2006 Giovanna Palombo
2006 Giovanna Palombo
Giovanna Palombo
1j he male [god] they worship is a cattle rustler, and his cult they relate
to the potency of fire.. .united by the handshake of the illustrious Father.” So wrote
the Christian writer Firmicus Maternus about the followers of Mithras showing
much contempt and little understanding on one of the most widespread ancient
mystery religions—Mithraism. The worship of Mithras—a god of Persian origin—was
part of the so-called “mystery cults” that developed in the East and rapidly spread
all over the provinces under Roman rule, reaching its greatest extent during the
second and third centuries A.D. The present analysis will limit its attention to three
areas only. It will first consider, Italy—mainly Rome and Ostia where this cult was
very popular—and Gallia-Germania-Noricum (modern France, Germany, and
Austria) and third, ancient Syria (modern eastern Turkey and Syria) as
representatives, respectively, of western provincial territories and an eastern
province. tn particular, two aspects will be the objects of investigation: Mithras’
iconography and inscriptions in order to identify his visual patterns, various
epithets, and associations with other deities, and the very nature of the Mithraic
religion as a mystery cult. The purpose of conducting an analysis of both the
Mithraic image, and of what it may have meant for Mithras’ worshippers to be part
of this mystery religion, will help explain the reasons for the cult’s widespread
popularity. This cult became very popular, specifically among the Roman soldiers
all over the empire, despite the fact that Mithras was the god of Rome’s enemies—
the Parthians. I will argue that the key to understand Mithras’ popularity is to be
found, first of all, in his iconography and not his theology, namely in his simple and
yet powerful image. Secondly, as a mystery religion, Mithras’ cult not only had a
votive character, but also offered an opportunity for a secret brotherhood—an
organizational structure similar to a secret society of a Masonic type that must have
been particularly appealing for soldiers. Finally, the syncretic and universal aspects
of the Mithraic cult represent additional elements that can help explain the Parthian
god’s popularity among the Roman troops.
Before proceeding with the analysis of why Mithraism was so wide-spread
particularly among the soldiers, it is necessary to address the problem of the
sources. In contrast with Mithraism’s popularity and the fact that Mithraic
sanctuaries can be found all over the Roman provinces, historians are faced with a
dearth of literary source material on Mithras. This is not surprising and can be
explained in part by the fact that, as a mystery cult, Mithraism had an element of
secrecy. Because the written evidence on the cult of Roman Mithras is very scarce
as few documents have survived, scholars have looked at evidence from material
culture and, in particular, they have relied on the comprehensive catalogue of
inscriptions and monuments which offers a valuable source about the Mithraic cult
Firmicus Maternus, De 6,-tore Profanarum Religionum, 5.2, translated by Marvin W. Meyer, The
n
Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebook. Sacred Texts of the Mystery Religions ofthe Ancient Mediterranea
World(Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 208.
148 Ex Post facto
and its worshippers.2 While this monumental list of epigraphical evidence provides
information on both the patterns of nomenclature for the god Mithras and the people
that were involved in this mystery cult, the archaeological remains—mainly of
architectural and pictorial nature—help identify visual patterns associated with the
Mithraic religion. The few written documents available, the epigraphical material,
and the visual elements from material culture will constitute the main base for the
evidence presented in this article. Among the many problems in dealing with
evidence of archaeological nature there is the fact that images, monuments, and
artifacts speak their own language, therefore attempting to “translate” the visual into
text is a process that requires the help of various tools, such as an understanding of
the social context and values of that particular past society.3 Thus, one should keep
in mind that ancient Romans were polytheistic and that their concept of religion and
relationship with the divine differed from the belief system of our modern,
predominately monotheistic, society.4 In the case of Mithraism in particular, it is
necessary to consider anthropological aspects and sociological significance of
ancient mystery cults in order to understand the appeal of the cult to many ancient
Romans.
The cult of Mithras fascinated people in antiquity, and it has also raised much
interest among modern scholars. Historians have produced a plethora of articles and
books since 1896-l899. Mithraism has attracted an enormous amount of scholarly
attention, mainly because of the supposed link with Christianity.6 In the last few
Maarten Jozef Vermaseren, Corpus Inscripuonum el Mon umentonim Religionis MithrIacae (Hagae
Comitis: M. Nijhoff, i-il, 1956-1960), hereafter cited as CIIvIRM followed by the document number.
The dating of the inscriptions is provided when available.
Knowing the social context—and specifically the Weltanschauung and role within society of those for
whom the image or artifact was intended—constitutes relevant information when using material culture
as historical evidence. Peter Burke exemplifies this concept by mentioning how the painting by
Tiziano entitled Sacred and Profane Love can be understood correctly only if viewers are aware of the
changes through time in assumption about nudity. The clothed Venus represents the profane love,
while the naked woman symbolizes the sacred love—contrarily to what our modem sensibility would
suggest. See Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing: The Uses of Images as Historical Evidence (Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 200t), 38-9.
I am referring in particular to concepts such as soul, salvation, and afterlife that, even when present
in antiquity, had a different significance for the ancient people than the meanings attributed to those
notions in modem times. For the pitfall of anachronism when dealing with ancient religions, see John
Scheid, An InKrothjction to Roman Religion (Bloomington, IN: Indian University Press, 2003), 18-21.
These are the dates of publication of the two-volume work by the Belgian scholar Franz Cumont,
who is universally recognized as the “father” of Mithraic studies. Franz Cumont, The Mysteries of
Mithra; translated fmm the 2nd rev. French ed. by Thomas J. McCormack (New York: Dover
Publications, 1956). Despite the numerous studies that have appeared in the last three decades, the
Roman cult of Mithras still presents a series of puzzling questions. In particular, there was an upsurge
of interest in Mithras in the l970s. See the proceedings of two major conferences on Mithraism held
during that time: John R. Hinnells, ed., Mithraic Studies: Proceedings of the First International
Congress ofMithraic Studies (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1975) and Ugo Bianchi, ed.,
Mysteria Muthrae: Atti del Seminarto Internazionale an ‘La spec jficatà storico-religiosa dei Misteri di
MIthra, con particolare riferimento alle fanti documentarie di Roma e Ostia’, Roma e Ostia 28-31
Marzo 1978 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979). For a detailed historiographical review on Mithraic studies up
to the mid l9SOs, see Roger Beck, “Mithraism since F. Cumont,” in Aufttieg ussr! Niedergang der
Rdmischen Welt, 11.17.4 (1984), 2002-15.
Many scholars have interpreted Mithras as a “savior” and perceived Mithraism as a religion of
salvation and redemption, for an interpretation of Mithmic salvation, see Leroy A. Campbell,
Mithraic Iconography and Ideology (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), 371-93. For the soteriological nature of
mystery cults in general (with particular emphasis on Mithraisrn), see also Ugo Bianchi and Maarten .1.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post Facto 149
decades, the focus on the cult of Mithras has been on theology, namely on
deciphering the “mystery” behind the mystery cult. Thus, many historians have
looked at the Mithraic iconography and from it they have extrapolated an abstract
meaning—often rather complex—that links Mithras to a deeper astronomical and
astrological paradigm.7 Other analyses have pointed out a convergence of
Neoplatonic ideas with the theology of Mithraism.8 In particular, a recent
interpretation of the so-called “Mithras Liturgy” has connected the latter to the
theurgy, or ritual practice of the Chaldaean OraclesY Additionally, attempts have
also been made to interpret Mithras as something else or rather someone else, thus
speculating on the symbolism of the god and proposing an understanding of Mithras
and its cult in allegoric terms.’° Instead of analyzing the Mithraic theology in order
Vermaseren, eds, La Soteriologia del Culti Orientali nell7mpero Romano: Atti del Colloquia
Internazionale cu ‘La soteriologia del culti orientali nellimpero Ramano’, Roma 24-28 settembre
1979 (Leiden: E. 3. Brill, 1982). Finally, see the recent study by Roger Beck, “Ritual, Myth, Doctrine,
and Initiation in the Mysteries of Mithras: New Evidence from a Cult Vessel” in The Journal of
Roman Studies 90 (2000): 145-80, which stresses the “sacramental” character of Mithraism (and the
equation cult meal Eucharist) as well as its similarity with Christian rituals.
The studies of David Ulansey, Roger Beck, and Richard L. Gordon have emphasized an
astronomical-astrological reading of the Mithraic cult by connecting the Mithmic bull-killing scene
that
with the zodiac—specifically the ecliptic between Taurus and Scorpius. For instance, Gordon states
“it is quite evident from the iconography of the Mysteries that an astronomical idiom was employed
...
to make theological statements.” R.L. Gordon, “Authority, Salvation and Mystery in the Mysteries of
Mithras,” in Image and Mystery in the Roman World. Three Papers in Memory of Jacelyn Taynbee,
edited by J. Huskinson, M. Beard, and 3, Reynolds, Gloucester: A. Sutton Publishing (1988), 50.
See Richard L. Gordon, “Reality, Evocation and Boundary in the Mysteries of Mithras” in Journal of
Mithraic Studies 3 (1980): 19-99.
The so-called “Mithras Liturgy” is a section of a fourth century AD. Graeco-Egyptian papyrus,
namely tines 475-834 of the “Great Magical Papyrus” of the Bibliotheque Nationale of Pads. See
Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries: A Sourcebaok, 211-21. It is one of the most perplexing texts
concerning the worship of Mithras. Because it mentions the “ascent of the soul,” many scholars have
found connections betu’een this text and Neoplatonic ideas. For an interpretation of how the ritual
the
technique of ascent in the Mithras Liturgy may find its closest parallel in the theurgic practices of
Chaldaean Oracles (a collection of enigmatic verses from the second century quoted by
Neoplatonists), see Radcliffe Edmonds, “Did the Mithraists Inhale? A Technique for Theurgic Ascent
in the Mithras Liturgy, the Chaldaean Oracles, and some Mithmic Frescoes” in The Ancient World 32
(2001): 10-22.
15
See Michael P. Speidel, Mithras-Orion: Greek Hero and Roman Army Gad (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1980). Speidler’s study provides a clear attempt to interpret Mithras as someone else and Mithraism as
permeated with symbolism. He has formulated a complex analysis on the Mithraic cult—an analysis in
which he connects Mithras to the constellation Orion and his myth. Speidler has suggested that
Mithras was in reality the Greek deity Orion. This would explain his popularity in the Roman army,
since Orion was a Greek hero, strong, swift, armed—in fact he was called “the swordbearer”—and very
skilled in hunting. More importantly, as the son of Mars and a victorious military leader himself, “he
n,
was the epitome of manhood and the embodiment of a fierce warrior” (Speidel, Mithras-Orio 38).
...
According to Speidler, astral features and astrological significance would also permeate the Mithraic
cult. A cosmic meaning would be attached to Mithras’ icon, which represents a series of equatorial
constellations—such as the bull being the Taurus constellation, the scorpion being the zodiac sign of
Scorpio and so forth. In essence, Speidler sees Mithraism as a Greek cosmic religion, not a Persian
cult. Thus, when faced with the question “why did a truly Greek religion present itself in Iranian
garment?” he simply dismisses it with an anachronistic statement, namely that the founders of the cult
shared the old Greek and Roman belief that “the wisdom of the Orient was superior to sheir own”
(Speidel, Mithras-Orion 46). In my opinion, it is not clear why the Romans could not have worshipped
Orion directly, and inatead they chose a “disguised” Mithras—dressed in Persian garments, but actually
a Greek god!—because in reality they wanted to pay their devotion to Orion.
“The image of Mithras does not differ much from East to West. One of the few variants is a statue
found in Ostia that represents the god dressed like a Greek hero with the chiton (cf. CIMRM 239).
Because he is not wearing the Persian trousers that are a key component of his eastern attire, Mithras
resembles more a Greek god according to Speidler fcf. Speidler, Miil,ras.Orion, 24-5). This is one of
the proofs used by Speidler to justify the connection Mithras-Orion and, in the end, according to the
Dutch scholar, despite Mithras’ Persian garments, “Mithraism was ostensibly a Persian cult... [since]
the myth of Mithras is largely the myth of the Greek hero Orion” (Speidler, Mithras-Orion, 3). See
also previous footnote. However, it is worth noting that Mithras is depicted rather consistently in his
eastern/Persian attire with trousers and the Ph,ygian cap.
2
“Persei sub ropibus antri indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithram.” Statius, Thebais, 1.719-720
in Paolo Scarpi, Le religioni del misteri: Samotracia, Andania, (side, Cibele e Attis, mitraismo
(Milano: Mondadori, vol.2,2002), 358.
°
In ancient mythology, the torchbearer Cautes was linked to the south wind, whereas Cautopstes was
associated with the north wind; Porphyry, De Antro Nympharum, 24 in Scarpi, Le religioni del misteri,
360. However, some scholars hold that the two deities corresponded respectively to the rising and
setting sun—ascending and descending in relation to the equator; see Robert Turcan, The Gods of
Ancient Rome: Religion in £i’eryday L(fe from Archaic to Imperial Times (New York: Routtedge,
2001), 132.
‘
Among the various examples, see CIMRM42, Syria, Dura-Europos, approx. 168 A.D. and CIMRM
695, Rome, Italy.
“
See CIMRM42, Syria, Dura-Europos for an example of the banquet of Mithras and Helios. See also
CIMRM 894, Gallia, St. Aubin: exceptional representation of Mithras’ rock-birth depicting the naked
child stepping out of the piled up boulders, on which he leans with both hands; CIMRM 966, Gallia,
Pons Saravi: Mithras’ rock-birth; CJMRM 985, Gallia, Augusta Treverorum: Mithras’ rock-birth.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post facto 151
peculiar birth not only appears in inscriptions and is represented in statues, but it is
also mentioned in Firmicus Maternus, who called Mithras O or “the god
,
(born) from the rock,” and in Commodianus, who referred to the Persian god as
“invictus de petra natus [...] deus” (the invincible god born from a rock).16 finally,
other elements in the Mithraic imagery are the presence of stars on 17his flying cloak
or around his head, and sun rays and a nimbus also around his head.
Despite his Persian attire, Mithras’ image must have appeared very familiar
and rather appealing to the soldiers, since the god represents a hunter—or rather a
hero—and conveys the idea of strength, courage, and invincibility.’8 Mithras appears
as “an energetic god, active, unconquerable, unsurpassable.”9 The god’s image is
very powerful in its straightforwardness. The power of Mithras’ image lies in his
direct appeal: the act that the god is performing is not mysterious or unusual, but
rather evokes a familiar context to soldiers, namely a fight, a struggle in order to
subdue the dangerous “other” or the enemy. Mithras was thought to be the creator
and father of all, the Demiurge, whose creative energy generated and still permeates
the entire cosmos. The god Mithras struggled with the white cosmic bull, which he
finally overcame and killed.20 The bull represented a force that had to be subdued,
like the enemies of Rome. In essence, Mithras’ image is simple and primordial as it
incorporates recognizable elements (sun as the good force and bull as the
antagonist—a strong power to fight against) and, at the same time, it is peculiar and
unfamiliar (the god’s eastern attire). The Mithraic scene also portrays a scorpion, a
snake, and a dog that appear to be wanting to extract the life out of the slaughtered
bull by attacking its genitals. This image expresses a concept of cosmic opposites—
the duality of good versus evil (Mithras versus his antagonists). Thus, Mithraic
iconography is ultimately universal in his syncretism of old and new, familiar and
unfamiliar, good and bad.
Furthermore, the contrast between unfamiliar versus familiar features in
Mithras’ representation is mirrored in his nomenclature and connection with other
gods. On the one hand, like his attire, the god’s name is “foreign” since it is a
Latinized form, through the Greek, of the Avestan “Mithra” that means “pact,
contract, covenant.”2’ On the other hand, Mithras is familiar as his portrayal appears
in association with other deities, such as Apollo, Helios, tuppiter Dolichenus, and
Hercules, hence showing that the Persian god was of the same “status” as long-
established, well-known deities. For instance, one of the oldest Mithraic monuments
22
See the archeological complex at Commagene (Eastern Turkey): CIMRM28, Syria, Nemrud-Dagh,
approx. 69-34 B.C. In the sepulchral monument of King Antiochus I of Commagene among the five
eight-meter high statues there is one representing Apollo-Mithras in a sitting posture on a throne. For
an English translation of the inscription on the throne, see John Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman
Empire (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1974), 83. In the same monument one can also admire
a relief of ApolIo-Mithras-Helios. See also CIMRM 33, Syria, Samosata, same as above: Apollo
Mithras-Helios (same time / Antiochus of Commagene).
For the Mithraic seven grades of initiation, see pages 13-14.
24
CIMRM7$, Syria, Sidon, 188 AD.: an entirely naked figure with a lion’s head (Aion). Beneath his
wide-open mouth there is the head of a snake, entwining him with three large coils. CIMRM 879,
Gallia, Arelata: dressed torso of a standing Aion, whose bead and legs got lost. A serpent, winding
itself in three coils round the god’s body, rests its head on the god’s breast. Between the coils of the
snake, there are the twelve signs of the zodiac. Thus, the serpent must symbolize “the annual
circumvolutions of the sun in the ecliptic and its passage through the different constellations.” Robert
Turcan, The Cults ofthe Roman Empire (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1996), 226.
25
The sal invictus (or El Gabal) was originally a Syrian sun deity whose worship was actively
promoted in Rome by the emperor Elagabalus (r. 2 18-222). See Leslie Adkins and Roy Adkins,
Dictionarp’ of Roman Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Gaston H. Halsberghe, The
C’ult ofSal Invictus (Leiden: E. J. BrilI, 1972).
26
Ferguson, The Religions ofthe Roman Empire, 47.
27
CJMRM 34, Syria, Dura-Europos, 168 AD.: ,nithraewn with many scenes from the myth from the
time of the emperor Septimius Severus. The inscription states “Mithras-sol invictus.” Also, CIMRM
88, Syria, Secia: deo soli invicto; CIMRM 897, Gallia, Bourg-Saint-Andeol: deum invictum; CIMRM
890, Gallia, Vssio: deo soil invicto Milhrae; CIMRM 898, Gallia, Moos Seleucus: deo soli inWcso;
CIMRM 907, Gallia, Lugdunum: deo invicto; CIMRM 986-987, Gallia, Augusta Treverorum: deo
invicto Salt and deo ins’icto Alithrae, respectively. These are only some of the numerous examples that
can be found in Syria, Gallia, and Italy.
28
For instance, in a mithraeum in Britain (near the fort of Carrawburgh on Hadrian’s Wall) one can
see ttsat on one of the altars was carved a relief of Mithrss with a radiate crown, the rays of which
were cut through the Stones SO that a lamp could be placed behind it with the effect of giving light to
the crown like a halo. Graham Webster, The Roman Imperial Army of the First and Second Centuries
AD. (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 278-279. In addition, Lane Fox states that
many special effects—especially lights reflected on water and fireworks—were particularly vivid in the
worship of Mithras, conducted in the chambers of his small, subterranean shrines. Robin Lane fox,
Pagans and Christians (San Francisco, CA: Harper, 1995), 136.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
ExPost facto 153
29
Samuel Leuchli, ed., Mithraism in Ostia: Mystery Religion and Christianity in the Ancient Port of
Rome (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1967), 56-60.
30
Scheid stresses the “social” character of Roman religion, which involved individuals insofar as they
were members of a particular community. There was not one Roman religion, but rather a series of
Roman religions, “as many Roman religions as there were Roman social groups: the city, the legion,
[...J colleges of artisans, sub-districts of the city” and so forth. Scheid, Roman Religion, 19.
Scheid, Roman Religion, 20.
According to traditional scholarship, Mithraism was a cult exclusively for men and the presence of
women was forbidden. In a recent article, Jonathan David has showed some compelling evidence that
women were not absolutely excluded from the Mithraic cult, although their participation was very
limited; Jonathan David, “The Exclusion of Women in the Mithraic Mysteries: Ancient or Modern?”
in Numen 47(2000): 121-41. Tn the end, we cannot say that Mithraism was confined to men on!)’, but
it certainly remains a predominately male religion.
r Another well-attested cult of the Roman soldiers was the worship of Jupiter Dolichenus, which
reached its peak of popularity during the first past of the third century. Overall, it was not so
widespread as Mithraism. for the cult of Jupiter Dolichenus (and also Jupiter Heliopolitanus) among
Roman legionary centurions, see Eric Birley, “The Religion of the Roman Army,” in Aufstieg und
JViedergangderRomischen Welt, 11.16.2 (1978): 150641.
for a detailed analysis of the Roman army’s religious practices—both official and unofficial ones,
see John Helgeland, ‘Roman Army Religion,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rdmischen Welt,
11.16.2 (1978): 1470-1505.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post facto 155
devotees at once, hence maintaining a sense of familiarity and intimacy within each
group. As a result, as they gathered in small groups, they were able to form a close-
kin brotherhood with welt-defined grades of membership.42 Secondly, the
mithraeum itself was an intimate space that resembled a dinning room with Mithras,
as the host of the banquet, sitting at the head of the table. In fact, along the sides of
the nsithraeum, there were benches on which the worshippers reclined at ritual
meals.43 There is no reason to doubt that the allegoric scene representing Mithras
and Helios feasting together, which is frequently present in Mithraic iconography,
had a realistic counterpart in enjoyable banquets with plenty of food consumed by
the devotees. The archaeological evidence confirms this. In excavated mithraea the
remnants of animal bones of various species clearly indicate that the benches on the
sides were not used just for praying, but also as couches on which substantial meals
were consumed. One can clearly see how the ritual became a social experience.
Thus, “the religion was always world-affirming rather than world-denying.”45
However, along with Mithras’ image as a hunter or victorious fighter, and
along with the small size of Mithraic community where devotees could closely
interact with one another, an element that played a significant role in the popularity
of Mithraism was its rank structure. The cult of Mithras contributed to the creation
and consolidation of ties among the soldiers mainly because the Mithraic
community was a highly structured organization. In fact, the worshippers were
grouped according to seven levels or grades by which they progressed through
successive stages of initiation as mote of the mysteries of the cult were revealed to
them. The seven grades were Corax (Raven), Nymphus (Gryphon / Griffin or
Bridegroom or Embryo—scholars disagree on the translation of this term), Mites
(Soldier), Leo (Lion), Perses (Persian), Heliodrornus (Courier of the Sun), and Peter
(Father). The Mithraic hierarchy must have reminded the soldier of the army
hierarchy; hence the idea of a well-structured order was something familiar to the
Mithraic worshipper. It was in the highly hierarchical structure of its community
that the cult of Mithras differed from most other mystery cults.
Mithras’ cult presented an organizational system similar to a “church order.”47
Every Mithraic unit was a small face-to-face group, in which relations of authority
were clearly defined by the seven grades and ultimately sanctioned by religious
beliefs. The head of each group was the peter, or Father—an individual who had
reached the seventh grade of the Mithraic hierarchy. He embodied the highest
authority—all the members were subordinated to him—and, as emblems of his power,
42
As Gordon aptly summarized it, “to highlight the narrowly ‘religious’ elements in Mithraism does
not get us far. ‘Mithraism’ is of course not only a system of teaching about a god and the experience
of the individual soul, but an organization, a social teaching, a cultural system that not only explains
experience but patterns it” (Gordon, ‘Mithraism and Roman Society,” 112).
See the images in the mithraea at Santa Prisca on the Aventino and at San Clemente (CIMRM 476
and CIMRM338-348), two of the thirteen mithraea that have survived in Rome.
See CIMRM48O/483 and Turcan, The Culls ofthe Roman Empire, 234.
n Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 112.
The Christian scholar Jerome mentions the seven grades of the Mithraic hierarchy; Jerome,
Epislulae, 107 in A.S. Geden, trans., Select Passages Illustrating Mithraism (London: Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1925), 61. The best depiction of the Mithraic grades can be found in
the floor mosaic of the mithraeum of Felicissimo at Ostia contained in Samuel Laeuchli, ed.,
Mithraism in Ostia: Mystery Religion and Christianity in the Ancient Port of Rome (Evanston, IL:
Northwestern University Press, 1967), plates 22-8. for a detailed description of these seven grades
and their significance within the Mithraic ritual, see Manfred Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras: The
God and His Myrteries (New York: Routledge, 2001), 131-40.
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 96.
“
For the Father’s iconography, see the ,nithraeum of Felicissimo at Ostia and the one in Santa Prisca.
The latter is shown sitting on a throne and receiving homage from members of the lower grades. See,
respectively, Samuel Laeuchli, ed., Mithraism in Ostia: Mystery Religion and Christianity in the
Ancient Port of Rome (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1967) and Maarten Jozef
Vermaseren and C.C. van Essen, The Excavations in the Mithraeum of the Church ofSanta Prisca in
Rome (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965).
5°
For the authority of the Mithmic Father, see RL. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 101.
5°
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 104.
“
For an analysis of groups or associations characterized by a hierarchical structure, see Victor W.
Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago, IL: Aldine Publishing Company,
1969), 191-2: “One can instance the freemasons, the Rosicrucians, the Elks, the Sicilian Mafia, and
other kinds of secret societies and brotherhoods, with elaborate ritual and ceremonial, and with
generally a strong religious tinge. The membership of such groups is often drawn from socio-political
communities of similarly ranked persons, with shared egalitarian values and a similar level of
economic consumption.”
52
As far as the evidence of the inscriptions regarding military membership, around 22 percent were
centurions, 44 percent occupied one of the many ranks between that of junior centurion and private,
and 35 percent were private (some of whom may have been retired). Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman
Society,” 108-9.
53Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 101.
Luther H. Marttn, Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987),
118.
5°
Some scholars have attributed a misogynist aspect of Mithraism based on the one piece of evidence
from the so-called Pseudo-Plutarch, who accounts how Mithras—hater of women—joined himself in
sexual union with a rock. Cf. Pseudo-Plutarch, De Flus’Os, 23.4 in Scarpi, Le religioni dei misteri, 355.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post facto 157
Therefore, “the religious fife of Mithraism was more closely modeled on the values
of the camp than of the domestic hearth.”56
More importantly, a major factor contributing to the popularity of Mithraism is
its very nature as a mystery cult. The diffusion of mystery religions, such as the cult
of Isis, the Great Mother, and Mithras, was an important religious phenomenon that
characterized the Roman Empire.57 In ancient times, religion was the product of
various concerns—political, social, and psychological. For the Roman soldier in
particular, religion provided a structure that helped him distinguish between Roman
and alien (“the other”, the enemy), between order and chaos. However, while this
function was mainly covered by the army official cults, it was rather in a mystery
cult—such as was the case of Mithraism—that the Roman soldiers could have found a
personal, more intimate shelter from the hazards of military life. The army proved
effective in its ability to control the natural fear in the soldiers’ lives by promoting
religious festivals, oaths, and the signa. In addition, the strict military disciptina was
certainly a powerful antidote against the unconscious impulse of fear. However, it
was in ritual behavior (and mysteries had well-defined rituals) that soldiers found
comfort for their own anxieties.56 Thus, Mithraism as a mystery religion was very
powerful in helping the soldiers dealing with their fears to a greater extent than the
official army cults, because of its votive character and the fact that it provided
protection by reinforcing ties among its adepts.
The concept of votive religion constituted the basis of a mystery cult.59 Most
historians have looked at mystery cults and defined them as a form of personal
religion aimed at some sort of salvation. Thus, many scholars have interpreted
Mithraism as a cosmic religion of salvation.65 If salvation of one’s soul had been
indeed at the core of this cult, one may have a difficult time explaining why
Mithraism had no flrncmry symbolism and there were no statues of the dead or
Mithraic sarcophagi.6t On the contrary, the cult of Mithras and mysteries in general
arc to be understood as personal religions at a more elementary level, namely as the
practice of making vows. Mithraism shares in the general instrumental nature of
Roman religion that was characterized by a highly developed contractual relation to
the gods.62 tt may not be a coincidence that the name of Mithms itself indicates the
personal, but not necessarily a spiritual, form of religion” (op. cit., $7), a statement which underlies
the personal and practical nature of votive / contractual religions, such as Mithraism.
65
As previously mentioned, ‘Mithras” is comes from the Avestan “Mithra” that means “pact, contract,
covenant.”
64
In essence, thanks to the themes of “placation and contract” that were at the core of a votive act, the
soldiers fought better knowing that the gods were on their side. Graham Webster, The Roman Imperial
Army of the First and Second Centuries AD. (Norman, OK; University of Oklahoma Press, 1998),
275.
65
As one of many examples see CIMRM4 13 from Rome: “[Deja invicto Mithrae I {..Ujlpiua Paulus /
ex / voto / d(ono) d(edit) I antistante L. lustino / Augurio p(atr)i et Melito.” The numerous votive
offerings are an indication that Mithraa was perceived to be a successful and helpfUl god.
Arthur Darby Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to
Augustine ofHippo (Oxford; Oxford University Press, 1961), 235.
67
“The joining of the right hands promoted the initiates to syndexioi with the Father; the oath
(sacramentian) made them sacrati or consacranei.” Mass-ten Jozrf Vermaseren, Mithras, the Secret
God (New York; Barnes & Nobles, 1963), 136. See also R.L. Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman
Society,” 107 on the Mithraic oath.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post facto 159
This spot is blessed, holy, observant and bounteous: Mithras marked it,
and made known to Proficentius, Father of the Mysteries, That he should
build a dedicate a Cave to him; And he has accomplished swiftly,
tirelessly, this dear task That under such protection he began, desirous
That the Hand-shaken (Lat. syndexi) might make their vows joyfully for
ever. These poor lines Proficentius composed, Most worthy Father of
Mithras.66
It is noteworthy that the “cave” is consecrated to the god Mithras so that “vows”
could be made to him on behalf of the worshippers that are called “the Hand-
shaken.” These verses reiterate three elements that characterize the Mithraic cult,
namely that Mithraism was a religion of small groups (a fact that appears clear from
the fact that most “caves” were incapable of hosting more than ten or twelve
individuals), that the cult had a votive character, and that its members were tied
together through a pact sealed by a handshake.
This act of handshaking was performed not only among the cult members but
also between Mithras and the sun-god, hence turning such action into a symbolic
marker of this cult. A recurrent scene in Mithraist iconography is the so-called “pact
of friendship”—an image in which Mithras and the sun-god stand in front of each
other as equal partners and shake their right hands (sometimes in front of an altar).69
Among the Greeks and Romans handshaking (iuncfio dextrarum, or joining of the
right hands) was not an everyday gesture as it is now in western societies. Rather, it
was a sign of very close friendship.70 Often friends who returned from a long
journey were received with a handshake, or the same gesture was used to sanction
an agreement.71 Therefore, with the handshake, Mithras and the sun-god are settling
a pact.72 The pact between the deities was the model for the ritual handshake
between the pater and the initiate.
Bound by both an oath and a handshake, Mithras’ worshippers must have
known one another very well and provided reciprocal help like the brothers of a
Masonic lodge. Thus, the cult also had a sociological aspect, not just a religious one.
As a cult of men and specifically soldiers, it had the features of a brotherhood—an
organization based on principles such as secrecy, loyalty, and unity in the fight for
mutual interests. By creating a boundary between “those who belonged” and the
outsiders, it reinforced the idea of being Roman soldiers as opposed to the “others”
68
Translation from Manfred Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His !vlysteties (New
York: Routledge, 2001), 42. For the original text of the Latin inscription, see CIMRM423.
69
See as an example CIMRM 1430, Virunum, Noricum, third century AD. On a relief from Virunum,
near modem Klagenfurt, Mithras’ right hand clasps the sun-god’s right hand in a friendly handshake.
Mithras also puts his left hand upon Hellos’ left shoulder.
70
For the meaning of handshake in the classical world, see Clauss, The Roman Cult ofMithras, 152.
71
In fact, the ‘joining of the right hands” was a means of solemnizing marriages. Clauss, The Roman
Cult of Mithras.
72
Among the various scenes that give the impression that the two gods are making an agreement,
there is an interesting, but uncommon relief from Nersae, Italy (CIMRM 647-650). The sun-god,
naked, is kneeling on one knee before Mithras in the vicinity of an altar. Helios is grasping Mithras’
right wrist with one hand, while with the other he is holding a dagger. Mithms is holding a knife in
one hand. Vermaseren had suggested that “the two gods are presumably making a blood pact.”
Vermaseren, Mithras, the Secret God, 97.
See Clauss, The Roman Cull of Mithras, 105. Clauss also points out that “modem sociological
studies have made plain how widespread is the need to belong, and in antiquity the case was no
different.”
For the concept of spiritual regeneration in Mithraism within the broader Context of rites of
initiation in various cultures, see Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of Initiation: The Mysteries of
Birth and Rebirth (Dallas, TX: Spring Publications, 1994), 93-4 and 112 and Turner, The Ritual
Process.
Interestingly, Scarpi has suggested a similarity between the Mithraic community and the comitatus
of the German tribes as described by Tacitus (Germonia, 13, 1-4; 14,2-3), since both structures were
based on a hierarchical and militaristic organization and fit within the Indo-Eumpean context.
“L’ampia diffusione del mitraismo tra soldati delle legioni romane puô lasciare sospettare un’origine
legsta a possibili comunitt iniziatiche e cultuali di uomini, fondate su un’etica di tipo aristicratico e
guerriero, analogamente al comitatus delle tribü germaniche [.1 che si inseriscono nd medesimo
orizzonte culturale indo-europeo a cui sppartiese anche Ia civiltb iranians.” Scsrpi, Le religioni dei
misteri, 352.
76
CIMRM36I, Rome: “S[oli] i(nvicto M(ithrae) let sodalicio eius See also CIMRM73O, Italy:
“D(eo) i(nvicto) M(ithrae) / et Soli soci/o sac(rum)...” as an inscription that reiterates the “pact”
between Mithras and the sun-god.
“
Members of various mystery religioss helped one another in funeraiy arrangements (Burkert,
Ancient Mystery Cults, 44). In the case of those worshipping Mithras the evidence is inconclusive.
See, as supporting evidence, CIMRM 1021, Colonia Agrippina, Germany (near modem Cologne)
where a sepulchral inscription in limestone has been found in the immediate vicinity of a ,nithraeum.
The inscription is most likely about a Mithras’ worshipper that was buried there: “Have I Cimber
es(sedarius) et I Pietas Ensocho I essed(ario) sodali I [bJene merenti / [posJuit. Vale.” Note the word
sodali, “to the companion, or member of a club.”
“Cumont, The Mysteries ofMithra.c, 168.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post Facto 161
caverns ...gave the rootless immigrants to Rome [and—I would add—the soldiers as
well], of every race and class, the feeling that they had found the comfort of a piety
closer to gods and men.”79 In essence, Mithraism sought to secure an “at-home”
feeling by strengthening social ties. Additionally, the cult of Mithras also served as
reinforcement of its members’ identity.8° Mithraism perfectly fit within the larger
context of the mystery religions, because “the mystery discourse established
sociopolitical identity for the alienated individual, whether rural (Eleusinian) or
ss
urban (Isiac), male (Mithraic) or female (Dionysian).
A last element that can help explain the popularity of the cult of Mithras was
its universal and syncretic character, which stemmed from both its parthianitas and
romanhtas. The Persian origin of Mithraism is not much disputed, although there
may be no clear relationship with the Persian religion of Zoroastrianism.82 Mithras’
origin can be traced among the Indo-Aryan people. According to Plutarch, the cult
was popular among Cilician pirates, who introduced the celebration of the Mithraic
mysteries into the Roman world around the first century B.C.83 After defeating the
sea raiders, Pompey seems to have settled a good number of them in Calabria—a fact
that helps explain how Mithraism arrived in Italy.84 However, it was not until the
end of the second century AD. that the worship of Mithras became widespread first
among the Roman soldiers in the east and then, moving westward and northward, all
over the provinces.85 Whether its point of origin was actually Parthia or Anatolia
in spite of Plutarch’s account. Roger Beck, “The Mysteries of Mithras: A New Account of Their
Genesis” in The Journal ofRoman Studies 88 (1998): 115-28.
° Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, 8, 133. See also the inscription on
the Aventino in the
mithraeum near Santa Prisca’s church (CIMRM 480), in which each onier is greeted with the word
nama: “nama Patribus; nama Heliodromus, nama Persis...” and so forsh.
°
Firmicus Maternus, De Errore, 5.2 and Porphyry, De Antro Nympharum, 6 in Meyer, The Ancient
Mysteries: A Sourcebook, 208 and 211, respectively.
“Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 95-6.
According to Nock, ‘the Mithraism which reached the western world was a new thing, created by
fusion in Asia Minor. In general, the cult was carried by pirates, soldiers, functionaries, traders, and
slaves, who had learned this derivative of Persian belief, and it did not travel on a national basis.’ Cf.
“The Genius of Mithraism” in Arthur Darby Nock, ed., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972),
vol. 1,108-13.
9°
Quintus Cunius Rufus, Alexander the Great, 4.13, in A.S. Geden, trans., Select Passages
Illustrating Mithraism, 27-8. One cannot help but notice that Mithraa as god in connection with the
sun appealed to military men even during Hellenistic times.
9°
Gordon, “Mithraism and Roman Society,” 111.
9°
Turcan, The Gods ofAncient Rome, 105.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO
Ex Post Facto 163
Ramsay MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981),
118-26.
Lane fox, Pagans and Christians, 575.
GIOVANNA PALOMBO