Political Theory Notes: Authority and Legitimacy
Political Theory Notes: Authority and Legitimacy
Political Theory Notes: Authority and Legitimacy
Ans. It must be remembered that neither force nor influence is authority. But all three
are manifestations or express forms of power. Power, in a sense, is the predisposition
or prior capacity which makes the application of force, influence, and authority
possible. Power is the ability to employ force or sanctions, but not its actual
employment. Authority is the institutionalized right to employ power’.
2. A relationship between two offices, one superior and the other subordinate;
There is a lack of unanimity over the meaning and use of authority. Authority as a
phenomenon is older than the ‘State’ itself. According to Bertrand de Jouvenel, it is
an outcome of the natural ascendancy of some men over others. Michels regards it
as the capacity, innate or acquired, for exercising ascendency over a group’. But
Bursted disagrees with him. In his view, authority is not a capacity. It is a relationship
of exercising ascendency. It is a sanctioned or institutionalized power.
In the field of management and public administration, the authority has been
regarded as a right to command’. According to Simon, authority comes into
existence only when the subordinates postpone or give up their own freedom to
choose one of the various alternatives available to them and take up the formal order
or indication as the criterion of their choice.
Authority relations involve – (i) expectation of obedience, and (ii) willingness to obey.
The concept of authority goes against the traditional view which regards it as a ‘top-
down’ commands; the boss has the right to issue orders and the subordinates have
their duty to act on
them faithfully.
There are two theories regarding the nature of authority; (a) Formal theory maintains
it as the right to issue commands. Authority flows from superiors to subordinates,
making up the organizational hierarchy. (b) Acreanned wit Acceptance theory relates
to behavioural schools, human relations and
according to it, the former theory explains authority only from a legal or formal point
of view. In actual practice, successful authority depends on the acceptance of the
orders by the subordinates. In view of Chester I Bernard, four conditions must be
fulfilled: (i) the subordinate must be able to understand the order or communication;
(ii) after getting it, he must have a belief that it is not against the goals of the
organization; (ii) he must consider his compliance in conformity with his own
individual interests as a part of the whole set-up; and (iv) he must be mentally and
physically capable of complying with the order.
According to the latter view, authority slows down-up. In the absence of acceptance,
cooperation, willingness, and ideological similarity, authority becomes nominal or
formal. It is no more real authority. Under the acceptance theory of authority, the
subordinates tend to make room in their mind for receiving the orders or
communication from their superiors and comply with them without reasoning and
opposition. Orders falling within this area are invariably accepted by the
subordinates. Bernrd calls it a ‘zone of indifference’. For Tanenbaum, it is the sphere
of acceptance’ whereas Simon has named it as ‘Zone of acceptance’. This zone tends
to increase or decrease in proportion to the ideological relationship found between
the superiors and the subordinates.
Bachrach and Baratz opine that while authority is closely related to power, it is not
one of its various forms. In fact, it is antithetical to it. They reject the traditional view
that it is ‘formal’ criticize that it is ‘institutionalized power’. According to them, the
concept of authority. as a form of power is not operationally useful. If it is so, who
possesses formal power when the superior is actually helpless. It is also not useful for
those who believe in a limited or constitutional government. Us prescription by law
does not bestow all legitimacy to it,
Friedrich defines authority as a quality of communication that cesses the
potentiality of reasoned elaboration’. A possesses Authority’, because B regards
A’s communication as authoritative.
Authority can be transformed into power and vice versa. In human cand healthy
societies, it can perform the valuable function of limiting the behavior of persons,
especially those in official positions, impelling them to confine to legitimate acts. But
their actions must be potentially justified by ‘reasoned elaboration’ in terms of values
or the same society. If the value pattern of that society itself is pathological,
authority, then, is simply a tool in furthering that state of pathology. Unfortunately,
politics itself emerges, evolves, grows, and activates on the basis of those prevailing
values. But, it is only politics that can put a challenge to those outworn values, and
inculcate newer ones. In their own limited way, scholars, philosophers, poets, etc. also
do that, though they operate only at a mental level.
Thinkers from ancient times have discussed the nature, forms and functions of
authority. In modern times Max Weber (1922) has discussed it quite thoroughly. His
forms of authority are based on sources of legitimacy.
Authority may appear in some other forms also, such as, (i) national and
international; (ii) in relation to organs of government-executive, legislative and
judicial; (iii) constitutional or statutory; (iv) national, regional or local; (v) political or
administrative; (vi) single, plural, corporate, commission or board form; (vii) formal or
informal.
Legitimate power is the basis of the authority of an organization. Authority does not
indicate the superiority of an individual. He is only a living symbol of mechanism. This
is the ‘image of a government that enables a man to command, even if he is less
intelligent, less able, and below-average than his subordinates. Orders given by men
in authority have to be carried out. In a formal organization, authority is rationally
distributed among various persons making up the hierarchy of an organisation. But
an informal organization can also have authority, authority-positions, and authority-
persons or authorities. Formal organizations, therefore, often try that informal
organization either do not grow or if they are unavoidable or required at all, they are
kept
within bounds. The military does not permit their existence but trade unions are
allowed to operate by law. Still very rarely they are one with each other. Informal
organizations often grow underground if not permitted to operate openly. Man does
not live along with formal lines and moves beyond the blue-print. This adds elements
of socialbility, cooperation, voluntarisrh to barebones of hierarchical organisations.
Authority operates on the road of values. Values, like power, also impose restrictions
on the exercise of authority. Often the
Limitations of Authority
Q. 2. Discuss the concept and nature of Authority and define it. Ans.
Concept, Nature, and Process It must be remembered that neither force nor
influence is authority. But all the three are manifestations or express forms of Power.
Power, in a sense, is the predisposition or prior capacity which makes application of
force, influence and authority possible. Power is the ability to employ force or
sanctions, but not its actual employment. Authority is ‘the institutionalized right to
employ power.”
2. a relationship between two offices, one superior and the other subordinate;
“There is lack of unanimity over the meaning and use of `authority’. Authority as a
phenomenon is older than the ‘State’ itself. According to Bertrand de Jouvenel, it is
an outcome of the natural ascendancy of some men over others. Michels regards it
as ‘the capacity, innate or acquired, for exercising ascendency over a group’. But
Bursted disagrees with him. In his view, authority is not a capacity. It is a relationship
of
comes into existence only when the subordinates postpone or give up: their own
freedom to choose one of the various alternatives available. to them, and take up the
formal order or indication as the criterion ol, their choice. Beach puts it as the
legitimate authority to direct or influence others’ behaviour. UNESCO report (1955)
maintained it as that power which is recognized, respected, known and legitimate.
Tennanbaum finds it as interpersonal relationship between the superiors and
subordinates. The subordinate grants authority to the decision-maker and puts
himself in the position of the latter’s subordinate. According to Simon, authority
relations exist only when there occurs actual change in the behaviour of the
subordinates. The superior person takes decisions and communicates them to his
subordinates with the expectation that they will be accepted by their subordinates.
Authority relations involve (i) expectation of obedience, and (ii) willingness to obey.
This concept of authority goes against the traditional view which regards it a ‘top-
down command; the boss has right to issue orders and the subordinates have their
duty to act on them faithfully.
There are two theories regarding nature of authority: (a) Formal theory maintains it
as right to issue commands. Authority flows from superior to subordinates, making
up the organisational hierarchy. (b) Acceptance theory relates to behavioural schools,
human relations and according to it, the former theory explains authority only from
legal or formal point of view. In actual practice, successful authority depends on the
acceptance of the orders by the subordinates. In view of Chester I. Bernard, four
conditions must be fulfilled: (i) the subordinate must be able to understand the order
or communication; (ii) after getting it, he must have belief that it is not against the
goals of the organization; (iii) he must consider his compliance in conformity with his
own individual interests as a part of whole set-up; (iv) he must be, mentally and
physically capable of complying with the order.
Bachrach and Baratz opine that while authority is closely related to power, it is not
one of its various forms. In fact, it is antithetical to it. They reject the traditional view
that it is ‘formal power’, and also criticize that it is ‘institutionalized power’. According
to them, the concept of authority as a form of power is not operationally useful. If it
is so, who possesses formal power, when the superior is actually helpless. It is also
not useful for those who believe in limited or constitutional government. Its
prescription by law does not bestow all legitimacy to it.
If B believes that A’s communication allows for reasoned elaboration when actually it
does not, it is ‘false’ authority. When the source of compliance shifts from ‘genuine’
to ‘false’ authority, and B realizes that communication cannot be elaborated
effectively, then, relationship initially involving authority has been transformed into
one involving power. Compliance, thus, commanded is an exercise of power.
Authority operates in terms of similarity of values. It is both a source
of and a restraint upon exercise of power. It both justifies as well as is the use
of power. But authority itself has to be grounded upon reasoning that is
meaningful to a majority of the people.
Authority can be transformed into power and vice versa. In human we healthy
societies, it can perform the valuable function of limiting he behaviour of
persons, especially those in official positions, impelling Tom to confine to
legitimate acts. But their actions must be potentially
Authority, to sum up, is accepted not because it has been given by superior
authorities, but on the basis of the consent of the subordinates who often accept
orders considering them right and proper. Authority of the superior person is
accepted only when he issues orders in the aforesaid manner. Its basis is not
sanctions, but rightness — rather similarity of the goals, values, and norms existing
between them. It is direct and institutionalized right to influence the behaviour of the
subordinates.
Ans. Every society contains a range of diversities. There may be ethnic, religious,
linguistic, geographical and other kinds of diversities. differences between individuals
and groups can often be traced to such diversities. A major source of difference is
economic inequality.
production in limited hands has always been viewed as a potent source of political
power. In fact, this is one of the major reasons for the framing of statutes and
regulations in India for controlling the growth of monopolies. A society characterised
by gross economic disparities between individuals and groups and regions is likely to
experience political activities over the distribution of economic resources. Political
activity can then be seen as a mechanism for the resolution of conflicts arising out of
societal diversity.
Political systems have evolved various means of reconciling political conflicts. Some
of these are formal and some are informal. Institutions and processes are legitimized
to accommodate conflicts, otherwise there is the danger of rejection of the political
system. This happens when groups in a conflict tend to go underground’and take to
‘unconstitutional methods of agitation and even adopt violent means. To avoid such
a situation, formal institutions like legislatures, tribunals and courts are set up to deal
with conflicts. The electoral system and the legislature permit consicts to come to
surface. The contending parties bring forth their demands and counter-arguments
openly in the legislature. Parties and pressure groups grow naturally and informally
to lend support to the formal arrangement of debate, discussions and resolution of
conflicts. The judiciary is another important forum for the adjudication of disputes
within the formal institutional framework of the State.
Political Power
In the study of politics, ‘powers’ has usually been regarded as a key concept. The idea
of political powers assumes significance in the context of conflict in the community
and the need for their resolution. Power, authority and influence are not synonymous
terms. Influence has the widest meaning. It refers to a relation among individuals in
any action situation where one individual induces others to behave in a particular
way they would not otherwise behave. Power and authority can be looked at as
different kinds of influence. In a relational situation, political powers signifies the
capacity to affect the behaviour of others by the threat of some form of sanction.
Increase in political powers can be mcasured by the quantity of sanctions used. The
sanctions are usually a package of rewards and penalties. Compliance of individuals
and groups can be elicited by the promise or actual conferment of rewards
Contrarily, withdrawal of such rewards of threat of punishment
could be used to elicit compliance. Although political powers rests on the potentiality
to invoke coercion, frequent use of coercion in actual practice, is a sure indication of
the gradual weakening of political power.
Political Authority
authority. Charismatic authority refers to a rule over men to which the governed
submit because of their belief in the extraordinary quality of a specific person (the
ruler). “The legitimacy of charismatic rule rests
upon the belief in magical powers, revelations and hero worship.
Weber admitted that none of the authority types could be found in pure form in
reality. As he pointed out, “the great majority of empirical cases represent a
combination or a state of transition among several such pure types.”
Political power, for the sake of continuity and acceptability, has to be legitimate
power. Its legitimacy is derived from the belief that political action is grounded in
formal laws, rules and regulations. There may be occasions, however, when political
power may be divorced from political authority. In such situations, the right to rule
may not have received general societal acceptance. This is particularly noticeable at
the time of a military coup. The old regime might have lost its popular support base
or legitimacy. As the new rulers take over, there is likely to be a period of uncertainty
about its basis of authority. The new regime will then rely on political power for the
moment, not political authority. It will take some time for the new regime to gain
general popular acceptance. Power can undergo a subtle transformation into
authority with growing support from the political community. An inference that can
be drawn from this is that it is a weak political regime that uses power ver frequently
to hold on to the seat of government.
and privileges, not because ‘authority’ originates in them, but owing to people’s
belief in the sources of base of their rights. The base or source of these rights is
called ‘legitimacy’. Alike authority, power and influence also, in order to be effective,
require legitimacy. If there is no legitimacy, power and influence both are opposed
and counteracted : authority is totally disregarded. It is legitimacy which make them
effective and operational. Individuals, organisations, and institutions cannot have
power and influence without having legitimacy. though all the three mutually may be
reinforcing, even oppose each other. Dahl regards it as necessary and economical.
Leaders in democracies, usually espouse a set of, more or less, persistent and
integrated doctrines, popularly called as “ideology. It purports to explain and justify
their leadership in the system. Leaders develop ‘ideology to endow their leadership
with legitimacy and convert their political influence with authority. As stated earlier, it
is far more economical to rule by means of authority than by means of coercion,
power, or influence. Moreover, it is legitimacy which distinguishes coercion, force,
and power from influence, persuasion and leadership. But exercise of force can be
‘legitimate’ against criminals, miscreants and rebels.
Conceptual Explanation
The concept is as old as politics itself from Plato onwards to Max Weber and
Habermas. But the concept is not very much clear. It is opposite to usurpation,
thought all usurpers try to legitimize their usurpation as rightful occupation.
Revolution or coup d’etat may not necessarily be illegimate. If it is successful, it
introduces a new principle
Legitimation does not increase the material interest of the subordinates or make the
order or rule more ‘pleasant’. But it serves as need to follow norms which conform,
and not conflict with their values. There is distinction between normative satisfaction
of the need for justice or legitimacy and the need to find opportunities to gratify
other needs. Some orders are legitimate and gratifying whereas other orders may be
legitimate, but not gratifying, still others may be illegitimate but not gratifying.
Organisations require legitimacy, that is, conformity with values. It is closer to
conformity with a higher sense of morality.
Dahl has also indicated various sources of winning legitimacy or earning comliance :
1. to encourage compliance –
2. To discourage non-compliance –
(c) by decreasing rewards from other alternatives.
He has suggested that internal sources of rewards and deprivations are always better
than external sources. More and more internalization gradually replaces the need of
external sources. When the political system is widely accepted as legitimate and its
policies are regarded as morally binding, the cost of compliance reduces. When
legitimacy and authority are in low key, it has to make more use of money, police,
privileges, weapons, status and other political resources. Obviously, democracy
requires more legitimacy and authority than other systems.
Still legitimacy is not some high-level abstract feeling, but a phenomenon existing
underlying the whole system. It is related to whole system and its governance. It is
not a moral feeling or subjective conceptualization. It is a belief of people in the
rightness of the activities of the government. But it comes out in concrete form also.
In the words of Easton, it relates to the allocation of authoritative values for the
society. Who, in what form, when, how, in what manner, and where are also the
questions related its legitimacy. If at interval level, it is related to praise, honour,
affection, etc., or their reverse forms like dishonour, anomie, alienation, etc., at
external level it is also connected with material Things like land, money license,
status, privileges, immunities etc. They may not actually be given but expectation of
getting them or fear of losing them also works a lot to each legitimacy. Material
goods, in any system, are never unlimited; therefore, political leaders always try to
economize them. They do so by-(i) preferring internal or abstract wards, and (ii) using
means like leadership, influence, and propaganda. with their help, they are able to
get compliance simply on the basis of
making communication to them. Material rewards apart from being: limited and
scarce, their distribution can also prove dysfunctional. But these internal and external
sources should not be treated so separate. They are related with each other. In sum,
internal resources are less costly than material resources. Non-material resources of
legitimacy are less expensive than running the political system on the basis of power
as physical force. Democracy requires the first two sources, whereas dictatorship
mostly operates on physical force. Therefore, cost of running a system on the basis of
force is very high, making the system still more fragile, instable and alienated.
Apart from the consideration of cost, it must be pointed out that authority is the
most efficient form of influence. It is legitimacy which enables political actors to
transform influence into authority. Power, influence, and authority, standing on the
ground of legitimacy, do not require to spend much political resources. In the
context of “Third World Countries, it can be stated that legitimacy plays a key role in
running of their political system. They have scarce economic and political sources.
They have to telescope centuries into decades, and attain modernization as early as
possible. Only an attitude of ‘rightness’ or belief in the legitimacy of their structures,
functions, procedures, leaders and decisions can come to their rescue. Even, with less
amount of power or a weakened government, a developing society can attain its
goals. It keeps majority as well as minority communities bound each other. No
majority can keep a considerably big minority under coercion. It has to win over
them by propagating values, ideology, role-expectations. So is the case with the
minority groups and communities, as they too have to stand at per on the common
levels of legitimacy. Within the bounds of this legitimacy, political leaders, parties,
groups, and individuals are allowed to compete among themselves. As legitimacy is
deeply entrenched into cultural values, secessions or separatism cannot burst out so
easily.