marvel of civil engineering

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of the time. It was built on the Tungabhadra with three earth embankments to bridge the gaps
in the hills. When full, this lake was 10-15 miles long. Each of the three embankments had
sluices built of huge slabs of hewn stones.

Rajasthan is another region where large reservoirs for storing water abound. The Dhebar
Lake in Mewar, has a circumference of 36 miles. The Udaisagar is said to have a
circumference of 12 miles. Similar reservoirs created with the help of dams in Marwar and
Amber regions were Balsan and Mansagar respectively. Almost every cluster of villages had
smaller reservoirs and lakes where rain water was stored. Our sources inform us that in the
1650s, Mughal administration proposed to advance Rs. 40,000 to 50,000 to the cultivators in
Khandesh and Berar for erecting dams for irrigation. It is interesting to note that a wide
network of such small dams in Khandesh is still in use, and they cover the basins of the five
major rivers in this region, viz., Mosam, Girna, Ken, Panjbra, and Shivan.

In Northern plains, canals were the main means of irrigation. We know about canals
constructed by Sultan Firoz Tughluq during 14th century. The trend seems to have continued
under the Mughals. The Nahr Faiz built during Shah Jahan’s reign was around 150 miles in
length. It carried the water from the Yamuna to a large area. Another canal, around 100 miles
long, was cut from the river Ravi near Lahore. Remains of a number of canals are available in
the whole Indus delta. Irfan Habib is of the opinion that the main deficiency of Mughal canals
was that they did not often run above the surrounding plain, and so the water that could be
obtained from them for irrigation was limited to what could be lifted from them. The network
of canals in the region kept on increasing. Canals are not reported from south India.

(3) Agricultural Produce

1. Food Crops:

The majority of seasonal crops in North India were grown in two major crop seasons kharif
(autumn) and rabi (spring). In some areas the peasants tended to grow even three crops by
producing some short-term crops in between. Rice was the main kharif crop and wheat was
rabi.
In South India, these distinct crop-seasons with different crops were absent. Here, on wet
lands one paddy (rice) crop was in the fields from June/July to December/January and another
from January/February to Apri/May. In North Arcot, dry crops (kumbu, red gram, horse
gram, and castor) were sown from May to September/October and harvested from August to
December/January on the wet lands, in August/September the ragi and cholam and in
February/March the paddy crop, were harvested.

Rice and wheat were the two major food crops throughout the country. The regions with high
rainfall (40″ to 50″) accounted for the bulk of rice production. The whole of Northeast,
Eastern India (Bihar, Bengal, Orissa with parts of Eastern U.P.), southern coast of Gujarat
and South India, were rice producing areas. As indicated above, in South India there were
two main seasons of rice cultivation kuddapah-kar and samba-peshanam. They were named
after the variety of rice cultivated during the summer and winter seasons.
Rice cultivation is also reported from irrigated areas of Punjab and Deccan. Every region had
its own variety of coarse to ordinary to fine quality of rice. Regions of Bengal and Bihar
produced the finest quality of rice.

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Like rice, wheat also had specific regions. Punjab, Sind, Western Uttar Pradesh and other
regions with little rainfall produced wheat. References to its production in Bihar, Gujarat,
Deccan and even some parts of Bengal are also available.

Apart from these two major crops, barley was grown extensively in the Central plains. The
Ain-i Akbari refers to barley production in Allahabad, Awadh, Agra, Ajmer, Delhi, Lahore
and Multan, etc. Millet is reported with some exceptions mainly from wheat producing zones.
Jowar and bajra were the two main millets grown.

Pulses are reported from different regions. Important ones are gram, arhar, moong, moth, urd
and khisari (the latter was grown extensively in Bihar and the regions of present Madhya
Pradesh). However, Abul Fazl says that its consumption was injurious to health. The same is
confirmed by modern researches.

It was believed for long that maize was not known in India during 17th century. Some recent
works establish beyond doubt that it was grown definitely in Rajasthan and Maharashtra and
possibly other regions also during the second half of the 17th century.

2. Cash Crops:

Crops grown mainly for the market are commonly termed as cash cops. These are referred in
Persian records as jinsi kamil or jinsi ala (superior grade crops). Unlike seasonal food crops,
these occupied the fields almost the whole year.

The major cash crops in 16th-17th centuries were sugarcane, cotton, indigo and opium. All
these crops were known in India from historical times. However, in the 17th century their
demand increased due to enhanced manufacturing and commercial activities. The Indian
peasant, quick to follow the market demand, increased the cultivation of these crops.

Sugarcane was the most widely grown cash crop of the period. The Ain-i Akbari records it in
most of the dastur circles of Agra, Awadh, Lahore, Multan and Allahabad. Sugar from
Bengal was considered to be the best in quality. Multan, Malwa, Sind, Khandesh, Berar and
region of South India all testify to the presence of sugarcane in the 17th century.

Another cash crop grown throughout the country was cotton. The regions with large scale
cultivation were parts of the present day Maharashtra, Gujarat and Bengal. Contemporary
sources refer to its cultivation in Ajmer, Allahabad, Awadh, Bihar, Multan, Thatta (Sind),
Lahore and Delhi.

Indigo was another cash crop widely cultivated under the Mughals. The plant yielded a blue
dye (neel) which was much in demand in India and European markets. Its presence is
recorded in the dastur circles of Awadh, Allahabad, Ajmer, Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Multan and
Sind. Its cultivation is referred in Gujarat, Bihar, Bengal, Malwa and Coromandal in South
India and Deccan. Bayana (near Agra) was considered as producing the best quality of indigo
and fetched high price. Other notable places for quality indigo were regions around Khurja
and Aligarh (in U.P.), Sehwan (in Sind) and Telangana (in Deccan).
Cultivation of opium is reported from a number of places in India. The Mughal provinces of
Bihar and Malwa seem to have produced good opium. It was also cultivated in Awadh, Bihar,
Delhi, Agra, Multan, Lahore, Bengal, Gujarat, Marwar, and Mewar in Rajasthan.

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Cultivation of tobacco seems to have spread in India in a short time. The Ain-i Akbari does
not mention it as a crop in any of the dastur circles or other regions. It seems to have been
introduced in India during the 16th century by the Portuguese. Its cultivation was noticed in
almost all parts of the country (especially in Surat and Bihar).

Cultivation of coffee seems to have started during the second half of the 17 th century while
tea does not figure during the Mughal period as a common beverage.

Sericulture (rearing of silkworms on mulberry plant) was carried on in Bengal, Assam,

The plants whose seeds were used for extracting oil come under the category of food as well
as cash crops. The main oil yielding crops listed are rapeseed, castor and linseed. Rapeseed is
reported in all provinces from Allahabad to Multan as also in Bengal. Cultivation of oilseed
plants was relatively less widespread.

3. Fruits, Vegetables and Spices:

Horticulture seems to have reached new heights during the Mughal period. The Mughal
Emperors and the nobles planted lavish orchards. Almost every noble had his gardens on the
outskirts of the towns where they resided. Orchards and groves were laid down with careful
planning. A number of fruits available today were introduced in India during 16th and 17th
centuries.

Pineapple (anannas) is one such fruit which was brought from Latin America and introduced
in India by the Portuguese. In a short period of time it became popular and was extensively
cultivated all over the country.

Papaya and cashew-nuts were also introduced through the same agency, but their spread
was a bit slow. Leechi and guava seem to have been introduced later. Cherries were brought
from Kabul and grown in Kashmir through grafting. The practice of grafting was in order to
improve the quality of a number of fruits. Quality of oranges and other types of citrus fruits,
apricots, mangoes and a host of other fruits was greatly improved through grafting.

Coconut was grown not only along the coastal region but also inland. Seeds of different
variety of melons and grapes were brought from Kabul and successfully grown in the gardens
of Emperors and nobles. Ordinary melons were grown everywhere on riverbeds by the
peasants.

A large variety of vegetables were grown all over the country. The Ain provides a long list of
vegetables in use at that time. Potato and Tomato seem to have been introduced in the 17th
century and after.

For centuries India was known for its spices. The Southern coast of India witnessed large
scale spice export to various regions in Asia and Europe. Pepper, clove, cardamom were
plentiful. Ginger and Turmeric were grown extensively. The Dutch and English purchased
large quantities for export. Saffron grown in Kashmir was celebrated for its colour and
flavour. Pan (betel leaf) was produced in many areas. The Maghi Pan of Bihar and various
other varieties from Bengal were famous. Betel-nut was also produced in coastal regions.

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Large forest tracts supplied a number of commercially important products. Lignum used for
medicinal purpose and lac were exported in large quantities.

(4) Cattle and Livestock

The cattle played a very important role in agricultural production. They were employed in
important agricultural activities like ploughing and irrigation, and their dung was used for
manuring. Besides, dairy products contributed substantially to the agriculture related
production. The peasants in general along with some specialised castes were involved in the
rearing of cattle. Large scale involvement of cattle in agricultural operations suggests the
presence of large cattle population. With high land-man ratio, grazing fields would have been
available in abundance.

Contemporary European travellers refer to large numbers of cattle in Indian fields. lrfan
Habib suggests that the per capita cattle population in Mughal India compares favourably
with modern statistics. Abundance of butter or ghee is said to be the diet of the common
people; this also suggests a large cattle population. Oxen were used for transporting goods as
pack-animals or for bullock carts. The banjaras (migrant trading community) are said to have
maintained flocks of a few hundred to thousand animals. Flocks of thousands of sheep and
goats were also reared.

(5) Agricultural Manufactures

The combination of agricultural work and manufacturing processes was a notable feature of
peasant life in Mughal India. A number of agro-manufacturing works were carried out on a
small scale in the villages. The labour employed in these industries were hereditary, the
implements and methods of work were both crude and the output meagre. Some of such
manufacturing works were:

Cotton textile manufacturing: Cotton was extensively grown in the country. Normally
peasants grow them and picked them manually when ripe. After ginning them, the cleaning
and carding was done by a special class of labourers called dhunyas. Thereafter it was spun
into yarn and ready for sale to the weavers who weave clothes out of it.

Sugar and gur manufacture: This was basically based on the raw material of sugarcane.
Farmers cut sugarcane into sections, and then pressed them either with wooden rollers
worked by oxen or with stone mortar-and-pestle mill also turned by oxen. The juice obtained
was then heated in big iron pans until it crystallised into unrefined sugar. From it gur and
various varieties of sugar were produced by different degrees of refining.

Extraction of oil from oilseeds was also done in the villages. This was normally done by the
caste of telis (oilmen) working with the help of ox-driven presses.

Manufacture of dyes especially of indigo was known to the people. Here stalks of indigo
were put in a large vat and after absorbing the dye, the water was run off to another vat. The
dye was then dissolved by stirring it continuously and then allowed to settle at the bottom. It
was then collected and spread on cloth to dry.

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Likewise, manufacturing of liquor from gur, barley, rice and coconut was also done based on
distillation. With the same distillation process were also made rose-water, rose-essence and
other scented perfumes.

Thus, the agro-manufactures covered some of the most important needs of a peasant’s family.
When a village spun its own yarn and obtained its own sugar and oil, and when a village
weaver produced clothing, carpenter the plough, blacksmith the farming tools and potter the
earthen pots, there would have been little left that the peasants would need to get from
outside the village limits.

(B) MUGHAL LAND REVENUE SYSTEM

The central feature of the agrarian system under the Mughals was the alienation from the
peasant of his surplus produce (produce over and above the subsistence level) in the form of
land revenue which was the main source of state's income. Early British administrators
regarded the land revenue as rent of the soil because they had a notion that the king was the
owner of the land. Subsequent studies of Mughal India have shown that it was only a tax on
the crop and was not rent as conceived by the British. Abul Fazl in his Ain-i Akbari justifies
the imposition of taxes by the state saying that these are the remuneration of sovereignty, paid
in return for protection and justice.

The process of land revenue has two stages; Assessment (tashkhis/jama) to fix the state
demand and Actual collection (hasil) based on the fix demand which was done separately for
kharif and rabi crops.

(1) Different methods of Land Revenue Assessment:

Under the Mughals, assessment was separately made for kharif and rabi crops. After the
assessment was over a written document called patta was issued in which the amount or the
rate of the revenue demand was mentioned. The cultivator was in return supposed to give
qabuliyat i.e. 'the "acceptance" of the obligation imposed upon him, stating when and how he
would make the payments.

Some of the common methods in existence during the Mughal period were:

1. Ghalla Bakhshi: (Crop-sharing): In some areas it was called bhaoli and batai. The
Ain-i Akbri notes three types of crop-sharing: a) Division of crop at the threshing floor after
the grain was obtained. This was done in the presence of both the parties in accordance with
agreement. b) Khet batai: The share was decided when the crop was still standing in the
fields, and a division of the field was marked. c) Lang batai: The crop was cut and stacked in
heaps without separating grain and a division of crop in this form was made.

In Malikzada's Nigarnama-i Munshi, crop sharing has been mentioned as the best method of
revenue assessment and collection. Under this method, the peasants and the state shared the
risks of the seasons equally. But as Abul Fazl says it was expensive from the viewpoint of the
state since the latter had to employ a large number of watchmen, else there were chances of

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misappropriation before harvesting. When Aurangzeb introduced it in the Deccan, the cost of
revenue collection doubled simply from the necessity of organizing a watch on the crops.

2. Kankut/Dambandi: The word kankut is derived from the words kan and kut. ‘Kan’
denotes grain while ‘kut’ means to estimate. Similarly, ‘dam’ means grain while ‘bandi’ is
fixing or detemining anything. It was a system where the grain yield (or productivity) was
estimated. In kankut, at first, the field was measured either by means of a rope or by pacing.
After this, the per bigha productivity from good, middling and bad lands was estimated and
one-third of the estimated produce was fixed as revenue demand. In simple terms, it was a
rough estimate of produce on the basis of actual inspection and past experience.

3. Nasaq: This was widely prevalent in the Mughal Empire, particularly in Begal. In this
system, a rough calculation was made on the basis of the past revenue receipts of the
peasants. It required no actual measurement but the area was ascertained from the records.

4. Zabti/dahsala: In Mughal India, this system was the most important and standard method
of assessment. The origin of this practice is traced to Sher Shah. During Akbar'r reign, the
system was revised a number of times before it took the final shape.

The chief features of the zabti or dahsala system were:

Measurement of Land: The entire cultivable land was measured. For measurement, instead
of using Sher Shah’s jarib of hemp robe (which could be easily manipulated by corrupt
officials), Akbar used jarib of bamboo (tanab) with two iron rings on both the sides. The
measuring yard was now fixed at 41 digits instead of Sher Shah’s 32 digits. A separate record
of the pastures, jungles and lakes was maintained.

Classification of land: For estimation of the average yield of lands, the entire cultivation
land was divided into four categories.

a) Polaj – annually cultivated without fallowing

These four categories were dealt differently. The first two were further divided into three
grades – good, middling and bad – according to fertility. The average of these grades, per
bigha, was to be the estimated produce which will be considered for final assessment. (eg. In
a bigha, 60 bags of paddy is the yield from good grade, 45 bags from middling grade and 30
bags from bad grade. Total produce is 60+45+30 = 135. Average of these figures = 45, so the
estimate yield of that particular bigha of land is 45.)

Assessment: After estimating the average yield, assessment was done to fix the state demand
in cash or cash rates. Assessment was done by Amalguzar, his assistant Amin and other
revenue officials on the basis of the records maintained by the Bitikichi, Qanungo and
Patwari. Usually assessment was arrived at taking into account the average yield and other
considerations like access to water, nature of the land, fertility of the soil etc. After all these

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considerations, state’s share was fixed as one-third of the average produce from Polaj and
Parati lands and as for the Chachar and Banjar lands state’ share ranges from 1/13, 2/13, 3/13
and 1/3.

Commutation: Having fixed the state’s share, it was necessary to commute it into cash
payment. The old system was to commute the produce into cash rates (dasturs), according to
the prevailing market prices. But this was troublesome as it entails unnecessary expenditure
and waste of time. So Todar Mal came with solution by fixing the cash rates based on the
average of last ten years actual.

Collection of revenue: The revenue was collected twice a year – when rabi crop was
harvested and so was during kharif harvest season. Muqqdam, the village headman, helped
the Amulguzar and his subordinates in the revenue collection. The collectors were instructed
to collect first the arrears and then the demand of the season. They were also instructed to
deal kindly with the peasants and not to demand at off seasons.

Usually, the revenue was deposited in the treasury through the 'amil' or revenue collector.
Akbar encouraged the peasants to pay directly. Todar Ma1 recommended that the peasants of
trusted villages, within the time limit, could deposit their revenue in the treasury themselves
and could obtain receipt. The village accountant, patwari made endorsement in his register to
establish the amount paid. Irfan Habib considers these regulations as precautionary measures
on the part of administration to avoid fraud and embezzlement.

Zabti system was adopted only in the core regions of the Empire. The main provinces
covered under zabti were Bengal, Delhi, Allahabad, Awadh, Agra, Lahore and Multan. Even
in these provinces, other methods of assessment were also practiced, depending on the
circumstances of the area.

Merits of Zabti system:

i) Measurement could always be rechecked;

Limitations:

i) It could not be applied if the quality of the soil was not uniform;
ii) If the yield was uncertain, this method was disadvantageous to peasants because
risks were borne by them alone.
iii) Much fraud could be practiced in recording the measurement.

Revenue farming: Ijara syrtem or revenue farming was another feature of the revenue
system of that time. Though, as a rule, Mughals disapproved of this practice, in actual fact
certain villages were sometimes farmed out. Generally, these villages, when peasant did not
have resources available for undertaking cultivation or where owing to some calamity
cultivation could not be done, were farmed out on ijara. The revenue officials or their

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relatives were not supposed to take land on ijara . It was expected that revenue farmers would
not extract more than the stipulated land revenue from the peasants. But this was hardly the
case in actual practice.

The practice of ijara, it seems, could not have been very common in the zabti provinces,
Gujarat and the Mughal Dakhin. In the khalisa lands also this practice was very rare.
However, in the jagir lands it became a common feature. Revenue assignees (jagirdars)
farmed out their assignments in lieu of a lump sum payment, generally to the highest bidders.
Sometimes jagirdars sub-assigned part of their Jagirs to his subordinate/troopers.
During the 18th century ijara system became a common form of revenue assessment and
collection.

Relief Measures:

Whatever be the method of revenue assessment, there was some provision for relief in the
case of bad harvests.

In ghallaa bakhshi and kankut, state's share would rise and fall depending upon the current
harvest. In zabti, relief was given by excluding the area designated nabud from assessment.

Taqavi (strength giving) loans were granted to enable the peasants to buy seeds, cattle and
agricultural implements and were recovered in easy installments. These loans were interest-
free, normally to be repaid at the time of harvest.

New wells were dug up and old ones were repaired for extension and improvement of
cultivation. And if soldiers during their march destroyed certain crops, the state quickly gave
them compensations.

(C) VILLAGE COMMUNITY AND PEASANTRY

There were three constituents of the village community – the cultivators (villagers), the
panchayats and the village headmen (muqaddams).

Villagers: The cultivators or peasants, who constituted the village population, were of not
one unified community. There was deep inequality on the basis of caste and other class like
distinctions in the rural society. Although there was abundance of land for cultivation, certain
caste groups were assigned menial tasks which made them poor. Such groups comprised the
bulk of the village population. They had the least resources and their position was deplorable.
In the Muslim communities, menials like halakhoran (scavengers) were made to live outside
the boundaries of village. Similarly the mallahzadas (boatmen) were treated like slaves and
not engaged in the fields. These groups lacked resources and thus became dependent on
others. So caste and poverty was directly related to the social status at the lower level of
society. But at the intermediate levels such correlations could not be noticed. For instance,
Rajputs in the 17th century worked as peasants sharing the same space and task as the Jats of

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the lower status. New castes like Ahirs, Gujars, Meenas and Malis rose in the caste hierarchy
because of the profitability of cattle rearing and horticulture. And in eastern regions,
intermediate pastoral and fishing castes like Sadgops and Kaivartas acquired the status of
peasants.

Villages also have a substantial number of artisans and at times, many performed the tasks of
cultivators as well as artisans. Cultivators participated in craft productions such as dyeing,
making of pottery, manufacturing and repairing of agricultural tools. In the off seasons of
agriculture, cultivators could turn to craft production. Village artisans like potters,
blacksmiths, goldsmiths, carpenters, barbers etc. provided specialised services to the
villagers. They were compensated for their services by the people by variety of means like
giving them a share of harvest or allotting them some lands.

Panchayats: A village panchayat, which looked after the affairs of the village, was a council
or assembly of village elders. It comprised of wealthy and important members representing
various castes and communities of the village except the menials and agricultural workers.
The decisions taken by these panchayats were binding on all the members.

The main source of income of the panchayat was the contributions made by individuals to a
common financial pool. The panchayat used this to entertain revenue officials who visited the
village from time to time and also for community welfare activities such as construction of
bund or digging of canals plus for meeting natural calamities like famines, droughts and
floods. An important function of the panchayat was to ensure that caste boundaries among the
various communities of the village were not disturbed. In eastern India, all marriages were
done in the presence of the panchayat so that no offence or breach of caste lines was
committed. The panchayats also performed some judicial functions. They can levy fines and
inflict serious forms of punishments like expulsion from village. Villagers from lowest
classes of the society looked upon the panchayats as court of appeal that would guarantee
justice. Thus petitions would be sent to them complaining against unjust taxes or demands
imposed by superior castes or elite groups. In such cases, panchayats often suggested some
compromise and in case reconciliation failed, some peasants deserted village as a protest.

Headmen: The village headman was called muqaddam in norther India while in the Deccan
he was called patel. He was normally a peasant himself, but sometimes, an outsider, even a
townsman can be appointed as muqaddam. In villages where panchayats were weak or non-
existent, the muqaddam enjoyed a crucial position. He was responsible for the payment of the
village revenue for which he collected the revenue-share of each individual peasant and he
was given 2.5 percent of the revenue collected as his commission. Most muqaddams take
advantage of this and usually make large unauthorised collections from the villagers. Even
when taqavi loans were advanced to encourage cultivation, it was distributed to the peasants
through the headman who always pocketed some amount. Apart from these financial
advantages, the muqaddam exacted certain customary perquisites like khurak and muqaddami
from the villagers individually.

The muqaddam was answerable for any crime committed within or near his village. In cases
of robbery or murder he was obliged to produce the culprits and the amounts stolen. He used
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this as another weapon to cow down the poorer section of his fellow villagers. He also has the
right to allot uncultivated land of the village to anyone he wished. Thus, his position was a
profitable one. His financial advantages and enormous powers over the village seem
sometimes to have led to his claiming or acquiring certain rights identical with those of the
zamindar.

The muqaddam was assisted by the village accountant called patwari, whose main duty was
to keep an account of the expenditure and income of the village. He was to maintain the
records of the collection of land revenue from individual peasants and its payment to the
authorities. He was given allowances from the village fund and during Akbar’s time, he was
assigned a commission of one percent on the revenues of his village.

PEASANTRY

The most important section of the village population comprised the cultivators who are
collectively referred to as raiyat or generally denoted as peasants. Other terms like khwud-
kasht, pahi, muzara, hali were specific to different sections within the peasantry. They were
differentiated from the kamins (artisans and menials) and other occupational classes who
could also engage in cultivation. Base on the nature of holdings, the peasants were stratified
into number of categories which is discussed below:

Khwud-kasht: This term implied hereditary ownership of land and the right to sell or
mortgage it. Khwud-kashta possessed and used his personal plough for tilling the land
holding owned by the family. He had the right to get back his holding even after a lapse of
10-15 years provided he cleared revenue dues. The upper caste or richer khwud-kashta relied
on full or part time labour for cultivating their holdings as their women did not work in fields.
The number of ploughs owned by a khwud-kashta was a measure of his status.

The richer section of the khwud-kashta and superior caste peasants enjoyed tax concessions
and leading positions in the rural society. In short, they were relatively well off peasants,
owners of best lands, possessors of numerous ploughs and bullocks and enjoying a favourable
tax rating. They at times manipulated to shift their burden on the common peasants and also
repress small peasantry by converting the raiyati holding into their khwud-kashta. They
engaged in purchase and mortgage of land holdings belonging to poor peasants which led to
the development of share-cropping and tenant farming.

Pahi or pai- kashta: They were from villages other than the village where they resided. The
position and nature of their land rights varied depending on their caste, duration of stay, their
agricultural capital, availability of land and the customary practices of the area. They were
mostly inferior in caste and status. Though, generally poor, no summary conclusions about
their economic conditions are possible. Those with ploughs and bullocks were better off and
they are more likely to be singled out by the state for concessions.

There were two categories of pahis. The first were non-resident cultivators who usually come
from neighbouring villages and cultivated land without becoming the resident of the village.
They tilled the land as tenants and had no right to sell or mortgage it. They were induced to

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develop newly colonised and depopulated villages and they were charged land revenue at
concessional rate. This sometimes made the pahis even better off than the resident cultivators,
but being outsider, they did not have social status. The second category was essentially
migratory cultivators who came from far off villages and parganas. There were varied reasons
for the migration of the pahis such as famine, wars, oppressions by local authorities,
excessive taxation, indebtedness, non-availability of credit, search for better terms and
conditions etc. Sometimes pahis got absorbed into the body of the resident cultivators in
course of their long stay in a new village.

Muzarians: They were a category of cultivators less privilege than khwud-kashta and were
occasionally dependent on village money-lender, zamindar and headman for bullocks,
ploughs and seeds etc. They were of two categories – state tenants and tenants of superior
section.

State tenants were the ones who cultivated surplus land or land abandoned by some khwud-
kashta in the village under specific terms and conditions mentioned in patta issued by state
revenue officials. Their position, rights and economic conditions depend on availability of
cultivable waste and the nature of implements they owned. Those who possessed their own
implements were preferred by the state. The terms of tenancy varied. Some of them work as
short term contractors, cultivating a particular land holding for a single harvest or a period of
one year, yet, contract was renewable. In course of time, some of them, originally assigned to
cultivate waste, became settled and acquired hereditary occupancy rights over land.

The second category of muzarians tilled the personal lands of superior sections and other
prosperous peasants who depended upon tenant cultivators. A large proportion of land was
held by the dominant and richer section which was partly let out to tenants. Whereas the state
tenants paid only land revenue to the state, the second groups had to pay additional rent to the
owner which came to about 15 percent of produced. Many of these tenants were indebted to
the owner. The existence of such tenants in spite of abundant cultivable land can be explained
in terms of their inability to invest in their holdings.

Share croppers (sanjah system): Share cropping is a form of dependence. It arose out of
poor peasant’s inability to get enough from his own holding or his poor resource position.
Under this arrangement one group provide necessary investment or productive resources and
labour power was provided by another group. Here poor peasants cultivated land conjointly
with the zamindars or some prosperous peasants who resorted to this arrangement because of
their substantial land holdings for which they could not provide required labour. Small
peasants supplement their income by engaging on these arrangements. A special feature of
the sanjah was the differential revenue assessment for the two parties. While the zamindar
was assessed at concessional rates, peasants were required to pay normal rates.

Agricultural labourers: The caste factor necessitated a certain supply of hired labour. A
large reserve for such labour was supplied by menial castes. Apart from landless menials a
section of small peasants were also available to render part time agricultural labour. The halis
were categorised as Brahman ka hali, Rajput ka hali, zamindar ka hali etc. signifying
agricultural labourers under the employment of upper caste cultivators. In most cases, full
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time halis were employed for a period of three to four months and were paid monthly wages.
Evidences show that female halis were paid lower wages than their male counterparts. The
halis were also given small fraction of food crop produce. Those halis employed by village
community at peak agricultural activities like sowing, weeding and harvesting were paid
through a share of the produce ranging from 0.5 to 1 percent of the produce. They were also
allotted small plots of land in lieu of services rendered to the community.

Kamins: The kamins formed the lowest rung in the social hierarchy of the village. They were
also referred to as paoni and begaria. They served to cater the village community
requirements for agricultural implements as well as labour. The low castes such as Chanar,
Balahi, Thori etc. worked as village menials and also supplied agricultural labour to the
village community especially in the busy season. They can be divided into two categories –
1) those who performed services to the village community and also rendered beggar to the
superior sections. 2) The second were agriculturists paying land revenue to the state. They
were exempted from beggar and payment of taxes on their caste related professions. Khati,
Teli, Kumhar, Kalal and services castes like Chamar, Balahi etc. were referred to as asami
land or tax payers. In some villages they constituted 10 – 17 percent of the recorded asamis.

Despite restrictions on expansion of khwud-kasht holding at the cost of raiyat land, the
resource rich khwud-kashta were involved in the mortgage of lands of the raiyat on a large
scale. The best agricultural land thus tended to pass into the hands of this moneyed class
which caused acute tension between the privileged and under privileged categories. The rich
khwud-kashta consolidated large holdings and used their status and capital to keep the poor
raiyat dependent that reduced their status to mere tenants and dependent peasants. Often the
rich khwud-kashta let out agricultural land they had acquired to the erstwhile peasant
proprietor on condition of paying rent. Many khwud-kashta thus transformed themselves
almost completely into renters.

The state had to maintain the rich groups within rural society as some kind of insurance for
continuing cultivation in lean years. It also realised that it was the rich groups which could
expand cultivation and engaged in cultivation of superior crops. The net result was growing
inequality resulting in turn to the concentration of land at the higher end and increase in the
number of dependent peasants on the other. The economic disparity in the village community
grew and the accumulation of capital enabled the richer section to exploit the poor strata
more intensively.

(D) AGRARIAN CRISIS

The agrarian crisis of the Mughal Empire, which ultimately proved to be one of the most
important causes for the decline of the Mughal Empire, was brought about by a number of
factors, particularly the evils of the jagirdari system.

The jagirs were divorced from any rights to land and were essentially assignment of revenue.
But the tendency of the imperial revenue department to pitch the revenue demand at the
highest possible rate so as to secure resources for the military operations of the empire had a
backlash on the peasantry. With the passage of time, the revenue demand kept on increasing

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weighing the loads of the peasantry. There was also the conflict of interest between the
imperial administration and the individual jagirdars. The state knew that if peasants were
starved, if cultivation fell off, the revenue resources of the empire would decline and its very
foundation shaken and accordingly passed many regulations to control the jagirdars and
directed them to take up constructive policies in their jagirs. On the other hand, the very
transferable nature of the jagirs, that jagirdars never held the same jagir for more than three or
four years devoid them to take up any far-sighted policy of agricultural development. On the
contrary, they recklessly exploited the peasantry in their attempt to squeeze from their jagirs
whatever they could in that short period.

European observers like Jerome Xavier, Hawkins, Bernier, Mundy etc. and even Indians like
Bhimsen, Sadiq Khan elaborately gave accounts on the peasant exploitation by the Mughal
officials (jagirdars). They imposed and realised numerous other taxes from the peasantry
though they were forbidden by the imperial order. Frequently the peasants were compelled to
sell their women, children and their cattle to meet the revenue demands. With the passage of
time, the oppression increased resulting to decline in the cultivation and the number of
absconding peasants grew tremendously. Bernier records that a considerable portion of good
land remained untilled for want of labourers, many whom perished in consequence of the bad
treatment from the governors, or are left with no choice but to abandon the country. The
flight of the peasants from their land was a common phenomenon at this point of time. The
situation reached to such a point where the peasant was left with no choice but between
starvation or slavery and armed resistance.

To translate the distress and pathetic conditions of the peasants into armed resistance required
certain factors. Two social forces that favoured the peasants to ignite and extend the scale of
peasant uprisings were caste and religion. The ties of caste played an important role in
rousing peasants to act collectively in defence of their interests. The Jat revolt of the 17 th
century is a clear example of how a peasant rebellion proceeded along caste lines. So was
caste attributed to the violent activities of the Mewatis, Wattus and Dogars against the
Mughals. Religion also united the peasantry to fight for their common ideals. The inspiration
of the two powerful rebellions of the time – Satnamis and the Sikhs – against the Mughals
came from a common religious faith. On top of caste and religion that united the peasants, the
discontented zamindars also provided political leadership to the agrarian uprisings of the
time. The peasants and zamindars thus frequently joined hands in their struggle against the
Mughals.

At the final analysis, all the popular rebellions of the 17 th century – the Jat and Bundella
rebellion, the Satnami uprising, the Sikh, Afghan and Maratha revolts - that brought down the
empire to its knees, were all caused by agrarian tensions. The whole empire was full of
contradictions and conflicts were inevitable. There were conflicts of interests between the
various groups of landed class. Whenever local intermediary or chieftan rose in rebellion he
was able to muster behind him a large section of primary zamindars as well as the peasants
against the imperial government. All these factors ultimately led to the collapse of the whole
system.

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