Spiritual Sickness A New Perspective and
Spiritual Sickness A New Perspective and
Introduction
Spiritual Sickness
Man’s attempt to understand and classify phenomenological experiences that cross the
boundaries of the general consensus of what constitutes normalcy has produced varying per-
spectives on what these experiences mean and how to work with them. Modern “civilized”
man classifies these experiences as stemming primarily from biological and or psychological
deficiency, while societies that embrace more “archaic” modes of classification interpret these
episodes as being indicative of transformation and utilize the experience as a liminal space for
not only healing but for transfiguration.
Unlike modern psychiatry’s view on psychoticism as a condition with little to no recourse
other than symptom management, societies with shamanistic spiritual beliefs rather equate
a psychotic break to a fever, signaling not illness as an end-all but rather the beginning of a
process, essentially spiritual growing pains. In fact, many cultures do not view this process as
a “sickness” in the Western sense of the word, but rather an unpleasant condition forcing one
to have to face an unsettling truth. “At first he is apparently robust, but in the process of time,
he begins to be delicate, not having any real disease but being really delicate. He dreams of
many things and his body is muddled and he becomes a ‘house of dreams”’ (Calloway, 1868,
p. 260).
Rather than viewing this process as leading to the finality of being lost to the depths of the
unconscious, the shaman recognizes that the psychotic break is a platform for resolving re-
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pressed or unaddressed issues. Many of these concerns revolve around relational issues with
other family or community members (this can stem from several different areas including
trauma, grief, or guilt revolving around negligence of ancestral rituals). “Becoming a diviner
is not only an entrepreneurial means of earning a living but also a means of resolving interper-
sonal problems in the family” (Hirst, 2005, p. 7). Because of cultural norms and rules, it is not
always acceptable for these complaints to be made openly. In these cases, psychosis provides
a culturally acceptable way of airing out grievances, to those whose voice has otherwise been
muffled.
It is believed with the proper ritual cleansings a person will not only be cured but will come
out of the experience as a shaman themselves. Here rather than pity the patient and outcast
them from the community, the patient is elevated to a venerated figure within the community.
It can be argued along lines similar to Hammond-Tooke who theorized that Nguni diviners
were subject to the ukuthwasa affliction, resulting in their emergence as duly recognized and
empowered psychic sensitives with powers of intuition that are routinely and recursively em-
ployed in divination and healing. (Hirst, 2005, p.7). This transformation of the patient to a
healer is similar to the Jungian idea of the wounded healer. The shaman’s approach is con-
gruent with psychodynamic theory, which asserts that strong feelings and emotions that are
not dealt with consciously are repressed into the unconscious where they return to terrorize
as inner demons.
Precipitating Factors
Trauma appears to be a consistent precipitating event in both spiritual sickness and DSM-5
schizophrenic spectrum disorders and mood disorders featuring psychotic features (Lataster,
Myin-Germeys, Lieb, Wittchen & Van Os, 2011; Steel, Fowler & Holmes, 2005). Events
leading to spiritual emergencies can range from relatively mild experiences such as rejection
from a romantic partner (Hirst, 2005, p. 9) to more extreme events such as witnessing the
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death of several family members (Hirst, 2005, p. 9). Other instances of emotionally upsetting
events revolve around taboos specific to the culture. These taboo violations often hit hardest
the people who have the least power in the community. For example in the case of “Ms. G”, a
45-year-old married Xhosa woman who developed psychotic symptoms after discovering her
husband was having extramarital affairs (Hirst, Cook & Kahn, 1996, p. 271-272). Another
instance is the case of a Ndembu woman who developed the Ihamba condition (a form of
spiritual sickness where a person believes a human tooth is traveling through their body caus-
ing psychological and somatic pains). The Ihamba ritual covered by Edith Turner in 1985,
describes how the condition develops as a result of pent-up feelings of resentment towards
family members. In fact, an integral stage of the healing process is called mazu, which can be
translated as “words”, or the “coming out with the grudges” (Turner, 1985, p. 66).The latter
two cases present subjects whose protest to their experience would not normally be tolerated
outside of this context of being “mad.”
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being visited daily by a demon posing as her husband “commanding her to wash his clothes
and clean the house.” (Hirst et al., 1996, p. 272). The inability to voice her resentment at
having to maintain her marital and domestic obligations to a man who was being unfaithful
to her, lead her unconscious to project these sentiments as a “demon.”
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the rest of the community. During this time the patient is washed with several herbs meant
to cleanse the patient externally of any witchcraft. Afterward, the patient begins a special
diet (which excludes heavy foods such as meat, milk alcohol, or tobacco) and begins to ingest
“ubulawu” plants used to increase and clarify dreams. (Hirst, 2005, p.16; Sobiecki, 2012).
From a clinical perspective, this ritualized process is similar to inpatient treatment of psychi-
atric patients; the primary difference is the context in which the patient is being treated. The
use of ubulawu plants, and the subsequent “copious dreaming” (Hirst, 2005), that results from
taking it, leads to bringing forth repressed unconscious content. The shaman acts, much the
same as the psychoanalyst, pulling forth, interpreting, and helping the patient reincorporate
these painful feelings and fragmented components back into the psyche.
A final but not necessary stage in the shaman’s treatment is training the patient in becoming
a healer themself. Having suffered and survived this experience, the patient is now viewed
as a liminal being, which has been on both sides of “madness” essentially. The patient goes
from invalid to an elevated position as a healer within the community. This again is not much
different from the Jungian concept of the wounded healer. Many times those who are drawn
to mental health professions are those who have suffered from their own bouts with mental
health issues. This change in status and act of giving back to the community is healing in
itself.
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Lev-Wiesel & Witzutum, 2014). Serious mental illness such as schizophrenia should not be
taken lightly, however, it should be taken into consideration, that the current mode of treatment
being provided to persons suffering from psychosis, is incomplete. Treating these disorders
solely on the basis of biology and with the use of antipsychotics disregards the role of culture
and the social context where these symptoms arise. Rather than viewing spirituality as a hin-
drance to science, it should be viewed as a means to an end. Incorporating the belief system
of the patient, regardless of how bizarre, not only lowers the patient’s defenses against the
clinician but may also provide a fecund environment for healing.
References
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Hirst, Manton. (2005). Dreams and Medicines: The Perspective of Xhosa Diviners and
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Kalweit, Holger (1988). Dreamtime & Inner Space. Boulder, Colorado: Shambhala Press.
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Lataster, J., Myin-Germeys, I, Lieb, R. Wittchen, H-U., van O’s, J. (2011). Adversity and
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Steel, C., Fowler, D., and Holmes, E. A. (2005). Traumatic Intrusions in Psychosis: An
Academia Letters, July 2021 ©2021 by the author — Open Access — Distributed under CC BY 4.0
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Information Processing Account. Behavioral Cognitive Psychotherapy. 33, 139–152.
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