Professional Documents
Culture Documents
American Voices
American Voices
blackwell publishing
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia
The right of Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward to be identified as the Authors of
the Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the
UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988.
1 2006
American voices : how dialects differ from coast to coast / edited by Walt
Wolfram and Ben Ward.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-2108-8 (alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-4051-2108-4 (alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-2109-5 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-4051-2109-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. English language—
Dialects—United States 2. English language—Variation—United
States. 3. English language—Dialects—Canada. 4. English language—
Dialects—Caribbean Area. I. Wolfram, Walt, 1941– II. Ward, Ben, 1962–
PE2841.A77 2006
427′.973—dc22
2005017255
A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.
The publisher’s policy is to use permanent paper from mills that operate a
sustainable forestry policy, and which has been manufactured from pulp
processed using acid-free and elementary chlorine-free practices. Furthermore,
the publisher ensures that the text paper and cover board used have met
acceptable environmental accreditation standards.
List of Illustrations ix
Preface xi
vi Contents
Part V Islands
Contents vii
viii Contents
List of Illustrations ix
x List of Illustrations
The collection of dialect profiles that led to American Voices began inno-
cently. But it was hardly by accident. In fact, it developed from a shared
vision by the co-editors of this volume. In 1997, publisher Ben Ward
launched a magazine dedicated to bringing language issues to the atten-
tion of allied service professionals and to the American public in an at-
tractive, readable format. Linguists sometimes talk about the need to make
language issues more accessible to the general public; the editors of Lan-
guage Magazine made it happen. It was a bold venture, premised on the
assumption that many people were curious about language apart from the
highly specialized field of linguistics. If the development and distribution
of Language Magazine over the last several years is any indication, the
assumption of interest was more than justified.
Meanwhile, Walt Wolfram’s sociolinguistic research over several dec-
ades taught him that just about everyone is curious about dialects. After
all, one can hardly avoid noticing and wondering about language differ-
ences in daily interactions with people from all walks of life. The problem,
however, is bridging the chasm between highly technical, microscopically
detailed studies of language variation and popular, broad-based levels of
interest. With all due respect to linguists, they often have a way of trans-
forming inherently interesting subject matter into jargon-laced presenta-
tions that are comprehensible only to the few thousand professional
linguists in the world. This collection of articles is intended to do better. It
attempts to translate the detailed research of professional dialectologists
into readable descriptions for those who are curious about language dif-
ferences but have neither the background nor the desire to be professional
linguists. We systematically attempt to cover (for the most part) a range of
North American English dialect communities, including both well-known
Preface xi
xii Preface
Walt Wolfram
William C. Friday Distinguished Professor
North Carolina State University
Preface xiii
Canada
Atlantic
Provinces
ENE
The Midland
Inland
South
Texas South
The South Charleston
Florid
1 Dialect areas of the United States, based on telephone survey data (from Labov, Ash, and
Boberg 2005). © 2005 by William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg from Atlas of North
American English (New York/Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter).
Most people find dialects intriguing. At the same time, they have lots of
questions about them and often have strong opinions as well. Probably
the most common question we encounter about the condition of Amer-
ican dialects is, “Are American dialects dying, due to television and the
Language Contact
Population Movement
References
Bailey, G., T. Wikle, J. Tillery, and L. Sand (1993) Some patterns of linguistic
diffusion. Language Variation and Change 5: 359–90.
Carver, C. M. (1987) American Regional Dialects: A Word Geography. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press.
2 A group of Confederate soldiers awaits orders during the re-enactment of a Civil War battle.
© by Dan Brandenburg.
References
Ayers, Edward L. (1992) The Promise of the New South: Life after Reconstruction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bailey, Guy, and Jan Tillery (1996) The persistence of Southern American English.
Journal of English Linguistics 24: 308–21.
KirkBrandenburg.
3 A farmer hoes beans in the mountains. © by Dan Hazen and Ellen Fluharty 17
One popular myth is that Elizabethan English is still spoken in the region.
The varieties of Appalachian English are diverse, but Elizabethan English,
which was spoken during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I (1558–1603), was
never spoken in Appalachia. In 1603, the colony of Jamestown was only
an idea, and major settlement in the region did not begin until the eight-
eenth century. Even if there had been a settlement of Elizabethan English
speakers in Appalachia, and they had remained isolated until today, their
great-great- . . . -great-grandchildren would not speak the same dialect as
their forebears, as all living languages undergo change. We suspect that
people who promote this idea within Appalachia are trying to correct
the myth that there is something wrong with Appalachian English by
promoting an alternative myth.
Appalachian English has roots that extend far into the past. The
dialect features we hear the most about demonstrate a link to Scots-Irish
heritage: The car needs washed (vs. the non-Appalachian The car needs to
be washed or The car needs washing). Although upsetting to some, the
different uses of a verb like need are perfectly normal. A verb is the boss in
a sentence and requires certain things to come after it. For example, the
verb to kiss generally requires a following noun, as in The girl kissed the
boy. The verb to need in areas outside upper West Virginia, eastern Ohio,
and western Pennsylvania requires another verb, like to be; inside this
area, the verb to need only requires an adjective like washed or painted.
This same bit of variation is found in parts of the British Isles, especially
Scotland.
Another Scottish link is found in the Appalachian pattern of adding an
-s in sentences like The dogs walks and The people goes. The Scots-Irish
1 The prejudice against Appalachian English may be even more sinister than
this would suggest. After all, the ability to acquire languages as a child is part
of our genetic code; to claim that one variety of a language is deficient is like
claiming that an entire social group has a genetic defect.
2 The stereotype of Appalachian English may certainly contribute to the notion
that it is somehow “bad” to sound Appalachian. As anyone who has seen the
spellings in a Hillbilly Dictionary knows, the public’s ideas about Appalachian
English have more to do with the speaker’s perceived illiteracy than with
sound or grammar differences. For example, spelling the word was as wuz
does not indicate a sound change since it is only “eye dialect,” but instead, it is
supposed to indicate the “speaker’s” level of intelligence and formal education.
Acknowledgment
The West Virginia Dialect Project would like to thank the National Science
Foundation (BCS-9986247) and West Virginia University for supporting our
research.
4 A creek running through the Great Smoky Mountain National Park. © by John von Rosenberg.
Driving the steep and winding roads along the border of western North
Carolina and eastern Tennessee, it is easy to see why the Cherokee Indians
who first settled in this mountainous region named it the “place of blue
smoke.” The trademark of these hills is the ever-present blue-gray mist that
casts a hazy glow over the dense fir and spruce pine covered landscape. The
Smoky Mountains, or the Smokies, as they are known locally, are a well-
known destination for tourists from across the United States. At the same
Pronunciation
Many of the vowels of the Smoky Mountain dialect are quite distinct from
other English varieties, even those in Southern English. While these
differences may sound strange to some people, they give mountain talk a
distinct character or, as one early dialectologist put it, “a certain pleasing,
musical quality . . . the colorful, distinctive quality of Great Smokies
speech.” One feature noticed by newcomers to the area is that Smoky
Mountain speakers often lengthen certain vowels and break them into
what sounds like two syllables. For example, the eh sound in the word
bear may sound more like bayer, and the short i sound in a world like hill
may come to sound more like heal. In another example, which tends to be
found in the speech of older mountain folk, the short a vowel can split
and turn into a diphthong, usually before f, s, sh, and th sounds, so that
pass would sound like pace and grass like grace.
Another vowel characteristic of Smoky Mountain English speakers is
their pronunciation of long i. The typical Smoky Mountain i is a broad,
unglided version of i, so that the word bright would approximate the
sound of the word brat and right would almost sound like rat. When i
is followed by r, for example, the ire sound may sound more like ar, so
that fire and tire will be pronounced as far and tar by Smoky Mountain
speakers.
The r sound is also an important feature of Smoky Mountain English.
In contrast to some Southern English varieties that drop their r’s, as in
deah for deer, Smoky Mountain English is primarily an r-pronouncing
dialect. Moreover, in certain cases, mountain speakers may sound like
they are even “adding” r’s to words where standard varieties do not use
them. For example, visitors to the Smokies may hear winder for window,
feller for fellow, and yeller for yellow. Another pronunciation trait affects
other vowels at the ends of words, so that extra and soda are pronounced
as extry and sody. In fact, it was not uncommon for us to hear older
mountain speakers refer to a soft drink or soda pop as sody water.
Vocabulary
One of the most obvious ways in which the Smoky Mountain dialect
distinguishes itself is in its vocabulary. Like any dialect, Smoky Mountain
English has terms that refer to the local way of life and are woven into its
culture. Many Smoky Mountain dialect words refer to unique places in
the mountains. For example, bald means a mountaintop with no trees,
branch is an area or settlement defined by a creek, bottom is a low-lying
area or valley, and holler is a valley surrounded by mountains. Other
vocabulary items refer to inhabitants or features of the mountain
landscape. Jasper refers to an outsider, someone who is not from the
mountains. Boomer is the name of the red squirrel that is indigenous to
the Smokies. Poke salad is a salad made of wild greens that grow in the
mountains – poisonous unless boiled properly before being eaten. And a
ramp is a small wild onion with a distinctive, long-lasting smell.
Still other words are variants that may or may not have counterparts in
Standard English; for example, cut a shine for dance, tote for carry, fetch for
Maciej
5 Historic building in Charleston, South Carolina. © by Joshua Sowin. Baranowski 29
When Spanish and French explorers arrived in the South Carolina area in
the sixteenth century, they found a land inhabited by many small tribes of
Native Americans, mostly Catawbas and Cherokees. The first permanent
English community was established near present-day Charleston in 1670.
Settlers from the British Isles and other parts of Europe built plantations
throughout the coastal low country, growing profitable crops of rice and
indigo. African slaves were brought in large numbers to provide labor for
the plantations, and by 1720 they formed the majority of the population.
The port city of Charleston became an important hub of commerce and
culture – and a highly stratified society. By the time of the Revolutionary
Maciej Baranowski 31
A Changing Dialect
Maciej Baranowski 33
Acknowledgment
Thanks to Bill Labov, Sherry Ash, Corky Feagin, Uri Horesh, Gillian Sankoff, Erik
Thomas, and Walt Wolfram for their helpful comments and suggestions for this
chapter.
McDavid, Raven I., Jr. (1955) The position of the Charleston dialect. Publications
of the American Dialect Society 23: 35–49.
O’Cain, Raymond K. (1972) A social dialect survey of Charleston, South Carolina.
Dissertation, University of Chicago.
Primer, Sylvester (1888) Charleston Provincialisms. American Journal of Philology
IX: 198–213.
Maciej Baranowski 35
Few states have as great a presence in the popular imagination as Texas. For
many Americans the mere mention of the state brings to mind oil and
cowboys, glitzy modern cities and huge isolated ranches, braggadocio and
excess. The popular image has been fueled to a large extent by the size of
the state, its portrayal in television shows such as Dallas and in movies such
as Giant and The Alamo, its larger-than-life political figures such as Lyndon
Any linguistic overview of Texas must begin with the realization that English
is, historically, the second language of the state. Even setting aside the lan-
guages of Native Americans in the area, Spanish was spoken in Texas for
nearly a century before English was. With the opening up of Texas to Anglo
settlement in the 1820s, however, English quickly became as widely used
as Spanish, although bilingualism was not uncommon in early Texas. While
the outcome of the Texas Revolution meant that Anglos would outnumber
Hispanics for many years to come and that English would be the dominant
Few states have been transformed as radically as Texas during the last
thirty years. Rapid metropolitanization, the increasing dominance of high
742Bourbon
Speaking theOrleans
Street, New Big Easy
during Mardi Gras. © by EauClaire Media.
Connie Eble 43
Connie Eble 45
Connie Eble 47
Alvarez, Louis, and Andrew Kolker (1984) Yeah You Rite! Film. Narrated by Billy
Dell. New York: Center for New American Media.
The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th edn. (2000). Ed.
Joseph P. Pickett. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Bailey, Richard W. (1992) New Orleans. In Tom McArthur (ed.), The Oxford
Companion to the English Language, 690. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Blanton, Mackie (1989) New Orleans English. In Charles Reagan Wilson and
William Ferris, (eds.), Encyclopedia of Southern Culture, 780–1. Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press.
Chase, John (1949) Frenchmen, Desire, Good Children, and Other Streets of New
Orleans. New Orleans: Robert L. Crager.
New Orleans Web (2001) Say what?!: The Language of New Orleans.
www.experienceneworleans.com/glossary.html.
Southern Yat Hysterical Society (1998, 2000) www.southernyatclub.com.
Taggert, Chuck (2000) Yat-speak: A Lexicon of New Orleans Terminology and Speech.
www.gumbopages.com/yatspeak.html.
Valerie
8 Paddle steamer docked on the Mississippi river. © by Dan Brandenburg. Fridland 49
Valerie Fridland 51
Valerie Fridland 53
The Massachusetts Bay coastal area, one of the country’s original cultural
hearths (Carver 1987), was settled by English immigrants in the early
1600s. In search of better farm land, some original settlers moved west
from the coast and settled the Lower Connecticut River Valley in central
Connecticut. They were joined soon after by new immigrants from
eastern and southern England, and later from Italy, Scotland, Ireland,
and elsewhere. Settlement spread, generally along river valleys, into New
Hampshire, Vermont, Maine, and Rhode Island. New England is now
comprised of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, and Rhode Island. Boston is still known as the hub, referring
to its position as the center from which settlements radiated in New
England.
The Handbook of the Linguistic Geography of New England (Kurath 1939–
43) divides the area into eastern and western New England (divided by the
Green Mountains of Vermont in the north, the Berkshires in the middle,
and the Connecticut River farther south), with seven sub-regions dictated
by settlement patterns (Carver 1987). However, today there is little in the
way of linguistic markers of these regions, aside from some distinctive
characteristics of eastern New England. A Word Geography of the Eastern
United States (Kurath 1949) divides New England into only three regions
(Northeastern, Southeastern, and Southwestern), better representing
linguistic differences.
Ethnic groups have had differing influences across the region. These
include Native American groups, such as the Abenaki in Northern
Vocabulary
New England has always been nautically oriented, so ship building, fishing,
and seafood vocabulary are traditionally associated with the region. For
example, nor’easters are a type of storm typical of the region. Similarly,
there is a lot of farming vocabulary particular to the region, including
carting or teaming a load ‘hauling a load’ and open and shut day ‘a day
with variable weather’. Some gastronomic terms particular to the region
are Boston brown bread, a dessert, grinder ‘long deli sandwich’, hamburg
‘ground beef’, tonic ‘carbonated drink’, dropped egg ‘poached egg’, as well
as food introduced by Native Americans such as hasty pudding and quahog
(Rhode Island) or cohog (Boston) for a type of edible clam. A porch may
be a piazza, a hair bun is a pug, a traffic circle is a rotary (Carver 1987:28–
36). Two common ways of agreeing with someone are to say a-yuh or so
don’t I (meaning ‘so do I’).
According to a survey completed by a small group of University of
New Hampshire students, words still widely used and recognized by
residents of New Hampshire today include grinder, hamburg, rotary,
and notch ‘mountain pass’. On the other hand, belly-bunt ‘ride a sled
face-down’, pung ‘sleigh for hauling wood’, and pug ‘hair bun’ are
recognized by few people. Words which were not included in the
older dialectological research but which are heard today include bubbler
‘drinking fountain’, bulkie ‘round sandwich roll’, and spa ‘convenience
store’ in Boston; directional ‘turn signal’ and frappe ‘milk shake’ in eastern
Massachusetts and New Hampshire; dooryard ‘where you park your car’
and numb as a hake ‘not very bright’ in downeast Maine; and soggie ‘greasy
hotdog’, cabinet ‘milkshake’, take a heart ‘have a heart attack’ in Rhode
Island.
Summary
Like many older parts of the US, New England, and eastern New England
in particular, is characterized by a distinct local dialect that is gradually
receding due to the influence of “general American” speech used in the
mass media and by newcomers to the region. Much of the distinct New
England vocabulary was connected with traditional occupations that are
less important in today’s economy. As people move from all over the
country to take advantage of higher education and high-tech jobs in
the Boston area, young New Englanders sound increasingly like young
people in other parts of the country. However, some local features remain,
especially in rural areas and in city neighborhoods with large proportions
of local people. Many people in these areas still drop their r’s, though no
longer as consistently or in as many words as they used to. As for the lack
of a distinction between the vowels in cot and caught, it is actually the rest
of the country that is becoming more like eastern New England.
Sources: Carver 1987 and students from the Univercity of New Hampshire and the
University of Vermont.
References
64 Beantown Babble
Jim Fitzpatrick 65
The icon of the Boston accent is its r-dropping after a vowel sound,
so that Spider Man’s alter ego is “Petah Pahkah.” However, some of
these r’s are not lost forever; they reappear across word boundaries
when the following word begins with a vowel. The stereotypical Bostonian
phrase, “Pahk the cah in Hahvahd Yahd,” is thus not quite right; though
the r would be dropped if cah were said in isolation, when following
a vowel it is inserted. In fact, it is sometimes inserted where it wouldn’t
occur in other dialects, so that, “I know, the idear of it!” is an appropriate
response to “The Red Sox ah lookin’ good, they’ah goin’ all the way
this yeah!”
In addition to r-lessness, another particularly salient feature of the
Boston dialect is the vowel shift that occurs in the speech of the Brahmins,
a slowly disappearing group of upper-class Bostonians, and even among
some non-Brahmins. The broad a sound, as in can’t and bath, is produced
somewhat lower and further back in this dialect than in Standard American
English, so that they approach the a sound in father.
The Boston dialect also follows some of the features associated with
eastern New England speech on a broader scale, including the merger
of the vowels in words like cot and caught. Throughout eastern New Eng-
land, these words are pronounced identically, and some New Englanders
even have trouble fathoming how these vowels could ever be pronounced
66 Beantown Babble
Vocabulary
Jim Fitzpatrick 67
68 Beantown Babble
Further reading
Jim Fitzpatrick 69
70 Mainely English
A Brief History
Jane S. Smith 71
Having moved to Maine “from away,” I was always the person identified
as “the one who has the accent,” so I had to listen carefully for the dialect
differences that set me apart. I’ve been told that I sound like I’m from the
West, and from a Maine perspective, it’s not that far off the mark. I do,
after all, come from western New York. In the process of acclimating to
the physical conditions and social environment of Maine, I have been
exposed to a fascinating – and often complex – range of English and
French.
As in Boston, New York City, and parts of the South, many Mainers
do not pronounce an r that occurs following a vowel. Words like fork and
fear need not have an r but the vowel itself seems to be slightly lengthened
as a result, and words such as lobster and door end in a vowel. Instead
of simply dropping out, the r is replaced by a vowel sound and words
like door, more, somewhere and frontier seem to get an extra syllable.
This pronunciation is sometimes spelled as ah in advertisements featuring
local foods and products, as in lobstah and bumpah stickahs. Some
one-syllable words ending in l, for example real and hole, also may be
pronounced with an extra syllable, so that real becomes re-ahl and deal
becomes de-ahl.
72 Mainely English
Jane S. Smith 73
74 Mainely English
Like many rural dialects, those heard in Maine (both English and French)
are slowly disappearing due to increased contact with outsiders and vari-
ous other social changes. At the same time, Maine is a sparsely populated,
rural state with relatively small cities, and the climate tends to deter
many outsiders from spending more than just the summer months there.
Jane S. Smith 75
76 Mainely English
Acknowledgment
The authors are grateful for editorial and substantive help with this chapter to
Martha Cheng, Peter Gilmore, and Michael Montgomery.
Back in the early 1970s, all the students in my Manhattan high school
were given speech diagnostic exams. I passed, but the boy next to me was
told he needed speech class. I was surprised and asked him why, since he
sounded perfectly normal to me. “My New York accent,” he explained
unhappily. Actually, this reason made me less thrilled with my exemption,
Michael Newman 83
Michael Newman 85
Further Reading
William Labov’s mammoth study, The Social Stratification of English in New York
City (Washington, D.C.: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1966), is still con-
sidered to be the authoritative work on English in New York City.
Michael Newman 87
One day my linguistics professor singled me out for a question. “What,” she
asked, “does a Philadelphia accent sound like? How would you describe it?”
I was stumped.
My entire life had been spent in the city and its immediate suburbs.
You’d think that describing the way my neighbors spoke would be no
different from describing where someone could get a good cheese steak.
Who else is supposed to know but the locals?
History of Research
Geography
Philadelphia is the focal point of the Delaware Valley dialect area, which
encompasses the Pennsylvania counties of Bucks, Montgomery, Philadel-
phia, Delaware and Chester, the New Jersey counties of Mercer, southern
Ocean, Burlington, Camden, Gloucester, Atlantic, Salem, Cumberland and
Cape May, and New Castle County. There are some slight differences
even within this generally homogeneous area, such as Norristown zep
Claudio Salvucci 89
Pronunciation
Grammar
Grammatically, Philadelphian does not differ very much from other forms
of colloquial American English; but a few regional characteristics can be
noted.
Common to many of the cities in the Northeast is the second person
plural pronoun youse, or an unstressed variant yuz, used like the Southern
y’all: Aur youse goin’? (Are you going?).
The positive use of anymore to mean “currently” is a Philadelphia usage
that has since spread: Things are so expensive anymore. Other construc-
tions include: quarter of instead of “quarter till” or “quarter to” in telling
time: quooder of five (quarter till five); omitting the infinitive in want off
(want to get off) and want in (want to get in); and omitting the object of
the preposition with: Here, take it with.
Vocabulary
Claudio Salvucci 91
J. K. Chambers 93
J. K. Chambers 95
45
native-born
40
35
Literacy Proficiency
30
25
20
15
10
second-language foreign-born
5
0
UK USA NZ Can Aus
median level of proficiency in the test, and the length of the bar shows
the discrepancy between the native-born and the SL immigrants at that
level. In Canada, for instance, 39% of native-born people attained this
proficiency level but only 14% of SL immigrants achieved it. The figure
clearly shows that the Gap exists in every country, and that it is never less
than 15%.
SL immigrants clearly find themselves at a disadvantage in terms
of literacy compared to both DA immigrants and long-term citizens. As
literacy is a vital economic and social tool, minimizing the Literacy Gap
should be regarded as a social obligation of governments and educators.
In Canada, this obligation is discharged by providing free ESL classes
in immigrant communities. But, despite these efforts, the Literacy Gap
remains wide – we must continually strive to find new and improved ways
to make these classes attractive and to make lessons effective. Of course,
the Literacy Gap can never be wiped out entirely because adult learners
are not capable of gaining second-language proficiency that matches their
first-language competence.
For both DA immigrants and SL immigrants, the English dialect and
accent they hear their children speaking is markedly Canadian in many
J. K. Chambers 97
Further Reading
Timothy C. Frazer 99
Further Reading
Cassidy, Frederic G., and Joan Hall (eds.) (1985–) Dictionary of American Regional
English. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. (The best
authority on dialect words in the USA. Four volumes, A–Sk, are in print.)
Carver, Craig M. (1987) American Regional Dialects. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press. (A very readable survey of all the dialect areas in the United
bat cot
17.2 The pattern of vowel changes known as the Northern Cities Shift.
Information about the cot/caught merger, the Northern Cities Shift, and other active
sound changes in American English is available from the website of the TELSUR
project (www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/home.html). The project is directed
by William Labov and presents the results of a telephone survey of speech patterns
across North America. Labov treats these features as well as historical changes
such as the Great Vowel Shift in his Principles of Linguistic Change (1994, Malden,
MA and Cambridge, UK: Blackwell). For a study of the Northern Cities Shift in
rural Michigan, see Matthew J. Gordon, Small-Town Values and Big-City Vowels
(2001, Durham, NC: Duke University Press). Dennis Preston’s research on popular
attitudes toward American dialects is reported in his contribution to Language
Myths (Laurie Bauer and Peter Trudgill (eds.), 1998, London: Penguin).
112Work Words
18 of the Windy
on a construction project inCity
the Chicago River North area. © by Matthew Dula.
Early Days
The vowels are messy but there is a pattern. I first heard it when I thought
that a friend was talking about a woman by the name of Jan when in fact
Vocabulary
Farr, Marcia (ed.) (2004) Ethnolinguistic Chicago. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Herndobler, Robin (1993) Sound change and gender in a working class community.
In Timothy Frazer (ed.), “Heartland” English: Variation and Transition in the
American Midwest. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 137–56.
Miller, Michael (1986) Discovering Chicago’s dialects: A Field Museum experiment
in adult education. Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin, September: 5–11.
Pederson, Lee (1965) The Pronunciation of English in Metropolitan Chicago.
Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press for the American Dialect Society.
Pederson, Lee (1971) Chicago words: The regional vocabulary. American Speech
46: 163–92.
118 Dusk
19.1 Different WaysOhio.
falls in Dayton, of ©Talking in the
by Stan Rohrer. Buckeye State
EASTERN
WESTERN
CENTRAL SOUTHERN
SOUTHERN
SOUTHERN
19.2 Traditional dialect boundaries based on the Linguistic Atlas of the United States
(Shuy 1967, p. 47).
Resources
For more information on the “heartland” of which Ohio is a part, see chapter 17,
“Straight Talking from the Heartland.” On the adjoining Pittsburgh–Western
Pennsylvania dialect, see chapter 12, “Steel Town Speak.” The map of American
dialect regions is taken from Roger W. Shuy, Discovering American Dialects
(Champaign, IL: National Council of Teachers of English, 1967). For more recent
mapping of pronunciation differences in the United States, see William Labov,
Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg, Atlas of North American English (Berlin: Mouton
de Gruyter, 2000; preview available at www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/). A very
good introduction to American dialects for ESL learners can be found in Varieties
of English, by Susan M. Gass and Natalie Lefkowitz (Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press, 1995).
Like most dialects in the United States, the one used in St. Louis is dis-
tinctive because of a particular combination of features it contains. The
combination of features St. Louisans use is especially complex. Linguists
have variously characterized it as Northern, Southern, South Midland, or
Reliable non-technical descriptions of the language of St. Louis do not exist, but
see Thomas E. Murray’s essay on the subject in Timothy C. Frazer (ed.), “Heart-
land” English (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1993, chapter 8). Chapter
20 in William Labov, Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg, Atlas of North American
English (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2005) also contains a thorough account of
the city’s pronunciation system. For more on the sociocultural and historical
development of the Inland Northern dialect as “standard English,” see the essays
by Thomas S. Donahue and Timothy C. Frazer in Frazer’s book cited above
(chapters 3 and 4, respectively). And additional information on the dramatic shift
of the language of St. Louis over the past 20 years toward the Inland Northern/
North Midland standard can be found in Thomas E. Murray’s article, “Language
variation and change in the urban midwest: The case of St. Louis,” in Language
Variation and Change 14.3 (2002), 347–61.
21 Ice fishing is a popular pastime among the “Yoopers” of Michigan’s Upper Peninsula.
© by Ronda Oliver.
When people think of California English, they often recall stereotypes like
those made famous by Frank and Moon Unit Zappa in their song “Valley
Girl,” circa 1982. “Like, totally! Gag me with a spoon!” intoned Moon
Unit, instantly cementing a stereotype of California English as being
primarily the province of Valley Girls and Surfer Dudes.
But California is not just the land of beaches and blonds. While
Hollywood images crowd our consciousness, the real California, with a
population of nearly 34 million, is only 46.7% white (most of whom are
23 The chapel at Temple Square, Salt Lake City, Utah. © by Sathis VJ.
Up until the 2002 Winter Olympics, Utah didn’t really get much attention
from the rest of the world. Sure, some people knew that Mormons live
there, and a few even knew that Utah is home to some fabulous skiing, but
it wasn’t at the forefront of most people’s minds. Over the past few years,
though, not only has the world learned a bit more about Utah’s scenery
What is now Utah had been visited by English speakers in the early 1800s,
but the first permanent English-speaking settlement began in 1847. That’s
the year that members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
(the LDS Church), having been forced from their religious colony in
Nauvoo, Illinois, began arriving in the Salt Lake Valley to establish a new
colony. By the 1850 census, 11,380 people, excluding Native Americans, had
settled in the Territory of Utah. The population continued to rise through
the nineteenth century at rates similar to the surrounding territories, and
the 1900 census showed 276,749 residents of Utah. The vast majority of
nineteenth-century “Utahns,” the common label for residents, lived in a
line of cities less than 100 miles long sandwiched between the Wasatch
Mountains on the east and the Great Salt Lake and Utah Lake on the west.
So what makes Utah English? If you were to ask Utahns this question,
you would find some widely held stereotypes – one of the strongest being
that they change their vowels when they come before l. The most widely
recognized of these is where short i becomes short e, so that milk gets
pronounced as melk and pillow gets pronounced as pellow, but there are
others. For example, long e can become short i and long a can become
short e, so that steel mill gets pronounced still mill and house for sale gets
pronounced house for sell. (It isn’t even that unusual to see that last one in
classified ads.) These examples appear in other parts of the US, but Utahns
tend to be aware of them as “Utah English.” Utahns often associate these
features with rural areas of the state, but a dialect survey conducted by
linguist Diane Lillie in the 1990s found that they are most strongly present
in the urban corridor along the Wasatch Front.
There is another change in vowels before l heard in Utah English –
although it is not seemingly recognized by Utahns themselves – where
long u changes before l, so that pool and fool are pronounced like pull and
full. Linguists Marianna Di Paolo and Alice Faber have investigated the
ways all of these vowels before l are produced in Utah English, and have
concluded that it is undergoing changes in its vowel system analogous to
those occurring in the United States South.
Jeff Conn
24 Fishing on the banks of the Willamette River, Portland, Oregon. © by Norman Eder. 149
One of the characteristics that Portland shares with Canada and with
other Western cities is the cot/caught merger discussed above. Nearly all
Portland speakers, especially those under the age of 60, have a merged
low back vowel. This merger, however, is not present in some older
speakers (over 80), which indicates that this merger is relatively recent in
Portland.
Intonation Patterns
Another aspect of the Portland dialect that may be noticed is the use of
a particular intonation pattern. This intonation pattern is known as
“up-speak,” or high rising terminal contours. Basically, this is the use of a
rising question intonation on a declarative sentence, so that a statement
like Then we went to the store may sound like a question rather than a
statement. While this intonation pattern has been found in many different
dialects (Australian English, for example), it is usually associated with
teenage girls. This is the case in Portland, but research also shows that the
use of this intonation contour is not limited to women, and not limited to
teenagers. The functions behind the use of this intonation contour are still
under investigation, but its use may become more and more a part of the
Portland dialect as it spreads outside the teenage female realm.
Though there are many other aspects of the Portland dialect that remain
to be investigated, Portlanders show signs that they are following a similar
pattern to one that is found in Canada and California. The distinctiveness
of a Portland dialect may remain in its way of life, where granola is more
than a breakfast food; it’s an appropriate adjective to describe clothing,
beliefs and attitudes. Or in lexical choices, terms such as full on and rad
indicate coolness. As Portlanders continue to front their back vowels, they
will continue to go to the coast (geow to the ceowst), not the beach or the
shore, as well as to microbrews, used clothing stores (where the clothes are
not too spendy ‘expensive’), bookstores (bik-stores), and coffee shops (both
words pronounced with the same vowel). Also, the existence of buckaroos
(Oregonian cowboys) may continue a Southern connection that may play
out linguistically. What lies in store for the Portland dialect is the emer-
gence of a dialect from the mist (or the rain, or the drizzle, or the spitting,
or the pouring, etc.). Dialect regions of the Pacific Northwest may just be
emerging, but it is clear that they now are carving out a unique niche
among the varieties of American English.
Acknowledgment
A special thank you to Dr. G. Tucker Childs, Rebecca Wolff and Mike Ward for
all their work on the Portland Dialect Study at Portland State University.
Resources
Information about the Atlas of North American English can be found at www.ling.
upenn.edu/phonoatlas/ and more information about the principles of language
change can be found in Labov’s two volumes Principles of Linguistic Change
(1994, 2001). For more information about DARE and a dialectology approach
to American dialects, see Craig Carver’s 1987 book American Regional Dialects:
A Word Geography or visit the DARE web page at http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/
dare/dare.html. For more information about the Linguistic Atlas projects, visit
http://hyde.park.uga.edu/index.html.
To the outside world, Arizona might be “cowboys and Indians,” Route 66,
or the O.K. Corral. It’s known for the SUVs of Scottsdale and the Sun City
golf carts, or its picturesque sunsets and its prickly green cacti. If you ask
any Arizonan what makes the state unique, they might agree with some
of these judgments from the outside world, but they certainly won’t
claim that it’s the way that they speak. In fact, most white Arizonans will
vehemently deny that they have an accent, calling their English standard,
Present-day Arizona English is a mixture of the rural South and the urban
West. Given its location, this dialect complexity is really no surprise, and
in fact is found in other parts of the Southwest, such as in Utah
(see chapter 23, “Desert Dialect”), where the choice of words tends to be
Northern but some pronunciation features are Southern. A similar situation
is true for Arizona, but with the pronunciation traits matching up to the
West for the urban speakers, and the grammar and some words derived
from the Oklahoma/Texas area for rural speakers.
Describing Arizona English doesn’t stop with understanding this dialect
mixture or even with seeing the impact of an individual’s identity on the
way they speak. The exciting fact of Arizona English is that we can see it
changing right now. The future of Arizona English is fairly predictable; as
ranches become less profitable, the younger generations move into the
cities, and the use of the rural accent diminishes. This trend is not a new
one, as changes in international trade policies have been affecting domestic
ranching for several decades now. Consequently, the large majority of
Arizonans are sounding more and more like our Californian neighbors
and less and less like our Oklahoman predecessors. Arizonans who are in
their twenties today are already using more of the shifted California vowels
than are Arizonans in their fifties. As migration into Arizona from
California increases, it’s likely that this change will follow suit. It’s not just
a matter of vowels, but a matter of the person’s identity: as an Arizonan,
as a young person, or as a member of urban society. The only other
foreseeable influence on Arizona English, at this point, is the linguistic
pressure from the growing Mexican and Chicano populations, as well as
the growing numbers of immigrants from all corners of the globe. Such
changing demographics are sure to impact the future dialects of Arizona
and the rest of the United States.
Further Reading
Miriam
26 Place of Refuge, located on the Big Island, Hawai’i. © by Ken Meyerhoff
Anderson. 165
Dis spri wen jamp intu dis wan gai, fal awntu da graun eriting
This spirit had jumped into this one guy, he [=the guy] fell onto the ground
and everything
Here, Pidgin uses the base verb fal (fall) where Standard English would
use the form marked for past tense.
The example also shows a unique feature of the way Pidgin marks the
manner of an event. Velupillai found that wen forms (like wen jamp) are
used when the event being discussed has some limit that’s crucial to what’s
being discussed. In other words, the meaning of wen V forms is different
from any single verb inflection or helping verb in Standard English.
Another feature of the verb phrase that is considered highly stereo-
typical of Pidgin (both by Locals and outsiders) is the use of stei ‘stay’ as a
helping or auxiliary verb. Stei, too, means something very different from
any single verbal form in Standard English. Moreover, its meaning varies
depending on what form of the verb it combines with. When stei occurs
with the base form, as in hi stei wak araun ‘he walks around’, the meaning
overlaps with the habitual and the continuous in Standard English. But
when it combines with the -in(g) form of the verb, as in da sista stio stei
stanin bai da fon bu ‘the girl is still standing at the phone booth’ or hi stei
reikin da livs ‘he was raking the leaves’ there is a superficial similarity to
the Standard English progressive. But the resemblance ends there. The
way stei V-in forms are used in discourse shows that Pidgin stei V-in
requires a greater focus on some idea of “now” than the progressive does
in Standard English.
Pidgin also allows more subjects to be left out than Standard English
does. This is particularly noticeable with existential sentences where Stand-
ard English requires a dummy subject, there (in this respect Standard
English differs from many of the world’s languages), e.g., There are still
some places on the left, There’s more than one way to skin a cat. However
Pidgin doesn’t need a dummy subject here and instead you get sentences
like, At lis, —— get kompetishin ‘At least, [there] was a competition’. As
the example with fal awntu da graun showed, Pidgin also allows speakers
Note
Further Reading
Global appreciation of music originating from the West Indies has con-
tributed greatly to the world’s familiarity with Caribbean English. This
recognition began in the 1950s, with Harry Belafonte and his calypso hit
“The Banana Boat Song” and extended in the 1970s with the explosion of
Bob Marley’s reggae tunes onto the pop scene. In 2001, the best-selling
CD in the US was the mellifluous “Hotshot,” by the Jamaican American
artist Shaggy, who refers to his artistic style, in which he combines his
Chorus
Girl, you’re my angel, you’re my darling angel.
Closer than my peeps you are to me, baby [Tell (h)er]
Shorty, you’re my angel, you’re my darling angel
Girl you’re my frien’ when I’m in need, lady
Since the 1900s, New York City has been the magnet for the majority of
West Indians coming to the US in search of a “better life.” Today, West
Indians as a whole are the largest immigrant group in the city, comprising
approximately eight percent of the population. With the largest groups
coming from Jamaica, Guyana, Barbados and Trinidad, there is a growing
pan-Caribbean influence on US politics and economic structure, as well as
its cultural and linguistic constitution. West Indian communities are largely
transnational in nature, with continuous movement between the US and
native Caribbean homelands. As a result, there has been a strong American
impact on the “home” societies.
The West Indies and the United States share colonial trajectories.
Therefore, it should be no surprise that overlap exists between Caribbean
English Creole and African American Vernacular English. Nonetheless,
just as there are sociocultural distinctions between blacks in the Caribbean
and blacks in the US, there are also linguistic differences. The superficial
similarities between CEC and English may lead educators to place West
Further Reading
Anyone who has traveled to the coast and Sea Islands of South Carolina
and Georgia is likely to have heard the distinctive sounds of Gullah
being spoken by African Americans native to the area. While it is difficult
to capture the true rhythm and sounds of Gullah on paper, the fol-
lowing excerpt from the tale “Ber Rabbit and the Lord,” as recounted
by a resident of Wadmalaw Island, South Carolina, is illustrative of its
character.
Gullah Features
In the Ber Rabbit example cited above, one can observe some of the dis-
tinctive grammatical features that are characteristic of the variety. One
such feature is the variable marking of tense on verbs. Though taken out
of context, this excerpt describes an event that occurred in the past. How-
ever, past time reference is not marked on the verbs themselves in this
passage. Instead, past time reference is established at the beginning of the
tale by the adverbial expression once upon a time. Gullah speakers also
occasionally indicate past time reference through the variable use of the
preverbal marker been. The sentences in table 28.1 illustrate the use of this
preverbal marker and others used for marking time distinctions in Gullah.
As well as its verbal system, the pronominal system of Gullah also
exhibits some distinctive characteristics. In the passage above, the use of
the pronoun e for his in the sentence Ber Rabbit knock the Ber Gator in e
head represents one such feature. In Gullah, the pronoun e may be used
in instances in which English would require the subject pronoun he, she,
or it, or the possessive pronoun his, her, or its. In addition, one might
find the use of the pronoun um used in Gullah where English would have
the object pronoun him, her, or it.
Other grammatical features that characterize Gullah include the verb
say, which may be used to introduce a quotation, as in (H)e tell me, say, “I
ain’t got no car right now.” And the word for may be used in place of to in
Gullah to form infinitival expressions, as in He come for get the car washed.
Many of these distinctive features may be attributed either directly or
indirectly to influences from the West African languages that contributed
to Gullah’s development. Such influences are also found in the vocabulary
of Gullah, with words such as buckra ‘white man’, gumbo ‘okra’, and tote
‘carry’.
Gullah’s Origins
Gullah Today
Following the end of the plantation era, the distinctiveness of Gullah was
preserved for many years by the isolation of the Sea Islands and limited
travel to and from the mainland. Those who believed that a Gullah-
like creole was fairly widespread on the plantations of the Southeast
Jones-Jackson, Patricia (1987) When Roots Die: Endangered Traditions on the Sea
Islands. Athens: University of Georgia Press.
Mufwene, Salikoko (1993) Gullah’s development: Myth and sociohistorical
evidence. In Cynthia Bernstein, Thomas Nunnally, and Robin Sabino (eds.),
Language Variety in the South Revisited. Tuscaloosa and London: University of
Alabama Press, 113–22.
Nichols, Patricia C. (1983) “Linguistic options and choices for black women in
the rural south.” In Barrie Thorne, Cheris Kramerae, and Nancy Henley (eds.),
Language, Gender, and Society. Cambridge: Newbury House Publishers, 54–69.
Turner, Lorenzo D. (1949) Africanisms in the Gullah Dialect. Chicago: University
of Chicago.
Wood, Peter H. (1974) Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from
1670 through the Stono Rebellion. New York: Knopf.
A Distinct History
The first known inhabitants of the Bahamas were the Lucayan Indians who
migrated to the Bahamas from South America as early as 600 ad and inhab-
ited the islands until the Spanish invasion led by Christopher Columbus at
the end of the fifteenth century. The Spanish conquest managed to destroy
the indigenous population. Its lasting contribution is the name Bahamas,
taken from the Spanish words baja and mar, meaning “shallow sea.”
In 1648 the first English settlers in the Bahamas arrived from Bermuda
and established a colony on the island of Eleuthera. Limited natural
resources and disease caused many of the settlers to return to Bermuda.
During this time, the first colony, New Providence Island, was established
on the site that is now the Bahamian capital city of Nassau.
After the American Revolutionary War, in the 1780s, many British loyalists
fled the newly formed United States and settled on the major and outlying
islands of the Bahamas, coming from ports in New York and Florida.
There is an apparent connection between a historically isolated group of
Anglo-Bahamians located in the out-island community of Cherokee Sound
on Abaco Island and the speech of coastal North Carolina. Approximately
5,000 to 8,000 loyalists remained in the Bahamas after an extensive immi-
gration during the years following the American Revolutionary War.
The abolition of slavery in 1833 changed the social structure of the islands
to some extent. In the 1950s, the Bahamas established long-term economic
stability through the tourist industry. In 1973 the Commonwealth of the
Bahamas became independent. The unique cultural history, the ethnic
demographics, and the past and present social dynamics of the islands have
helped create and maintain distinct varieties of English in this vast chain
of islands.
Some of the most distinctive traits of Bahamian English are found in its
pronunciation. A sentence like Ve ’ope you like honion highlights a couple
Sentence Structure
Further Reading
Details about pronunciation and grammar come from Becky Childs and Walt
Wolfram, “Bahamian English: phonology” (Vol. I, 435–49) and Jeffrey Reaser
and Benjamin Torbert, “Bahamian English: morphology and syntax” (Vol. II,
391–406) in A Handbook of Varieties of English (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2005).
Information on the words of Bahamian English can be found in John Holm
and Alison Shilling, Dictionary of Bahamian English (Cold Spring, NY: Lexik House,
1982). More lighthearted phrase books by Patricia Glinton-Meicholas, such as
Talkin’ Bahamian (1994) and More Talkin’ Bahamian (1995), are published by
Guanima Press in Nassau.
The most distinguishing traits of the Outer Banks “brogue” are the
pronunciation of several vowel sounds, although there are more subtle
differences as well. The pronunciation of long i in words like tide and
high, which sounds like the oy vowel of boy or toy to listeners, is the most
noticeable trait, and the reason that these speakers are sometimes referred
to as hoi toiders. (The actual production is more like the combination of
the uh sound of but and the ee sound of beet, so that tide really sounds
something like t-uh-ee-d.) This region is not the only place where
this sound is found; it is characteristic of particular regions in the British
Isles and in the English of Australia and New Zealand as well. But in
the American South, including mainland North Carolina, the pronunci-
ation contrasts sharply with the pronunciation of tahm for time or tahd
for tide.
The Outer Banks production of the vowel in brown and found is also
very distinctive. The vowel actually sounds closer to the vowel of brain
and feigned, and outsiders often confuse words like brown and brain. In
fact, when we play the pronunciation of the word brown to listeners from
different areas and ask them what word it is, they typically say “brain.”
Another pronunciation trait, the augh sound in words like caught and
bought is produced closer to the vowel sound in words like put or book, a
pronunciation that is quite distinctive among the dialects of American
English. The pronunciation of this vowel is actually more like its pronun-
ciation in many British dialects of English and one of the reasons that
Outer Bankers are sometimes thought to sound British or Australian. As it
turns out, North Americans are not the only ones who think that Outer
Banks English sounds more like British dialects than it does American
dialects. At one point in our study of Outer Banks English, the well-
known British dialectologist Peter Trudgill visited the Outer Banks to hear
the dialect for himself. He took back with him a sample of Outer Banks
speech and played it to a group of 15 native speakers of British English in
East Anglia. The listeners were unanimous in attributing a British Isles
Most of the early residents of the Outer Banks came south from Tidewater
Virginia and from the eastern shores of Maryland, starting in the first
decades of the 1700s. The early migration south along the coast was by
boat, as the complicated network of rivers, estuaries, and inlets and the
expansive marshlands made overland travel impossible. Although residents
of the tidewater area did not come from a single location in the British
Isles, southwestern England was well represented in the early population,
although there were people from East Anglia and other areas as well,
including some Scots-Irish. Some dialect traits can be traced to prominent
features of southwestern English, but there are also some features that
can be traced to Irish English that make Outer Banks English similar
to the dialects of Appalachia, where the Scots-Irish English effect is well
established.
The dialect resulted from a selective molding of various traits from the
British Isles that took on a regional dimension along the coastal areas and
islands of the Mid-Atlantic, concentrated in the islands running from the
Chesapeake Bay to the Outer Banks. Although we can only speculate about
the time of its emergence, the examination of some of the written docu-
ments, including the logs kept by lighthouse pilots, letters, and memoirs,
shows that the dialect was well in place by the early and mid-1800s and
flourished well into the mid-twentieth century.
What will happen to the brogue as the Outer Banks is flooded by the
ever-increasing wave of dingbatters who transformed the barrier islands
Answers
1. up the beach 2. dingbatter 3. goaty 4. to 5. smidget 6. scud 7. buck 8. meehonkey
9. quamished 10. doast 11. Russian rat 12. good-some 13. say a word 14. O’cocker
15. miserable in the wind 16. call the mail over 17. mommuck 18. slick cam
19. across the beach 20. young ’uns
Resources
Like many small dialects in isolated places, the Smith Island variety is
often characterized as “Elizabethan English,” “Shakespearean English,” or
even “Old English.” Perhaps this is because isolated dialects like this
one often retain vestiges of older usages, long since faded from more
mainstream varieties. Some examples of older lexical items found on Smith
island are drudging, meaning ‘catching oysters by pulling them up with a
net attached to a metal frame’ (this dates back to at least 1709; the activity
is also called dredging); jag ‘big load of oysters’ (late 1500s); mudlarking
‘picking up oysters or crabs in the shallows’ (dates back to at least 1796);
and progging ‘collecting arrowheads and other artifacts from the marshland’
(early 1600s). Pronunciations that represent older usages include saying
zink for sink (which dates back to Middle English) and adding an extra g
sound to the ends of ng clusters, as in hung up or long island. (Think of
how some New Yorkers pronounce “Long Island.”)
Islanders’ pronunciation of the long i sound in words like night and
nine is also reminiscent of the way i was pronounced in Elizabethan times,
when it sounded something like uh (as in but) and ee (as in beet) pro-
nounced in rapid succession. However, the fact that older speakers on
Smith Island (and in other areas where this feature occurs) actually use
this pronunciation less frequently than younger speakers strongly suggests
that today’s pronunciation is a comparatively recent innovation that
happens to sound like an older usage, rather than a holdover from
Elizabethan days. Older sentence constructions found in Smith Island
English include adding an uh sound before verbs ending in -ing, as in The
men went a-huntin’, using the word it for there to indicate the existence
of someone or something, as in It was a lot of wind for There was a lot of
Despite the persistence of all these older features in the Smith Island
dialect, it is not correct to classify it as “Elizabethan.” Like all dialects,
even the most isolated, Smith Island English has undergone considerable
change over the centuries, and it includes many words, pronunciations,
and sentence constructions that originated in the Americas rather than
in the British Isles. For example, of all their unusual pronunciations,
islanders are most noted for their pronunciation of the ow sound in words
like house and down as more of an ey (as in hey) or i (as in my) sound, so
that house sounds something like hace or hice, and down sounds like dane.
However, this pronunciation does not date back to Elizabethan days; in
fact, it seems to have sprung up on the island itself, and it did not attain
widespread usage until the mid-twentieth century.
Similarly, the lexical feature for which the island (and surrounding coastal
areas) is best known is their rich stock of terms having to do with the
intricacies of the crabbing industry, which did not become the chief
way of making a living on the island until the latter half of the 1800s.
(The original settlers were farmers; following this, most families supported
themselves through oystering.) Among the many terms associated with
crabbing, we find dozens that refer to the crabs themselves, including
terms for various sizes of soft crab (ranging from mediums to hotels to
primes to jumbos to whales) and crabs in various stages of their molting
cycle. For example, greens are crabs that are two weeks or less from shed-
ding their shells, peelers are hours away from shedding, busters have started
to shed or bust, and soft crabs have shed their old shell but not yet grown
a new one. Soft crabs are highly prized as a delicacy, and so it is important
for islanders to recognize how long it will be before a crab reaches this
short-lived stage, and to have the words to be able to talk about it. Other
terms associated with crabbing include scraping and potting (two methods
of catching crabs), crab floats (wooden boxes where peelers are kept until
they shed), shanties (the small buildings that house crab floats), jimmies
(male crabs), and sooks (sexually mature female crabs).
How has Smith Island retained – and even enhanced – its dialectal character
despite the loss of its speakers and their distinctive culture? There are
Further reading
32 Excavations have proven that the Vikings were the earliest European visitors to
Newfoundland. © by Cindy England. Sandra Clarke 203
Historical Background
Feature Example
Pronoun exchange: subject-like forms used as Give the book to she, not he.
stressed objects; more rarely, object forms They want it, don’t ’em?
as unstressed subjects
Habitual bees instead of is (more common It bees some cold here in the winter.
in southwest-English-settled areas)
For . . . to (pronounced fer duh) complementizer She come (=came) for to talk to us.
Stative preposition to (rather than at, etc.) Can we stay to the table?
She knocked to the door.
The Future
glitter (also known ice coating (e.g. on trees, roofs) that Southwest England
as silver thaw) results from freezing rain
Resources
Resources
The writings of Arthur Jensen which argue that many lower-class people are
born with an inferior type of intelligence contain unfounded claims which
are harmful to many members of our society. Jensen and others have intro-
duced into the arena of public debate the theory that the population of the
United States is divided by genetic inheritance into two levels of intelligence
ability: one defined by the ability to form concepts freely, the other limited
in this area and confined primarily to the association of ideas.
In so doing the LSA was able to accomplish two important tasks: first, and
foremost, it affirmed the linguistic integrity of black American speech, and
second, it asserted that Ebonics should be viewed as a dialect of English,
Suffix -s absence
cents cent
He has ten cents He has ten cent
brother’s brother
My brother’s book My brother book
likes like
He likes music He like music
Post-vocalic r absence
door do’
car ca’
Phonological inversion
Did you ask a question? Did you aks a question?
Syntactic alternation
What time is it? What time it is?
How can you do that? How you can do that?
What is the problem? What the problem is?
Non-standard Negation
I don’t have any cards I ain’t got no cards.
He didn’t leave any keys He ain’t leave no keys.
Debate about language origins and evolution is common, but the history
of race relations in American society makes the case of African American
English, popularly known as Ebonics, somewhat special. The broad path
of historical development seems obvious. Africans speaking a rich
assortment of West African languages such as Mandinka, Mende, and
Gola – among many others – learned English subsequent to their shackled
emigration from Africa to North America. But the process of this shift
Competing Explanations
Two major explanations have dominated the modern debate over the
origin and early development of AAE. The “Anglicist Hypothesis,”
originally set forth by prominent American dialectologists during the
mid-twentieth century, argues that the origin of AAE can be traced to
the same sources as earlier European American dialects of English – the
varieties of English spoken in the British Isles. This position assumes that
slaves speaking different African languages simply learned the regional
and social varieties of the adjacent groups of white speakers as they
acquired English. It further assumes that over the course of a couple of
generations only a few minor traces of these ancestral languages remained,
as in the typical American immigrant model of language shift.
In the mid-1960s and the 1970s, the Anglicist position was challenged
by the “Creolist Hypothesis.” Researchers of creole languages noted that
For almost a decade now, a team of researchers from North Carolina State
University has been re-examining the development of AAE based on yet
another set of historical circumstances – longstanding, enclave African
American communities in geographically remote areas of the United States.
As in studies of expatriate situations, the lack of everyday contact with
outside groups may provide insight into the history of African American
speech. In one respect, these communities in the US may be preferable
The story of AAE is an ongoing one. In fact, its modern path of change is
every bit as intriguing as its earlier history. Current studies show that
the distinctive traits of AAE are probably stronger at the beginning of the
twenty-first century than they were a century earlier. Older speakers in
North Carolina. National Science Foundation grants BCS 9910224 and 0236838
supported the research reported here.
Further Reading
Even the most restricted list of the articles and books on African American English
would be excessive to cite here. The Substrate Hypothesis is presented in great
technical detail in Walt Wolfram and Erik Thomas, The Development of African
American English (Blackwell, 2002). Shana Poplack and Sali Tagliamonte, in
African American English in the Diaspora (Blackwell, 2001), set forth the Neo-
Anglicist position in equal technical detail. A more accessible description of the
history and development of AAE is John Russell Rickford and Russell John
Rickford’s book, Spoken Soul: The Story of Black English (Wiley, 2000).
One of the factors that makes Chicano English worth a long linguistic
look is the fact that it “grew up” in a bilingual setting. As immigrants
from Mexico came to California and other parts of the Southwest,
communities developed which included many people who spoke only
Spanish. Many of these speakers began to learn English and, like other
learners of a language, they spoke a non-native variety which included
sounds and grammatical constructions from their first language, Spanish.
But the children of these immigrants grew up using both English and
Spanish, and as the communities began to stabilize, so did a new dialect
of English.
Because of its origins, Chicano English does have many features,
especially in the phonology, that show the influence of Spanish. For
example, the a sound in words like pasta or saw sounds much more
like the Spanish a than in other dialects of English. In the ending on
words like going or talking, Chicano English speakers tend to have a higher
vowel, more like the i of Spanish (as in sí), so that the words end up
sounding more like goween and talkeen. There is also a special use of
the word barely in Chicano English to mean ‘had just recently’ as in
These were expensive when they barely came out. (In my dialect, this would
be translated as These were expensive at the beginning, when they had
just come out.) This may come from the Spanish adverb apenas, which
can mean that something almost did not happen but then it did
(which is what barely means in many English dialects), or it can mean
that something happened just recently. This latter meaning can some-
times be attached to barely in other dialects of English (Don’t leave;
you barely got here!) but not always (e.g., I barely broke my leg, which
speakers of most other dialects don’t say, but which is acceptable in Chicano
English).
What is “Spanglish”?
Cajuns are descendants of French settlers who moved into the area of
Canada known as Acadia (modern day Nova Scotia) in the early 1600s.
For many years, the territory was ceded back and forth between
France and England as the spoils of war, and the settlers were left virtually
undisturbed. In 1713, however, the Treaty of Utrecht permanently
sealed the fate of the small colony – it became a permanent possession
of the British. The Acadians were allowed to live in peace for a period
of time, but because of their friendship with the Native Americans
living in the area, and also because of an influx of British settlers, the
British crown decreed that all persons of French ancestry must pledge
allegiance to the British government. Beginning in 1755, those who
refused to do so were deported and scattered across various coastlines in
the American colonies in what their descendants still refer to as le grand
dérangement.
There are pockets of French culture and language surviving in diverse
areas of the United States as a result of this forced migration, includ-
ing Maine, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana. Some
deportees also ended up in the then French-ruled Caribbean islands of
Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Haiti, while others went back to Europe.
The Acadians (shortened by English speakers to ’Cadians and then to
Cajuns) were reviled and feared by their English-speaking Protestant
neighbors in the American colonies, so they sought out isolated com-
munities where they could practice their religion and teach their native
language to their children. This isolation led to the preservation of some
elements of French as it was spoken in the mid-1700s. In fact, some of
the lexical items in Cajun French today are essentially unchanged from
the French of that era, e.g. le maringouin ‘mosquito’ (modern French
le moustique).
Although there are many dialectal oddities in Cajun English, five features
strike the listener right away: vowel pronunciation, stress changes, the
lack of the th phonemes, non-aspiration of p, t, and k, and lexical differ-
ences. The use of these features has resulted in no southern drawl at all in
Cajun English. Cajuns talk extremely fast, their vowels are clipped, and
French terms abound in their speech. These variations have been studied
by a few linguists, more folklorists, and, in a casual way, many more
tourists.
The vocal differences of Cajun English are both qualitative and quanti-
tative. The qualitative differences (the differences between the standard
forms of English vowels and Cajun English vowels) are easily identifiable.
Quantitative differences are changes that are across-the-board and
non-random in the speech of most Cajuns. Some examples? Diphthongs
(or dual-vowel sounds) change to monophthongs (single vowels) in words
such as high. Standard American English uses a diphthong i as in tie while
Cajun English speakers use an unglided vowel as in tah. The word tape,
pronounced in English as ta-eep is pronounced without the ee glide, as
tehp. In addition, many Cajun English speakers use the tense version of
English vowels, making words like hill and heel “homophones,” or words
which have the same pronunciation – heel.
Intonation and stress are so striking in Cajun English that entire joke
repertoires have been based on them. The French spoken by the older
Despite being subjected to abuse and stigmatization for many years, Cajun
English speakers abound. Why would this be? Why would a dialect which
was considered a mark of ignorance until very recently be heard on the
lips of Cajuns young and old? The explanation most applicable to Cajun
English is that the language is seen as a marker of being an insider to the
community. This is seen most clearly when the French language ability of
Cajuns is assessed: that language is dying, and is now only used among
the older folks in the community. However, Cajun English use has been
documented among even the youngest Cajun descendants, a fact that is
easy to verify simply by going to any café in any small town in south
Louisiana. To be a Cajun these days, the necessary and sufficient condition
seems to be that you must speak Cajun English.
In many communities, a culture survives long after the language
associated with it dies. In the case of the Cajuns, the differences from
the surrounding Anglophone community are quite marked, making it
easier to resist the encroachment of English culture. The retention of
the unique music, food, and religion of the Cajuns has been aided by
a history of endogamous marriages, geographical isolation, and stigmat-
ization by the Anglophone community. Despite the fact that these things
have changed tremendously in the past 40 years, Cajun people young and
old still retain a distinctive flavor in their speech. So, the culture may
survive. As long as Cajun English is used as a dividing line between the
Anglophones and the long-exiled French Canadians, Cajun English will
continue to flourish.
Resources
The Lumbee are the largest Native American group east of the Mississippi
and the seventh largest Native American group in the United States, with
over 50,000 members listed on the tribal rolls. Although Lumbees can be
found throughout the nation, they are concentrated in Robeson County,
North Carolina, and are relatively unknown outside of southeastern North
Carolina. In Robeson County they make up 40% of the population, and
some communities in Robeson County are over 95% Lumbee. In contrast,
European Americans comprise about 35% and African Americans approx-
imately 25% of the Robeson County population, making the county a
stable tri-ethnic area.
One of the curious aspects of the Lumbee is how little is known about
their exact historical origins. There is ample archaeological evidence that
Native Americans have inhabited the Robeson County region for thousands
of years. In colonial times, the Carolinas were inhabited by speakers of
several different major families of Native American languages, including
Siouan, Iroquoian, and Algonquian languages. The Lumbee were among
the first Native American Indians to learn English during the early English
settlement of the Carolina coastal plain and were reported to be speaking
English as early as the first half of the 1700s. With the growth of European
settlements in the region, some tribes may have relocated or blended
together, making it even more difficult to identify a specific ancestral dialect
lineage for the Lumbee. Although some Lumbees believe their history can
be traced to the famous Lost Colony on Roanoke Island, most scholars
think that they are an amalgam of several different Native American groups.
Lumbee English
Since the loss of their heritage language generations ago, the Lumbee have
perpetuated their identity through the development of a distinctive dialect
of English. Even the congressional act of 1956 acknowledged their distinct
dialect by noting that Lumbees could be identified by a “distinctive
appearance and manner of speech.” Residents of the area also recognize
the existence of Lumbee English, which differs from the speech of the
neighboring African American and European American communities
in Robeson County. Given tape-recorded samples of African American,
European American, and Lumbee residents, listeners from Robeson County
correctly identified Lumbees over 80 percent of the time – a higher rate
than their correct identification of European Americans in the county.
Although patterns of social and cultural segregation, population density,
and historical continuity have contributed to the development of Lumbee
English, there is an important sense in which the dialect is a constructed
identity, by which they have defined themselves as neither white nor black
– a cultural “other” in the ideology of the bi-racial Southeastern US. Like
other dialects, Lumbee English has distinct lexicon, pronunciation, and
grammar. Although it possesses a few unique words and phrases, Lumbee
English is defined more by the combination of words and structures that
set it apart from Southern white and black varieties of English than by the
existence of exclusive Lumbee lexicon. A few distinctive terms, such as
ellick ‘coffee with sugar’, juvember ‘slingshot’, and yerker ‘mischievous child’,
are mostly restricted to the Lumbee, but words like fatback ‘fat meat of a
hog’, mommuck ‘mess up’, and headiness ‘very bad’ are shared with other
dialects in the Southern coastal plains. As is often the case in enclave
Answers
1. Lum (Lumbee) 2. bate (lot) 3. buddyrow (friend) 4. chicken bog (chicken and
rice) 5. on the swamp (neighborhood) 6. jubious (strange) 7. mommuck (mess up)
8. sorry in the world (sad) 9. toten (ghost) 10. ellick (coffee) 11. juvember (slingshot)
12. yerker (mischievous child) 13. headiness (very bad) 14. swanny (swear) 15. brick-
house (upper status).
Resources
History
Vocabulary
The Jewish English lexicon ranges from items in the mainstream of Amer-
ican English to ones that are highly specialized. Large numbers of words
have spread from Jewish English into more general American usage:
kosher ‘ritually clean, legitimate’, glitch ‘slip-up’, bagel ‘doughnut-shaped
roll’, maven ‘expert’, schlock ‘junk’, mensch ‘decent person’, klutz ‘clumsy
person’, schmooze ‘chat, gossip’, chutzpah ‘impudence, guts’, tchotchke
‘knick-knack’, schmuck ‘jerk, prick’, kvetch ‘whine’, nebbish ‘nonentity,
nerd’, kibitz ‘to observe, as in a card game, and give unwanted advice’.
Hebrew names for popular holidays and celebrations, such as Chanukah
and bar mitzvah are used among Jews and non-Jews alike. Blends with
English words are readily formed, as in Chanukah card or matzo ball soup.
Some terms have both Hebrew and Yiddish variants that are used
interchangeably. The skullcap worn by Orthodox and Conservative Jews,
for example, may be referred to as either a kippah (Hebrew) or a yarmulka
(Yiddish). Some variants, however, convey subtle differences in Jewish
identity: in referring to their place of worship, for example, Reform Jews
typically refer to temple, Conservative Jews to synagogue, and Orthodox and
Chasidic Jews to shul. Holidays may be named either in English (Passover)
or in Hebrew (Pesach), depending on speaker and speaking situation. This
distinction is exploited by Alfred Uhry, in The Last Night of Ballyhoo, in a
conversation between Joe, an observant New York Jew, who uses the word
Pesach, and Lala, a Southern Jew whose family is trying desperately to
assimilate, who understands only when he translates for her, Passover.
Pronunciation
Grammar
Discourse
Discourse features associated with Jewish English fall into three general
categories. First, Jewish speech is characterized as being loud and fast.
Popular linguistic writer Deborah Tannen describes New York Jewish
conversational style as overlapping, loud, high-pitched, fast-paced, and
accompanied by exaggerated gesture. Another conversational analyst
describes Jewish speech style as involving sociable disagreement, non-
alignment, and competition for turns. Third, and above all, Jewish
discourse is associated with sometimes self-effacing humor. Lawrence J.
Epstein, author of The Haunted Smile: The Story of Jewish Comedians in
America (Cambridge, MA: Perseus Books Group, 2001), attributes this to
the experience of Jews as immigrants; comedy is a way to counter poverty
and discrimination. Ironically, Jewish comedians often adopt personas
consistent with anti-Semitic stereotypes: Jack Benny, the cheapskate;
Ed Wynn and Rodney Dangerfield, the fool; Woody Allen, the neurotic.
Jewish humor, according to Epstein, is characterized by wit and wordplay,
a style attributable to the importance of language in Jewish culture. A
center for the display of Jewish comedy from the late 1930s through the
early 1960s evolved as the “Borscht Belt,” a string of Catskill Mountain
resorts given their moniker from the beet soup enjoyed by many Russian
Jewish immigrants. Among the names Epstein associates with that enter-
tainment circuit are Milton Berle, Fanny Brice, Mel Brooks, George Burns,
Carl Reiner, Neil Simon, Red Buttons, Danny Kaye, Judy Holliday, Jackie
Mason, Alan King, Henny Youngman, Buddy Hackett, Joan Rivers, Jerry
Lewis, Woody Allen, Sid Caesar, and Joey Bishop.
Resources
Leo Rosten’s books are popular for extensive explanation and examples: The Joys
of Yiddish (McGraw-Hill, 1967), revised by Lawrence Bush and published as
The New Joys of Yiddish (Random House, 2001); Hooray for Yiddish: A Book
about English (Simon and Schuster, 1982); The Joys of Yinglish (Penguin Books,
1990). A wonderful collection of Yiddish words, proverbs, insults, and blessings
is Payson R. Stevens, Charles M. Levine, and Sol Steinmetz, Meshuggenary:
Celebrating the World of Yiddish (Simon and Schuster, 2002). A collection rich
with examples from songs, comic strips, novels, and book reviews is Gene Bluestein,
Anglish/Yinglish: Yiddish in American Life and Literature (2nd edition, University
of Nebraska Press, 1998). Chaim M. Weiser, Frumspeak: The First Dictionary of
Yeshivish (Jason Aronson, 1995) specializes in religious vocabulary. In addition,
valuable online glossaries may be found at www.koshernosh. com/dictiona.htm
(includes voiced pronunciations); www.jewfaq.org/glossary.htm; www.ou.org/
about/judaism.
If you ask the waitress for cherry pie and she says, “It’s all,” if the local
butcher shop is advertising Ponhous, and if the supermarket puts out a
sign declaring “Fastnacht donuts at $1.69 a dozen,” then you can be sure
you are in Pennsylvania Dutch country.
Pronunciation
Word Usages
Many Pennsylvania German words have made their way into the Eng-
lish language of the area. These words include: smearcase ‘cottage cheese’,
spritz ‘sprinkle’, toot ‘paper bag’, speck ‘fat, bacon’, snitz ‘slice or cut’ (usu-
ally apples), ponhous ‘scrapple’, rutsch ‘squirm, move’, all ‘all gone’, sneaky
‘finicky about food’, and dare ‘to be permitted’ as in I dared go sledding on
that hill. Other Pennsylvania German words in English are less familiar to
younger people: Fastnacht ‘donut eaten on Shrove Tuesday’, dappich
‘clumsy’, strubblich ‘disheveled, unkempt’, fress ‘eat like an animal’, and
schusslich ‘in a hurry, scatterbrain’. These words are not “borrowings” in
the sense that they are perceived as foreign; they are part of the English
language spoken by the Pennsylvania Germans, and many have been inte-
grated into the English language of central Pennsylvania.
Sentence Structures
• Use of the adverb already placed after the verb in the simple past
form:
I helped butcher already.
I remember she did do that though already.
I heard different remedies already.
Other English speakers would have said, I’ve already heard different
remedies.
Commercial Exploitation
In the Pennsylvania Dutch areas, tourism has sprung up all around the
sectarians. This commercialism spills over onto bric-a-brac at gift shops
and into so-called “folk festivals” in Nonsectarian areas. These fairs offer
Dutch foods and crafts, many of which exist or have been developed only
for the tourist. The colorful hex signs, for instance, have been ascribed
magical origins, but they appear on barns “just for nice,” with no purpose
John Baugh is the Margaret Bush Wilson Professor in Arts and Sciences
and Chair of African and Afro-American Studies at Washington Univer-
sity in St. Louis. He is the author of several books on African American
English, including Beyond Ebonics: Linguistic Pride and Racial Prejudice
(Oxford, 2000) and Out of the Mouths of Slaves (University of Texas,
1999). He has been involved in national debates about linguistic profiling
that have been aired on National Public Radio and a number of national
television programs.
Kirk Hazen is the founder of the West Virginia Dialect Project at West
Virginia University and Associate Professor of Linguistics in the English
Department at West Virginia University. He has conducted research on
Appalachian English in West Virginia and on rural speech communities in
North Carolina.