CThe Roman Cult of Mithras

Religious Phenomenon and

Brotherhood

Giovanna Palombo
1j he male [god] they worship is a cattle rustler, and his cult they relate
to the potency of fire.. .united by the handshake of the illustrious Father.” So wrote
the Christian writer Firmicus Maternus about the followers of Mithras showing
much contempt and little understanding on one of the most widespread ancient
mystery religions—Mithraism. The worship of Mithras—a god of Persian origin—was
part of the so-called “mystery cults” that developed in the East and rapidly spread
all over the provinces under Roman rule, reaching its greatest extent during the
second and third centuries A.D. The present analysis will limit its attention to three
areas only. It will first consider, Italy—mainly Rome and Ostia where this cult was
very popular—and Gallia-Germania-Noricum (modern France, Germany, and
Austria) and third, ancient Syria (modern eastern Turkey and Syria) as
representatives, respectively, of western provincial territories and an eastern
province. tn particular, two aspects will be the objects of investigation: Mithras’
iconography and inscriptions in order to identify his visual patterns, various
epithets, and associations with other deities, and the very nature of the Mithraic
religion as a mystery cult. The purpose of conducting an analysis of both the
Mithraic image, and of what it may have meant for Mithras’ worshippers to be part
of this mystery religion, will help explain the reasons for the cult’s widespread
popularity. This cult became very popular, specifically among the Roman soldiers
all over the empire, despite the fact that Mithras was the god of Rome’s enemies—
the Parthians. I will argue that the key to understand Mithras’ popularity is to be
found, first of all, in his iconography and not his theology, namely in his simple and
yet powerful image. Secondly, as a mystery religion, Mithras’ cult not only had a
votive character, but also offered an opportunity for a secret brotherhood—an
organizational structure similar to a secret society of a Masonic type that must have
been particularly appealing for soldiers. Finally, the syncretic and universal aspects
of the Mithraic cult represent additional elements that can help explain the Parthian
god’s popularity among the Roman troops.
Before proceeding with the analysis of why Mithraism was so wide-spread
particularly among the soldiers, it is necessary to address the problem of the
sources. In contrast with Mithraism’s popularity and the fact that Mithraic
sanctuaries can be found all over the Roman provinces, historians are faced with a
dearth of literary source material on Mithras. This is not surprising and can be
explained in part by the fact that, as a mystery cult, Mithraism had an element of
secrecy. Because the written evidence on the cult of Roman Mithras is very scarce
as few documents have survived, scholars have looked at evidence from material
culture and, in particular, they have relied on the comprehensive catalogue of
inscriptions and monuments which offers a valuable source about the Mithraic cult

Firmicus Maternus, De 6,-tore Profanarum Religionum, 5.2, translated by Marvin W. Meyer, The
n
Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook. Sacred Texts of the Mystery Religions ofthe Ancient Mediterranea
World(Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 208.
148 Ex Post facto
and its worshippers.2 While this monumental list of epigraphical evidence provides
information on both the patterns of nomenclature for the god Mithras and the people
that were involved in this mystery cult, the archaeological remains—mainly of
architectural and pictorial nature—help identify visual patterns associated with the
Mithraic religion. The few written documents available, the epigraphical material,
and the visual elements from material culture will constitute the main base for the
evidence presented in this article. Among the many problems in dealing with
evidence of archaeological nature there is the fact that images, monuments, and
artifacts speak their own language, therefore attempting to “translate” the visual into
text is a process that requires the help of various tools, such as an understanding of
the social context and values of that particular past society.3 Thus, one should keep
in mind that ancient Romans were polytheistic and that their concept of religion and
relationship with the divine differed from the belief system of our modern,
predominately monotheistic, society.4 In the case of Mithraism in particular, it is
necessary to consider anthropological aspects and sociological significance of
ancient mystery cults in order to understand the appeal of the cult to many ancient
Romans.
The cult of Mithras fascinated people in antiquity, and it has also raised much
interest among modern scholars. Historians have produced a plethora of articles and
books since 1896-l899. Mithraism has attracted an enormous amount of scholarly
attention, mainly because of the supposed link with Christianity.6 In the last few

Maarten Jozef Vermaseren, Corpus Inscripuonum el Mon umentonim Religionis MithrIacae (Hagae
Comitis: M. Nijhoff, i-il, 1956-1960), hereafter cited as CIIvIRM followed by the document number.
The dating of the inscriptions is provided when available.
Knowing the social context—and specifically the Weltanschauung and role within society of those for
whom the image or artifact was intended—constitutes relevant information when using material culture
as historical evidence. Peter Burke exemplifies this concept by mentioning how the painting by
Tiziano entitled Sacred and Profane Love can be understood correctly only if viewers are aware of the
changes through time in assumption about nudity. The clothed Venus represents the profane love,
while the naked woman symbolizes the sacred love—contrarily to what our modem sensibility would
suggest. See Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing: The Uses of Images as Historical Evidence (Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 200t), 38-9.
I am referring in particular to concepts such as soul, salvation, and afterlife that, even when present
in antiquity, had a different significance for the ancient people than the meanings attributed to those
notions in modem times. For the pitfall of anachronism when dealing with ancient religions, see John
Scheid, An InKrothjction to Roman Religion (Bloomington, IN: Indian University Press, 2003), 18-21.
These are the dates of publication of the two-volume work by the Belgian scholar Franz Cumont,
who is universally recognized as the “father” of Mithraic studies. Franz Cumont, The Mysteries of
Mithra; translated fmm the 2nd rev. French ed. by Thomas J. McCormack (New York: Dover
Publications, 1956). Despite the numerous studies that have appeared in the last three decades, the
Roman cult of Mithras still presents a series of puzzling questions. In particular, there was an upsurge
of interest in Mithras in the l970s. See the proceedings of two major conferences on Mithraism held
during that time: John R. Hinnells, ed., Mithraic Studies: Proceedings of the First International
Congress ofMithraic Studies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1975) and Ugo Bianchi, ed.,
Mysteria Muthrae: Atti del Seminarto Internazionale an ‘La spec jficatà storico-religiosa dei Misteri di
MIthra, con particolare riferimento alle fanti documentarie di Roma e Ostia’, Roma e Ostia 28-31
Marzo 1978 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979). For a detailed historiographical review on Mithraic studies up
to the mid l9SOs, see Roger Beck, “Mithraism since F. Cumont,” in Aufttieg ussr! Niedergang der
Rdmischen Welt, 11.17.4 (1984), 2002-15.
Many scholars have interpreted Mithras as a “savior” and perceived Mithraism as a religion of
salvation and redemption, for an interpretation of Mithmic salvation, see Leroy A. Campbell,
Mithraic Iconography and Ideology (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), 371-93. For the soteriological nature of
mystery cults in general (with particular emphasis on Mithraisrn), see also Ugo Bianchi and Maarten .1.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post Facto 149

decades, the focus on the cult of Mithras has been on theology, namely on
deciphering the “mystery” behind the mystery cult. Thus, many historians have
looked at the Mithraic iconography and from it they have extrapolated an abstract
meaning—often rather complex—that links Mithras to a deeper astronomical and
astrological paradigm.7 Other analyses have pointed out a convergence of
Neoplatonic ideas with the theology of Mithraism.8 In particular, a recent
interpretation of the so-called “Mithras Liturgy” has connected the latter to the
theurgy, or ritual practice of the Chaldaean OraclesY Additionally, attempts have
also been made to interpret Mithras as something else or rather someone else, thus
speculating on the symbolism of the god and proposing an understanding of Mithras
and its cult in allegoric terms.’° Instead of analyzing the Mithraic theology in order

Vermaseren, eds, La Soteriologia del Culti Orientali nell7mpero Romano: Atti del Colloquia
Internazionale cu ‘La soteriologia del culti orientali nellimpero Ramano’, Roma 24-28 settembre
1979 (Leiden: E. 3. Brill, 1982). Finally, see the recent study by Roger Beck, “Ritual, Myth, Doctrine,
and Initiation in the Mysteries of Mithras: New Evidence from a Cult Vessel” in The Journal of
Roman Studies 90 (2000): 145-80, which stresses the “sacramental” character of Mithraism (and the
equation cult meal Eucharist) as well as its similarity with Christian rituals.
The studies of David Ulansey, Roger Beck, and Richard L. Gordon have emphasized an
astronomical-astrological reading of the Mithraic cult by connecting the Mithmic bull-killing scene
that
with the zodiac—specifically the ecliptic between Taurus and Scorpius. For instance, Gordon states
“it is quite evident from the iconography of the Mysteries that an astronomical idiom was employed
...

to make theological statements.” R.L. Gordon, “Authority, Salvation and Mystery in the Mysteries of
Mithras,” in Image and Mystery in the Roman World. Three Papers in Memory of Jacelyn Taynbee,
edited by J. Huskinson, M. Beard, and 3, Reynolds, Gloucester: A. Sutton Publishing (1988), 50.
See Richard L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary in the Mysteries of Mithras” in Journal of
Mithraic Studies 3 (1980): 19-99.
The so-called “Mithras Liturgy” is a section of a fourth century AD. Graeco-Egyptian papyrus,
namely tines 475-834 of the “Great Magical Papyrus” of the Bibliotheque Nationale of Pads. See
Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebaok, 211-21. It is one of the most perplexing texts
concerning the worship of Mithras. Because it mentions the “ascent of the soul,” many scholars have
found connections betu’een this text and Neoplatonic ideas. For an interpretation of how the ritual
the
technique of ascent in the Mithras Liturgy may find its closest parallel in the theurgic practices of
Chaldaean Oracles (a collection of enigmatic verses from the second century quoted by
Neoplatonists), see Radcliffe Edmonds, “Did the Mithraists Inhale? A Technique for Theurgic Ascent
in the Mithras Liturgy, the Chaldaean Oracles, and some Mithmic Frescoes” in The Ancient World 32
(2001): 10-22.
15
See Michael P. Speidel, Mithras-Orion: Greek Hero and Roman Army Gad (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1980). Speidler’s study provides a clear attempt to interpret Mithras as someone else and Mithraism as
permeated with symbolism. He has formulated a complex analysis on the Mithraic cult—an analysis in
which he connects Mithras to the constellation Orion and his myth. Speidler has suggested that
Mithras was in reality the Greek deity Orion. This would explain his popularity in the Roman army,
since Orion was a Greek hero, strong, swift, armed—in fact he was called “the swordbearer”—and very
skilled in hunting. More importantly, as the son of Mars and a victorious military leader himself, “he
n,
was the epitome of manhood and the embodiment of a fierce warrior” (Speidel, Mithras-Orio 38).
...

According to Speidler, astral features and astrological significance would also permeate the Mithraic
cult. A cosmic meaning would be attached to Mithras’ icon, which represents a series of equatorial
constellations—such as the bull being the Taurus constellation, the scorpion being the zodiac sign of
Scorpio and so forth. In essence, Speidler sees Mithraism as a Greek cosmic religion, not a Persian
cult. Thus, when faced with the question “why did a truly Greek religion present itself in Iranian
garment?” he simply dismisses it with an anachronistic statement, namely that the founders of the cult
shared the old Greek and Roman belief that “the wisdom of the Orient was superior to sheir own”
(Speidel, Mithras-Orion 46). In my opinion, it is not clear why the Romans could not have worshipped
Orion directly, and inatead they chose a “disguised” Mithras—dressed in Persian garments, but actually
a Greek god!—because in reality they wanted to pay their devotion to Orion.

The Roman Cult ofMit hras

150 Ex Post facto
to understand the significance of Mithras and its cult, it is necessary to focus,
respectively, on his image and on the aspect of this mystery religion as a social
function and a bonding experience among its worshippers.
First of all, in order to explain the god’s appeal a look at how Mithras was
represented in mural paintings, reliefs, and statues, is instrumental. A reason for the
popularity of Mithras’ cult was in the power of its simple and at the same time
evocative iconography. That Mithras may have had a deeper, secondary meaning is
not to be excluded. The various interpretations of Mithraism within an astrological
context fail to explain why the cult became so popular, particularly among soldiers.
Most likely, the more abstract meaning was known to very few worshippers of the
cult—the patres, or those at the top of the cult hierarchy. However, it was in the
direct perception of Mithras’ image—a direct reading of his iconography that was
accessible to the any common viewer—that one can find the “mystery” of the cult’s
appeal. Overall, Mithras’ iconography presented an image that combined new and
old, simple and familiar features with mote exotic ones.
With very few exceptions, Mithras’ iconography is very consistent throughout
the Roman territories. Typically, he wears Persian clothing, such as a Phrygian cap,
flying cloak, tunic, and trousers.1’ He is represented in the act of slaughtering a bull,
which he holds down with one hand while with the other hand he holds a dagger
(Mithras Tauroctonos). The Latin poet Statius described the scene of Mithras
slaying the bull precisely as it is consistently found in archaeological evidence,
namely with the god grabbin the bull by the horns and trying to pull the animal
toward the opposite direction. 2 As part of the bull-killing scene, one may often find
a dog, a snake, a scorpion, a crow (raven), and two torchbearers—identified as the
deities Cautes (with torch up) and Cautopates (with torch down).’3 Around this
“standard” scene (tauroctony, or the bull slaying), the twelve signs of the zodiac
also appear in some cases.’4 In addition, there are some images of a banquet
between Mithras and the sun-god and representations of his birth from a rock.’5 His

“The image of Mithras does not differ much from East to West. One of the few variants is a statue
found in Ostia that represents the god dressed like a Greek hero with the chiton (cf. CIMRM 239).
Because he is not wearing the Persian trousers that are a key component of his eastern attire, Mithras
resembles more a Greek god according to Speidler fcf. Speidler, Miil,ras.Orion, 24-5). This is one of
the proofs used by Speidler to justify the connection Mithras-Orion and, in the end, according to the
Dutch scholar, despite Mithras’ Persian garments, “Mithraism was ostensibly a Persian cult... [since]
the myth of Mithras is largely the myth of the Greek hero Orion” (Speidler, Mithras-Orion, 3). See
also previous footnote. However, it is worth noting that Mithras is depicted rather consistently in his
eastern/Persian attire with trousers and the Ph,ygian cap.
2
“Persei sub ropibus antri indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithram.” Statius, Thebais, 1.719-720
in Paolo Scarpi, Le religioni del misteri: Samotracia, Andania, (side, Cibele e Attis, mitraismo
(Milano: Mondadori, vol.2,2002), 358.
°
In ancient mythology, the torchbearer Cautes was linked to the south wind, whereas Cautopstes was
associated with the north wind; Porphyry, De Antro Nympharum, 24 in Scarpi, Le religioni del misteri,
360. However, some scholars hold that the two deities corresponded respectively to the rising and
setting sun—ascending and descending in relation to the equator; see Robert Turcan, The Gods of
Ancient Rome: Religion in £i’eryday L(fe from Archaic to Imperial Times (New York: Routtedge,
2001), 132.
‘
Among the various examples, see CIMRM42, Syria, Dura-Europos, approx. 168 A.D. and CIMRM
695, Rome, Italy.
“
See CIMRM42, Syria, Dura-Europos for an example of the banquet of Mithras and Helios. See also
CIMRM 894, Gallia, St. Aubin: exceptional representation of Mithras’ rock-birth depicting the naked
child stepping out of the piled up boulders, on which he leans with both hands; CIMRM 966, Gallia,
Pons Saravi: Mithras’ rock-birth; CJMRM 985, Gallia, Augusta Treverorum: Mithras’ rock-birth.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post facto 151

peculiar birth not only appears in inscriptions and is represented in statues, but it is
also mentioned in Firmicus Maternus, who called Mithras O or “the god
,

(born) from the rock,” and in Commodianus, who referred to the Persian god as
“invictus de petra natus [...] deus” (the invincible god born from a rock).16 finally,
other elements in the Mithraic imagery are the presence of stars on 17his flying cloak
or around his head, and sun rays and a nimbus also around his head.
Despite his Persian attire, Mithras’ image must have appeared very familiar
and rather appealing to the soldiers, since the god represents a hunter—or rather a
hero—and conveys the idea of strength, courage, and invincibility.’8 Mithras appears
as “an energetic god, active, unconquerable, unsurpassable.”9 The god’s image is
very powerful in its straightforwardness. The power of Mithras’ image lies in his
direct appeal: the act that the god is performing is not mysterious or unusual, but
rather evokes a familiar context to soldiers, namely a fight, a struggle in order to
subdue the dangerous “other” or the enemy. Mithras was thought to be the creator
and father of all, the Demiurge, whose creative energy generated and still permeates
the entire cosmos. The god Mithras struggled with the white cosmic bull, which he
finally overcame and killed.20 The bull represented a force that had to be subdued,
like the enemies of Rome. In essence, Mithras’ image is simple and primordial as it
incorporates recognizable elements (sun as the good force and bull as the
antagonist—a strong power to fight against) and, at the same time, it is peculiar and
unfamiliar (the god’s eastern attire). The Mithraic scene also portrays a scorpion, a
snake, and a dog that appear to be wanting to extract the life out of the slaughtered
bull by attacking its genitals. This image expresses a concept of cosmic opposites—
the duality of good versus evil (Mithras versus his antagonists). Thus, Mithraic
iconography is ultimately universal in his syncretism of old and new, familiar and
unfamiliar, good and bad.
Furthermore, the contrast between unfamiliar versus familiar features in
Mithras’ representation is mirrored in his nomenclature and connection with other
gods. On the one hand, like his attire, the god’s name is “foreign” since it is a
Latinized form, through the Greek, of the Avestan “Mithra” that means “pact,
contract, covenant.”2’ On the other hand, Mithras is familiar as his portrayal appears
in association with other deities, such as Apollo, Helios, tuppiter Dolichenus, and
Hercules, hence showing that the Persian god was of the same “status” as long-
established, well-known deities. For instance, one of the oldest Mithraic monuments

See Firmicus Maternus, De Errore Profanarum Rehgianum, 20 and Commodianus, Jnstructiones

Adversus Paganos, 13 1, both quotes in Paolo Scarpi, Le religioni del misteri, 354 and 356.
17
CIMRM 90, Syria, Lattakieh-Tartous, first half of the second century AD.: head of Mithras
with
Phrygian cap and surrounded by a nimbus and rays.
IS
R.L. Gordon underlies the concept of invincibility as a key component of the Mithraic image and
States that Mithras is god, hero, and athlete at the same time. According to Gordon, “she language of
‘invincibility’, of ‘physical’ strength, of struggle and victory was taken over from pre-existing
narrative and iconographical patterns, which served to familiarize the unfamiliar ‘Persian’ god, so
assimilate him to a pattern of classical heroes” (Gordon, “Authority, Salvation and Mystery,” 49), and,
would add, of Roman gods. For an example of Mithras as hunter, see C!MRM 55, Syria, Dura
Europos and CJMRM 77, Syria, Sidon, 188 AD.
‘
Richard L. Gordon, “Mithrsism and Roman Society: Social Factors in the Explanation of Religious
Changes in the Roman Empire” in Religion 2(1972): 100.
25
Porphyry, De Antro Ny,npharu,n, 6 in Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook, 210-I.
Porphyry describes Mithras as the Demiurge of the cosmos.
21
Mithra (MiOpo, nominative) is the Avestan form whereas Mithras or Mithres the Latin and Greek
forms.

The Roman Cult ofMithras

152 Ex Post facto
from Roman times shows the association Apollo-Mithras-Helios.22 In general,
various deities are present in Mithraic sanctuaries—deities that were supposed to
protect each grade of initiate (such as Venus for the second grade).23 A strange-
looking figure is often found connected to the cult of Mithras—a lion-headed god,
who is encircled by the coils of a snake and may likely represent Aion, also
identified as Chronos (time or cosmic eternity).
More importantly, Mithras is connected with the cult of the sot invictus, or
unconquered sun? This is not surprising, since Mithras was not only linked to the
idea of contract, but he was also the Persian god of light and justice. Although
Mithras and the sun-god are separate in the Persian myth, yet their figures often tend
to merge and blend.26 Altars to sot invictus have been found in Mithraic sanctuaries
along with inscriptions attributing that title (either sot invictus or deus sot invictus)
to Mithras himself.27 Undoubtedly, the appellative of “invincible” given to Mithras
along with the persistent emphasis upon light and brightness made this god very
attractive in the eyes of the soldiers.28 In addition, the Mithras-sun association
conferred a universal character to the deity, since the sun is a primordial and
powerful element that was an object of worship in many ancient societies, both east
and west.

22
See the archeological complex at Commagene (Eastern Turkey): CIMRM28, Syria, Nemrud-Dagh,
approx. 69-34 B.C. In the sepulchral monument of King Antiochus I of Commagene among the five
eight-meter high statues there is one representing Apollo-Mithras in a sitting posture on a throne. For
an English translation of the inscription on the throne, see John Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman
Empire (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1974), 83. In the same monument one can also admire
a relief of ApolIo-Mithras-Helios. See also CIMRM 33, Syria, Samosata, same as above: Apollo
Mithras-Helios (same time / Antiochus of Commagene).
For the Mithraic seven grades of initiation, see pages 13-14.
24
CIMRM7$, Syria, Sidon, 188 AD.: an entirely naked figure with a lion’s head (Aion). Beneath his
wide-open mouth there is the head of a snake, entwining him with three large coils. CIMRM 879,
Gallia, Arelata: dressed torso of a standing Aion, whose bead and legs got lost. A serpent, winding
itself in three coils round the god’s body, rests its head on the god’s breast. Between the coils of the
snake, there are the twelve signs of the zodiac. Thus, the serpent must symbolize “the annual
circumvolutions of the sun in the ecliptic and its passage through the different constellations.” Robert
Turcan, The Cults ofthe Roman Empire (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1996), 226.
25
The sal invictus (or El Gabal) was originally a Syrian sun deity whose worship was actively
promoted in Rome by the emperor Elagabalus (r. 2 18-222). See Leslie Adkins and Roy Adkins,
Dictionarp’ of Roman Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Gaston H. Halsberghe, The
C’ult ofSal Invictus (Leiden: E. J. BrilI, 1972).
26
Ferguson, The Religions ofthe Roman Empire, 47.
27
CJMRM 34, Syria, Dura-Europos, 168 AD.: ,nithraewn with many scenes from the myth from the
time of the emperor Septimius Severus. The inscription states “Mithras-sol invictus.” Also, CIMRM
88, Syria, Secia: deo soli invicto; CIMRM 897, Gallia, Bourg-Saint-Andeol: deum invictum; CIMRM
890, Gallia, Vssio: deo soil invicto Milhrae; CIMRM 898, Gallia, Moos Seleucus: deo soli inWcso;
CIMRM 907, Gallia, Lugdunum: deo invicto; CIMRM 986-987, Gallia, Augusta Treverorum: deo
invicto Salt and deo ins’icto Alithrae, respectively. These are only some of the numerous examples that
can be found in Syria, Gallia, and Italy.
28
For instance, in a mithraeum in Britain (near the fort of Carrawburgh on Hadrian’s Wall) one can
see ttsat on one of the altars was carved a relief of Mithrss with a radiate crown, the rays of which
were cut through the Stones SO that a lamp could be placed behind it with the effect of giving light to
the crown like a halo. Graham Webster, The Roman Imperial Army of the First and Second Centuries
AD. (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 278-279. In addition, Lane Fox states that
many special effects—especially lights reflected on water and fireworks—were particularly vivid in the
worship of Mithras, conducted in the chambers of his small, subterranean shrines. Robin Lane fox,
Pagans and Christians (San Francisco, CA: Harper, 1995), 136.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 ExPost facto 153

In addition to the iconography, a look at the Mithraic membership, the places

of worship, the organizational structure, and at Mithraism within the context of
mystery religions can provide useful insights into the significance of the cult,
ultimately explaining its popularity. Mithraism was not exclusively the cult of the
Roman soldiers, since members of the imperial administrative service, merchants,
and freedmen also worshipped the Persian god—as it is well attested in the many
Mithraic sanctuaries in the ancient port of Ostia.29 Since Roman religion was a
“social” religion—meaning that it was closely linked to the community, not to the
individual—a cult may fulfill different roles among different social groups.3° Roman
gods usually varied according to the community concerned: “they were, so to speak,
members of the same community as their worshippers.”3t Thus, the meaning of
Mithraism among the soldiers may not have been the same as the one among
civilians. For the purpose of this analysis, the emphasis is placed on Mithraism as
the religion of Roman troops, because the cult of Mithras was predominantly
popular in the army and, in fact, it was the latter that had been responsible for
bringing this religious practice all over the Roman territories—from south-east
toward north-west. Additionally, Mithraism was confined almost exclusively to
men.32 Therefore, one should look at what made this god so appealing to men and
soldiers in particular.
Since the Roman cult of Mithras was mainly linked to soldiers, a look at
religions and cults among military men is instrumental. Mithraism can be defined
overall as the religion of the Roman soldiers par excellence during the empire.33 The
definition “religion of the Roman soldiers” instead of “religion of the Roman army”
is used on purpose and has its reason. In fact, the Roman army had official religious
practices, such as the cult of the standards—which included the gold eagle, the
images of the emperor, the vexilium (flag), and the sacramentum (sacred oath). The
army also celebrated various religious ceremonies and festivals throughout the year,
as attested in the Feriale Duranum, a calendar found at Dura-Europos that marked
the numerous religious observations during the entire military religious year.33
These official religious observances intended to identify the life of the individual
soldier and of the individual legion with the destiny of Rome, maintained the esprit

29
Samuel Leuchli, ed., Mithraism in Ostia: Mystery Religion and Christianity in the Ancient Port of
Rome (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1967), 56-60.
30
Scheid stresses the “social” character of Roman religion, which involved individuals insofar as they
were members of a particular community. There was not one Roman religion, but rather a series of
Roman religions, “as many Roman religions as there were Roman social groups: the city, the legion,
[...J colleges of artisans, sub-districts of the city” and so forth. Scheid, Roman Religion, 19.
Scheid, Roman Religion, 20.
According to traditional scholarship, Mithraism was a cult exclusively for men and the presence of
women was forbidden. In a recent article, Jonathan David has showed some compelling evidence that
women were not absolutely excluded from the Mithraic cult, although their participation was very
limited; Jonathan David, “The Exclusion of Women in the Mithraic Mysteries: Ancient or Modern?”
in Numen 47(2000): 121-41. Tn the end, we cannot say that Mithraism was confined to men on!)’, but
it certainly remains a predominately male religion.
r Another well-attested cult of the Roman soldiers was the worship of Jupiter Dolichenus, which
reached its peak of popularity during the first past of the third century. Overall, it was not so
widespread as Mithraism. for the cult of Jupiter Dolichenus (and also Jupiter Heliopolitanus) among
Roman legionary centurions, see Eric Birley, “The Religion of the Roman Army,” in Aufstieg und
JViedergangderRomischen Welt, 11.16.2 (1978): 150641.
for a detailed analysis of the Roman army’s religious practices—both official and unofficial ones,
see John Helgeland, ‘Roman Army Religion,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rdmischen Welt,
11.16.2 (1978): 1470-1505.

The Roman Cult ofMithras

154 Ex Post facto
do corps, and created a social structure based on values such as discipline, loyalty,
and tradition.35 Additionally, since most religious celebrations coincided with public
festivals of the civilian population, these religious practices connected the Roman
army—at least symbolically—to the society of Roman civilians.
However, Mithraism fell under the so-called unofficial army cults and served a
different purpose. The cult of Mithras was the soldier’s personal religion as opposed
to the army religion that was imposed from above.36 Roman soldiers needed
something—or rather someone—they could identify with, and the “unconquerable”
Mithras with his features of physical strength, courage, and victory over a dangerous
antagonist fit well such need. Thus, soldiers must have felt drawn to this decidedly
forceful god. The dualism of Mithraism also appealed to the soldiers, namely the
struggle between good and evil, light and darkness, order and chaos in which
Mithras was fighting on behalf of Rome as a good, civilized power against the
disorderly barbarians.
In addition to membership, the physical setting of the cult of Mithras helps to
define its character and meaning, and hence its appeal. Like Mithras’ portrayals
appear very uniform, his sanctuaries, or ,nithraea, also share similar features
throughout the empire.37 The consistency in the architectural and pictorial features
of the mithraea can be explained in view of the fact that “the religious use of space
enabled the soldier to orient himself... Roman soldiers often moved from place to
place, and the religious use of space helped keep them from becoming
disoriented.”38 The mithraeum—or temple for the worship of Mithras—was built to
resemble the cave (spetaeurn) in which Mithras was supposed to have captured and
killed the divine bull. The ,nithraea were small and tunnel-like.39 Because it was
supposed to resemble a cave, the space was rather dark and often underground and
was often decorated with the signs of the Zodiac in order to represent an image of
the cosmos itself.4° The focus of the temple interior was a marble relief or a painting
on the opposite end of the entrance, portraying Mithras killing the bull.
Two interesting elements emerge from the mithraeum spatial configuration.
One characteristic is the small size of these temples—a peculiarity that suggests that
the number of worshippers in any one place must have been also small. Thus, “the
small group of men in the caves must have experienced an intimate feeling of
togetherness.”4’ Instead of building bigger sanctuaries as the cult membership grew,
Mithras’ worshippers kept utilizing a religious space that could accommodate few

Kelgeland, “Roman Army Religion,” 1473.

36
“The impersonalities of state-religion could not satisty the religious needs of the individual. For
these he turned to the mysteries” (ef. Ferguson, The Religions ofthe Roman Empire, 99).
°
In reality, mithraeum (p1. mithraea}—the standard modem term for the Mithraic cult buildings—is a
recent scholarly invention. The ancients had no such term, but used simply templum or speleum. Mary
Beard, John North, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome: A Sourcebook (Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1998), vol.2, 89.
38
Helgeland, “Roman Army Religion,” 1503.
‘
For instance, the largest mithraeum discovered in Rome—the Mithraeum Thermanim
Anloninianarum, near the Baths of Caracalla—measures 25.15 by 10.60 yards, or 23 by 9.70 meters (cf.
Adkins & Adkins, Dictionar.v ofRoman Religion).
°
The idea of the cave as an allegory of the cosmos is found in ancient philosophical writing, such as
in Porphyry’s treatise where he analysis the Homeric cave of the nymphs and elaborates his
interpretation on the basis of a mystical reading of the Mithraic cave. Porphyry, De Antro
Nympharum, 6-7 in Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook, 210-Il. Additionally, for the
significance of the Mithraic cave and a platonizing perspective in the symbolism of Mithraism, see the
study by Reinhold Merkelbach, Mithras (Konigstein: Ham, 1984), 228-244.
4°
Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 47.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post facto 155

devotees at once, hence maintaining a sense of familiarity and intimacy within each
group. As a result, as they gathered in small groups, they were able to form a close-
kin brotherhood with welt-defined grades of membership.42 Secondly, the
mithraeum itself was an intimate space that resembled a dinning room with Mithras,
as the host of the banquet, sitting at the head of the table. In fact, along the sides of
the nsithraeum, there were benches on which the worshippers reclined at ritual
meals.43 There is no reason to doubt that the allegoric scene representing Mithras
and Helios feasting together, which is frequently present in Mithraic iconography,
had a realistic counterpart in enjoyable banquets with plenty of food consumed by
the devotees. The archaeological evidence confirms this. In excavated mithraea the
remnants of animal bones of various species clearly indicate that the benches on the
sides were not used just for praying, but also as couches on which substantial meals
were consumed. One can clearly see how the ritual became a social experience.
Thus, “the religion was always world-affirming rather than world-denying.”45
However, along with Mithras’ image as a hunter or victorious fighter, and
along with the small size of Mithraic community where devotees could closely
interact with one another, an element that played a significant role in the popularity
of Mithraism was its rank structure. The cult of Mithras contributed to the creation
and consolidation of ties among the soldiers mainly because the Mithraic
community was a highly structured organization. In fact, the worshippers were
grouped according to seven levels or grades by which they progressed through
successive stages of initiation as mote of the mysteries of the cult were revealed to
them. The seven grades were Corax (Raven), Nymphus (Gryphon / Griffin or
Bridegroom or Embryo—scholars disagree on the translation of this term), Mites
(Soldier), Leo (Lion), Perses (Persian), Heliodrornus (Courier of the Sun), and Peter
(Father). The Mithraic hierarchy must have reminded the soldier of the army
hierarchy; hence the idea of a well-structured order was something familiar to the
Mithraic worshipper. It was in the highly hierarchical structure of its community
that the cult of Mithras differed from most other mystery cults.
Mithras’ cult presented an organizational system similar to a “church order.”47
Every Mithraic unit was a small face-to-face group, in which relations of authority
were clearly defined by the seven grades and ultimately sanctioned by religious
beliefs. The head of each group was the peter, or Father—an individual who had
reached the seventh grade of the Mithraic hierarchy. He embodied the highest
authority—all the members were subordinated to him—and, as emblems of his power,

42
As Gordon aptly summarized it, “to highlight the narrowly ‘religious’ elements in Mithraism does
not get us far. ‘Mithraism’ is of course not only a system of teaching about a god and the experience
of the individual soul, but an organization, a social teaching, a cultural system that not only explains
experience but patterns it” (Gordon, ‘Mithraism and Roman Society,” 112).
See the images in the mithraea at Santa Prisca on the Aventino and at San Clemente (CIMRM 476
and CIMRM338-348), two of the thirteen mithraea that have survived in Rome.
See CIMRM48O/483 and Turcan, The Culls ofthe Roman Empire, 234.
n Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 112.
The Christian scholar Jerome mentions the seven grades of the Mithraic hierarchy; Jerome,
Epislulae, 107 in A.S. Geden, trans., Select Passages Illustrating Mithraism (London: Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1925), 61. The best depiction of the Mithraic grades can be found in
the floor mosaic of the mithraeum of Felicissimo at Ostia contained in Samuel Laeuchli, ed.,
Mithraism in Ostia: Mystery Religion and Christianity in the Ancient Port of Rome (Evanston, IL:
Northwestern University Press, 1967), plates 22-8. for a detailed description of these seven grades
and their significance within the Mithraic ritual, see Manfred Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras: The
God and His Myrteries (New York: Routledge, 2001), 131-40.
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 96.

The Roman Cult ofMithras

156 Ex Post facto
he carried the Phrygian cap (like Mithras) and Saturn’s sickle, and wore a special
ring38 He decided whom to admit to the cult, supervised the rituals, and was
responsible for initiations and grade promotions.49 Thus, Mithraism can be seen as a
“divine” replication of social, “ordinary” (in this case, military) experience, since it
reinforced hierarchy and authority.50
Because Mithraism had a “rank” structure in the seven grades of the cult, it
appealed both to the soldiers working their way up through the ranks and to the
officers, who saw the Mithraic hierarchy as a religious duplication and reaffirmation
of the military hierarchy.5’ This made the cult of Mithras a familiar practice in the
eyes of the soldiers and a “safe” cult for the authorities. Mithraism included both
common soldiers and military officers, therefore it was not perceived as a suspicious
club that may trigger revolts against the superiors.52 As a matter of fact, there was
no “revolutionary” message in the Mithraic cult. The typical worshipper of Mithras
as depicted in paintings is young and strong, the image of social conformity, not of
marginality. His promotion through the grades was achieved only by acceptance of
and submission to authority.53 There was no hint of any desire to break social
boundaries in Mithraism. On the contrary, in its strict hierarchy, the entire secret
ritual reinforced social boundaries. Ultimately, the cult of Mithras combined “the
hierarchic and disciplined structures and values of its male members [...J with a new
integrated view of the cosmos now completely structured in terms of masculine
attributes”—a masculinity that was epitomized in the bull-slaying icon.50 Since
Mithraism intended to mirror the social organization in its religious hierarchy, this
could explain the “almost” absence of women in the cult due to a replication of the
army structure—in which women were not present—and not necessarily a misogynist
feature of the cult.55 It is also noteworthy that until about 195 A.D., there was a
peculiar refusal of the Roman army to approve of the legal marriage of soldiers.

“
For the Father’s iconography, see the ,nithraeum of Felicissimo at Ostia and the one in Santa Prisca.
The latter is shown sitting on a throne and receiving homage from members of the lower grades. See,
respectively, Samuel Laeuchli, ed., Mithraism in Ostia: Mystery Religion and Christianity in the
Ancient Port of Rome (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1967) and Maarten Jozef
Vermaseren and C.C. van Essen, The Excavations in the Mithraeum of the Church ofSanta Prisca in
Rome (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965).
5°
For the authority of the Mithmic Father, see RL. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 101.
5°
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 104.
“
For an analysis of groups or associations characterized by a hierarchical structure, see Victor W.
Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing Company,
1969), 191-2: “One can instance the freemasons, the Rosicrucians, the Elks, the Sicilian Mafia, and
other kinds of secret societies and brotherhoods, with elaborate ritual and ceremonial, and with
generally a strong religious tinge. The membership of such groups is often drawn from socio-political
communities of similarly ranked persons, with shared egalitarian values and a similar level of
economic consumption.”
52
As far as the evidence of the inscriptions regarding military membership, around 22 percent were
centurions, 44 percent occupied one of the many ranks between that of junior centurion and private,
and 35 percent were private (some of whom may have been retired). Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman
Society,” 108-9.
53Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 101.
Luther H. Marttn, Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987),
118.
5°
Some scholars have attributed a misogynist aspect of Mithraism based on the one piece of evidence
from the so-called Pseudo-Plutarch, who accounts how Mithras—hater of women—joined himself in
sexual union with a rock. Cf. Pseudo-Plutarch, De Flus’Os, 23.4 in Scarpi, Le religioni dei misteri, 355.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post facto 157

Therefore, “the religious fife of Mithraism was more closely modeled on the values
of the camp than of the domestic hearth.”56
More importantly, a major factor contributing to the popularity of Mithraism is
its very nature as a mystery cult. The diffusion of mystery religions, such as the cult
of Isis, the Great Mother, and Mithras, was an important religious phenomenon that
characterized the Roman Empire.57 In ancient times, religion was the product of
various concerns—political, social, and psychological. For the Roman soldier in
particular, religion provided a structure that helped him distinguish between Roman
and alien (“the other”, the enemy), between order and chaos. However, while this
function was mainly covered by the army official cults, it was rather in a mystery
cult—such as was the case of Mithraism—that the Roman soldiers could have found a
personal, more intimate shelter from the hazards of military life. The army proved
effective in its ability to control the natural fear in the soldiers’ lives by promoting
religious festivals, oaths, and the signa. In addition, the strict military disciptina was
certainly a powerful antidote against the unconscious impulse of fear. However, it
was in ritual behavior (and mysteries had well-defined rituals) that soldiers found
comfort for their own anxieties.56 Thus, Mithraism as a mystery religion was very
powerful in helping the soldiers dealing with their fears to a greater extent than the
official army cults, because of its votive character and the fact that it provided
protection by reinforcing ties among its adepts.
The concept of votive religion constituted the basis of a mystery cult.59 Most
historians have looked at mystery cults and defined them as a form of personal
religion aimed at some sort of salvation. Thus, many scholars have interpreted
Mithraism as a cosmic religion of salvation.65 If salvation of one’s soul had been
indeed at the core of this cult, one may have a difficult time explaining why
Mithraism had no flrncmry symbolism and there were no statues of the dead or
Mithraic sarcophagi.6t On the contrary, the cult of Mithras and mysteries in general
arc to be understood as personal religions at a more elementary level, namely as the
practice of making vows. Mithraism shares in the general instrumental nature of
Roman religion that was characterized by a highly developed contractual relation to
the gods.62 tt may not be a coincidence that the name of Mithms itself indicates the

Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 98.

“
It is worth remembering that Roman religion was polytheistic, therefore there were gods of
particular places and particular fl.mctions and the worshipping of different gods at once posed no
spiritual conflict. In addition to allowing for a multiplicity of deities, Roman religion was always
changing. Some rituals fell into disuse and others developed as Rome expanded its territorial
conquests and came into contact with other cuiturea.
Helgeland, “Roman Army Religion,” 1501.
s Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, 12-29.
° Various scholars stress the promise of soul immortality as a strong element
of appeal for mystery
cults. See, among the many ones, the study by David Ulansey, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries:
Cosmology and Salvation in the Ancient World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). In
opposition to numerous interpretations of Mithraism as a religion of salvation and the emphasis on
making it a parallel I antagonistic cult to Christianity, Burkert has stated that there is no clear evidence
that Mithraism “guarantee[d] his followers some kind of transcendent salvation or immortality and the
ascent to heaven from the ‘cave’ which is the cosmos.” Instead, Mithraism may in fact have been
“heroically facing and maintaining this cosmos built on violence and sacrifice” (cf. Burkert, Ancient
Mystery Cults, 27). 1 concur with such an interpretation.
61
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 102.
62
Gordon, ‘Mithraism and Roman Society,” 98-9. For the “contractual” nature of mystery religions,
see also Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, 13. Burkert pointed out that “ancient mysteries were a

The Roman Cult ofMithras

15$ ExPost facto
idea of contract.63 Worshippers—in this case, soldiers—made promises to Mithras
through offerings and rituals expected protection in return, either because they were
in danger or ill. The concept of do Ut des was a means to appease one’s agonizing
experience of distress during military campaigns.tu Many Mithraic inscriptions
clearly show this votive nature and express the devotee’s gratefulness towards the
god, who had provided protection.65
Overall, Mithraism provided “vertical” as well as “horizontal” protection. One
the one hand, protection came from above—from Mithras and the other deities
associated with him, such as the protective gods of the seven grades. On the other
hand, protection also came from the other worshippers within one’s Mithraic
community—both from those of higher ranks and from one’s peers. Knowing that
one could count on divine assistance as well as on companions in both combat and
prayer, helped to reduce the anxieties of fighting in war. tt is also worth noting that
in his myth Mithras appears as the one bringing world-order, strong, invincible, and,
most importantly, unlike other gods, he does not die.66 The absence of death in the
Mithraic myth must have provided the soldiers with a powerful sense of re
assurance and self-confidence vis-a-vis dangers.
Mithraism was not only about coping with fear, seeking protection (divine or
human), and reinforcing the notion of authority through a rigid—but at the same time
familiar—hierarchical structure. Mithraism was also about creating ties, bonding
together and the unconscious need to belong. Vertical tics were accompanied by
equally strong horizontal ones. Mithraic groups emphasized their communal feeling
by stressing the importance of the collectivity over the individual. It is worth noting
that the term “Mithraist” is a modern scholarly creation. Instead, one name that
Mithras’ worshippers used for themselves was syndexioi, or “those linked by the
handshake.” Final admission into the Mithraic community was scaled by a
handshake (öciwatç) with the pater. Last but not least, we know that as a group,
they were jointly united by the oath.67 A famous inscription, discovered in Rome on
the Campus Martius and written by the pater Proficentius, commemorates in verses
the founding of a mithraeum and refers to the handshake as a marker of Mithras’
worshippers;

personal, but not necessarily a spiritual, form of religion” (op. cit., $7), a statement which underlies
the personal and practical nature of votive / contractual religions, such as Mithraism.
65
As previously mentioned, ‘Mithras” is comes from the Avestan “Mithra” that means “pact, contract,
covenant.”
64
In essence, thanks to the themes of “placation and contract” that were at the core of a votive act, the
soldiers fought better knowing that the gods were on their side. Graham Webster, The Roman Imperial
Army of the First and Second Centuries AD. (Norman, OK; University of Oklahoma Press, 1998),
275.
65
As one of many examples see CIMRM4 13 from Rome: “[Deja invicto Mithrae I {..Ujlpiua Paulus /
ex / voto / d(ono) d(edit) I antistante L. lustino / Augurio p(atr)i et Melito.” The numerous votive
offerings are an indication that Mithraa was perceived to be a successful and helpfUl god.
Arthur Darby Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to
Augustine ofHippo (Oxford; Oxford University Press, 1961), 235.
67
“The joining of the right hands promoted the initiates to syndexioi with the Father; the oath
(sacramentian) made them sacrati or consacranei.” Mass-ten Jozrf Vermaseren, Mithras, the Secret
God (New York; Barnes & Nobles, 1963), 136. See also R.L. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman
Society,” 107 on the Mithraic oath.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post facto 159

This spot is blessed, holy, observant and bounteous: Mithras marked it,
and made known to Proficentius, Father of the Mysteries, That he should
build a dedicate a Cave to him; And he has accomplished swiftly,
tirelessly, this dear task That under such protection he began, desirous
That the Hand-shaken (Lat. syndexi) might make their vows joyfully for
ever. These poor lines Proficentius composed, Most worthy Father of
Mithras.66

It is noteworthy that the “cave” is consecrated to the god Mithras so that “vows”
could be made to him on behalf of the worshippers that are called “the Hand-
shaken.” These verses reiterate three elements that characterize the Mithraic cult,
namely that Mithraism was a religion of small groups (a fact that appears clear from
the fact that most “caves” were incapable of hosting more than ten or twelve
individuals), that the cult had a votive character, and that its members were tied
together through a pact sealed by a handshake.
This act of handshaking was performed not only among the cult members but
also between Mithras and the sun-god, hence turning such action into a symbolic
marker of this cult. A recurrent scene in Mithraist iconography is the so-called “pact
of friendship”—an image in which Mithras and the sun-god stand in front of each
other as equal partners and shake their right hands (sometimes in front of an altar).69
Among the Greeks and Romans handshaking (iuncfio dextrarum, or joining of the
right hands) was not an everyday gesture as it is now in western societies. Rather, it
was a sign of very close friendship.70 Often friends who returned from a long
journey were received with a handshake, or the same gesture was used to sanction
an agreement.71 Therefore, with the handshake, Mithras and the sun-god are settling
a pact.72 The pact between the deities was the model for the ritual handshake
between the pater and the initiate.
Bound by both an oath and a handshake, Mithras’ worshippers must have
known one another very well and provided reciprocal help like the brothers of a
Masonic lodge. Thus, the cult also had a sociological aspect, not just a religious one.
As a cult of men and specifically soldiers, it had the features of a brotherhood—an
organization based on principles such as secrecy, loyalty, and unity in the fight for
mutual interests. By creating a boundary between “those who belonged” and the
outsiders, it reinforced the idea of being Roman soldiers as opposed to the “others”

68
Translation from Manfred Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His !vlysteties (New
York: Routledge, 2001), 42. For the original text of the Latin inscription, see CIMRM423.
69
See as an example CIMRM 1430, Virunum, Noricum, third century AD. On a relief from Virunum,
near modem Klagenfurt, Mithras’ right hand clasps the sun-god’s right hand in a friendly handshake.
Mithras also puts his left hand upon Hellos’ left shoulder.
70
For the meaning of handshake in the classical world, see Clauss, The Roman Cult ofMithras, 152.
71
In fact, the ‘joining of the right hands” was a means of solemnizing marriages. Clauss, The Roman
Cult of Mithras.
72
Among the various scenes that give the impression that the two gods are making an agreement,
there is an interesting, but uncommon relief from Nersae, Italy (CIMRM 647-650). The sun-god,
naked, is kneeling on one knee before Mithras in the vicinity of an altar. Helios is grasping Mithras’
right wrist with one hand, while with the other he is holding a dagger. Mithms is holding a knife in
one hand. Vermaseren had suggested that “the two gods are presumably making a blood pact.”
Vermaseren, Mithras, the Secret God, 97.

The Roman Cult ofMithras

160 Ex Post Facto
(the enemies), hence reinforcing the group’s inward-looking solidarity.
Additionally, the element of secrecy created strong cohesiveness. One should not
ignore the fact that the Mithraic religious experience had “effects upon the earthy
community, particularly in relation to the sense of mutual belonging.”73
Moreover, like any secret society of any given time, the cult of Mithras had a
rite of initiation based on the notion of re-birth, a highly hierarchical structure, and a
strong congregational aspect.74 One can certainly speak of the Mithraic community
as being based on sodalitas (companionship), a society formed by socii and amid.75
Numerous inscriptions utilize the words socius and sodalicio.76 Indeed, the devoted
members must have spent together considerable amount of time, energy, and money
for the god and for their fellow-initiates. Obligations similar to those of private
amicitia might have included helping in burial and funeral, as was the case in other
mystery cults—although the evidence for it in regard to the Mithraic cult is scarce.77
In essence, the Mithraic communities were not only spiritual brotherhoods tied
together by spiritual bonds, but they were also associations that enjoyed the right of
holding property, that provided legal assistance to his members, and that elected
officers.78
Thus, the aspect of the cult of Mithms as a social experience of bonding
together makes sense especially when one considers the fact that soldiers were away
from home and most of the timc in unfamiliar environments. “The development of
the associative phenomenon of religious matters is also characteristic of a fairly
mobile population, where the individual was no longer part of a fixed family or a
city in the traditional sense of the word. These cultist clubs housed in the Mithraic

See Clauss, The Roman Cull of Mithras, 105. Clauss also points out that “modem sociological
studies have made plain how widespread is the need to belong, and in antiquity the case was no
different.”
For the concept of spiritual regeneration in Mithraism within the broader Context of rites of
initiation in various cultures, see Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of Initiation: The Mysteries of
Birth and Rebirth (Dallas, TX: Spring Publications, 1994), 93-4 and 112 and Turner, The Ritual
Process.
Interestingly, Scarpi has suggested a similarity between the Mithraic community and the comitatus
of the German tribes as described by Tacitus (Germonia, 13, 1-4; 14,2-3), since both structures were
based on a hierarchical and militaristic organization and fit within the Indo-Eumpean context.
“L’ampia diffusione del mitraismo tra soldati delle legioni romane puô lasciare sospettare un’origine
legsta a possibili comunitt iniziatiche e cultuali di uomini, fondate su un’etica di tipo aristicratico e
guerriero, analogamente al comitatus delle tribü germaniche [.1 che si inseriscono nd medesimo
orizzonte culturale indo-europeo a cui sppartiese anche Ia civiltb iranians.” Scsrpi, Le religioni dei
misteri, 352.
76
CIMRM36I, Rome: “S[oli] i(nvicto M(ithrae) let sodalicio eius See also CIMRM73O, Italy:
“D(eo) i(nvicto) M(ithrae) / et Soli soci/o sac(rum)...” as an inscription that reiterates the “pact”
between Mithras and the sun-god.
“
Members of various mystery religioss helped one another in funeraiy arrangements (Burkert,
Ancient Mystery Cults, 44). In the case of those worshipping Mithras the evidence is inconclusive.
See, as supporting evidence, CIMRM 1021, Colonia Agrippina, Germany (near modem Cologne)
where a sepulchral inscription in limestone has been found in the immediate vicinity of a ,nithraeum.
The inscription is most likely about a Mithras’ worshipper that was buried there: “Have I Cimber
es(sedarius) et I Pietas Ensocho I essed(ario) sodali I [bJene merenti / [posJuit. Vale.” Note the word
sodali, “to the companion, or member of a club.”
“Cumont, The Mysteries ofMithra.c, 168.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post Facto 161

caverns ...gave the rootless immigrants to Rome [and—I would add—the soldiers as
well], of every race and class, the feeling that they had found the comfort of a piety
closer to gods and men.”79 In essence, Mithraism sought to secure an “at-home”
feeling by strengthening social ties. Additionally, the cult of Mithras also served as
reinforcement of its members’ identity.8° Mithraism perfectly fit within the larger
context of the mystery religions, because “the mystery discourse established
sociopolitical identity for the alienated individual, whether rural (Eleusinian) or
ss
urban (Isiac), male (Mithraic) or female (Dionysian).
A last element that can help explain the popularity of the cult of Mithras was
its universal and syncretic character, which stemmed from both its parthianitas and
romanhtas. The Persian origin of Mithraism is not much disputed, although there
may be no clear relationship with the Persian religion of Zoroastrianism.82 Mithras’
origin can be traced among the Indo-Aryan people. According to Plutarch, the cult
was popular among Cilician pirates, who introduced the celebration of the Mithraic
mysteries into the Roman world around the first century B.C.83 After defeating the
sea raiders, Pompey seems to have settled a good number of them in Calabria—a fact
that helps explain how Mithraism arrived in Italy.84 However, it was not until the
end of the second century AD. that the worship of Mithras became widespread first
among the Roman soldiers in the east and then, moving westward and northward, all
over the provinces.85 Whether its point of origin was actually Parthia or Anatolia

Turcan, The Gods ofAncieni Rome, 134.

°
“Ancient mysteries were a personal, but not necessarily a spiritual, form of religion” (Burkert,
Ancient Mysleiy Cults, 87).
n Martin, Hetlenistic Religions, 161. See also, “One possible function of mystery religions was to
solve individual problems of identity” (cf. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 94).
CIMRM 28, Syria, Nemrud-Dagh: an inscription states that the Mithraic priests muss dress in the
Persian attire on the annual and monthly feasts of the cult. However, Merkelbach has advanced a
unique theory about the origin of Mithraism. According to the German scholar, the cult may have
been the creation of an individual of genius, who was of east Anatolian origin, well-versed in both the
Persian religion tradition and the Hellenistic culture, and resided in the Roman imperial court. The
purpose of creating this new religion was to reinforce loyalty asnong the soldiers. Thus, Mithraism
was born in Rome and from there it was spread all over the empire. “Ich vemlute, daB die Mithras
religion auagebildet worden ist von einem Mann aus der kaiserlichen Hofataat, der ursprunglich aus
dem Osten stammte, z.B. aus Armenien oder aus der Provinz Pontos; und daB er diese Religion
geschaffen hat für die BedBrfnisse der urn ihm lebenden Caesariani, ala eine Religion der Gmppe,
welche eine religios sanktionierte Loyalitat nach oben hin anbot.” Cf. Merkelbach, Mithras, 161.
Plutarch, Life of Pompey, 24: “Ithe Cilician piratesJ offered strange sacrifices of their own at
Olympus, where they celebrated secret rites or myateries, among which were those of Mithras. These
Mithraic rites, first celebrated by the pirates, are still celebrated today.” Cf. Meyer, The Ancient
Mysteries. A Sourcebook, 204.
Turcan, The Gods ofAncient Rome, 131.
ss As mentioned above, not all scholars agree on the point of origin and beginning date of the cult of
Roman Mithras. For instance, Beck has proposed that the mysteries of Mithras were developed in a
subaet of Commagene soldiers and family-retainers of the dynasty of Antiochus IV. On the one hand,
while they were engaging in the Judaean wars, Commagenian military elements had extensive contact
with Roman troops and were responsible for transmitting the mysteries to the Roman army. On the
civilian side, with the deposition of Antiochus IV in 72 AD., the eastern dynasty established its
residence in Rome and contributed in spreading the cult throughout Italy. Thus, according to Beck, the
foundation period of Mithraism should be moved from the first century B.C. to the first century AD.

The Roman Cult ofMithras

162 ExPost facto
Syria, Mithraism has a clear connotation of parthianitas, which is attested by both
the god’s attire and the use of the Persian word “nama” (= hail! or long live...!) as a
form of greeting among Mithras’ worshippers.86 Both Firmicus Matemus and
Porphyty stressed the Persian origin of the god.87
Although Roman Mithras maintained Parthian attributes, his cult underwent
some changes when it became popular among Roman troops. Before his
introduction into the Roman world, Mithras in association with the sun-god was
simply a symbol of fertility.88 From the bull, the plantllife tvas born (see the ears of
grain coming out of the bull’s tail). His cult arrived in the western part of the Roman
Empire from the Hellenized East.89 Even Alexander the Great is said to have been
initiated into Persian Mithraism. According to Q. Curtius Rufus, “the king himself
with his generals and staff passed around the ranks of the armed men, praying to the
sun and Mithra and the sacred eternal fire to inspire them with courage worthy of
their ancient fame and the monuments of their ancestors.”9° When the god arrived in
the West, his myth focused in particular on the killing of the bull, the concept of re
birth, the ideals of strength and invincibility, and the dualism of order-chaos. More
importantly, the god’s exotidness may have made him attractive, in a manner similar
to other “foreign” deities such as the Egyptian isis. In essence, his parthianitas
made him popular. His foreignness gave him a reassuring connotation of
impartiality—a virtue that may have been very appealing to a diverse group such as
the Roman imperial army.
Despite the fact that the worship of Mithras had a Persian oriin and
maintained traces of its native cult, Mithraism became “utterly Roman.”9 It was
“Roman” in the sense that the cult had a “pragmatic” feature. The strong element of
pragmatism in Roman society and culture influenced the Weltanschauung of its
citizens in many aspects, including that of religion. Not only did Roman religion
with its polytheistic character allow for the worship of many deities at the same
time, but also it was specifically the fundamental pragmatism of ancient Romans
that caused them to try other practices when the old rituals appeared ineffectual.92
This opened the way to foreign cults, like the mystery cults. In Roman religion there
was no jealousy or exclusivity when it came to worshipping deities, but instead a
sense of inclusiveness. The pragmatic aspect of Mithraism can also be seen in both

in spite of Plutarch’s account. Roger Beck, “The Mysteries of Mithras: A New Account of Their
Genesis” in The Journal ofRoman Studies 88 (1998): 115-28.
° Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 8, 133. See also the inscription on
the Aventino in the
mithraeum near Santa Prisca’s church (CIMRM 480), in which each onier is greeted with the word
nama: “nama Patribus; nama Heliodromus, nama Persis...” and so forsh.
°
Firmicus Maternus, De Errore, 5.2 and Porphyry, De Antro Nympharum, 6 in Meyer, The Ancient
Mysteries: A Sourcebook, 208 and 211, respectively.
“Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 95-6.
According to Nock, ‘the Mithraism which reached the western world was a new thing, created by
fusion in Asia Minor. In general, the cult was carried by pirates, soldiers, functionaries, traders, and
slaves, who had learned this derivative of Persian belief, and it did not travel on a national basis.’ Cf.
“The Genius of Mithraism” in Arthur Darby Nock, ed., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972),
vol. 1,108-13.
9°
Quintus Cunius Rufus, Alexander the Great, 4.13, in A.S. Geden, trans., Select Passages
Illustrating Mithraism, 27-8. One cannot help but notice that Mithraa as god in connection with the
sun appealed to military men even during Hellenistic times.
9°
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 111.
9°
Turcan, The Gods ofAncient Rome, 105.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO
 Ex Post Facto 163

its previously discussed nature as a votive religion, as well as in its willingness to

include other gods within the cult. Just as rornanitas extended all over the provinces
thorough the extension of Roman citizenship, the cult of Mithras integrated other
deities, hence assuming a trait of universality.
An attractive feature of Mithraism was that each grade of thc hierarchy had a
specific protective deity and associated emblems. The deities were respectively—in
order from the first to the seventh grade—Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, Moon, Sun,
and Saturn. Therefore, the mithraeum presented itself as a sort of pantheon, a
sanctuary including the main and best-known deities. This can help explain the
appeal of the Mithras’ religion in the eyes of soldiers coming from a variety of
different places, namely its universal and comprehensive character. Although
centered on the figure the Mithras, Mithraism was more than just that god’s cult. It
was a cult that included other deities and that also incorporated the signs of the
zodiac into an all-inclusive system.
Thus, Mithras combined elements that may have appeared exotic (his origin
and attire) with aspects that were very familiar to the Roman world. The god
remained in part Persian and became in part Roman—resulting in a syncretic
character that made him universal. On the one hand, Mithras’ universality stems
from his own parthianiras or the fact that Mithras was a Parthian, hence a foreign
god that did not come from any of the Roman provinces. This conferred him a
neutral and impartial character—and ultimately a universal one—making him easily
accepted in an army formed by soldiers that came from all different parts of the
empire. The idea that Mithraism stands as evidence for the “barbarization” of the
army is to be rejected.93 On the other hand, the cult of Mithras was universal in the
sense that it was very Roman and all-inclusive of Roman religion. In essence,
because of its syncretic character, Mithraism was the religion of no one place and of
all places, of no one single god and of many gods, hence it was universal. Although
some historians have seen Mithraism and the worship of the sun god (the latter
promoted especially during the reigns of the emperors Elagabalus and Aurelian) as a
“growing drift into monotheism,” the presence of many other gods in the Mithraic
shrines makes Mithraism appear as the apogee of paganism (more precisely,
henotheism) and of rolnanitas.
In conclusion, the cult of Mithras was popular among the Roman soldiers for a
number of reasons, including the god’s powerful image, the highly hierarchical
Mithraic structure, the very nature of Mithraism as a mystery cult and its emphasis
on votive character, the aspect of brotherhood that each community fostered, and the
inclusiveness of other deities that made the religion universal. In his simplicity and
direct iconographical representation, Mithras was very compelling for Roman
soldiers, since the god embodied notions such as strength, invincibility, and
courage, and he marked a clear boundary between “us” and the “other” in the
dualism of good versus evil and light versus darkness. The rank structure provided a
system that was familiar to the soldiers in reinforcing hierarchy, authority, and
ultimately order; whereas the votive character of the cult helped them cope with
their fears and anxieties. Most importantly, Mithras’ widespread popularity
throughout the Roman Empire resulted from his syncretic and universal character,
and from the nature of the Mithraic community as not only a religious group, but

Ramsay MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981),
118-26.
Lane fox, Pagans and Christians, 575.

The Roman Cult ofMithras

164 Ex Post facto
also as a brotherhood. Moreover, small ,nithraea meant that the group of
worshippers that met there was also small. The space itself was utilized for
communal ceremonial meals. Even if coated with religious ritual, the act of eating
together was undoubtedly a social function. Vertical and horizontal ties constituted
unifying forces that were at least as compelling—if not more—as any promise for
salvation. Without completely discarding the significance of Mithraic theology
(including its complex symbolism and liturgy), Mithraism was not simply a
religious community, but rather a religion and a community. In essence, the cult of
Mithras was a social and psychological phenomenon and not merely a religious
practice, because it was about bonding as much as it was about spirituality.

GIOVANNA PALOMBO