Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2018 Al Salhi Ahmad PHD
2018 Al Salhi Ahmad PHD
September 2016
DECLARATION
I hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own.
Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. This work
has not been submitted for any other degree or award in any other university or
educational institution.
September 2016
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation is an academic study of the practice of the ṣaut music genre in
Bahrain and Kuwait. Most of the questions and resources discussed in this work
have not been examined previously in an academic study. By comparing the style of
performance that is currently prevalent with that of early recordings, the dissertation
offers a diachronic study of the development and practice of the ṣaut genre over
relates to the elements that have disappeared or emerged and the influence of key
figures in ṣaut. In addition, the study offers a close analysis of the practices of
variation and improvisation to understand how ṣaut performers developed the genre
The introduction of the dissertation brings to light the researcher’s position and
aims to understand the ṣaut genre by studying different types of recording, especially
78rpm records, which are the only really tangible trace of ṣaut before the Second
World War. Chapter II is concerned with the history of ṣaut and approaches this in
two ways. Firstly, it traces the history of the term ṣaut, in its literal, metaphorical,
and musical manifestations. Secondly, the Chapter highlights the history of ṣaut as it
relates to questions of origins and influence. Chapter III examines the development
of the key structural elements (rhythms, forms, and maqām system) that are
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Chapter V presents a definition and description of improvisation in ṣaut. It considers
a number of aspects that surround the practice of improvisation and variation, such
as why, how and when the performer learns to improvise in ṣaut. Chapter VI
continues on from the previous Chapter by examining the tools and technique of
approaches to the ṣaut genre, this thesis is intended to invigorate debates about
music of the Gulf and Arab traditions more broadly in several related, but often
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CONTENTS
Declaration……………………………………...…………………………... 2
Abstract……………………………………………………………………... 3
Contents……………………………………………………………………... 5
List of figures…………………………………………………………..…… 10
List of tables..…………………………………………………………..…… 14
Examples on the accompanying CD………………………………………... 15
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………. 16
Introduction…………………………………………………………………. 18
A brief history of Kuwait…………………………………………… 24
Music in Kuwait…………………………………………………….. 26
Music before the oil boom…………………………………... 26
Music after the oil boom……………………..……………... 28
Music and society in Kuwait……………………………………….. 32
Ṣaut music as presented today……………………………………… 36
Patron definition in ṣaut……………………………………………. 37
A samra of ṣaut……………..………………………………………. 38
Ṣaut community……………..……………………………………… 39
About the scholar…………………………………...……………..… 43
Background…………………………………………………………. 43
My encounter with ṣaut……………………………………... 44
Entering a closed society……………………………………. 45
The world of old records……………………………. 47
Sharing insider knowledge………………………………….. 49
Transforming the community, reviving a tradition…………. 51
Research context…………………………………………………….. 57
Challenges and research aims……………………………………….. 59
Overview of the dissertation………………………………………… 61
Chapter I – Sources…………………………………………. 61
Chapter II – Ṣaut historiography……………………………. 62
Chapter III – New ṣaut history: formal elements…………… 62
Chapter IV – Instruments used in ṣaut………...……………. 62
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Chapter V – Variation and improvisation as a framework for
understanding ṣaut…………………………………………... 62
Chapter VI – Transcriptions and analysis…………………... 63
Chapter I: sources…………………………………………………………… 64
Introduction……………………………….………………………… 64
The history of non-commercial records in Bahrain and Kuwait……. 68
Local terms for records……………………………………… 68
Non-commercial records………..…………………………... 70
The history of 78rpm records in Bahrain and Kuwait………………. 71
The history of 78rpm companies prior the Second World
War………………………………………………………….. 74
Baidaphon Record Company……………………….. 75
Odeon Record Company……………………………. 79
Gramophone and His Master’s Voice (HMV)……… 83
Neayem Record Company…………………………... 87
Sodwa Record Company……………………………. 89
Aden Crown Record (isṭiwānāt al-tāj al-‘adanī)……. 90
The history of 78rpm companies after the Second World
War………………………………………………………….. 92
The 45rpm records in the Gulf……………………………… 98
Private and radio stations recordings……………………….. 99
Conclusion…………………………………………………………... 103
Chapter II: ṣaut historiography……………………………………………… 105
The concept of ṣaut: literal, metaphorical and musical meanings up
to the mid-19th century……………………….…….……………….. 105
Literal usages………………………………….….…………. 105
Metaphorical significance…………………………………... 105
Ancient Arab music…………………………………………. 106
Arabian Peninsula until early 20th Century…………………. 106
Bahrain and Kuwait: mid 19th Century to present day……... 108
The history of ṣaut…………………………………………………... 111
Ṣaut and Abbasid music: Aḥmad ‘Alī’s study……………… 112
The origin of ṣaut: Yūsuf Dūkhī……………………………. 114
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A popular theory: ‘Abdullah al-Faraj's crucial role in the
emergence of ṣaut……..……………………………………. 117
Ṣaut’s possible debt to India….…………………….. 123
The question of Yemeni influence………………….. 125
Conclusion…………………………………………………... 128
Chapter III: new ṣaut history: formal elements……….…………………….. 130
Ṣaut texts…………………...……………………………………….. 130
Poetic genres in ṣaut………………………………………… 131
Lyrics: themes and content………………………………….. 133
Ṣaut genre forms: shāmī, ‘arabī, khayālī, istimā‘, khitām, and
mawwāl……………………………………………………………... 133
Rhythm system in ṣaut genre……………………………………….. 136
Rhythm and meter in the late 19th Century………...………. 136
Rhythm and meter in the recording period (1920s and
1930s)……………………………………………………….. 139
Hand clapping…………...………………………………………….. 142
Mirwās as a phenomenon, formulating new aesthetics…………….. 146
Maqām system in ṣaut……………………………………………… 149
Tawshīḥa of ṣaut…………………………………………………….. 153
Definition and form of current tawshīḥa……………………. 155
Forms of tawshīḥa in the 1920s and 1930s…………………. 157
Definition and form of tawshīḥa in the late 19th Century…... 160
Experimentation in performance……………………………. 162
Zifān, the dance of ṣaut……………………………………………... 164
The principles of zifān………………………………………. 165
Characteristics of a zaffān or performer…………………….. 168
Linking words……………………………………………………….. 170
Conclusion………………………………………………………….. 172
Chapter IV: Instruments used in ṣaut……………………………………….. 174
‘Ūd………………………………………………….……………….. 174
‘Ūd hindī…………………………………………………….. 174
‘Ūd ‘arabī…………………………………………………… 183
Mirwās…………………………………………………………......... 188
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History and prevalence of the mirwās………………………. 189
Mirwās features and technique of use………………………. 190
Manufacture of the mirwās………………………………….. 192
Mirwās players……………………………………………… 194
Violin………………………………………………………………... 195
Qānūn……………………………………………………………….. 197
Conclusion…………………………………………………………... 199
Chapter V: Variation and improvisation as a framework for understanding
ṣaut…………………………………………….………………. 200
Introduction…………………………………………………………. 200
Improvisation: definitions and methods…………………………….. 200
Variation and improvisation in ṣaut………………….……………... 206
Wherever the ‘ūd takes me………………………………….. 206
Why study variation and improvisation in ṣaut?..................... 209
Why performers use variation and improvisation……..……………. 212
The method of learning ……………..……………………………… 214
The methods of learning ṣaut……………………………….. 215
Tutor and student……………………………………. 215
Learning within the family………………………….. 216
Accompanying professional performers……………. 217
The notebook as a transcription tool………………... 218
Recordings as tools for self-study.………………….. 221
But, how to learn to use variation and improvisation?............ 223
Variation vs improvisation vs creativity…............................. 225
Chapter VI: transcriptions and analysis……………………………………... 227
Analysing vocal performance as the central element of ṣaut…..…… 227
The structure of ṣaut content………………………………... 227
Ṣaut piece and piece of ṣaut………………………… 228
Version in ṣaut………………………………………. 229
Melody in ṣaut………………………………………. 230
Section in ṣaut………………………………………. 232
Theme in ṣaut……………………………………….. 232
Motif in ṣaut………………………………………… 233
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Instrumental refrain in ṣaut………………………….. 233
Understanding the creativity practice in ṣaut: analysis………… 233
Example I: Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar and versions………………… 239
Version no. 1………………………………………... 241
Version no. 2………………………………………... 242
Version no. 3………………………………………... 242
Version no. 4………………………………………... 245
Version no. 5………………………………………... 246
Version no. 6………………………………………... 248
Version no. 7………………………………………... 250
Version no. 8………………………………………... 251
Version no. 9………………………………………... 252
Example II: Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat and versions……... 255
Version no. 1………………………………………... 257
Version no. 2………………………………………... 258
Version no. 3………………………………………... 260
Version no. 4………………………………………... 262
Example III: ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl and versions…………. 266
Version no. 1………………………………………... 271
Version no. 2………………………………………... 272
Version no. 3………………………………………... 273
Version no. 4………………………………………... 274
Version no. 5………………………………………... 274
Version no. 6………………………………………... 275
Conclusion…………………………………………………………... 276
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………... 278
References…………………………………………………………………... 287
Arabic sources..……………………………………………………... 287
Foreign sources..………………..…………………………………... 297
Discography…………………………………………………………………. 302
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LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 1.1. The term isṭiwānāt that appeared on the catalogue of an Egyptian
gramophone company in June 1912………………………………………… 69
Fig. 1.2. Two Baidaphon record labels, produced before c. 1911, (left) with
the title of Baida Record and a picture of the performer and after c.1911,
(right) with the title Baidaphon and a picture of a gazelle………………….. 75
Fig. 1.3. The label of a Baidaphon record by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti………. 79
Fig. 1.4. The label of a one-side record produced by Odeon for Muḥammad
Sālem………………………………………………………………………... 80
Fig. 1.5. Two labels of Odeon records made in 1928 (left) and 1929 (right)
by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti…………………………………………………… 82
Fig. 1.6. The label of an Odeon record made in Bombay, 1935, by
Muḥammad Zuwayid……………………………………………………….. 83
Fig. 1.7. The label of an HMV record recorded in 1932 by Ḍāḥī bin Walīd.. 85
Fig. 1.8. The label of the HMV sample record for Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti…… 86
Fig. 1.9. The labels of HMV records made in early 1937 by Muḥammad bin
Fāris (left) and Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti (right)………………………………… 87
Fig. 1.10. The label of the Neayem record made by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti.. 89
Fig. 1.11. The label of the Sodwa record made by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti…. 90
Fig. 1.12. The label of an Aden Crown sample record by the Yemeni
performer Aḥmad ‘Awaḍ al-Jarrāsh. The label shows the name of the
factory in which the disc was manufactured………………………………... 91
Fig. 1.13. The label of the Aden Crown record that was recorded by
Muḥammad bin Samḥān…………………………………………………….. 92
Fig. 1.14. Examples of four record label companies that recorded for
performers from the Gulf in Bombay during the 1940s…………………….. 94
Fig. 1.15. Examples of record label companies that established in Bahrain... 96
Fig. 1.16. Examples of record label companies that established in Kuwait… 96
Fig. 2.1. The “ṣaut” term in Arabic that appeared on the catalogue of Adan
Crown Record Company……………………………………………………. 107
Fig. 2.2. The ‘Quwaiti’ term or Kuwaiti in Arabic that appeared on a
Yemeni 78rpm record……………………………………………………….. 108
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Fig. 2.3. Scale of the maqām ‘ajam ‘ushairān on Bb3………..…………….. 124
Fig. 2.4. Ya Agab Min Da (ṣaut ‘adanī) by ‘Omar Ghabbah……………….. 126
Fig. 3.1. The base rhythm of ṣaut shāmī that presented by Muḥammad al-
Baker………………………………………………………………………… 137
Fig. 3.2. Number of variation rhythms of ṣaut shāmī that presented by
Muḥammad al-Baker………………………………………………………... 138
Fig. 3.3. The base rhythm of ṣaut ‘arabī that presented by Muḥammad al-
Baker………………………………………………………………………… 138
Fig. 3.4. Number of variation rhythms of ṣaut ‘arabī that presented by
Muḥammad al-Baker……………………………………………………….. 139
Fig. 3.5. An advanced shape of rhythm of ṣaut shāmī that included
syncopation and presented by Muḥammad al-Baker………………………... 139
Fig. 3.6. The shape of ṣaut ‘arabī (six beats) and shāmī (four beats) since
1920s and onward…………………………………………………………… 140
Fig. 3.7. Reformulated forms of ṣaut ‘arabī (six beats) and shāmī (four
beats) been used in 1920s and 1930s………………………………………... 140
Fig. 3.8. Ṣaut khayālī rhythm before 1940s (ten beats) and after (twelve
beats)………………………………………………………………………… 141
Fig. 3.9. Khitām rhythm (above) and it variation (down)…………………... 141
Fig. 3.10. Scale of the maqām rāst on C4…………………………………… 150
Fig. 3.11. Scale of the maqām kurd on D4………..………………………… 150
Fig. 3.12. Symbols of the half flat and half sharp that used in the Arabs
music……………………………………………………………………….... 152
Fig. 3.13. Transcription of tawshīḥa piece that uses for ṣaut shami and been
referred by number of ṣaut studies………………………………………….. 154
Fig. 3.14. Scale of the maqām bayātī on D4………………………………... 158
Fig. 3.15. Two dancers (zaffānah), jumping (nashah) in the front of the ṣaut
singer………………………………………………………………………... 166
Fig. 4.1. On the left, an illustration of ‘ūd hindī shown in a TV interview
with Muḥammad Zuwayid (c. 1976). On the right, the Yemeni singer
Qāsim al-Akhfash holding a qanbūs…………………….…………………... 179
Fig. 4.2. On the left, an African instrument in the Gulf known as the
ṭanbūra, the soundboard made from skin and possessing two holes or
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rosettes. On the right, quwaytara from Zanzibar, the soundboard made from
skin and possessing a hole. In addition, it is the most similar instrument to
‘ūd hindī as been described by Kuwaitis and Bahrainis…………………..… 180
Fig. 4.3. On the left, an illustration by Aḥmad alṢālḥī of the ‘ūd hindī based
on the illustration by Zuwayid and descriptions from various musicians and
narrators in the time of its use. On the right, an illustration of a qanbūs….... 181
Fig. 4.4. A mirwās player…………………………………………………… 191
Fig. 6.1. Scale of the maqām ḥussainī on D4……………………………….. 240
Fig. 6.2. Scale of the maqām ḥijāz on G4…………………………………... 240
Fig. 6.3. The ṣaut ‘arabī rhythm, six beats………………………………….. 240
Fig. 6.4. The ṣaut shāmī rhythm, four beats………………………………… 240
Fig. 6.5. Transcription of version no. 1, Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar, performed by
Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaitī in 1927……………………………………………………. 241
Fig. 6.6. Transcription of version no. 2, Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar, performed by
‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti in 1929……………………………………………… 242
Fig. 6.7. Transcription of version no. 3, Salām Yā Zein, performed by
Muḥammad Zuwayid in 1929………………………………………………. 243
Fig. 6.8. Transcription of the instrumental refrain in the version no. 3,
Salām Yā Zein, performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in 1929………………. 244
Fig. 6.9. Transcription of version no. 4, Lān al-Ṣakhar, performed by
Muḥammad Zuwayid in 1935………………………………………………. 245
Fig. 6.10. Transcription of version no. 5, melody A, Lān al-Ḥaṣā,
performed by Muḥammad bin Fāris in 1936………………………………... 247
Fig. 6.11. Transcription of version no. 5, melody B, Lān al-Ḥaṣā,
performed by Muḥammad bin Fāris in 1936………………………………... 247
Fig. 6.12. Transcription of version no. 6, melody A, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi
al-Bandar, performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in c.1947………………….. 249
Fig. 6.13. Transcription of version no. 6, melody B, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi
al-Bandar, performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in c.1947………………….. 249
Fig. 6.14. Transcription of version no. 6, melody C, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi
al-Bandar, performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in c.1947………………….. 250
Fig. 6.15. Transcription of version no. 7, Bū ‘Alī Qāl, performed by
Ibrāhīm al-Khashram in 1993……………………………………………….. 251
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Fig. 6.16. Transcription of version no. 8, melody A, Bū ‘Alī Qāl, performed
by Rāshed Zuwayid in 1980s……………………………………………….. 252
Fig. 6.17. Transcription of version no. 8, melody B, Bu ‘Alī Qāl, performed
by Rāshed Zuwayid in 1980s……………………………………………….. 252
Fig. 6.18. Transcription of version no. 9, melody A, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl,
performed by Aḥmad alṢālḥī in 2013…….………………………………… 253
Fig. 6.19. Transcription of version no. 9, melody B, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl,
performed by Aḥmad alṢālḥī in 2013…….………………………………… 254
Fig. 6.20. Maqām neirz rāst on C5………………………………………….. 256
Fig. 6.21. Maqām kerdān on C5. The maqām is similar to rāst but it read
from up to down…………………………………………………………….. 257
Fig. 6.22. Maqām muḥayyer on D5. The maqām is similar to ḥussainī but it
read from up to down……………………………………………………….. 257
Fig. 6.23. Transcription of version no. 1, Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat,
includes verse “Subḥān Man Zayyanak Be-l-Khāl - Yallī ‘Ayūnak
Na‘sāna” performed by Yūsuf al-Baker in 1952 or 1953…………………… 258
Fig. 6.24. Transcription of version no. 2, Māla Rīm al-Falā, includes verse
“Wajhuh Farīd-l Jamāl – Be-s Seḥr le-l Nāsi salab” performed by
‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaitī in 1929……………………………………………… 259
Fig. 6.25. Transcription of version no. 3, Māl Ghuṣn al-Dhahab, includes
verse “Māl Ghuṣn al-Dhahab - Mawlā-l Banāna-l Mukhaḍḍab” performed
by Muḥammad bin Fāris in 1932……………………………………………. 260
Fig. 6.26. Transcription of version no. 4, Marra Bedwī Ṣaghīr, includes
verse “‘Athba Akhḏar Khaṭar - Ba’d-l ‘Ashiyah Mu’addī - Kellemā Ṣār
Fattān” performed by Ḍāḥī bin Walīd in 1932……………………………… 262
Fig. 6.27. Scale of the maqām ḥussainī ‘ushairān on A3…………………… 268
Fig. 6.28. Transcription of ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, melody A…………….. 270
Fig. 6.29. Transcription of ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, melody B……………... 271
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LIST OF TABLES
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EXAMPLES ON THE ACCOMPANYING CD
Track 5: Lān al-Ḥaṣā, Muḥammad bin Fāris, (Fig. 6.10) (28”) and
Track 6: Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fī al-Bandar, Muḥammad Zuwayid, (Fig. 6.12) (40”),
Track 8: Bū ‘Alī Qāl, Rāshed Zuwayid, (Fig. 6.16) (20”) and (Fig. 6.17) (1’18”).
Track 9: Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fī al-Bandar, Aḥmad alṢālḥī, (Fig. 6.18) (05”) and
Track 10: Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat, Yūsuf al-Baker, (Fig. 6.23) (1’44”).
Track 11: Māla Rīm al-Falā, ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti, (Fig. 6.24) (3’01”).
Track 12: Māl Ghuṣn al-Dhahab, Muḥammad bin Fāris, (Fig. 6.25) (26”).
Track 13: Marra Bedwī Ṣaghīr, Ḍāḥī bin Walīd, (Fig. 6.26) (52”).
Track 14: ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti, (Fig. 6.28) and
(Fig. 6.29).
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
To my supervisor, Professor Rachel Beckles Willson, for making the past four years
perhaps did not quite appreciate the size and complexity of the challenge ahead, but
indeed a task made easier through the guidance and help of you. Also for your help
the point of view of a performer. Your constant encouragement and guidance made it
There are many people whom I owe debt of gratitude. Without their assistance, this
research would not have been accomplished. Thanks to my friend, housemate, and
mentor Tareq al-Rubei for being there for me from day one, helping me settle into a
new city and a new culture, for his notable recommendations in discussions within
the content of the study, and for his editorial input on many parts of the thesis. He
indeed did a remarkable job. I would also like to thank Yara Salahiddeen for her
stellar efforts and unwavering commitment to the process of editing most of the
thesis and presenting it in best possible way. I feel blessed and indeed very fortunate
I must also thank my friends, Khalid al-Thani for his unlimited support in many
Qatar and Bahrain as well as generously making his vast collection of 78rpm records
available to investigate and record. Lisa Urkevich, for her patience and assistance
16
Gulf music is always illuminating from a personal point of view. Also Yusuf al-
Suraie for his assistance in interviewing Kuwaiti performers. A special thanks to you
my friends and fellow music enthusiasts in London, Tarik Beshir and Martin Stokes,
who helped make the whole experience an enjoyable and an unforgettable one.
Finally, a great thanks to my dear family and especially to my wife Fatemah al-
Fadhel, for persuading me to take this challenge on and enduring the many months
and years away from home. This would never have happened without their
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INTRODUCTION
When addressing the subject of Gulf music, English language sources tend to
mention the vocal music genre known as ṣaut in passing, usually within a list, and
with limited information about it as a genre. For example, according to The New
Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2001), the music genres of Kuwait
include ṣaut, pearl divers’ music, and the bagpipe music (jirba) of the ethnic Iranian
minority (Sadie, 2001, pp. 757-795). The discussion in the Garland Encyclopaedia
(2002) is general and not detailed, because it includes Kuwait within the Arabian
Peninsula region. Writing for that volume, Jean Lambert generalised about the
different types of music that are known in Kuwait, understanding them as music of
the Gulf region: "two main musical styles are characteristic of the Gulf: pearl divers'
songs and traditional urban music" (Lambert, 2002, pp. 649-650). That “traditional
move beyond these basic outlines through an in-depth study of the genre, focusing
There are considerable challenges in introducing ṣaut into the academic field
because of the paucity of existing studies and sources relating to this genre. Most of
the studies that do exist, in both English and Arabic, concentrate on specific and
limited aspects, mostly about the history or the forms. Other sources that are
available, such as interviews with performers and music historians, and the ṣaut
discourse that can be traced among ṣaut performers and listeners, are therefore
particularly useful, if limited in certain ways. This dissertation will build on them,
but more fundamentally on my own experience with personal observations that are a
18
result of my experience as a violin player and ṣaut singer over more than twenty
years in the ṣaut circle in Kuwait. These enable me to engage with many aspects
that have not been previously considered in the sources, such as the processes
involved in composing a classical ṣaut melody, and the variation and improvisation
practices of ṣaut performers. In addition, I will present many other aspects of ṣaut in
order to offer a clearer image of my own place within the practices of ṣaut, including
the music of a social group. Kay Kaufman Shelemay (2008) suggests that
Indeed my relationship with the ṣaut circle or community began in this way. As a
student inside the community of ṣaut I played the violin, which I had learned prior to
joining the community. But the members of the community encouraged me to use a
particular violin technique that is appropriate for accompanying ṣaut singing. The
ṣaut performers use certain types of creative strategies in singing ṣaut and playing
addition, I was able to listen to the ṣaut musicians, talk with them about the genre,
19
and observe how they interacted and use various terms relating to all aspects of ṣaut
could never have known these terms and the ways to use and pronounce them simply
personal interaction has proved crucial to my work since I have found most of the
terms I have learned as a result are not found in studies of ṣaut. Thus, the only way
to listen to and to learn these terms is to live within the ṣaut community and learn
I gradually became more involved with the community, not only by listening and
learning from others, but also by playing with them as a violin player and later
Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, who enjoys a wide popularity among both performers and
listeners, to sing and record number of ṣaut melodies that had been forgotten and
abandoned by ṣaut performers for some decades. The project contributed to reviving
many neglected, abandoned, and unknown ṣaut melodies, and resulted in them
clearly in my experience, however, since the term “teaching” appears in the ṣaut
community in a different form. Teaching in the community does not involve giving
lessons to others, but rather it happens when musicians attend the performances of
20
distinguished ṣaut musicians, they may then refer to them as their teachers, because
they imitate them. Therefore, I never taught others or gave them lectures on how to
play ṣaut. However, I did give advice about the melodies, their history, playing in
the ṣaut style, and many other aspects. Thus, “teaching” in this context consists of a
them attend his musical gathering (samra), listening to his performance and being
influenced by him.
Shelemay suggests that the memorialising of tradition ensures that we remember the
informants, and even dedicate written material to them, as seen in the work of Bruno
member of the ṣaut community over a twenty year period, many of the observations
of others. A large proportion of knowledge that I have gained about ṣaut has been
drawn from their experiences. In fact, I cannot think of others in the community as
increasing the awareness of tradition inside the community itself (Shelemay, 2008,
gained over many years from the members of the ṣaut community and their
repertoire. This means that all musicians are my informants, because they are
21
present in each section in the dissertation, directly or indirectly. However, I also
gathered information from historical sources such as recordings as well, and shared
these with the community, thus mediating within it. At the same time, by
beginning to join. I am also a mediator between the ṣaut community (which has been
perceived as a closed one) and the mass media audiences in Kuwait, through radio
suggests that ethnomusicologists should merge with the community to win the trust
of people. He also emphasises as a respect for the community’s own values, and
successful interviews with ṣaut performers. Members of the ṣaut community now
deal with me as a ṣaut performer, a friend, and sometimes as a rival, but seldom as a
scholar. Yet my experience in the field of ṣaut, and my distinctive relationship with
the community, do not always protect me from risk, especially when community
that when I was interviewing a ṣaut singer he seemed uncomfortable and annoyed
during the conversation, and his answers were incomplete and brief. The informant
surprised me at one point when he asked me sharply; "are you trying to test me about
22
ṣaut? are you trying to mock me?" I was concerned because he was dealing with me
as a ṣaut performer, while I was trying to deal with him as an informant. I tried to
explain that my reasons for asking him questions was the fact that he is a prominent
performer, with a wealth of experience exceeding my own. I also needed to stress his
Seeger also observes that researching and collecting data from a community can be
wider or more comprehensive than any research plan, because it may yield (positive)
results that were not expected prior to the research that will become more important
Since the late 1990s, during a time where I did not foresee a career as a scholar, I
collected information from all the older singers I met. One example is Ḥamad
Khalīfa who stopped performing ṣaut in 1980; I had the opportunity to talk to him at
a friend’s house in 1997. Furthermore, I have recorded most of the gatherings that I
attended since around 2004 and continue to do so at the time of this writing. I also
took photos and videos of many performers. During this period I was collecting
these documents as a personal interest, since I did not have any specific project in
mind. However, now having returned to these documents as a scholar I realise they
have been indispensible for my academic work during my MA and PhD studies.
In the main part of this introduction below, I will present my own journey into ṣaut
23
A Brief History of Kuwait
Kuwait is a state in the Arabian Peninsula on the Arabian (Persian) Gulf adjacent to
Iraq (to the north and west), and to Saudi Arabia (to the south). Its first settlers were
the al-‘Atūb nomads, a number of allied families including al-Ṣabāḥ, al-Jalāhma, and
al-Khalīfa, who migrated from Najd to Iḥsā’ in Saudi Arabia, then to Zebāra in Qatar
before finally settling in Kuwait. Both historical sources and scholars disagree on the
year in which they arrived in Kuwait however, a commonly cited estimate is 1713
(al-Shamlān, 1986). In around 1716, the al-Ṣabāḥ family produced the first Emir of
the country, Sheikh Ṣabāḥ Bin Jāber, and they remain the ruling family of present
day Kuwait. In 1899, Sheikh Mubārak al-Ṣabāḥ signed the Anglo-Kuwaiti treaty,
independence of Kuwait from the British Empire encouraged Abdulkarīm Qāsim, the
president of Iraq, to declare Kuwait part of Iraqi territory and threaten to invade.
Saddam Hussain. It would be seven months before the Iraqi army was expelled and
The primary sources of income in Kuwait until 1940s were pearl diving and trade
with the Gulf, India, Pakistan, and east Africa. Therefore, the majority of workers in
Kuwait were sailors while the rest were skilled in different crafts including
1937, the first oil well was discovered in Kuwait but the outbreak of the Second
World War delayed export of its first shipment until 1946. This was a pivotal
moment in Kuwaiti history as the country experienced rapid economic growth and
24
the nation enjoyed a better standard of living. The dramatic change in socio-
workers abandoned maritime professions and crafts, and instead worked on land for
oil Companies or in the Kuwaiti ministries. Therefore, the history of Kuwait, and
indeed other oil-rich Gulf countries is clearly demarcated by the discovery of oil and
Within the modern day Kuwaiti community, there are two primary categories. The
first is urban (Ḥaḍar), which is derived of migrants from surrounding areas, from
Saudi Arabia, especially Najd and Iḥsā’, from Iraq, especially Zubair, and from Iran.
The second is Bedouin (Badū), which comprises all tribes, for example the al-
‘Awāzim, al-‘Ajmān, and al-Duwāser. The main religion in Kuwait is Islam, with a
Sunni majority and minority Shia population. The customs and traditions of the state
are a product of the mixing of these various migrant cultures. The influence of Indian
culture however was present in Kuwait before the oil boom as the trade industry with
especially in Bombay (now called Mumbai), and Karachi (now part of Pakistan).
different areas in Kuwait and who participate with Kuwaitis to shape cultural life in
Kuwait.
25
Music in Kuwait
As discussed earlier, the Kuwaiti community can be divided into two main groups,
Bedouin and urban. Up until the oil boom, each had their particular musical styles,
instruments, and melodies. The most prominent instrument amongst Bedouins is the
rabāba, which is a single string bowed instrument. Various song forms (ṭarq) can be
performed on this instrument, such as hujainī and masḥūb. Some tribes in Kuwait
possess songs that cannot be found in others, such as the daḥḥa songs which are
mainly found in the repertoire of the ‘Anūz tribe. However, it is possible to hear
example, is a performer from the urban community, and has recorded a number of
hujainī songs.
By comparison, the music of the urban community is more diverse and should be
better categorised and understood. For example, a number of maritime songs (baḥrī)
are considered work songs; most tasks carried out on the ship have their own
blacksmithery (ḥdāda) and ship-building (qlāfa) had their own associated songs, but
Many songs are performed during special occasions, such as weddings, which
contain a number of different songs and rhythms. Religious occasions, such as the
observance of the birth day of Prophet Muhammad (mālad), contain different forms
26
of music, including qādrī. ‘Arḍa is another occasion-related music genre associated
with war in that time in the history of Kuwait, but is nowadays performed in
In Kuwait, there are many types of music that are more associated with
song. Another example is that of the maritime songs which can also be considered
Iranians known as ‘ayam, and African people known as khawāl (black) or ‘abīd
(slaves). Iranian Kuwaitis’ music features the bagpipe (habbān) and is generally
performed during weddings. African Kuwaitis have two types of music, ṭanbūra and
leiwa. Traditionally, these were both used to conjure spirits or to appease them.
The number of musical instruments that are used in traditional music in Kuwait is
limited and consists of three instruments: ṭanbūra, ṣurnāi, and ‘ūd. The ṭanbūra is an
African instrument used in the practice of a genre of the same name. It has five
single courses and the music is based on the pentatonic scale. The ṣurnāi is a wind
instrument similar to the clarinet that is most likely of either African or Indian origin.
It comes in two sizes- the larger class is used in leiwa music, whilst the smaller is
known in maritime music circles, particularly in sanqinī and emyelsī (know also
mujalsī). The remaining instrument is the ‘ūd, which will be discussed in greater
27
depth in later chapters. In the early 20th century it was associated with ṣaut music
before later being used by ṣaut performers to perform other Kuwaiti genres like
sāmrī or fonūn.
On the other hand, percussion instruments in the music of Kuwait possess greater
diversity, taking different names, sizes, shapes and requiring different techniques in
use. The most widespread percussive instrument in Kuwait is the ṭār (p. ṭīrān), and
the second most common is the ṭabul baḥrī, both of which are found in sāmrī,
khammārī, fonūn, sea songs, and others. Other percussion instruments are associated
with certain music genres: ṭabul nuṣaifī for example is usually used in performing
‘arḍa.
A discussion about the Kuwaiti music scene after the oil boom is one about a modern
repertoire. This began taking shape in the early 1960s and was influenced by various
different cultures, to create a new Kuwaiti music scene compatible with the new or
modern Kuwait after both the boom in wealth and independence. Many traditional
musics are still performed to this day, but since the 1960s had become categorised
under the name of traditional music, while it was music of Kuwait before that. Apart
from maritime songs, which despite their decline are still live practices, most
craftsmanship music has disappeared and many without having been recorded or
documented. The music that has survived and whose presence is strongly felt in the
music scene in Kuwait is that of the entertainment genre, such as ṣaut and sāmrī.
28
From the 1950s, there was a substantial influx of international professionals from
various parts of the world settling in Kuwait to work in construction, education and
other infrastructural sectors. During this time, Kuwaitis were mixing with a larger
number of Arabs and were exposed to their music and listening practices, especially
Egyptian popular music, which was the mainstream genre for Arabs during this time
Since the early 1960s, many institutes were founded to support musical culture in
Kuwait. Various initiatives were started with the intention of building an awareness
of music amongst the population and raising its profile as an important aspect of
Kuwaiti culture. Kuwaiti schools began to teach music to its students as part of its
curriculum and the main Kuwaiti radio station established its own music band in
1959 – notably, most school teachers and in-house musicians were from Egypt.
became the first state in the Gulf to establish a high school specialised in music to
teach Arabic and Western classical tradition. In 1976, the Administration of Music
school founded a new college, called the Higher Institute of Musical Arts (HIMA),
offering a bachelor degree in music. Both the Arabic or Western classical tradition
curriculums of the music schools and institute were imported from the Music
Institute in Cairo. The faculty teachers were mostly from Egypt, and within the
Arabic department, they taught ‘ūd, qānūn, nāy, classical Egyptian songs (daur and
muwashaḥ), beside the Arabic theories and solfeggio. Many prominent musicians
29
and performers studied and graduated from HIMA, such as Rāshed al-Ḥemely,
The substantial presence of Egyptian music and resources in Kuwait has had a
significant effect on the music scene since the 1960s. The music that developed
during this period can be described as an Egyptianised Kuwaiti style. The songs
feature many elements related to the music of Egypt, whether in style, rhythm, or
sometimes, dialect. This new style of composing and singing was used widely until
the 1970s. However, this hybrid was not the only style of new music in that period.
Another style of composing in Kuwait that was popular, involved taking a part of a
traditional Kuwaiti tune, and linking it with a new melody. The composers drew
upon many different traditional genres- sea songs, ṣaut, sāmrī, and others.
music, like ṭanbūra and leiwa, which historically had only been performed by its
ethnic group. This development made ethnic music, which had previously been
unknown among Arab communities in Kuwait, far more familiar and become
During this same period of the early 1960s, a different type of music began to spread
amongst teenagers and the youth of Kuwait. The origin of this music is Mukalla city
in Yemen, and it was initially practiced in Kuwait amongst the South Yemeni
community before it moved into Kuwaiti music practice under the name of ‘adanī.
Muḥammad Jum’a Khān (d. 1963) is purported by some to be the father or the
musical elements, and this combination is the reason for its popularity among young
30
Kuwaitis since the 1960s until now. Although this music has been one of the most
popular music forms in Kuwait for decades, ‘adanī did not appear in official state
media until the late 1970s. It is kind of underground music, as I believe, which is still
active but is not featured widely in media and is largely ignored by Kuwaiti
such as the ‘ūd, violin, qānūn, and nāy. The percussion instruments are of three
types: the Yemeni dumbuk which is known also as fakhār (if it is made of pottery) or
betal (if it is made of metal), the daff (tambourine), and the bongos. Since the 1970s,
Kuwaitis began to contribute to the composing and writing of new ‘adanī songs,
such as Rāshed al-Ḥemely and Bshāra brothers (Nāṣer and ‘Adnān). Their music is
somewhat different from ‘adanī that were derived from Khān’s songs. The main
differences that can be distinguished easily are the disappearance of Indian elements
in the Kuwaiti version of ‘adanī, and the use of Kuwaiti words in the text.
In the late 1970s, another new orientation of music appeared in Kuwait which was
based on producing albums through cassette companies. Many of the songs in this
period are derived from ‘adanī music and feature this similarity in the style of
composing, the text, and rhythms. The new element within this music is the
the more familiar small group, and the use of arrangement in music. Over a few
years, this style become more independent from ‘adanī in concept, evolving its own
style through composition and use of rhythms, which were also a development of
those found in the music of Yemen, Egypt, and more local areas. In the beginning,
31
the text tended more to the Kuwaiti colloquial dialect, but later changed to become
the more Bedouin colloquial that is known across most of the Gulf region. This
music was and remains the most successful genre in Kuwait and the Gulf, as is
demonstrable in the terms used to describe it, al-sūq (market). It is also known in the
wider Arab world and considered to be a representation of the culture of Kuwait and
Gulf nowadays. The success of al-sūq songs in the Arab commercial music industry
led Arabs outside the Gulf boundary, to refer to this music by the term, khalījy
(Gulfy).
Today, the music scene in Kuwait is active and consists of several different styles of
singing, and these musical styles derive from different backgrounds, Arabic, Turkish,
and Western. Each type has its listeners and reflects the diversity of the community
music in the live scene, specifically music which was once classified as part of the
In Kuwait as well as other Gulf countries, there is need for further understanding and
because music and musicians represent the culture and values of the society. In this
required however that considers many other elements not yet studied in depth
32
Music before the oil boom can be said to have been more directly engaged in the
aspects of Kuwaiti life, whether for work, worship, occasions, children’s games or
for recreation, as has been discussed previously. On the other hand, most Islamic
clerics in the Gulf region take a strong position against music, insisting to refer to it
as ḥarām (not allowed in Islamic Law or taboo). Thus, whilst music in Kuwaiti
society holds a high level of acceptance amongst the population, it is still considered
haram and rejected by most Kuwaiti clerics. It is not entirely clear why people in
Kuwait have a tolerance for music but one of the reasons may have its origins in the
style of Kuwaiti life before the discovery of oil which was steeped in many forms of
music as per the need for melody and rhythm to help accomplish work or fulfil other
requirements. There are many examples that show the tolerant perspectives of
Kuwaitis towards musical activity, including some clerics, which I will demonstrate
here. By the mid-1950s, the oil boom had transformed the economic climate and a
intellectuals, musicians and poets recognising that older musical practices were
Kuwait. The group of founders were from different backgrounds and origins, such as
Aḥmad al-‘Adwānī, who his origin is a Bedouin, al-Muḍaf and Aḥmad al-Rūmī, who
are from aristocratic and business families (al-Wugayān, 2006, p. 289). An important
Islamic cleric, Sheikh Yūsuf bin ‘Īsā al-Qenā‘ī, wrote a brief book about the history
culture. I cannot find another cleric from any other Gulf country that has written
about music in a positive light. The final example involves the ruling family in
33
Kuwait; in 1927, when ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti had an opportunity to record his songs
for the first time in Baghdad, in order to accomplish this project, he was supported
financially by Sheikh Abdullah al-Sālem al-Ṣabāḥ who would later become the ruler
perspective, that has influenced many clerics and people in Kuwaiti society. Many
musicians are considered to be from low social class backgrounds, whether African
immigrants, labourers. The origin of most of the women musicians in Kuwait were
from Africa and many would have come from families that were enslaved.
By comparison to other areas in the Gulf, Kuwaitis might be considered quite liberal
in their attitudes to music. 60 years ago and more, many musicians in other Gulf
countries were pursued and punished by governments for playing music. In Saudi
Arabia in 1950, for example, a Bahraini musician was “flogged to death at al Khobar
for the heinous offence of playing a lute” (Pelly, 2017). These kinds of extreme
events have never happened in Kuwait. On the other hand, many elements prove that
ṣaut is a music that represents the community content of Kuwait for several reasons.
While other types of music in Kuwait are usually related to a certain ethnic or work
group, ṣaut performers are from all ethnicities and religions that could be found in
Kuwait- Arabs, Persians, Africans, Sunni, Shia, and also Jewish Arabs. For example,
Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Yāqūt’s family descends from Iḥsā’ and ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti
descends from a Najdī family, and both Iḥsā’ and Najd in Saudi Arabia. It is rare to
Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti’s family belongs to a Shia sect, whilst the Kuwaiti brothers,
34
Ṣāleḥ and Dāwūd, were Jewish. Today, there are no more Jewish communities in
Kuwait, but is still possible to find performers from different origins and sects whilst
it is not easy to find such diversity in other music genres in Kuwait. The ruling
family in Kuwait supports ṣaut through different ways; for instance, Sheikh
Abdullah al-Jāber al-Ṣabāḥ was a great ṣaut performer and generous patron whilst
Finally, Abdullah al-Faraj, who is considered the father or founder of ṣaut is himself
The relationship between ṣaut music and the Islamic cleric is quite unique; indeed
while many have used a calmer rhetoric against ṣaut, they are far more aggressive in
Muslim Brotherhood in Kuwait and the Gulf and an example of the unusual status
held by ṣaut. In a TV interview some years prior, al-Qaṭṭān mentioned that his father
was a ‘ūd player and singer, and proceeded to sing part of a ṣaut to demonstrate the
genre of his father’s songs. Al-Qaṭṭān did not refer to the word ṣaut, rather he
declared that there is good music, like that which he had demonstrated, (which was
ṣaut) and bad music which, as he implied, was the new songs. It was the only
occurrence to see an important cleric in the Gulf, held in as high esteem as al-Qaṭṭān,
talk publicly about the value of music and singing (al-Qaṭṭān, n.d).
35
Ṣaut music as presented today
This section aims to discuss the notion of the musical gathering of ṣaut (samra) -
how, where, and who attend and support or patronise this music. Due to a lack of
sufficient reliable detail about the samra in the early years of ṣaut practice, the
discussion will focus on recent practices, whilst still making comparison with some
known aspects of early samra activity, most likely dating to the 1940s or earlier.
The musical gathering is usually held on a weekend, and always during the evening,
most often after ‘ishā’ prayer (usually not before 8 o’clock). Thus, the term samra is
derived from the Arabic word samar, meaning to enjoy the night by talking or
which as an annex that is separated from the other parts of a house and has its own
other states in the Gulf) and is the domain of the men of the house and their male
visitors. Two centuries ago, the dīwāniya was used only in the houses of wealthy
families in Kuwait for business purposes. Later, probably in the early 20th century, it
dīwāniyāt) began to appear for those interested in the pursuit of poetry, politics, or
other subjects. In music, the dīwāniya has played an important role since the middle
of the 19th century. In the 1860s, Abdullah al-Faraj, who was also from a wealthy
family, established his own dīwāniya when returned to Kuwait from India, giving it a
special name, dukhaina. Al-Faraj began to receive his friends in his dukhaina and
played his own music for them, which we define now as ṣaut. The dukhaina is
considered the first or oldest dīwāniya dedicated to music in Kuwaiti history. Khāled
36
al-Baker, who was one of al-Faraj’s best pupils, had his own dīwāniya that was also
acted as a kind of school to teach ṣaut. Many music figures in Kuwait learned in this
1978).
Nowadays, the dīwāniya still bears significance, providing a place for Kuwaitis to
practice their hobbies or interests, whether in music (ṣaut for example) or activities
like playstation games. The definition of a dīwāniya today is still connected with a
room that is separated from the house but there are also other places that have similar
functions to the dīwāniya and are defined as such. Examples of these include chalets
or a place that has different names, such as a mazra‘a (farm), ḥouṭa (walled), and
stable, located usually in the suburbs of the residential areas in Kuwait. Many of the
ṣaut gatherings happen in these places and follow the same roles of a regular
dīwāniya, for men only and the attendance usually comprising the owner of the place
and his friends. The dīwāniya, whether inside the house or in a different place, was
and still is a central part of establishing, creating, learning, and performing ṣaut
believes that the dīwāniya is a “vital political and cultural institution in Kuwaiti
In the field of ṣaut, there are different means or practices by which to support or
patronise ṣaut. In the 1920s, many lovers of ṣaut were sharing money in order to be
able to invite the performers. For example, Ṣāleḥ and Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti, were
37
known to be paid at least 10 rupees for a session, and this money was usually
patron has been changed to take a different form, as the ṣaut session is now mostly
held without financial remuneration. The patron still provides compensation but does
this by offering a venue (whether a dīwāniya or a different site), meals, and contact
with other musicians like mirwās players. This change in payment method seemingly
happened due to the economic circumstances of those practicing the music; most
Kuwaitis today are employees paid by the government and have their own salaries,
such that making music is solely for personal enjoyment rather than a method to
make money. Recently, a few groups of Kuwaitis have established their own
dīwāniya that is specifically for performing ṣaut. The groups, who are connected
through friendship and ṣaut practice at the same time, share all expenses to fund
holding the samra, and have given their dīwāniya a name, such as Ahl al-mirwās
A samra of ṣaut
The singer, who is usually the ‘ūd player, is often sat opposite to the dīwāniyas door,
in the middle of the other musicians, with players of the violin and qānūn sat to one
side and mirwās players on the other. The music begins with the ‘ūd and the
audience interacts with it by clapping, greeting the singer and musicians. Sometimes,
two dancers dance in front of the singer. On the whole in each samra, there is more
than one singer, therefore there is an unspoken rule or etiquette determining that each
singer perform two to three ṣaut pieces, give other performers a chance to play. It is
not uncommon to find one of the singers accompanying the other on mirwās or
38
violin. However, in the samra gathering that is described as maḥfūfa, the number of
musicians and attendances are limited, and does not include clapping or dance. In
samra maḥfūfa, the repertoire of ṣaut is wider and more varied than that of the public
samra, which is based mostly on the tunes that are popular amongst listeners.
Ṣaut community
Ṣaut is arguably one of the most successful popular traditional music forms in the
Gulf. However, the popularity of ṣaut has not always flourished. Indeed a few
During the 1970s and 1980s, many factors contributed to the reduced popularity of
the genre among Kuwaitis, but the spread of ‘adanī music is arguably the chief
amongst them. Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, one of the most important ṣaut performers in
Kuwait, declared that most young singers of his generation (since the late 1960s)
were ṣaut performers. Later, however most of them began to perform ‘adanī songs
alongside ṣaut, and the proportion of the latter form played in samra declined
indicates that in the late 1970s, he and ‘Alī al-Mas‘ūd became the only ṣaut
specialists, and that all others had shifted to ‘adanī (al-Khashram, 2013).
what I would term a community. The contemporary performers and the audiences
within the ṣaut circle, primarily those in Kuwait, aimed to isolate themselves most
likely to keep their music ‘pure’ or authentic and to evade ‘adanī influence.
39
I propose to the term community because I believe ṣaut circle in Kuwait possess
many features that differentiate them from the participants of other music genres and
their musicians in the area, and makes them a musical community. The meaning of
community in the ṣaut genre is not only “the condition of sharing or having certain
elements that give it a particular identity. People of the ṣaut community or circle,
share common terms, behaviours, traditions, and ideologies related to ṣaut. They
meet not only to play ṣaut, but also to talk, analyse, and listen to ṣaut recordings. I
was involved in many discussions about the history of ṣaut, recording for current
performers and analysing old performers, which happened before I began academic
research into ṣaut. This kind of discussion cannot take place with ṣaut musicians
from outside the community, because people outside the community are mainly
interested in ṣaut music, not other intellectual or non-musical aspects, such as the
history of the genre or early singers’ performances. Therefore, ṣaut performers use
phrases such as ahal al-ṣaut (people of ṣaut) and ahal al-mirwās (people of mirwās),
phrases used to salute or encourage others within the samra is ‘ashaw ahalah, which
means long may they live its people, and this phrase clearly refers to the performers
of ṣaut or the other members of the community. This phrase differentiates them from
others present who presumably are the musicians or listeners from outside the
those who are inside the ṣaut circle and they refer to it through various terms that
40
Besides the private gatherings that are usually made up of performers and the
audience, many performers prefer not to play in the media. The result is that their
relationship with listeners from outside the community is not very well established.
These connections are bridged if a listener from outside the community is fortunate
enough to know anybody from within who may supply him with new recordings or
to invite him to a samra, as was the case when I entered the community for the first
time. Most musicians and listeners tend to know each other, because they play
together or because they are already friends. Therefore, the best description of the
This attitude towards the media and people from outside the community, seems to be
a new tradition in the ṣaut community which did not exist before. During the 1960s
and 1970s, most prominent ṣaut performers such as ‘‘Abdullaṭīf Al-Kuwaiti, Ḥamad
Khalīfa, and Sālem Al-Fahhād (c. 1998) recorded their work through different
interactions with public media: TV, radio, commercial recordings and interviews. In
contrast, many contemporary performers refuse to appear on TV, and may even
With the increased use of the internet in the region however, some of the mystery
extent. For the last few years, though probably not over a decade, much privately
recorded ṣaut material has been published on the internet, consisting of the work of
singers who have perhaps not been heard by many listeners. One such singer is
Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, one of the most prominent ṣaut performers active today as a
ṣaut singer and has been since the late 1960s. I remember visiting him in late 1999 to
41
ask him for permission to publish his private recordings online. Al-Khashram was at
first sceptical of such an act, and not convinced. After many questions, mostly about
the internet and how it was not a type of TV. or radio (which would mean that it was
recordings of his works, and a few pictures that he had chosen himself. However, at
the time of this writing it is still not easy to find video clips for singers like al-
performers do not give permit theire lease of their names, whether for this
dissertation or in public. They are active and influential but only inside the
community.
The appearance of the internet as a new type of media, changed the degree of
isolation that surrounds the community. Many people who have never attended a
ṣaut gathering (samra) have now had the opportunity to listen to and see ṣaut singers
and musicians for the first time. The paradox is that while the community is mostly
still isolated and distant from the media, their recordings, audio and video, can be
found widely on the internet. Furthermore, the existence of the internet might be said
to have been an encouragement to a few important ṣaut singers such as Salmān Al-
‘Ammārī and Ṣalāḥ Ḥamad Khalīfa, or perhaps has given them with a small dose of
courage to share their music on TV and perform in public during events and
festivals. At the same time, other performers still refuse to appear in any media until
now.
community. It would seem that there had previously been a ṣaut community, which
42
started to disappear gradually with the death of the last Bahraini master of ṣaut,
very limited, and they do not prioritise ṣaut when performing in their gatherings.
They have introduced many different types of songs to their sessions, such as
contemporary Bahraini songs that are known as basta (Touma, 1996, p. 108) as well
Background
My serious relationship with music began at the age of fourteen when I was involved
in listening to, and later attending samra. These are musical gatherings associated
mainly with two types of music, ṣaut and ‘adanī, and at which the attendees are
usually only men. ‘Adanī is a term that refers to a musical genre known in Kuwait
and enjoyed by young people, founded in Yemen by Muḥammad Jum‘a Khān (d.
1963). Then in 1992, I began to teach myself both the ‘ūd and the violin playing
‘adanī songs after an occasion in which I had the opportunity to handle these
instruments. Later, I decided to concentrate on the violin and in 1997, began to take
private violin lessons from Ṣabrī al-Dālī, an Egyptian music teacher. Before that, by
the middle of the 1990s, I was playing both ‘adanī and ṣaut, but I gradually began to
who is a known performer of ṣaut and other Kuwaiti traditional songs. I was then
interviewed about the violin, the old style of playing, Arabic technique, and the
43
history of the Arabic violin and violin players. Immediately after the interview, I got
an offer to study music at the Higher Institute of Musical Arts (HIMA)1. The offer
was made by one of the interviewers, Bandar ‘Ubaid, who was the Dean of the
graduated in June 2008, and became a violin and viola teacher in HIMA in February
2009. There was very little in the HIMA curriculum dedicated to Kuwaiti music and
it is probable that ṣaut had not been studied in any capacity at the HIMA. However, I
extracting maqāmāt and tetrachords from the melodies, to study, analyse, and
My first encounter with ṣaut as a word was in early 1990, when I was in a music
shop searching for ‘adanī recordings. There, I found a cassette that introduced each
song title preceded by the word “ṣaut”, which confused me. I asked the seller, who
was from Yemen, what the word ṣaut meant. He answered, “ṣaut is voice or vocal”.
This answer referred to the literal meaning of ṣaut in the Arabic language, but did
not address the meaning of ṣaut musically. At that time, I did not pay any attention
to the word and the illogical interpretation of the Yemeni seller, probably because at
The first time I believe I was truly impressed with ṣaut music was in about 1992
when I read the book by Mubārak al-‘Ammārī. This book, entitled Muḥammad bin
1- HIMA was founded in 1972 in Kuwait as a musical secondary school, thanks to the efforts of Aḥmad Bāqer, a Kuwaiti
composer who studied music in Egypt. Later, in 1976, undergraduate studies were added to the School of Music. HIMA was
the first official musical school in the Gulf and in the Arabian Peninsula regions (Murād, 2005, pp. 44-46).
44
Fāris (1991), was a biography about a prominent ṣaut performer in Bahrain. In the
same period I read an interview in a Kuwaiti newspaper with ṣaut patron and mirwās
player, Fāḍel Maqāmes (d. 2009). Maqāmes referred to a few key people he said
would be of interest to anybody wanting to learn about ṣaut music. After reading the
interview, I decided to listen to the performers who had been suggested, and bought
three cassettes containing ṣaut songs by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti (d. 1975), Ḍāḥī bin
Walīd (d. 1941), and Muḥammad bin Fāris (d. 1947). The recordings were made
from 78rpm records that had been published in the1930s. My reaction on listening to
their works was negative. At that time I could not recognise their uniqueness nor
listening to these cassettes for another purpose, which was to study the violin player
who accompanied the singers in most of these recordings. From that time on, Ṣāleḥ
al-Kuwaiti (d. 1986) became one of my favourite violin players, and to the present
day he still inspires me with his work. Ṣāleḥ’s impressive performance was the key
reason for my decision to focus on the violin, rather than the ‘ūd. As a result, I
slowly became familiar with the styles heard on these records, whether on cassettes
or directly from the records, and amused myself by listening to the old ṣaut
performers.
The first chance that I got to play ṣaut was in 1993 or 1994, as a violin player during
fundamentally an ‘adanī singer, but sometimes performs a ṣaut or two during ‘adanī
gatherings. al-Najdī learned ṣaut from his father Aḥmad al-Najdī, who is a member
of the Ma‘yūf band of traditional Kuwaiti music. A few months later I had the
45
opportunity to become a member of the ṣaut community. This opportunity arose
ṣaut group. The invitation came at the request of my friend's brother, Hānī al-
Mawāsh, who was a member of this ṣaut group. There were a number of mirwās
(percussion instrument) players in this group, maybe four or five of them, and two
so, Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, who is a figurehead within the ṣaut community, had joined
this group. Other singers such as ‘Alī al-Mas‘ūd, Ṣalāḥ Ḥamad Khalīfa, and Yūsuf
al-Jaddah were frequently invited to share their music with the group, which gave me
a great opportunity to learn and recognise the different styles that were available in
terms of ṣaut performance. I continued to play with this group, but I began also to be
invited by other ṣaut ensembles and played in different places with various
performers. In the late 1990s, the first group I worked with divided into two, and
From the beginning of these divisions, I decided not to be committed to any one
group of ṣaut and continued to play violin with many performers. I did this in order
to learn more about ṣaut from all involved, and to satisfy my interests in the genre.
The decision was easily accepted by others I think because the number of expert
violin players in the ṣaut community was limited and so the demand was high.
Furthermore, the relationship between the violin player and others in a group is
usually not close, unlike that between the singer and the mirwās players, or between
a mirwās player and his peers. I suspect this is because the role of the violin in the
ṣaut performance is not essential when it comes to performing a typical ṣaut song,
46
I was nevertheless the only violin player who performed on the recordings of
celebrated singer Ibrāhīm al-Khashram from 1996 until 2010, when I left Kuwait in
order to study in the UK. This example of a close relationship with a singer is an
exception in the ṣaut community. In 2008, I started to play ṣaut with performers
from different areas of the Gulf, such as Rāshed and Yūsuf Zuwayid from Bahrain,
and Ibrāhīm al-Haidūs and Manṣūr al-Muhannadī from Qatar. I also continued to
My interest in the performances of old singers and 78rpm records developed when I
found in them many elements that are no longer used in contemporary performances,
or that are used with terms that are not familiar now. Many of these elements and
terms will be discussed in this thesis. I have come to prefer the ṣaut of 78 recordings
that make ṣaut more exciting and vital to me. My interest has led me to study and
analyse these old recordings, and to compare them with contemporary ṣaut
performances.
In Kuwait, the collectors of records and recordings form a closed circle. They sell
and exchange records only with other collectors, and always avoid people who are
from outside this circle. The reason is probably that the number of records,
especially the Bahraini and Kuwaiti records, is very limited. However, I was
fortunate as I had the opportunity to enter this closed circle easily, as an observer,
47
listener then collector. In 1996, after reading an article in a Kuwaiti magazine about
the history of 78rpm records in Bahrain and Kuwait, I contacted the author
important record collector, and had the opportunity to see a 78rpm record from his
collection at the first time. From that day, Ḥassan started to teach me everything he
knew about records, such as the history of companies and performers, the labels of
each company, how to clean and save records, and the technique of recording the
Ḥassan became my most important source of recordings and through his collection I
heard many ṣaut songs and singers that I would never have had the opportunity to
hear, because their work is not available in shops or in the media. In his house, I met
several important ṣaut performers such as Rāshed al-Ḥemely, Fahad al-Sa‘ad and
Mubārak al-Misnād. I also met many record collectors such as Fahad al-Faras,
Dāwūd bu-Ṭaibān (d. 2012), and Fāḍil bu-Ḥassan. As a result of Ḥassan’s help, I
In 2008, however, I was informed that there were more than 700 records for sale.
This collection consisted mainly of disks from Kuwait, Bahrain, and Yemen. I
contacted the owner of this collection, and asked him for an appointment to view.
After three days of negotiation, the records were purchased and became the start of
gramophone machines, and record accessories from different places such as Bahrain,
Iraq, Syria and Egypt. In addition, I have used the internet to contact the collectors
and sellers of records. I have purchased from or exchanged records with collectors
48
from Iran, Yemen, Argentina and the USA. All these elements - records, expert
information with others by working in two fields - academia and the media. My
activities have focused on publishing ṣaut material and building a relationship with
others outside the community, through the media, for instance, and the internet.
Many performers correctly observe that I am still learning from the ṣaut community.
In addition, I have had the chance to lead and influence other performers inside the
community. In fact, in the last few years my instrumental role inside the community
has become obvious to many. I aim to expand the ṣaut repertoire, develop the form
of ṣaut, and influence the performing style. Partly as a result of my work, the ṣaut
community today is different from the community that I joined twenty years ago.
In the field of the internet I have contributed to many websites and I founded my
general and local music genres in particular, especially ṣaut. I have also published
articles and studies in different Kuwaiti newspapers and magazines. Most of these
articles were written about aspects such as the history, structure, and creation of ṣaut
radio programmes, and at universities and cultural institutions both inside and
SOAS in the UK. I have also presented several music programmes on Kuwaiti
49
television and radio. The most popular programme was specifically about the ṣaut
genre, and was one that I presented five times a week over ten continuous months in
Kuwait radio.
It is worth mentioning that between 2003 and 2010, I had the opportunity to make
contact with the field of ethnomusicology when I met Lisa Urkevich, an American
helped Urkevich meet many prominent ṣaut performers and translated their answers
regarding questions of history, the pattern of old ṣaut performance, and the relation
between the ṣaut genre and other music genres in Kuwait and the surrounding
region. The questions and methodology of Urkevich led me to observe, ponder and
discuss many aspects in ṣaut that I had never noticed, such as the terms that are used
only within the community of ṣaut. I began to record most of ṣaut gatherings that I
beginner ethnomusicologist.
Master’s degree from the University of Durham, and wrote a dissertation entitled
50
Transforming the community, reviving a tradition
It is probably in the early 1960s that the scope of the ṣaut repertoire became
significantly smaller and more limited. Huge numbers of melodies have been
neglected or forgotten since then, and performers tend to vary pieces through the
texts rather than the melodies, choosing new poems for the ṣaut in the shrunken
melodic repertoire. Khayālī and khitām2 forms in the samra have receded, and many
performers cannot distinguish them in rhythm, function, and melodies. Before this
decade, istimā‘ had already disappeared from ṣaut performances. The more recent
ṣaut samra mainly in fact, consists of two ṣaut types, shāmī and ‘arabī. At the end of
the 1990s, I began to search for these forgotten ṣaut pieces, forms, and other details,
through different types of practice, which will be elaborated on later in this Chapter.
The desire to perform ṣaut using old or uncommon melodies, details and terms, and
also my insistence in presenting forms that have been abandoned by the ṣaut
community, has led me to consider this effort as a revival process. It has not only
been an effort to prevent the ṣaut genre from disappearing, but rather to expand the
parallels, but also clarify the particularities that characterise the ṣaut revival.
historically connected with the Ottoman era. She discussed the motives and sources
that contributed to the revival, observing that the rempetika genre began to spread
2 - I will explain these terms in detail in Chapter II, but here it is worth noting that the khayālī is a ṣaut form based on twelve
beats, and khitām is usually the last song in the ṣaut gathering.
51
and become popular in the 1970s, mainly among youths who were weary of the
existing political regime, and who developed a leftist politics. The attempt to revive
the rempetika music genre appeared in different types of activities, such as the
collecting of rare recordings, the delivery of lectures and presentations of the music,
and the publication of a large number of books that covered many aspects of the
genre, such as collections of song lyrics and autobiographies. In addition, LPs of old
associated with the music only, without any desire for influence in terms of politics
the highly commercial musical activities that have developed since the Gulf’s oil
boom, such as the pop songs known locally as market songs (aghānī al-sūq).
However, I aim only to expand the ṣaut repertoire, and to contribute some detail to
the body of the ṣaut repertoire with melodies that seem to have been neglected for
several decades. Nevertheless, the strategies that have been used to revive styles of
ṣaut were basically the same as those used by the Greeks to promote rempetika
music. State and independent radio stations have been involved through programmes
and interviews, and the internet has been used as well. The sources that have been
used to understand or discover the forms of ṣaut played in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries were also quite similar to those used to revive rempetika music. The main
source was old 78rpm records, in addition to old private or radio recordings.
Kallimopoulou’s work sheds light on the challenges that faced Greek musicians
during the revival period. The first challenge for both musicians and rempetika
52
lovers was "…to become acquainted with the instruments, musical idioms and
repertoires" (Kallimopoulou, 2009, p.28). This involved learning about the use of
typical instruments which were known to be part of the Asia Minor traditions, such
as the violin and the santouri. Furthermore, it was hard to find surviving instruments
understand the melodies and details found in the old 78rpm records and recordings
of ṣaut, it was necessary to make a huge effort to begin to find the features of the
old/new ṣaut types. There was less problem with regard to instruments, because
contemporary ṣaut players mainly use the same instruments that were used in the
past. An exception is the ‘ūd hindī, used prior to the recording era and no longer in
existence (see Chapter IV). One barrier that related to the instruments was the
absence of mirwās players who had the ability to perform using the technique that
was used in the old recordings. At the start of my work, all performances involved a
performers to present ṣaut in the style heard on 78rpm records, and it was a new
experience for them. I did this by performing a number of forms of ṣaut that had
been neglected probably since the 1960s. These performers adopted old melodies
and parts of ṣaut that were unknown to others in the ṣaut community. Furthermore,
they started to use old terms to describe the elements of ṣaut. The repertoire of
very familiar (instruments, lyrics, melodies, dance and more). All the main elements
were already in circulation in Bahrain and Kuwait, since there has been no rupture in
53
the history of ṣaut as a genre since the start of the recording era. But, the revival has
involved completing or adding more detail and melodies, and performing forms that
The impact of my efforts was limited until Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, one of the masters
of ṣaut in Kuwait, decided in about 1999, to perform ṣaut from my perspective. The
violin player and avid listener of the older styles, was more than six hours of
recordings made between 1999 and 2006. They included all the rhythmic types of
ṣaut (ṣaut ‘arabī, ṣaut shāmī, and ṣaut khayālī), and pieces often included alongside
ṣaut at a samra (istimā‘ and khitām), many unfamiliar melodies such as Yā Ḍabiat
al-Bān, and other elements and details that were not known to other ṣaut performers,
The reaction of the audience, consisting mostly of those using the internet, radio, or
recording copies, was and remains varied. Most listeners who accepted this new/old
style of ṣaut were of younger generations, while the majority of the older performers
and listeners were not pleased when they heard ṣaut with these unfamiliar elements.
Some of the criticisms were aggressive and sharp. For example, they accused me of
aiming to destroy or spoil ṣaut by using melodies and lyrics that are not from the
“current” repertoire of ṣaut. Other critics suggested that I had faked these details and
ṣaut melodies, stating that they had performed ṣaut for a long time and had not
encountered this type of ṣaut For example, Salmān al-‘Ammārī, the prominent ṣaut
appreciated my effort in ṣaut, but that he was not sure about the source of the ṣaut
54
melodies I performed. Al-‘Ammārī continued saying, “I am wondering if alṢālḥī
composes these ṣaut pieces …. then he claims that he found this ṣaut in an old
78rpm record? I always think about this question” (al-‘Ammārī, 2013). In spite of
these criticisms, it seems that the new/old style of ṣaut as I have performed it, is still
slowly spreading among younger performers and listeners. More time is needed
It is important to mention the procedure used to distribute the six hours of recordings
usually made privately. Therefore, most of these recordings have never been
published in the public media. The private recordings are usually spread among
listeners by making copies of cassettes, or CDs and distributing them from by hand.
A few of these recordings can be found in some music shops but their sale is illegal,
as they are not commercially authorised by the artists or the government. However,
another recent element, the internet, has helped to publish these private recordings
widely and for free3. There are many websites that dedicate a special section for the
uploaded by some ṣaut enthusiasts. The recordings on the internet, which is the most
accessible and cheapest source of ṣaut recordings, are still incomplete. These
websites cannot keep up with the sheer volume of production of ṣaut music in
Kuwait.
55
Since 2010, I have tended to concentrate my investigations on new aspects that have
not been sufficiently considered in the studies of ṣaut. These include exploring how
ṣaut performers vary, improvise or modify a ṣaut piece to make it different from
other singers. In addition, I have tried to understand the technique of variation and
unfamiliar melodies, and older historical elements that have been neglected in the
recent practice of ṣaut. Moreover, in my own recordings, I have used these proposed
rules with regard to technique related to variation and improvisation. The result has
been more tolerance on the part of audiences in their reaction, and their estimation of
my work has been fairly positive. For instance, Shādī al-Khalīj, who is a leading
figure in Kuwait’s music scene today and has presented many ṣaut songs in his
concerts, was impressed when he listened to this type of ṣaut song. Shādī al-Khalīj
told me personally, as well as others, that he wishes I, meaning alṢālḥī, had been in
the musical circle thirty or forty years ago when he was younger to work with him to
perform these uncommon ṣaut melodies. In October 2011, a Kuwaiti author and the
previous head of the Kuwaiti Writers Association, Ḥamad al-Ḥamad, wrote an article
dedicated to the method that I use in ṣaut. The title of the article, Aḥmad alṢālḥī, An
Admiration and Sensation, is a reflection of the writer’s impression but also the
56
Research context
Despite the popularity of ṣaut among the people of the Gulf region, studies in the
The first academic researcher in the ṣaut field was Poul Rovsing Olsen (d. 1982),
who undertook fieldwork between 1958 and 1978 in the Gulf area in general, but
addressed several points about the ṣaut genre, rather generally, describing the
history, social conditions, types and parts of musical instruments, and the forms and
Yūsuf Dūkhī (d. 1990) was the first researcher coming from inside the region to
investigate ṣaut, and he discussed it in his academic thesis Kuwaiti Songs, published
in 1984. In it, he presented a hypothesis about the appearance of ṣaut, and explored
its relationship with old Arabic music that had been documented in books written in
the Abbasid period. In addition, Dūkhī tried to interpret many terms that were known
in the ṣaut field, and described the musical instruments, rhythms and forms of ṣaut.
The researcher Aḥmad ‘Alī (d. 2004) dedicated his research to proving that Kuwaiti
ṣaut is descended from the music of the Abbasid epoch. He attempted to find a link
between ṣaut rhythms and the rhythms that been written as symbols in the Abbasid
music books. He also included brief biographical studies of the Kuwaiti performers
of the late 19th century, along with notations of thirty ṣaut melodies with texts (‘Alī,
1980).
57
The research by Mubārak al-‘Ammārī (1991) is about the founder of the Bahraini
pattern of ṣaut, Muḥammad bin Fāris. The book is divided into three volumes and
offers two main aspects, namely a biographical study of Fāris, and a discussion of
the kinds of lyrics that were used in ṣaut. The book is the first publication to present
ṣaut from the perspective of a Bahraini. Furthermore, the book considers the social
life, history, musical instruments, myths, and offers brief biographies and pictures of
ṣaut performers in Bahrain and Kuwait. Al-‘Ammārī also published an article about
the role of ‘Abdullah al-Faraj in ṣaut (2002). The article discussed two prominent
themes, the life of ‘Abdullah al-Faraj, and his role in the appearance of ṣaut in the
Gulf.
The book by Ghannām al-Deikān (1998) aimed chiefly to present the notations and
lyrics of ṣaut melodies in both Bahrain and Kuwait. The book also studied the poetic
meters of ṣaut lyrics. Al-Deikān discussed the rhythms of ṣaut, the musical
instruments used, the technique of clapping, and proposed a brief definition of the
(1984). The study clarifies the songs’ poetic meter in ṣaut. In addition, other aspects
discussed in the research echo the works of Dūkhī, with further details or examples.
Other researchers such as Habib Hassan Touma (1996) and Bader Kamāl (2007)
have presented ṣaut in their research, but have incorporated limited materials and
studies. In fact, they repeat some of content found in Dūkhī’s thesis, and in Olsen
58
and al-‘Ammārī’s research. Similarly, the work of Laith Ulaby (2008) is essentially a
translation or adaptation of others works, such as the studies of Dūkhī and Olsen.
The thesis aims to discuss a fundamental element of ṣaut performance, which has
never to my knowledge been addressed in previous research in the ṣaut field. This is
the variation and improvisation techniques that are usually used during ṣaut singing.
and VI).
Although a deep and extensive analysis of the genre is desirable, the current state of
scholarship makes it necessary to first devote a lot of effort to defining terms, and
also to describing activities that are related to the ṣaut genre. Therefore, the
other concepts and elements such as forms and history in order to give the reader a
ṣaut researchers in both Bahrain and Kuwait, in addition to the results that I obtained
terms that are used in the ṣaut community to describe many musical elements
(instruments, rhythms and forms), there is a paucity of words associated with the
various parts of the ṣaut songs could that help to clarify the aspects of variation and
improvisation in ṣaut. Consequently, there has been a need for me to find words that
59
can be correlated with each part of the ṣaut melody, in order to understand the
genre’s improvisation or variation practice in precise terms. The challenge has been
to reveal the various variation and improvisation techniques, to divide and categorise
them, and to name each category. The reader may find that the meanings of certain
terms such as “melody” and “theme” are necessarily somewhat different from those
in western music and thought, and even in Arabic music more generally. I thus
define these terms carefully for the purpose of communicating about ṣaut below. The
challenge has been to build something that is comprehensible in ṣaut, using terms
that are in the English language. One of the main challenges in writing about ṣaut in
English is the use of Western terms to explain the content of this musical genre. A
Whilst some terms are known amongst musicians in Kuwait and in other Arab
countries, sometimes they carry a different meaning. For example, ‘quarter tone’ is a
Western term and is known also in Arabic music (arbā‘ al-naghamāt), but it does
not mean necessarily that the quarters are equal temperament in Arabic music.
Nonetheless, using these terms is an important tool to clarify concepts key to ṣaut for
the Western reader even if they are not used or not directly translated from local
practice.
Discussing the history or emergence of ṣaut is always problematic, in that there are
many hypotheses and most of them are speculative and conflicting. I aim here to
explore all these hypotheses, and present a new hypothesis which contains evidence
from documents and from the content of ṣaut songs. In consequence, the dissertation
will also include a short discussion about the relationship between ṣaut and Indian
and Yemeni musics, which is a crucial but neglected subject in the literature. The
60
discussion about the history of ṣaut also contains the development process that
happened through three historical stages: the 19th century, between the 1920s and
In conclusion, the most profound challenge that I face as an Arab musician, is to try
to develop concepts from the practice, and relate them to western theories and
academic understanding. This means that I have to shift my way of thinking in order
to explain the terms, words and concepts that I use to theorise from an Arabic
angle of discussion. The result is something different from the research techniques
Chapter I – Sources
Different types of audio materials are presented broadly in this Chapter. I describe
the labels, dates, performers, and terms known locally to describe the types of
recordings in both Bahrain and Kuwait. The importance of each format, the
advantages and challenges of them are argued through. All ensuing Chapters refer
back to this one, since audio sources can provide some answers to many of the
61
Chapter II – Ṣaut historiography
This chapter discusses the definition of the term “ṣaut” in terms of its meaning in the
Arabic language and Arab music, and the distinction in usage of this term in Bahrain
and Kuwait, and other regions. It also investigates the main hypotheses about the
In this Chapter, the discussion will revolve around the ṣaut as a practice, by
exploring the ṣaut types and the function of each of them within the genre. In
addition, it presents the rhythms system of ṣaut, and their development since the late
19th Century. This chapter also examines the principles and rules of ṣaut
This Chapter includes the instruments that have since disappeared, and also those
that are still used in ṣaut performance, whether they are considered as fundamental
instruments through history, local terms, techniques and styles, prominent players,
performance, a subject which lies at the core of the work of the musicians, and of
field and in ṣaut. Why variation and improvisation are important in ṣaut and why
62
they should be studied, is also explored. The biggest challenge identified in this
Chapter is to delineate how ṣaut performers develop the sense or the skill of
creativity through studying the techniques that use in ṣaut community, such as
learning by a tutor or inside the family, and by using the handwritten notebook. This
Chapter argues that the ability to use variation and improvisation is indistinguishable
from learning repertoire, and is a result of many practices and experiences that are
collected over several years. It is related to the absorbing of ṣaut singing styles,
understanding the differences between distinguished performers for the same ṣaut
song, comparing, contrasting, and practicing these differences, which all work to
This Chapter will examine the techniques or the methods of composing ṣaut songs,
initially by breaking ṣaut into parts and defining each part. These will be named to
allow them to be fully addressed. The main part of the Chapter is a comparative
creation in ṣaut by naming parts of the ṣaut, and analysing the examples through a
comparative study, leads the reader to recognise a number of techniques that are
consistently used by the ṣaut performer. These are the key to being able to vary,
improvise or change in their rendition, using different melodies, rhythms, forms and
shapes. This Chapter provides the detailed evidence for my main thesis regarding the
63
CHAPTER I
SOURCES
Introduction
This Chapter presents the recordings that are discussed in this thesis. It will provide
analysis, and thus map out the ways melodies were treated by different performers in
different places and under varying institutional frameworks. The recordings may also
reveal the process of development in performance and forms. The scope of the
research covers different periods, from the late 1920s until recent years, and contains
diverse formats: 78rpm, 45rpm, radio and television programmes, and private
recordings.
The oldest format available is the 78rpm record. Its period in the Gulf region began
in late 1927 when Baidaphon Company released around twenty six records of a
group of Kuwaiti performers. Records were prevalent in the local market until local
radio stations began to operate in the 1940s in different areas of the Gulf. Listeners
and music fans got the opportunity to listen to the other genres of Arabic music in
addition to their local music frequently for free, and it was of a better quality of
sound. As a result, the industry of 78rpm records in the Gulf region started to recede
gradually in the 1950s and the production of 78rpm records had disappeared
altogether from the markets by 1960s. A further element which contributed to the
hastening of the disappearance of 78rpm records from the market was the appearance
64
of vinyl disks or 45rpm records. A study indicates that 45rpm records had started to
become known in the Gulf region by the beginning of the 1960s (Bin Bashīr, 2009).
It must be acknowledged that finding the 78rpm records is a serious problem for any
researcher in the Gulf region. Perhaps for this reason, there have been just two
the first partially discussed the recordings of Bahraini ṣaut performer Muḥammad
bin Fāris (al-‘Ammārī, 1991), and the other focused on the history of the 45rpm
detail about different aspects such as dates, players, and the cost of recordings.
Sometimes only the copy of a recording is available, with the original record itself
official or otherwise that are interested in collecting, presenting and archiving such
records. Many Bahraini and Kuwaiti records are preserved in private collections. The
the public or to show the collections to any interested listener, and sometimes they
prefer to hide their unique records from other collectors. However, because I am a
record collector, and since the aim of my investigation and communication with
collectors is to study the ṣaut in Bahrain and Kuwait, many researchers and
collectors have shown me rare records, documents, and catalogues. For example,
Muḥammad al-Ḥamad, a Kuwaiti collector and ṣaut performer allowed me to see his
vast collection which according to him had never been seen by another collector.
65
While I was in Qatar, Khāled al-Thānī sent several big boxes containing a huge
At the same time, I tried to find additional sources to expand the scope of my
research. To this end, I contacted the organisations that deal with Arabic records,
such as the Centre of Arab and Mediterranean Music in Tunisia, which is primarily
concerned with records of Tunisia and the surrounding area. In Lebanon, I visited the
Foundation for Arab Music Archiving and Research (AMAR). They assisted by
offering a large number of record catalogues that had been published in Egypt and
Syria as well as a file of hundreds of records with many details such as dates of
issue. This helped me to estimate the dates of some Bahraini and Kuwaiti records,
because I could compare the matrix numbers with those I obtained from AMAR. In
the British Library, I was able to access the store of Arabic records, and I found a
large number of records from the Gulf, including a few records I had never seen
before. With regard to the musicians who participated in the recordings, I listened to
and greeted during the song, and the greeting in ṣaut known as ye‘yish. Additionally,
it is possible to identify the performer who is participating in the record from his
style of playing, whether it is on the violin or mirwās, but this needs a trained ear. I
have therefore been able to identify a few musicians using my own experience, and
by asking other experts to help me confirm their identity. This helps to provide more
details about the records and recordings in the Gulf that were not mentioned in other
studies. I have also used both published and unpublished studies of the ṣaut field,
66
The following section is dedicated to explaining the information available about
recordings in Bahrain and Kuwait, covering aspects such as terminology and the
There are specific limitations imposed by early recording conditions, which mean
that early and present day recordings should not be treated as equivalent sources of
information about performance practice. The limitations are two-fold. Firstly, the
duration of the early record is short or less than the present day ṣaut’s average
duration. Early records were usually around six minutes, three for each side. In
addition, the process of pausing a piece in order to change the recording from one
side to another meant the musicians’ resumption after a few minutes had affected the
musicians of non-Gulf origin, usually from Syria, Iraq, and Egypt. None of these
musicians were familiar with the style and nature of ṣaut, and thus mostly dealt with
it as a fixed tune not as a genre that includes many elements of creativity and
spontaneity.
limitations, since we do not have different types of recording from that era. I believe
it is not easy to conclude that the limitations have always had a negative influence. It
is also probable that the restricted time or accompaniment by musicians not trained
in ṣaut from the Gulf encouraged ṣaut performers to develop their own style in
singing or thinking, and to make the performance suitable to the limited time and
musical style of non-Gulf musicians. A positive aspect that should be taken into
account is the encounter of ṣaut performers with other Arab musicians and singers in
67
the late 1920s and 1930s, before the arrival of radio in the area, helping them to learn
early recorded sources are not equivalent to the present day recordings, but still carry
many advantages in performing and presenting the traditional or old style of ṣaut
Prior to 1927, the year of the first attempt by performers from the Gulf region to
record commercially, 78rpm records were already known in Bahrain and Kuwait and
imported from elsewhere. There are no studies about the date of the first arrival of
either cylinder or disc records, but one source points out that the types of 78rpm
records that arrived in Kuwait prior to 1927 were from Egypt, Iraq and Turkey in the
A number of terms were used in both Bahrain and Kuwait to describe disc or
cylinder records. A wax cylinder record was known as um-eglāṣ. The term derived
from the English word glass, and it essentially means is “the glassy shaped”.
Mubārak al-‘Ammārī from Bahrain suggests that the term al-banjerī, which means a
bracelet in the Bahraini and Kuwaiti dialect, also refers to the cylinder record (al-
‘Ammārī, 2013). It is worth mentioning that cylinder records were usually called
cubbāyā in Egypt, which is also derived from the English word cup (el-Baz, 2015).
On the other hand, the term isṭiwāna (pl. isṭiwānāt), which literally means cylinder,
was used extensively in Bahrain and Kuwait to refer to the type of record in the form
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of a disc rather than the cylinder record, because it was adopted by 78rpm record
Fig. 1.1. The term isṭiwānāt that appeared on the catalogue of an Egyptian gramophone company in
June 1912.
Ghawān (pl. ghawānāt) is a different term used less frequently to refer to disc
records in Kuwait (Su‘aidān, 1993, p.1189). Complicating matters further, the ṣaut
performer ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti once used the term ṣaḥan, meaning plate, to point
to the disc style of the record (el-Koueti, 1929). Later, the term isṭiwāna was usually
accompanied by the words ḥajar (stone) or gār (asphalt), which refer to the material
of the disc records which are in fact made from shellac resin (Clark, 1997). The
terms isṭiwāna ḥajar or gar were used to distinguish 78rpm records from 45rpm
records which were usually made from plastic. Record enthusiasts in the Gulf
generally use the term bishtakhtah to refer to either the phonograph or the turntable.
69
Non-commercial records
Historians have mentioned that there are a number of non-commercial records that
were recorded in Bahrain and Kuwait, and that some of these were recorded before
the 78rpm records of the local performers became available on the market. Towards
the end of the reign of Sheikh Mubārak al-Ṣabāḥ (d. 1915), the Emir of Kuwait, there
was a café owner from Zubair in Iraq named ‘Abdullah al-Zubairī who ran his
which contained a recording function, to his café, and his clientele had the
opportunity to pay to record and listen to their voices. People‘s reactions were
varied, with some showing fear and initial rejection of the cylinder recorder. For
example, a rumour started spreading among Kuwaiti society that the recorder was
possessed and operated by the devil; other serious rumours referred to the recorder as
a sign of the Day of Judgment (youm al-qiyāmah). Sheikh Sālem al-Ṣabāḥ (d. 1921),
the crown prince at that time, forbade the use of this machine, in reaction to these
related to the same person, namely that during the reign of Sheikh Mubārak al-
Ṣabāḥ, a café owner named ‘Abdullah al-Rumaiḍ from Zubair originally recorded a
few cylinders of the Kuwaiti singer Khāled al-Baker (d. 1925). It seems that Al
Rumaiḍ left Kuwait for Bahrain, and the fate of his recordings is unknown (al-
Shamlān, 1976, p.40). Furthermore, the Bahraini ṣaut performer, Muḥammad ‘Īsā
‘Allāyah (d. 2004) indicated that he had listened to al-Baker's cylinder records in a
In Bahrain, probably before 1925, there was a type of recorder called al-banjerī,
which was likely a local term for cylinder records. Al-banjerī is a recording device
70
capable of recording several times on the same cylinder or disc, which began to
disappear from Bahrain after 1925. In 1941, a lady from a wealthy Bahraini family
brought a gramophone from London that had two functions, a recorder and a disc
copier. The disc was small, light, and beige coloured. The Bahraini performer,
Muḥammad bin Fāris, completed three records using this machine. However, they
This section discusses the main 78rpm record companies which recorded performers
from Bahrain and Kuwait, examines their history with the local performers, and
considers other related information such as the features and details of record labels.
This research is not able to cover the history of records in the world, or the broader
Arab region or Arabian Peninsula. The discussion of the history of the records
outside the scope of Bahrain and Kuwait is limited and necessarily brief.
To make the discussion more coherent and compact, there will be a description of
each distinguished company separately, including any details and observations that
are available. The discussion about these companies and their role in music of
Bahrain and Kuwait, specifically ṣaut music, aims to fill part of the gap in our
knowledge about the companies’ and performers’ activities in the 78rpm period.
Since the sources for this research about the local history of the 78rpm record are
limited, this research contains many shortcomings but provides a starting point for
other scholars to expand on, review and amend. It is worth clarifying, first of all,
why 78rpm recordings form such a crucial source for this thesis.
71
There are many reasons why the 78rpm type of recording is the most important
source in this study. First, the 78rpm recordings is the oldest types of recording and
document that has survived relating to the music of Bahrain and Kuwait in general,
and for the ṣaut genre in particular. Many of these records still survive. Also, many
of these records include melodies and musical details that are unknown or rarely
utilised by ṣaut performers today. A number of ṣaut singers who contributed to the
field of variation and improvisation in ṣaut, in both Bahrain and Kuwait, recorded
only for 78rpm record companies. In Bahrain for example, the most distinguished
performer, and the founder of the Bahraini pattern in ṣaut, Muḥammad bin Fāris,
recorded three series of records for two companies. Because of his early death in
1947, Bin Fāris only recorded prior to the Second World War, and did not record for
radio stations. The same is true of his colleague, Ḍāḥī bin Walīd, who recorded about
21 records and passed away in 1941. Ṣāleḥ bin ‘Abdulrazzāq from Kuwait
abandoned ṣaut and music in general from the 1930s until his passing in 1975. The
recorded seven 78rpm records for two different companies, and he later seemingly
Between 1927, the release date of the first ṣaut record and 1939, the beginning of the
Second World War, the majority of recordings made by Bahraini and Kuwaiti
performers were in the ṣaut genre. Records pressed prior to the war contain all
genres that are understood to be part of the ṣaut repertoire today (ṣaut ‘arabī, ṣaut
shāmī, ṣaut khayālī, istimā‘, and khitām). Records of the post-war era are also based
72
on these ṣaut genres, but they do not form the majority. Also, the genre of istimā‘ is
In general, I have come to the view that recordings made prior to the Second World
War were subject to limited influence from other Arabic music forms from Yemen
or Iraq that were widespread in that period. This gives these recordings greater local
were mostly derived from local traditional practices. The style of the performance in
the 78rpm period was generative in terms of variation and improvisation and
richness of ṣaut melodies and patterns of creativity, allowing for a rich study. It
provides a very large proportion of the material for this research, as will be shown in
Chapter VI.
source. First, I noticed that all the collections that I had the opportunity to see in
Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and Iraq were incomplete. The lost records make up more
than 40% of the total number that were released by Bahraini and Kuwaiti performers.
The collection of records that are currently available provides groups of melodies,
patterns of practice and other elements of the ṣaut repertoire that are not found in the
only some of the traditions. This study will thus diversify the search in terms of the
type of sources used to obtain more details and explanations about ṣaut recordings
and melodies. It will also draw on 45rpm records, radio, and private recordings, to
try to compensate for the lack of information resulting from missing 78rpm records.
73
Second, most 78rpm records were recorded in studios located outside the Gulf
region, in Baghdād, Aleppo, Cairo, Aden, and Mumbai. For this reason, many non-
local musicians participated in making ṣaut recordings with Bahraini and Kuwaiti
musicians. Additionally, a number of records were made without using the mirwās,
the percussion instrument that is essential in the ṣaut repertoire, because mirwās
players were not available. A few records used the dumbuk, which is a type of
percussion that was known in Iraq, or the tambourine (Daff or Zinjārī) instead of the
ṣaut records has resulted in a certain number of changes in the performances. Some
accuracy of ṣaut rhythms is lost, for example the rhythm of a number of recordings
of ṣaut khayālī, which is usually twelve beats, fluctuated between the khayālī rhythm
(twelve beats) and the jurjīna rhythm (ten beats), which is well known in Iraq. An
example of this is the recording of Wa Kad Kanat (Kwiti, 1927). However, the
might be traced, this is minimal, and does not fundamentally alter the local vocal
style.
Until 1939, the year of the Second World War, there was no single record made in
the Gulf region itself. Rather, the performers’ destinations were five cities - Baghdād
in Iraq, Bombay (now Mumbai) in India, Aleppo in Syria, Aden in Yemen, and
Cairo in Egypt. The record companies that recorded Bahraini and Kuwaiti
performers were Baidaphon, His Master's Voice (HMV), Odeon, Neayem, Sodwa,
and Aden Crown. In this section, I will provide a brief history of each company, as
74
well as the names and recording dates of singers from Bahrain and Kuwait who
Around 1907, members of the Christian Baiḍā family from Lebanon (Jibrān [Baiḍā's
father], Farajallah, Butrus, Jibrān and Michel) opened a record shop on Martyrs
Square, in Beirut, and agreed to record and manufacture 78rpm records with a
German company, which was probably the Odeon Record Company. The first
records were made in Berlin by Farajallah Baiḍā, one of the company founders,
accompanied by the Lebanese ‘ūd player Qāsim al-Durzī. After a few months, the
company started to record in Egypt and subsequently, the company extended their
activities to many Arab countries including Syria, Palestine, Iraq, Tunisia, as well as
to Iran. Until c.1911, the record label used the name Baida Record instead of
Baidaphon. In addition, the label was distinguished by the picture of the singer.
From c. 1911, the record label changed to Baidaphon. The change also involved
adopting a picture of a gazelle as a trademark (Racy, 1976, pp. 40-42). See Fig. 1.2.
Fig. 1.2. Two Baidaphon record labels, produced before c. 1911, (left) with the title of Baida Record
and a picture of the performer and after c.1911, (right) with the title Baidaphon and a picture of a
gazelle.
75
In 1925, the Baidaphon Company, through their agents the Ḥakkāk Company,
opened a record shop in Khān Dallah in Baghdād. Also in this year, an advertisement
was placed in the Baghdād newspapers, announcing that Baidaphon Company had
made records by the most famous Iraqi singers, such as Muḥammad al-Qubbenchī
and Salmān al-Mūsollī. The company used ‘Azra Ahāron or Azzūrī al-‘Awwād (d.
1995), who was a famous Iraqi ‘ūd player, composer and singer in the 1920s, as the
In October 1927, the Baidaphon Company instructed their agent in Baṣra (in Iraq),
near to Baṣra. This mission was headed by the agent‘s brother, Sa‘īd I. Darsah. In
Kuwait, Darsah met many local performers, listened to their music to evaluate their
musical qualifications and negotiated deals with the chosen performers to record for
‘ūd player), Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti (performer and violin player), and Sa‘ūd al-Mukhāyṭa
(percussion player). Yūsuf al-Baker was another Kuwaiti performer who made an
agreement to record with the Baidaphon group, after he convinced them by giving
them a list of 95 songs he was able to sing (al-Baker, 1950s). However, the
music, such as Farḥān Bu-Shāyi‘, who admitted he was hesitant and unconvinced
(Bu-Shāyi‘, c. 1978). The Baidaphon group and the Kuwaiti musicians left Kuwait
by car and travelled to al-‘Ashār in Iraq where they waited for two days, then headed
Baidaphon delegate when the latter clarified that al-Baker would not himself play
76
‘ūd during his forthcoming recordings, and would instead be accompanied on the ‘ūd
(Ḥassan, 1996, p.55). However, after a few days in Baghdād, the other performers
began to record for the company without al-Baker. The first singer was ‘Abdullaṭīf
al-Kuwaiti, whose first recorded song was ‘Awāthel Thāt al-Khāl (ṣaut ‘arabī) (al-
Obaid, 1975).
In 1929, the Baidaphon Company wanted to find further new markets. Its agent in
Baṣra, Ḥassan I. Darsah, sent his brother Sa‘īd and his group away again, but this
time to Bahrain, at the behest of the company. This musical exploratory mission met
only two singers, Muḥammad bin Fāris and Muḥammad Zuwayid. Unfortunately, the
third prominent Bahraini performer, Ḍāḥī bin Walīd, was pearl hunting abroad (al-
‘Ammārī, 1991, p.119). The negotiation was successful in agreeing a deal with
The Baidaphon group failed to agree a deal with Bin Fāris, possibly because the
recording was to made be in Berlin4 and he apparently did not tolerate cold climates.
Another possible explanation is that Fāris might have believed the microphone or the
recording machine would ‘take his soul’ (Ḥabīb, 2003, p. 24). The group left for
Baghdad, where they were informed that the 78rpm recording machine still had to be
sent from Berlin to Baghdād. To record his songs, Zuwayid and the other performers
waited there for over four months. During the period, Zuwayid met Ṣāleḥ and
Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti, and on the eventual recordings they accompanied him on violin
4 - In 1928, Baidaphon Company sent a number of performers and musicians including Ḥabība Msīka (d. 1930) from Tunisia,
and Muḥammad al-Qubbenchī (d. 1989) and his ensemble from Iraq to record in the Baidaphon studio in Berlin (Davis, 2004,
p.96, p.103). It was assumed that the company was going to send another group of musicians in 1929 before they cancelled and
brought the recording machine to Baghdād.
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and ‘ūd whilst Zuwayid's companion from Bahrain, Bu-Sayyūl, who was supposed
to play violin, in fact participated by playing mirwās. The first recorded song was
From 1927 to 1930, Ṣāleḥ bin ‘Abdulrazzāq, ‘Abdullah Faḍālah and ‘Abdullaṭīf,
Dāwūd and Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti from Kuwait and Muḥammad Zuwayid from Bahrain,
recorded for the Baidaphon Company in Baghdād. Both Ṣāleḥ and Dāwūd al-
Kuwaiti visited Baghdād several times before they settled there, and recorded for the
1930). However, there is no evidence that the rest of the Bahraini and Kuwaiti
Bahraini researcher Ibrāhīm Rāshed al-Dauserī indicates that the Bahraini performer
Muḥammad ‘Īsā ‘Allāyah had the opportunity to record five songs for the Baidaphon
Company in Iraq for 1,000 Indian Rupees in the middle of the1940s. ‘Allāyah was
al-Kuwaiti attended the recording of these songs (al-Dauserī, 1992, p.39). However,
it is difficult to substantiate this account. All the records, documents, and interviews
that refer to these Bahraini and Kuwaiti recordings for the Baidaphon Company
indicate that they were made between 1927 and 1930. They do not provide such
evidence to indicate that the Baidaphon Company worked in Iraq in the 1940s.
Finally, these five records are not available as discs or copy recordings, as a means
of proving their existence. Therefore, it seems most likely that ‘Allāyah recorded for
78
The record labels of Bahraini and Kuwaiti records were usually of a golden colour
and the text was in black, with the picture of a gazelle, which is the label presents the
name of the Gulf Region as um ghazālah. The label consists of the name of the
performer and the song title in both Arabic and Roman transliteration. Sometimes
the type or classification of the song appears on the label in Arabic only. The
Records in Germany (Gronow, 1981, p.266). In June 1904, the Odeon Company
introduced double-sided discs, a distinctive innovation that was later adopted by all
other 78rpm companies (Kinnear, 2016, p. 229). The new German record company
began working early to extend their activities in the Middle East. Researchers
indicate that Odeon started to work in Egypt between 1905 and 1906 (Gronow, 1981,
p.266; Racy, 1976, p.33), but the evidence implies that the Odeon Company
probably started work in Egypt before 1905. The Egyptian singer, Muḥammad
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Sālem (d. 1929), recorded a number of one-sided discs for the Odeon Company in
Cairo which means that they had been recording before Odeon’s introduction of
Fig. 1.4. The label of a one-side record produced by Odeon for Muḥammad Sālem.
A deal negotiated between the Odeon Company and a famous singer in Egypt,
"Sheikh", stated that Odeon would pay 10,000 francs for the Egyptian singers, which
was the highest amount that had been paid to any artist at that time (Gronow, 1981,
p.267).
In 1928, the Kuwaiti performer ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti agreed with the Odeon
Company to record his songs. The recordings were made in Baghdād, and there the
company made two further records featuring another Kuwaiti singer, Sa‘ūd al-Yāqūt
(known as Sa‘ūd al-Baḥrānī in the Odeon catalogue and Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Kuwaiti on
player, after a recommendation of al-Yāqūt’s singing ability from the violin player
successful record sales in Baghdād, the Odeon Company arranged for him to record
for them again. So in 1929, he headed for the Cairo branch of the Odeon Company
80
with ‘ūd player Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti, who was given the opportunity to record his
songs for the first time. They travelled from Kuwait to Baghdād, then to Beirut, and
finally to Cairo, and the company paid each of them approximately 400 Indian
Rupees (al-Kuwaiti, 1963; al-Gharīb, 2003, pp.104-106). The records made in Cairo
show that the form of the band or number of musicians differed from one record to
another. Combinations varied from just the ‘ūd player to sometimes ‘ūd and
percussion, ‘ūd and violin, or ‘ūd, violin and percussion. Two musicians participated
in these recordings, and they were not from Kuwait or the Gulf region: they were the
Egyptian-Syrian violin player Sāmī al-Shawwā (d. 1965), and a tambourine (daff)
player, whose name was probably Sheikh ‘Alī, and was probably of Egyptian origin,
since the recordings were made there. The recordings contain a few mistakes in the
actual performance, not because the musicians were unprofessional, but rather
because they could not understand the form of the ṣaut genre. Al-Shawwā, for
example, ended ṣaut ‘arabī māla rīm al-falā (six beats) with taqsīm on four beats
music, and can be found in the recordings of al-Shawwā, for example, when he
played samā‘ī dārej ḥijāz (three beats) and ended it with a taqsīm on four beats (al-
Shawwā, 1924). However, it is not accepted and never used in the ṣaut genre, and
apart from this instance, meter shifting in the same piece is absent in ṣaut. In
addition, the tambourine player seemingly had a problem in absorbing the rhythmic
shape of ṣaut, he lost the rhythm several times in the recordings, for example in ṣaut
el-Bāriḥa Ḥārab (el-Koueti, 1929). However, this did not seems to have an effect on
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The labels of the Kuwaiti records are usually golden in colour, with black text, and a
picture of a minaret on the top. Both the Iraqi and Egyptian records are 7 inches in
size and made in Germany. The labels show the name of the performer, the title of
the song, and the type or classification of the song in Arabic, and only the name of
the performer in English. Only the recordings that have been made in Baghdād
feature a particular sentence in Arabic on the label, namely ‘Alā Takht Ṣāleḥ Wā
Dāwūd Awlād ‘Ezrā (with the ensemble of Ṣāleḥ and Dāwūd, sons of Ezra). See Fig.
1.5.
Fig. 1.5. Two labels of Odeon records made in 1928 (left) and 1929 (right) by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti.
In Bahrain, there was only one attempt to record for Odeon by Muḥammad Zuwayid,
who recorded a group of ṣaut songs in Odean’s Bombay branch in 1935 (al-
‘Ammārī, 1991, p.143). The violin player in these recordings was Faizullāh
Taghioff, an Iranian or Uzbek musician residing in Bombay at that time. The role of
the violin in the recordings was negligible and it can be heard with difficulty.
Therefore, Faizullāh did not affect the Zuwayid recordings either positively or
negatively.
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The label of the 1935 record made in Bombay by the Bahraini singer Muḥammad
Zuwayid is similar to the Kuwaiti labels that had been recorded in Egypt. The only
difference is the colour of the label, which is black with golden text. See. 1.6.
Fig. 1.6. The label of an Odeon record made in Bombay, 1935, by Muḥammad Zuwayid.
In 1887, Emile Berliner, an American of German origin, invented the flat disc (Racy,
1976, p.24). In 1898, a group of businessmen from England and the USA founded
the Gramophone Company in London after they obtained the rights to Berliner’s disc
recording patent. In early 1903, the Gramophone Company began to record in India,
and it was the first company to travel as far eastwards for this purpose. In the same
year, the Gramophone Company began to record in Egypt, becoming the first 78rpm
record company to work in Egypt and the Arab region. After 1908, the Gramophone
Company issued a Syrian catalogue and by 1910 had also made recordings in
Algeria and Tunisia. In 1924, the company decided to change the trademark of the
company from Gramophone to His Master’s Voice (HMV) (Gronow, 1981, pp.251-
257). HMV Company began their work in Iraq in March 1925; the agent was Vartan
Martin, and his store was in the New Street, Baghdād (Kinnear, 2016, p. 141).
83
In 1931, Maḥmūd Ismā‘īl al-Sa‘ātī (d. 1965) became the agent of HMV in Bahrain
(Kinnear, 2016, p. 141). Later in 1932, he decided to develop his activities in the
agreement with two Bahraini singers, Muḥammad bin Fāris and Ḍāḥī bin Walīd,
neither of whom had made recordings before. The agreement stated that the agent
would bear all traveling and living expenses, and provide four Rupees for Bin Fāris
and two Rupees for Bin Walīd as a daily allowance during the trip. Furthermore, the
agent paid Bin Fāris 100 Rupees for each record and Bin Walīd 50 Rupees. The
group included the agent, Maḥmūd al-Sa‘ātī, his son ‘Abdulḥusain, Bin Fāris, Bin
Walīd, and a Kuwaiti mirwās player, Ḥamad Bu-Ṭaibān (d. 1933) who was known
as Ḥamad Bu-Huwaidī. They left Bahrain in the winter of 1932, with an itinerary
that consisted of crossing between three seaports in four days - Bushehr in Iran,
Kuwait, and Khorramshahr in Iran again, then Baṣra in Iraq. In Baṣra, the Kuwaiti
mirwās player and singer Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Yāqūt (Sa‘ūd al-Kuwaiti on the label of
HMV records), came from Kuwait and joined the group to record his songs upon Bin
Fāris’ request. The next day, the group left Baṣra to travel to Baghdād by rail. The
recording was delayed for two months until the recording machine arrived in
Baghdād. Finally, Bin Fāris, Bin Walīd, and al-Yāqūt recorded their songs over a ten
day period, accompanied by Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti on the violin, who had settled in
Baghdād from c. 1930. In early 1933, two months after the recording, the disc
records arrived in Bahrain. The first batch contained two hundred copies of each
disc, and the following batches contained 25 or 50 copies of each one, the number
84
139; al-Yāqūt, 1964). Both Bin Fāris and al-Yāqūt had recorded five records each,
The record labels for the 1932 recordings are usually of a ruby or plum colour while
the text is golden, with the picture of a dog and phonograph at the top and an angel at
the bottom. The text included the performer’s name, the song title, and sometimes
the type of classification of the song in both Arabic and Roman transliteration. In
addition, the disc records were 7 inches in size and made in England. See Fig. 1.7.
Fig. 1.7. The label of an HMV record recorded in 1932 by Ḍāḥī bin Walīd.
In early 1937, three singers from Bahrain and Kuwait recorded for HMV in
Baghdād. The first was Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti, then Muḥammad bin Fāris, followed by
‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti. Al-‘Ammārī suspects that the records of Bin Fāris were
recorded in the last quarter of 1938 (al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p.147). Michael Kinnear, an
expert in Indian record companies, indicates that these recordings were made in early
1937 when Apcar Martin, the agent of HMV in Iraq, encouraged the company to
record for Bahrainis and Kuwaitis. However, the records of Maḥmūd were issued in
June 1939, and the records of Bin Fāris and ‘Abdullaṭīf in July 1939 (Kinnear, 2016,
85
p. 142). A label of a sample record for Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti in my collection shows
that the date of publishing was on 12th June 1939. See Fig. 1.8.
Fig. 1.8. The label of the HMV sample record for Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti.
expanding or changing form of the ṣaut band. All the recordings consist of a qānūn,
which although used before this occasion in the Kuwaiti recordings in 1928, was not
audible. In these recordings, the qānūn is clear and interactive. The nāy (wooden
flute) is an instrument that was used for the first time here. In the ‘Abdullaṭīf
recordings, the band included a cello, which cannot be found in any other Kuwaiti or
some places in the recordings, ‘Abdullaṭīf loses the meter, seemingly because he is
not familiar with the dumbuk. It seems that the singers used new instruments in their
band after the encouragement of their friend Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti, who accompanied
them with his violin, and who was the leader of the radio band in Baghdād from
1936.
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The labels of the 1937 records are of various colours - plum, light blue, light red or
fuchsia. The text is always golden, with the picture of the dog. These records are
usually known in the Gulf Region as um chalb. The label text consists of the
performer’s name, the song title, and sometimes the song classification in Arabic,
and only the name of the performer in English. It is worth mentioning that each
record or probably edition of records, has a different name or spelling for the same
singer. For instance, Mahmood Obdel Razak Koweiti, Mahmood Abdul Rezak,
Mohammed Abdul Razak, and Mohd. Abdul Razak Koweity, are all various
spellings used for Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti, as can be seen on the labels of his HMV
record in 1937. The discs were 7 inches in diameter and were made in India or
Fig. 1.9. The labels of HMV records made in early 1937 by Muḥammad bin Fāris (left) and Maḥmūd
al-Kuwaiti (right).
on Arab records. Apart from the labels, which have been, until now, the only definite
records in the Neayem Company. Mansour indicates that the company began their
87
work in 1937 in Baghdād (Mansour, n.d.). There are many colours for their labels -
dark blue, medium blue, green, white and plum. The text is golden, except for on the
white label, where the text is black. The company’s trademark is a half rising sun.
Two phrases on the label show that the records were made locally in Iraq, namely
"Neayem Record Factory, Baghdād" and "Made in Iraq". Most Iraqi songs on
Neayem records that I have had the opportunity to listen to feature, in addition to the
singer, the same three musicians: Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti on ‘ūd, Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti on
violin, and Ḥussain ‘Abdullah on dumbuk, and on rare occasions, Yūsuf Za‘rūr, the
qānūn player. The most famous singers that recorded for this company are Salīma
Murād (d. 1974), Ḥudairī Bu-‘Azīz and Zakiya George from Iraq, and Riza Quli
Mirza Zelli and Ezzat Rouhbakhsh from Iran. In about 1937 ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti
recorded eleven songs for this company. Later, in about 1939, Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti
Ibrāhīm and Ṣāleḥ Taqī, who were agents of the Neayem Company in Bahrain, sent
Muḥammad Zuwayid to record for this company twice. In these sessions, Zuwayid
was accompanied by violin player Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti, and recorded a number of ṣaut
pieces, such as Qāl al-Mu‘annā Dam‘, and Fī Methla Ḥubbakum (Taqī, 1938, pp.
17-23). Excluding the recordings of ‘Abdullaṭīf and one record of Maḥmūd, all the
Bahraini and Kuwaiti records are now unavailable, probably because the quality of
the material of the records were made with was poor and the discs fragile. The label
of Neayem record contains the performer, song, and song type in Arabic only. See
Fig. 1.10.
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Fig. 1.10. The label of the Neayem record made by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti.
this company was broad and effective during the 1930s, the lack of documentation
has again been an obstacle to constructing Sodwa’s history. Therefore, the label of
These labels are usually golden, yellow, purple, green or white. The text is golden on
the purple or green labels, and black on the golden, white or yellow labels. The
trademark of the Sodwa Company is a picture of a sun with wings that is derived
from the winged sun symbol found on Assyrian and Sumerian monuments. The
French phrase "Fabrique en Syrie" appears on the Sodwa label, showing that the
records were made locally in Syria. The company recorded many performers from
different areas such as Syria, Iraq and Iran. In addition, Ibrāhīm and Ṣāleḥ Taqī, the
agents of Sodwa Company in Bahrain, sent Ḍāḥī bin Walīd in 1935, and Muḥammad
bin Fāris in 1936 to record in Aleppo. Later in 1939, the Kuwaiti performer
‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti also travelled there to and recorded a number of his songs.
89
The Sodwa records are considered by 78rpm record collectors in Bahrain and Kuwait
to be the rarest. Nevertheless, the recordings made by Fāris and Walīd are available
because ‘Alī al-Saq‘ubī, a Kuwaiti music producer, made a deal with the heirs of the
Sodwa Company, bought the records from them in January 1967 and reissued them
(al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p.144). The records’ labels include the genre, the song title, and
the name of the performer in Arabic and only the name of the singer in French. See
Fig. 1.11.
Fig. 1.11. The label of the Sodwa record made by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti.
This is a Yemeni record company that was founded in Aden by ‘Alī bin ‘Abdullah
al-Ṣāffī and his brothers. The record shop was in Za‘farān Street in Aden, and it
supplied radios and record accessories beside the records produced by Aden Crown
Record (Abdulmajid, 2008). The activities of the company were concentrated in the
Yemeni market and most of the singers were from different regions of Yemen who
performed different genres of Yemeni music. The labels are usually black or blue,
and the text is golden. The trademark of the company is a crown. The label of the
Aden Crown Company shows that the records were made in England, but the name
of the English factory used is not clear. However, a sample record produced by Aden
90
Crown shows that the records were manufactured by the Decca Record Co., Ltd. in
Fig. 1.12. The label of an Aden Crown sample record by the Yemeni performer Aḥmad ‘Awaḍ al-
Jarrāsh. The label shows the name of the factory in which the disc was manufactured.
In addition, the label features the words "Ṣāffī–Aden", which is the name of the
company’s owner and the location of company. Muḥammad bin Samḥān from
Kuwait was the only performer from the Gulf region to have recorded for Aden
Crown Record. He was accompanied by a Kuwaiti mirwās player and the Yemeni
singer and violin player ‘Omar Maḥfuḏ Ghābba. Today, there are three records of
Bin Samḥān available in private collections. The records’ labels contain the
performer’s name, the song title, and the classification in Arabic, and only the song
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Fig. 1.13. The label of the Aden Crown record that was recorded by Muḥammad bin Samḥān.
In the period prior to the Second World War, the ṣaut genre dominated records
tawshīḥa, can only be found in these records. Most of the performers who recorded
in that period owned or formed their musical style or character in performing ṣaut.
Therefore it is easy to find different versions of the same ṣaut piece, and the space
field of variation and improvisation reached its peak before it declined later after the
war. However, this era also saw the receding of the Istimā‘ type until it later fully
disappeared. In addition, a number of the records and recordings from this period are
The recording industry in Baghdād, which was the favourite recording destination
for Bahraini and Kuwaiti performers, was mostly inactive during and shortly after
the Second World War. The international companies most likely left Baghdād at the
beginning of the war, and sources do not mention any songs recorded in Baghdād or
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made by Iraqi performers such as Nāssir Ḥakīm, Salīma Murād and Ḥuḍairī Bu-
‘Azīz for the Columbia Company in c. 1945 (al-‘Āmerī, 1989, p.244, p.306). The
source has not clarified where these records been recorded, inside or outside Iraq.
Another source indicates that the recordings of Columbia records began in Baghdād
As a consequence, in the 1940s all Bahraini and Kuwaiti performers went to Bombay
to make 78rpm records. There is no study that clarifies the reason why performers
only chose Bombay, but there are many logical reasons that might have led them
there, rather than to Arab cities such as Cairo or Beirut. Bombay, in fact, was a
familiar location for people from the Gulf, in that there was a Gulf community which
worked, resided and studied in Bombay. ‘Abdullah al-Faraj, for instance, the most
important ṣaut performer of the 19th century, gained his Arabic and Indian musical
knowledge during his time in Bombay (‘Alī, 1980, p.5). Arab musicians from
different Arabic regions performed their music in the Arabic nightclubs of Bombay
were less than that of recordings in Arab cities. Certainly, the Iraqi producer Adīb
Bombay than in Syria, or similar location. Bombay has more correlations to Kuwait,
The names and labels of Indian recording companies are many and various, but the
crucial thing is most of these different labels appear in the form of a phrase that says
that the records have been recorded and manufactured by a national gramophone
record company in Bombay. Besides the British company HMV, the other label
93
names were Young India, Oneon, Basraphone, The Bombay Record Co. (kalyan),
Emperor Record, Queen Record, Laila Phone, Sadiq Phone Company, and the
Fig. 1.14. Examples of four record label companies that recorded for performers from the Gulf in
Bombay during the 1940s.
The records from after the Second World War show that the situation, culture, and
mode of the listeners in the Gulf were changed. Prior to the war, the songs recorded
by Kuwaitis and Bahrainis were always derived from the local musical tradition
known in that time, and it is hard to find songs that had been brought from outside
the Gulf region boundary. The records that were made after the war, on the other
hand, show that the Bahraini and Kuwaiti performers were highly influenced by
94
Arabic music traditions derived from outside the Gulf region, such as those present
in Iraq, Egypt, Syria and the Yemen. For example, the recordings of Salabatnī Ah Ya
‘ainī (Ezwaiyyed, n.d.), of which the genre of music is Yemeni, and Yā Bulbul
In late 1948, a new phase began when ‘Abdulḥussain and ‘Abdulraḥmān, the sons of
Maḥmūd al-Sā‘ātī (d. 1965) who was the agent of many international record
Bahrain from England, the first of its kind in the Gulf area. The first singer who got
the opportunity to record for this new local company was Yūsuf Phonī (d. 1998), and
the name of the song was Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl (Ḥabīb, 2003, p.41; Bin Bashīr, 2009, p.
machines and to establish their own studios, such as al-Nasr Records by Jassim al-
‘Obaidan Fakhrū, and Bahrainphone (Taki-Store) by Ṣāleh and Ibrāhīm Taqī, who
were the agents of the Sodwa and Neayem record companies during the 1930s and
1940s in Bahrain. In addition, most studios were owned and managed by Bahrainis.
However, a few non-Bahrainis possessed their own studios, such as the Omani
singer Sālem Rāshed al-Ṣūrī, who settled in Bahrain and founded his company,
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Fig. 1.15. Examples of record label companies that established in Bahrain.
Later in early 1950s, the first Kuwaiti record company and studio to be established
was Tahaphon, which was founded by Ṭāha Ṣabrī al-‘Alī (d. 2006) whose recording
activity was in both Bahrain and Kuwait. Other companies were also established in
and Bou-Zaid Phone founded by ‘Alī al- Ṣaq‘ubī (d. 1984). See Fig. 1.16.
However, the role of these local companies was just to offer a studio and record the
Germany, Pakistan, and India. It is worth mentioning that the establishment of local
96
companies in Bahrain and Kuwait was characterised by the recording of many
singers and musicians who had never had the chance before. Many performers were
from different areas of the Gulf, such as Oman, Qatar and the UAE, whilst before
that, the performers were only from Bahrain and Kuwait. Many singers from Saudi
Arabia began to record during this stage as well, but mostly under pseudonyms. This
was because playing and recording music at that time was forbidden: it was against
Saudi law until late 1963 (Bin Bashīr, 2009, p. 35). The majority of singers were
from the Ḥejāz region, for instance Maḥmūd Ḥalawānī who used al-Muṭreb al-
Maḥbūb as a recording name, and a few were from the Iḥsa’ region, such as
Sa‘īd and Shamma Dawūd, also got a chance to record their voices for the first time.
The local female voices in the Gulf were totally absent until the local record
companies been established. During this time of local recordings, three types of
music sources were used by performers. Firstly, there were local traditional songs;
secondly, the traditional and contemporary music genres from outside the region,
especially from Yemen, Iraq and, to a slightly lesser extent, Egypt; finally, there was
such as ‘Abdullah Faḍālah, Yūsuf Phonī and Sālem Rāshed al-Ṣūrī, were influenced
by both local traditional and new music that came from outside the region,
significantly from Yemen. However, the genre of ṣaut in the local record companies’
period was limited. Therefore, it is rare to find something new or different in ṣaut in
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The 45rpm records in the Gulf
The locally produced 45rpm records, which were called nylon or plastic records
locally, began to sell in the markets in the early 1960s. In the beginning the demand
was very low, probably because of the popularity of local radio stations and 78rpm
records. Later, the demand for 45rpm records increased gradually in Saudi Arabia
after the lifting of the music ban late in 1963. The popularity of 45rpm records in
Bahrain and Kuwait also increased, but to a lesser extent than in Saudi Arabia. Most
of the ṣaut music that was published as 45rpm records was converted from 78rpm
records. In addition, the ṣaut songs that were not converted from 78rpm were few
and limited. Several 45rpm record companies were established, such as al-Jawhara
Bashīr, 2009).
45rpm records demonstrate the same musical features that could be found in the
other recording types which were available in the same period, such as private
recordings and the recordings that were broadcast by the radio stations. In addition,
many ṣaut pieces that were recorded on 45rpm records were repetitions and
imitations of what had been performed and captured on the 78rpm records, allowing
us to trace change or development in the tradition. A number of the ṣaut pieces that
were converted from 78rpm to 45rpm are useful for researchers, because the original
Additionally, these converted records sometimes include the information that was
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Private and radio stations recordings
It is not easy to separate these two recording types from one another. Private and
radio recordings are similar in the style of performing and in the quality of recording,
and the oldest examples date back to the same decade, the 1950s. However, the local
radio stations began to broadcast their service before the 1950s. On 4th November
1940 the British, who were occupying Bahrain at the time, established the first
broadcasting station in Bahrain and surrounding areas. The main purpose for creating
this station was to act as the voice of the British establishment in the Arabic
language in competition with the German Arabic station that broadcast from Berlin.
The Bahraini station provided ṣaut sessions every week, with performers from
Bahrain or Kuwait, such as Muḥammad bin Fāris and Muḥammad Zuwayid from
Bahrain, and ‘Abdullah Faḍālah and Sa‘ūd al-Rāshed (d. 1988) from Kuwait.
Ibrāhīm Ḥabīb (2003, p. 117) indicates that the British radio stations paid a monthly
salary to singers - fifty Indian Rupees for Fāris, forty Rupees for Zuwayid, and
twenty five Rupees for ‘Allāyah. Al-‘Ammārī however (1991, p. 184), refers to a
different payment system, which was calculated per session. Bin Fāris, for instance,
was paid twenty five Rupees per session and the mirwās player who accompanied
Bin Fāris, was paid fifteen Rupees. In 1945, the British decided to close the station
as it seemed no longer required after the end of the war (Sarḥān, 2012).
Murād Bahbahānī (d. 2005), a Kuwaiti businessman who was considered an early
adopter of technological innovations, founded the Shirīn station - the first radio
station in Kuwait - between 1948 and 1951. Shirīn presented different types of songs
from Kuwait, Bahrain, Iraq and Egypt. It also presented live music sessions featuring
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Dūkhī (d. 1979) (Nāṣer, 2010). The broadcasts of the British and Shirīn stations were
live and they did not record the songs or programmes that they broadcasted.
The official Kuwaiti broadcasting station was founded on 12th May 1951 by the
Kuwaiti government. The broadcasting was live and daily from 7 p.m to 9 p.m. In
1958, the Kuwait station began to record broadcasts. The first song to be recorded
The official Bahraini broadcasts began on 12th July 1955. The station began by
broadcasting daily, with the exception of Fridays, between 8 am and 10 p.m. and it
the broadcasting was live only (Sarḥān, 2012). There is no indication of the date
The evidence shows that private recording in Kuwait preceded the recording of the
Kuwait station. The Kuwaiti historian, Aḥmad al-Beshr al-Rūmī (d. 1982), indicates
that in early 1953, he received a reel to reel recorder as a present from Sheikh Jāber
al-‘Alī al-Ṣabāḥ (d. 1994), who in the 1960s and 1970s subsequently became an
information minister in the Kuwaiti government. This recorder was one of the first
songs of Yūsuf al-Baker, to create what is probably the oldest private recording or
the oldest surviving private recording in Kuwait, and maybe in the Gulf (Alī, 1980,
Because al-Baker learnt music and became a ṣaut performer in late 19th century, this
recording is considered as the only source that is available and elaborates the
features of ṣaut in 19th century. These features of ṣaut in the 19th century are
100
different from what was recorded on records during the 1920s and the 1930s, and
from what is practised now among ṣaut performers, in both Bahrain and Kuwait.
Firstly, al-Baker’s recording contains a number of ṣaut melodies which had never
been recorded prior to his attempt at recording. The recording of al-Baker contains
many well-known or common melodies in the ṣaut community, and had already been
ṣaut songs with musical details and elements that cannot be found in the other
sources. The uniqueness of al-Baker's recording appears also in other aspects of ṣaut,
On the other hand, we should consider a number of elements that might affect the
accuracy of these recordings as historical traces of the 19th century. Al-Baker was
about seventy five years old when he agreed to record. This recording was made in
the mid 1950s, over fifty years after the turn of the century, and long after the death
of his teacher, ‘Abdullah al-Faraj (d. 1901). It was also about thirty years after the
death of his elder brother, and that of his teacher, Khāled al-Baker (d. 1925).
emergence of 78rpm records and radio stations. Therefore, all these aspects could
have impacted on his memory and on his singing ability and also on his adherence to
old styles, especially following the spread of ṣaut recordings by younger performers
developed technique of singing, and different ṣaut principles, which might have
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Nevertheless, these objections do not diminish the uniqueness of al-Baker’s legacy,
even setting aside the fact that all sources refer to him as the single representative of
19th centiry ṣaut. He offers us a style of singing, melodic formation and other details
that according to surviving 78 rpms was not used after the late 1920s. Therefore, al-
Baker’s recordings will be used here as the oldest version of the melodies in the ṣaut
repertoire.
The materials left to us from this post-war period, both private and from radio
discover melodies, musical details and creative practices of the singers which were
not recorded in the 78rpm era, or no longer available. In addition, the recordings of
this stage include songs by old performers who cannot be heard on the 78 or 45rpm
records. For instance, the most celebrated performer, the Kuwaiti Yūsuf al-Baker,
refused to record for the record companies, but made private recordings in the last
stages of his life in the middle of 1950s, under pressure from friends and fans.
Although these may be classified as a part of the later resource stage, they probably
reveal an older tradition of ṣaut. Another was Sheikh ‘Abdullah al-Jāber al-Ṣabāḥ, a
ṣaut patron, mirwās player, and expert performer. His position as a part of the
Kuwaiti royal family and as a minister prevented him from making commercial or
public recordings. Hence his unpublished interview in Kuwait T.V. in 1967 is the
only source that allows us to study his unique pattern in ṣaut, along with his
this period which is helpful for finding more different versions of the same ṣaut
examples chosen for study and exploring variation and improvisation in ṣaut for this
dissertation.
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Aside from the interviews that took place in an official context, whether in television
or radio, there are also many interviews and discussions with musicians, experts, and
patrons which were recorded during private sessions and gatherings (samra). Most
of these private interviews and conversations include details that cannot be found in
The problems can be summarised in two main points. Firstly, many of these
recordings were made at an unknown date, place and may have involve unknown
trace any small or limited changes or developments in the tradition, are nonetheless
Conclusion
recording formats: 78, 45rpm records, radio and private recordings, in Bahrain and
Kuwait. The discussion clarifies that the most important resource type is the 78rpm
record, because these records contain numerous traditions and practices that were
abandoned and later disappeared, and many different aspects in terms of variation
and improvisation, (the core concepts explored in this thesis). The recordings assist
us in finding answers for many questions about the process of development in ṣaut,
how variation and improvisation within ṣaut happens, and many other fundamental
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The Chapter, however, suffers from the unavailability of sufficient details relating to
many of the record companies, the performers who participated in the recording
sessions, and also the loss of many records and recordings. Therefore the aim here
has not only been to supply sources for the other Chapters in this thesis, but to create
a starting point for other scholars and encourage them thereby to discover more
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CHAPTER II
ṢAUT HISTORIOGRAPHY
The concept of ṣaut: literal, metaphorical and musical meanings up to the mid-
19th century
Literal usages
The literal connotation of the word ṣaut has a long history within Arabic literature
Arabic colloquial (lahja ‘āmiyah) languages. Up to the present day, the word ṣaut in
a literal sense refers to all types of sound that can be heard by ear, such as human
voices, the sounds of animals and indeed music. Therefore, the term ṣaut has been
Metaphorical significance
Besides the literal meaning of ṣaut and its derivatives, there are a number of
metaphorical associations to the word ṣaut in the Arabic language. By virtue of the
representation of sound and voice in the radio, several Arabic media outlets such as
radio broadcast stations adopt a name containing the word ṣaut in the general sense
of “voice”, e.g. the Egyptian broadcasting station ṣaut al-qāhira (The Voice of
Cairo), and ṣaut al-‘arab (The Voice of the Arabs). In addition, the word ṣaut can
refer to an individual’s positive reputation but also, a noise a call or a shout (Ibn
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Ancient Arab music
Many music books written during the Abbasid caliphate (750-1258) present ṣaut as a
musical term. In his major work Kitāb al-Aghānī, The Book of Songs, Abu al-Faraj
al-Isphahani (d. 967), refers to each song in his encyclopaedic collection of Arabic
music as a ṣaut. In fact, although it is not clear when Arabs decided to adopt ṣaut and
use it as a musical term, al-Isphahani indicates that many ṣaut songs are composed
by musicians who lived during the Umayyad caliphate (661-750). Ṭuwais al-Madanī
is one example (al-Isphahani, 2004, vol. 3, p. 32). Another explanation of the term
ṣaut from this period comes from the 13th century lexicographer Ibn Manzur who
stated simply, "every type of singing is ṣaut" (1997, vol. 2, p. 58). This interpretation
appears intentionally unspecific, as it does not commit, nor even relate the concept of
ṣaut to any genre of song, composition or rhythm in Arabic music at that time.
Moreover, al-Isphahani’s Kitāb al-Aghānī, which was written in the 10th century,
shows that there was indeed a diversity in the origin of older ṣaut songs. Songs were
from varying regions of the broader Arab world, and some may have been from
tradition (ruhbānī) (al-Isphahani, 2004, vol. 5, p. 180; vol. 23, p. 82). Therefore, it
seems safe to assume that ṣaut in old Arab music was equal to the term “song” in
contemporary terminology.
Once Baghdād fell after the siege in 1258, the term ṣaut began to gradually disappear
from usage within important Arab centres, including Baghdād, Damascus and Cairo.
Whilst sources do not mention a particular period during which the term ṣaut
disappeared completely from the music of these centres, it is obvious that by the 19th
106
century, musical sources such as Safīnat al-Mulk Wa Nafīsat al-Fulk by Muḥammad
Ibn Ismā‘īl ‘Omar Shihāb al-Dīn (d. 1857) and al-Risālah al-Shihābiyah Fi al-Sinā‘a
al-Mūsīqiyah by Mikhail Mashāqah (d. 1888), did not refer to ṣaut to denote song.
However, the inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula and those lands surrounding it
continued to use ṣaut broadly as a musical term until probably 1930s or 1940s. This
was the case in Saudi Arabia, specifically in the Ḥejāz region (al-‘Ammārī, 2001,
p.126) but also in Yemen (al-Kāff, 2000, p.178) and in Oman (Shawqī, 1989, p.307).
Recent studies of the music of these regions do not indicate the current presence of
the term ṣaut, with the exception of Oman, where musicians use it to a limited
extent. Currently, the term ṣaut is used on a small scale in Yemen, mostly among the
Fig. 2.1. The “ṣaut” term in Arabic that appeared on the catalogue of Adan Crown Record Company.
In spite of the lack of discussion in recent studies of ṣaut with regard to the music of
these regions, the term was in use and indeed printed on the labels of many Yemeni
78rpm records that were published in the late 1930s. These supply enough detail for
107
researchers to infer what the features of the term ṣaut were, as understood in the
Yemeni music of the period. The details that I have obtained from the Yemeni
records imply that the term ṣaut meant any Yemeni song which carried Yemeni
It is worth noting that many Yemeni performers in the 1930s and 1940s were fond
of, and impressed by the ṣaut genre which came from Kuwait. A number of them,
such as Aḥmad ‘Obaid Qa‘ṭabī and Faḍel bin ‘Alī, recorded ṣaut that came from
Kuwait on 78rpm records or in private recordings. The evidence shows that Yemeni
performers referred to these using the term “Kuwaiti” in Arabic and sometimes in
English. But they never referred to these Kuwaiti songs using the term ṣaut, which
they had reserved for Yemeni repertoire of all kinds, see Fig. 2.2.
Fig. 2.2. The ‘Quwaiti’ term or Kuwaiti in Arabic that appeared on a Yemeni 78rpm record.
Unlike the broad definition given to the term ṣaut in Abbasid or even Yemeni music,
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Ghannām al-Deikān (1998) and Kuwaiti Songs by Yūsuf Dūkhī (1984), it is a
with three rhythms: ṣaut ‘arabī (six beats), ṣaut shāmī (four beats), and ṣaut khayālī
(twelve beats). In addition, there are two more singing forms, istimā’ and khitām,
neither of which, although forming part of the ṣaut repertoire, are associated
However, this standard description neglects the manner in which elements in ṣaut are
relatively unstable and open to change, rendering the practice of ṣaut a more
complex and ambiguous affair. It is not adequate to define the genre through its
rhythms and instruments, and in fact doing so describes just one particular practice
not of a ṣaut type, perform it with the relevant rhythms and instruments, and call it
ṣaut. These elements cannot constitute the makings of a ṣaut, even if they is appear
ṣaut with the inherited repertoire that is known in Bahrain and Kuwait, because most
of the ṣaut pieces, in both shape and content, are changeable and unstable. It is an
One further use of the term ṣaut refers to songs that appeared in Kuwait in the late
1950s. These songs, which are commonly referred to as ṣaut mulaḥḥan (composed)
by men and women, whether as a solo performance or a choral ensemble. The music
influenced by Egyptian music of the time. However, these new compositions were
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still based on the rhythms of ṣaut shāmī and ‘arabī from the traditional ṣaut
repertoire in Kuwait.
Thus, the question remains as to how one can adequately define the genre of ṣaut. I
start by clarifying how the performers practice and think within the ṣaut repertoire.
possible without this dimension. To refine our understanding of ṣaut, two principal
notions are central, namely, fluidity in constituent elements and ṣaut community
knowledge. I argue that research strategies must revisit and add to the components
discussed in earlier studies, but also find a new definition based on the style of
the community to be accurate. The community appreciates (and thereby defines) ṣaut
through three main aspects. The first is the unique way of pronouncing words and
lyrics which is mostly not in accordance with Arabic grammar. The second is the
harsh, and it is sometimes delivered in a husky and nasal voice. The final aspect is
the practice of variation and improvisation, which will be discussed later on in this
dissertation. All these aesthetic elements are involved in performing a typical ṣaut,
Equally important to note is that the principles must be acquired through practice and
observation, rather than through direct training or studying. The singer who
combines all this is usually described as having jā‘dah, meaning that he has acquired
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the skills of a master singer. Therefore, the form and structure of ṣaut in Bahrain and
Kuwait is immensely variable, and the elements that control such variability are the
voice, pronunciation, and development. The singer is always a man, never a woman.
In conclusion, the term ṣaut in Arabic has had many linguistic and musical
connotations, but those in the music field can be limited to three main usages.
Firstly, the word referred to any type of song from the Abbasid caliphate period.
Secondly, ṣaut was for a certain period in Yemen, any type of Yemeni song. Thirdly,
in Bahrain and Kuwait, ṣaut is a specific local music genre, this being the most
recent use. I have suggested above that this meaning can be elaborated upon through
There are many barriers that make investigation of ṣaut history a challenge,
addition, many studies in field of ṣaut history are influenced by nationalist ideology
This is, therefore, a brief study to discuss the most prominent hypotheses and reveal
some misinterpretations through a few particular examples, which cast some doubt
uncovering its history, and which is consistent with the early narrators’ statements in
Kuwait.
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Ṣaut and Abbasid music: Aḥmad ‘Alī’s study
One hypothesis says that the melodies and rhythms of ṣaut are inherited from the
music of the Abbasid Empire, which ended in 1517, and have been preserved from
that time in Bahrain and Kuwait. It is the most popular hypothesis about the origin of
ṣaut amongst researchers both inside and outside the region, for example Habib
Hassan Touma (1996), Ḥamad al-Habbād (2007) and Ibrāhīm Ḥabīb (2003). Most of
the researchers rely on the term ṣaut used by Abbasid musicians and theoreticians
and found in their music books, (for instance kitāb al-adwār fī al-mūsīqā (c. 1236)
by Ṣafī al-Dīn al-Urmawī) to make this correlation between ṣaut music of Bahrain
and Kuwait today and the music of the Abbasid period. The existence of the term
ṣaut in the Gulf lexicon and Abbasid music texts created a certainty amongst the
scholars about the authenticity of this relationship (Marhūn, 2012). Thus, the
scholars have not gone far in examining this relationship to support or refute this
theory. Ibrāhīm Ḥabīb for example states that all the ṣaut melodies in Bahrain are
composed by Bin Fāris, and that only one ṣaut ‘arabī melody has been inherited
from the Abbasid period (2003, p. 17). Ḥabīb did not discuss how he came to realise
that this ṣaut been inherited from Abbasid music so one cannot examine his
ṣaut in Bahrain and Kuwait to the Abbasid music simply because the term ṣaut has
appeared in the vocabulary of both musics. As has been mentioned before, the term
ṣaut in the 19th and 20th centuries was known in different regions of the Arabian
Peninsula, such as Yemen, Oman, and Ḥejāz, and in each region the term ṣaut was
associated with different types of music and rhythms. Perhaps more significantly,
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such a relationship would be impossible to definitively confirm or deny, as no one
knows the exact nature of Abbasid music, practised many hundreds of years ago.
Aḥmad ‘Alī is the only scholar who believed in this hypothesis and tried to go
beyond the nominal similarity to provide new historical evidence that would support
this connection. His method was to study the rhythmic system of Abbasid music and
compare it with the rhythms of ṣaut nowadays. ‘Alī studied two books from the
Abbasid period, ajzā’ khabariyah fī al-mūsīqā by Ya‘qūb al-Kindī (d. 873), and al-
adwār fī al-mūsīqā by Ṣafī al-Dīn al-Urmawī (d. 1294), and interpreted or decoded
similarities to back his theory. However, there are a few observations and matters of
contention that put ‘Alī’s findings into doubt. For example, al-Urmawī used different
phrases to refer to the al-hazaj rhythm in his time, which is te-na ne-n te ne-n te ne-
n- te-n. ‘Alī interpreted the phrases as follows: te-na = one quaver + one quaver rest,
te = one quaver, te-n = one crotchet, and ne-n = one crotchet rest (‘Alī, 1980, p.24).
‘Alī noticed that the description of al-hazaj in al-Urmawī’s book shows that it
contains twelve quavers, and ‘Alī distributed the high and low beats (which known
in Arabic music as tek and dum or ṭaraf and baṭen in ṣaut music) as he wished,
because al-Urmawī did not specify which beat is high or low in his transcriptions. As
a result, ‘Alī argued this was proof that al-hazaj is similar to the ṣaut arabī rhythm in
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Table. 2.1. Al-hazaj as appeared in al-Urmawī’s book and ‘Alī’s explanation.
However, to do this ‘Alī assumed that na, the quaver rest in the first phrase and n,
the quaver rest in the second phrase are equal, which I find illogical since to be so,
they should have been represented as the same: na and na or n and n. Ibn Zaila (d.
1044), an Abbasid music theoretician and the author of al-kāfī fī al-mūsīqā book,
refers to the people who think that na and n are equal and states that "he is wrong
who thinks that te-n is a double of te, because the double of te is te-na" (1964, p.47).
Furthermore, Farmer indicates that there is no great difference in time between te-n
assumption that deals with al-hazaj as twelve equal beats, rendering it not a match
At first glance, the topic of Dūkhī's theory is slightly similar to that which was
proposed by ‘Alī. This is because Dūkhī emphasised that music of the Abbasid
Empire had a real impact on everything in ṣaut in Bahrain and Kuwait and that every
melodies, and rhythms. He did not imply, however, that ṣaut is a direct descendent
of Abbasid music rather, that ṣaut is a new genre founded in Kuwait because of the
knowledge and musical genius of ‘Abdullah al-Faraj. After his rigorous and
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profound study of musical theories in the Abbasid music books, al-Faraj decrypted
the musical symbols and terms, and revived or recreated the Abbasid music that had
named ṣaut, based on knowledge and experience that he gained through his wide
comparing or contrasting musical terms and looked into the linguistic issues cited in
Abbasid music books, rather than analysing and interpreting the rhythms and music
symbols of the period. This section is intended to re-read Dūkhī’s hypothesis and
In his method, Dūkhī refers to a number of elements in ṣaut and states that they were
known in the Abbasid sources, but he does not clarify how or why these
contemporary elements have this correlation with ancient Abbasid music. Some of
his statements are entirely free from any evidence or discussion that might enhance
Dūkhī, the rhythm of what is known nowadays as ṣaut khayālī was known also in the
Abbasid period and was mentioned in the Abbasid book Kitāb al-Aghānī by Abu al-
Faraj al-Isphahānī. Ṣaut khayālī in that period appeared through many different
names, such as hazaj yamānī, hazaj ṭanbūrī, hazaj khafīf, and mākhūrī, which is,
according to Dūkhī, the most renowned term. Dūkhī states that ‘Abdullah al-Faraj in
the19th century gave the mākhūrī rhythm a new name, that of khayālī (Dūkhī, 1984,
pp. 175-178). He did not however offer any explanation or discussion to justify this
assertion.
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In different examples, Dūkhī tries to use terms that could not be found in the ṣaut
community or sources and compare them with similar terms found in Abbasid
sources. He indicates that radda is a singing section that can be found in ṣaut shāmī,
and compares it with a melody that has a radda in Kitāb al-Aghānī (Dūkhī, 1984, p.
136). However, radda is a term that is unknown amongst the ṣaut performers. In
addition, what Dūkhī calls radda in ṣaut shāmī is in fact a known type of tawshīḥa.
In a few examples, Dūkhī shows that he has misspelled terms that have appeared in
the Abbasid sources, which would make them similar to terms that are known in ṣaut
today. Dūkhī states that term rawwāsīn appears in Abbasid book al-Kāfī Fī al-
Mūsīqā, and it is similar to the term imrawsīn, the group of mirwās players in ṣaut
(Dūkhī, 1984, p. 199). However, what appear in the book al-Kāfī Fī al-Mūsīqā are
the terms rāwisīn and rawishīn, which are different from what Dūkhī mentions (Ibn
Zaila, 1964, p. 66, p. 70). Additionally, in Bahrain and Kuwait, performers and
listeners use the term imrawsah to refer to the group of mirwās players, not
and draws a conclusion that is based on an incorrect premise. One of the most
famous melodies in ṣaut repertoire is ṣaut hindī, because it has Indian elements and
influences. Dūkhī believes that al-Faraj composed this ṣaut, when he found a
detailed description of this kind of ṣaut in Kitāb al-Adwār fī al-Mūsīqā. The phrase
that Dūkhī found is "we will set the numbers of beats opposite every note in the
Indian font". Dūkhī comments on this phrase and says al-Faraj had read this phrase
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and recreated it using his capabilities with regard to the Hindi language, in order to
develop the ṣaut hindī type (Dūkhī, 1984, p.218). However, the phrase seems to have
had a different meaning that is not related to Indian music. Al-Urmawī indicates that
he wants to clarify that every note would be accompanied by numbers to explain the
Arabs use the term Indian numbers Because of the Hindi-Arabic numeral system
(Consortium, 2006, p.272). Furthermore, the text did not refer explicitly to Indian
music or melodies.
in the mid-19th century. Three main sources support the idea, namely the statements
of early narrators, and the influence of two types of music on ṣaut, Indian and
Yemeni.
It is instructive to approach this matter with a basic account of al-Faraj, who was
born to a wealthy family in Kuwait in 1836. His father, Muḥammad bin Faraj, was
one of the most famous Kuwaiti merchants of his era who gained his wealth from
maritime trade in India. His mother was Khadīja bint Ibrāhīm al-Dauserī. In his
childhood, al-Faraj learnt the basics of Islam and the Arabic language under Aḥmad
bin Abduljalīl al-Ṭabṭabāeī before settling in India at the age of fourteen at the
request of his father who was living there permanently (al-Faraj, 1919, p.6). There,
he lived in the centre of old Bombay in an area called Arab Street where the Arab
became fluent in Hindi (or maybe Urdu) and basic English (Dūkhī, 1971,
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Introduction, p.24). His father invited Yemeni tutors to teach him the classical
The long residency of al-Faraj in India influenced his nature and behaviour. He
learned different arts that were uncommon in Kuwaiti society at that time such as
drawing and calligraphy, especially the Lahore script and Persian script Nastalik (al-
Faraj, 2002, p.18). In addition, at the age of seventeen, al-Faraj started to write
poems in different patterns of poetry (al-Faraj, 1919, p.6), such as the classical
(faṣīḥ), colloquial (nabaṭī), and few poems in the Yemeni type (ḥumainī), which is
commonly used in ṣaut songs. His colloquial poem collection was published
posthumously in 1919 in India by his cousin Khāled al-Faraj (d. 1954). His poetry
shows his broad knowledge of Islam, Arab history, astronomy, and mathematics. He
was considered the most prominent Kuwaiti figure of poetry in his period, and many
poets refer to him as a one of the three most important names in the history of nabaṭī
instruments and music under a professional Indian musician (al-Faraj, 1919, p.6),
and he learnt how to transcribe the music (al-Faraj, 2002, p.17). Due to his
interaction with the musicians of the Yemeni community in Bombay, al-Faraj began
to learn Yemeni songs and the ‘ūd (‘Alī, 1980, p.5). At that stage, he began to
formulate his own approach to music, which would become fully developed in
Kuwait, and named it ṣaut (Dūkhī, 1971, Introduction, p.25). In 1854, his father
passed away as a result of a heart attack. ‘Abdullah al-Faraj and his only sister
inherited an ample fortune. Nonetheless, al-Faraj lost most of his money within a
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few years as he tended to spend his money on excessive pleasures, and neglected his
business. Later he returned to Kuwait with limited funds, and began to settle down
and focus on his poetic and musical activities (al-Faraj, 2002, p.17). Al-Faraj’s only
daughter, whom he begot from his slave, married Sheikh Saūd ‘Abdullah al-Ṣabāḥ,
the Prince of Failaka, a Kuwaiti island (al-Kharrāz, 1966). On the 15th of July 1901,
al-Faraj passed away in Kuwait as a result of a chest infection (al-Qinā‘ī, 2006, p.7;
The name of ‘Abdullah al-Faraj as a father, elder, and creator of ṣaut was present in
local discourse among many people of his generation and his legacy continues some
generations after his death in 1901. Thus, the Kuwaiti author and historian Khāled
Sa‘ūd al-Zaid (d. 2001), refers to al-Faraj as the real founder of the urban music of
Kuwait (al-Ibrāhīm, 2005, p.6). Conversely the scholars who believe that ṣaut is very
old and inherited from Abbasid music have tried to find the similarity between the
terminologies of ṣaut and Abbasid music but are unable to find any evidence that
Most of the indications about the important role of al-Faraj come from Kuwaitis,
al-Rūmī, for instance, states that al-Faraj is the father of ṣaut songs in Kuwait.
Aḥmad ‘Alī added that al-Faraj was the most prominent musician among the
generation of ṣaut pioneers (‘Alī, 1980, p. 5; p.28). Poul Rovsing Olsen, a Danish
scholar who investigates Bahraini music of from 1958 until the 1970s, indicates in
his book Music in Bahrain that ṣaut appeared because of al-Faraj. Seemingly Olsen
transmits this point of view from Bahraini narrators (Olsen, 2005, p. 100).
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Within the local community there are many references to al-Faraj by narrators. In
1966, Jum‘a Burḥamah was invited to talk in a documentary programme about his
encounter with al-Faraj on Kuwait TV. Burḥamah states that he had the opportunity
to meet al-Faraj in 1893 in Yūsufān in Iraq, when he was there with a Kuwaiti ship
for trading purposes. According to Burḥamah, al-Faraj played ṣaut for him and the
ship’s crew every day for a period of 16 days. The interviewer asked him: did you
have any idea about any singers before ‘Abdullah Al-Faraj? Burḥamah answered that
he had never known any other singers of ṣaut before Al-Faraj, but later knew Khāled
al-Baker and Ibrāhīm bin Yaq‘ūb (d. 1928), who appeared after al-Faraj (Burḥamah,
1966).
Othmān al-Kharrāz, who accompanied al-Faraj in the last few years of his life,
mentioned that all the ṣaut singers in al-Faraj's time were his students; they visited
al-Faraj to listen and learn ṣaut from him. These include Khāled al-Baker, Abdulazīz
Al-Rūmī (d. 1982), who has long been considered a specialist in the subject of the
music of al-Faraj and ṣaut history, states that he began an investigation into the
history of the ‘ūd in Kuwait in the 1920s and 1930s by interviewing many elderly
Kuwaitis. He said that all of them emphasised that al-Faraj was the first ‘ūd player in
Kuwait (‘Alī, 1980, p.5). However, in another source, al-Rūmī says that there may
have been other musicians before al-Faraj, but we know nothing of them (al-Rūmī,
1971, p.9). This statement from al-Rūmī seems to be a personal opinion that is not
based on evidence from his research. In a different reference, al-Rūmī made clear
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statements about the emergence of ṣaut and its relation to ‘Abdullah al-Faraj. He
points out, firstly, that al-Faraj was fond of Indian music, and learnt Yemeni music
through Yemeni musicians who were based in India. Upon his return to Kuwait, al-
Faraj established ṣaut, with a Yemeni musical influence. Al-Rūmī added that al-
Faraj worked to modify and add new elements to his music to create a new genre of
music that was different from Yemeni and other music types. Furthermore, other
song types had already existed in Kuwait before the al-Faraj period, such as wedding
songs, khammārī, and labour songs, but the songs that we know today and call ṣaut
appeared during the al-Faraj era (Dūkhī, 1971, Introduction, p.25, p.31).
The Kuwaiti singer ‘Abdullah Faḍālah (d. 1967) said that many elderly Kuwaitis told
him that ṣaut melodies had been composed by al-Faraj, and that he was the first
On the other hand, the Bahraini historian Mubārak al-‘Ammārī believes that ṣaut is
not a new genre, and that it was known in Kuwait before 1766, and in Bahrain since
ṣaut before al-Faraj. One of the most important findings in his research about its
history is the discovery of Ibrāhīm bin Aḥmad, a Bahraini singer who presented a
al-Faraj was born. The poet, Abduljalīl al-Ṭabṭabā’ī (d. 1853), was one of the
attendees of Bin Aḥmad, and documented this session and praised the singer, in the
following verses:
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He is better than his namesake5 and his son because of his skills
According to al-‘Ammārī, these verses are evidence of the existence of ṣaut and the
‘ūd before the time of al-Faraj (2002, pp.16-17). However, there is no explicit
mention of ṣaut or any specific kind of music in the poem. There is also no mention
of the ‘ūd or any other musical instrument. Instead, the poet is talking generally
about the music and singer, which could be any kind of music and instrument. Al-
‘Ammārī seemingly confuses the meaning of singing and music with ṣaut and ‘ūd. In
the Gulf, there many pieces of evidence to show that there were songs and singing
before al-Faraj. For example Muhammad bin La‘būn, one of the most important
singers in the region music history, died in Kuwait in 1831, before the birth of al-
Faraj. Bin La‘būn was a performer of khammārī and founder of la‘būnī, which
instrument. Therefore, we may say many kinds of singing were known in the area
In addition, one must consider one more observation which could clarify the type of
Bin Aḥmad’s singing. The poetry collection book of Abduljalīl al-Ṭabṭabā’ī shows
that there is one more verse talking about Bin Aḥmad, which was not referred to and
was ignored by al-‘Ammārī. This fourth verse is important because it defines the
nationality and the musical background of the singer. The verse says:
5 - The poet refers to the most prominent Abbasid singers in the Arab history, Ibrāhīm al-Mūṣelī (d. 805) and his son Isḥāq (d.
850), who were Persian origin and lived in Iraq (Nu‘mān, 2006, p.61).
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From Barmak family, grew up in Baṣra, he has a tribe there and a family (al-
In this verse, al-Ṭabṭabā’ī states clearly that the singer has grown up in Baṣra, Iraq,
and he has a family there. This verse conflicts with al-Ammārī’s statement that the
Thus, at this stage al–Faraj remains a central figure in any attempt to create a history
for ṣaut. One important strand in his legacy deserves drawing out further, namely his
absorption of musical practices from outside Kuwait. India is the first location to
consider but Yemeni traditions may have played an even more powerful role.
Viewed analytically, the Indian influences are manifest in three different aspects:
The most obvious traces are the terms ṣaut hindī and ṣaut hindustani, and both are
known in Kuwait only. There is a common belief amongst performers that these
terms refer to ṣaut pieces that contain an Indian effect, for instance, ṣaut hindī Malak
al-Gharām, and ṣaut hindustani Fī Hawā Badrī (al-Baker, n.d.). The maqām of ṣaut
hindī and hindustani is ‘ajam (known also as ‘ajam ‘ushairān, see Fig. 2.3), which
has never been associated in ṣaut repertoire with another term. In other words,
melodies composed in the ‘ajam mode are always classified under the term ṣaut
hindī or hindustani.
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Fig. 2.3. Scale of the maqām ‘ajam ‘ushairān on Bb3.
Although the language of text in ṣaut is Arabic, in rare cases, the ṣaut lyrics consist
of words in Hindi or Urdu within Arabic verses. For example, the poem used in ṣaut
Lī Shādenun, (a ṣaut hindī form), is in fuṣḥā (classical Arabic) but has words in
Hindi or Urdu (Al-Kuwaiti, 1937). In the ṣaut hindustani Fī Hawā Badrī performed
by Yusuf al-Baker, he performs an entire verse in Hindi or Urdu within the poem.
examples, and is not described as ṣaut hindī, but is based on maqām ḥijāz (see Fig.
6.2.), while the other examples that contain Indian words and verses are based on
The use of vowels in ṣaut is quite different from that which is known and used in
Arabic and local music. The most common vowel sound is āh, which can be found in
many types of Arabic music and is used as a link between the verses or as a prelude
song, for instance in the sea songs of Kuwait (Dūkhī, 1984, p.315). Only in the ṣaut
vowel amongst old and new ṣaut performers; rather the common vowels are oh and
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eh. This tradition of using specific types of vowels that are not popular in the rest of
the Gulf of other Arabic regions, is probably a result of the influence of a different
musical culture. Indeed, these kinds of sound or vowel are known widely and used
As mentioned earlier, most of the Indian features in ṣaut are practised only in
Kuwait. Bahraini performers have never tried to perform ṣaut hindī and rarely use
Indian words in their singing. The vowel sound is the only Indian feature that is
known and used in the ṣaut singing in Bahrain as well as Kuwait, for example, Khū
‘Elwī Seja‘ (Bin Walid, 1932), and ‘Ala Dam‘o ‘Aynī (El Fares, 1932).
Few researchers in Yemen have claimed that the origin of ṣaut is from Yemen (Nājī,
1983). Certainly, the evidence shows Yemeni influence is much greater than Indian
music. However, the old Yemeni sources reveal that ṣaut was defined as a new
music genre that arrived from Kuwait, as will be discussed broadly later. During his
residence in India, al-Faraj had the opportunity to learn ‘ūd and music from Yemeni
musicians who lived there. This may explain the Yemeni traces in ṣaut that have
been connected in the sources with al-Faraj (‘Alī, 1980, p.5; Dūkhī, 1971,
Many terms are common to both Yemeni music and ṣaut in Bahrain and Kuwait, for
example tawshīḥ, which in the ṣan‘ānī genre is simply a section that is different in
melody and length from other sections in the ṣan‘ānī song (Ghānem, 1987, p.39). In
ṣaut, tawshīḥ or tawshīḥa is a section that is different in melody and length or form
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of text (al-Rifā‘ī, 1985, p.343). Tawshīḥ or tawshīḥa in both ṣan‘ānī and ṣaut
position, and practice of them within the genre. Another common term is zifān,
which is the name of ṣaut dance, and zafīn, which also means a type of dance known
One of the most important terms that could be found in both ṣaut and Yemen is in
fact, ṣaut, the name of the genre in Bahrain and Kuwait, but known in Yemen as a
musical term. Many Yemeni records show that the term was spreading among
Yemeni musicians in the 1930s, however, there are no studies or references that
I investigated a number of Yemeni records with labels that cite the term ṣaut, for
example, Ya Kaheel Tarfak - ṣaut laḥjī (al-Laḥjī, 1930s), Ya Ghart Allah - ṣaut
‘adanī (Ghabbah, 1930s), Min Yom Fragak - ṣaut ḥejāzī (Abdulghanī, 1930s), and
Ibn Sombul Yegool - ṣaut yafe‘ī (al-Jarrāsh, 1930s). See Fig. 2.4.
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Upon observation, it became clear that there are no specific methods, elements or
structures in these records to distinguish the Yemeni ṣaut. The type of lyrics sung in
the records that I got the opportunity to investigate were Yemeni colloquial. The
melodic and percussion instruments and rhythms are commonly used in other
Yemeni songs. The records do not present ṣaut as a separate genre, instead, it is
always accompanied with the name of a Yemeni town or region, such as ṣaut ‘adanī
or laḥjī which could signify a melody from the towns of Aden or Laḥj. In addition,
the ṣaut term was sometimes accompanied with the name of a region from outside
Yemen, for instance, ṣaut ḥejāzī which could mean a melody from the Ḥejāz region
in Saudi Arabia. Thus, ṣaut could be an inherited term that refers to any Yemeni
melody in Yemen.
The mirwās is an element that is known both as an instrument and a musical term in
both ṣaut and Yemeni music. It is the only essential percussion instrument in ṣaut. In
Yemen, its uses are for folk music, and it is characterised by its size, which is larger
than that of the ṣaut. The technique and rhythms of the Yemeni mirwās are
The classical Yemeni poem genre, ḥumainī, is known only in ṣaut songs in the Gulf
whilst it cannot be found in any other kind of music in the Gulf. It is worth
mentioning that al-Faraj was the first poet from Kuwait and probably the Gulf region
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Furthermore, a number of istimā‘ songs in Kuwait are influenced by old Yemeni
songs, and may even be reproductions of them , for example, Yā Ẓabyat al-Bān (al-
Baker, n.d.). Another feature that is an obvious Yemeni influence is the seven beat
rhythm, which is found only in istimā‘ pieces. No other music types in the Gulf
consist of a seven beats rhythm or any other odd meter. Whilst this rhythm is popular
in both the Yemen and India, it seems that the influence on ṣaut has come from
The method of employing all these terms, instruments, and rhythms in Yemen is
completely different from that of the ṣaut method. In other words, Yemeni and ṣaut
Conclusions
This Chapter discusses the different meanings of the term ṣaut in both the Arabic
literature and in music through different historical stages and in different regions.
The discussion shows that ṣaut has different meanings in music, such as in the case
of any song in the Abbasid era and a Yemeni song in Yemen. Only in the Gulf
region, is ṣaut a specific type of music that has its own regulations and principles
Additionally, the Chapter consists of an initial discussion about the three main
theories that deal with the history of ṣaut. Due to the assumption about the similarity
of the term ṣaut with regard to Abbasid music, most of the ṣaut studies discuss the
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connection between the music of ṣaut in Bahrain and Kuwait with Abbasid music.
This encouraged Aḥmad ‘Alī to study, interpret, and correlate the rhythm systems
that have been described in Abbasid music books as ṣaut arabī and shāmī rhythms.
Yūsuf Dūkhī’ however states that ṣaut music has been found by ‘Abdullah al-Faraj
following his efforts to interpret and decode Abbasid music. His hypothesis relies
more on the etymology of the musical and linguistic terms that are common in ṣaut
According to the early narrators, ṣaut emerged as a new genre in Kuwait in the
1850s, through the efforts of al-Faraj. Therefore, the third hypothesis attempts to
reveal the elements that have a connection with the music that influenced al-Faraj.
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CHAPTER III
Ṣaut texts
The texts of many Arabic song genres, such as daur in Egypt and basta in Iraq, are
associated with a particular melody, and it is rare to find a melody that could be
performed using two different sets of lyrics. In contrast, despite the text carrying
significant importance within ṣaut repertoire, the relationship between the text and
the melody in ṣaut is arguably loose. In the tradition of ṣaut, most ṣaut songs are not
associated with any particular poem, and each melody could be performed using
different lyrics. In addition, there are many poems which have more popularity
amongst the performers which could be performed in the context of different ṣaut
melodies. The text can be performed on different ṣaut rhythmic types, ṣaut ‘arabī,
shāmī, and sometimes during the tawshīḥa. For instance, the poem al-Bāriḥa Fī
‘Atīm is utilised in many melodies of ṣaut and through various forms e.g. on shāmī
However, the principle of using different poems in the same ṣaut melody does not
exclude the existence of a slight correlation between the text and melody in ṣaut.
Many popular ṣaut melodies have particular titles based on famous or renowned
texts that have become associated with particular ṣaut recordings, mainly ones
recorded in the 1920s and 1930s. For example, the title of ṣaut Inna Wajdī or ṣaut
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Māl Ghuṣn al-Thahabis usually used to distinguish or refer to a particular melody
amongst others.
There are several types of poem associated with ṣaut. Two genres are used more
widely than any others: the classical Arabic (fuṣḥā) and the Yemeni poems
(ḥumainī). Fuṣḥā is based on the language that is used in the Quran. Although fuṣḥā
poetry is an old style of writing, it can be found in all periods of Arabic history and
has a high degree of acceptance in various types of traditional Arabic music. The
fuṣḥā poems in ṣaut been written by poets that belong to different historical stages,
since pre Islamic period towards the 20th century, includes the works of Abu-ṭayyib
al-Mutanabbī (d. 965), Ḥusām al-Dīn al-Ḥājerī (d. 1235), Abdulghaffār al-Akhras (d.
1875), and Bahā’ al-Dīn Zuhair (d. 1258). In addition to these, the work of a number
of poets from the Gulf region has also been used in ṣaut repertoire, including Fahad
The other main genre, ḥumainī, is a Yemeni poetic genre that mixes between fuṣḥā
and colloquial words, and includes many poetic meters that are not known in fuṣḥā
(Ghānem, 1987, p. 21). Many sources refer to ḥumainī as the Yemeni version of
muwashaḥ, a poetic form that was invented in Andalusia (Nājī, 1983, p. 42).
However, the stylistic and aesthetic excellence of ḥumainī poems is considered less
than that of fuṣḥā but greater than colloquial poetry (sha‘bī), which gives ḥumainī
astatus somewhere between the two. The works of many Yemeni poets have an
acceptance amongst the ṣaut performing community; the poems of Yaḥyā ‘Omar al-
Yāfe‘ī (d. c. 1652) for instance, are extremely popular and feature frequently in ṣaut
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repertoire. Other examples include Ḥussain Zāyid, Aḥmad Sa‘īd al-Wāḥedī, and
Abu-Muṭlaq. Although ḥumainī emerged in Yemen, several non native poets have
been influenced by this genre in the Arabian Peninsula and their poems are used in
the ṣaut repertoire, including Ibn Ja‘far from Ḥejāz, ‘Abdullah al-Faraj from Kuwait,
Mubārak al-‘Aqīlī (d. 1954) from Dubai, and Ḥussain Bū-rquba from Bahrain.
Seemingly, ḥumainī was a popular type of lyrics during and prior to the 19th century
and was the favoured genre of poem for both singers and composers from different
areas in the Arabian Peninsula. As a result, ḥumainī is not only associated with ṣaut
music in Bahrain and Kuwait, it is also known in different genres of music in the
Peninsula, such as Ṣan‘ānī music in Yemen and dānah songs in Ḥejāz (Ghānem,
1987; Bāghaffār, 1994). It worth mentioning that a few ṣaut performers also wrote
their own ḥumainī poetries to sing in their gatherings. The anthology of ‘Abdullah
al-Faraj’s poems shows that he wrote a number of poems influenced by the ḥumainī
pattern, such as Walla Mā Dareit and al-Ḥamd Li Allāh al-Mufallak, which are very
well known in ṣaut repertoire (Al-Faraj, 2002, p. 50, p. 184). Ḥamad Khalīfa is also
a poet and singer who sing his poems to ṣaut or ‘adanī music, such as al-Nāḏemī
Qāl, Yā Mālek al-Rūḥ and Mennī Mesāk al-Kheir (Khalīfa, 2005). Sheikh Aḥmad āl-
Khalīfa, is a prominent Bahraini poet and a ṣaut singer. He has written a number of
poems in both ḥumainī and fuṣḥā styles with the intention of their use in ṣaut songs,
such as Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Qad Zān al-Ṭarab in ḥumainī, and Salūhā ethā kānat in
The Gulf region’s local colloquial poetry, known as nabaṭī and sha‘bī, is the most
popular genre in the Gulf and is used in many types of song such as sāmrī,
khammārī, and rabāba songs. It is, however, mostly ignored within the genre of ṣaut
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(Muḥammad, 2003; al-Deikān, 1995). The exception to this is the repertoire of ṣaut
in Kuwait which contains a limited number of songs based on nabaṭī poems. These
include Mā Ḥalā Naḏem (al-Ṣabāḥ, 1967), Qāl Minhu (Al-Kuwaiti, n.d.), Zein al-
Mebāsem (al-Kuwaiti, c. 1935) and Mālī Arā al-Lail Dhā (al-Rāshed, n.d.). In
addition to this irregularity, there are a few ṣaut songs consisting of Indian phrases or
words which are used alongside the main Arabic text in both Bahrain and Kuwait,
In general, most ṣaut poems are based on themes of love and its nature (ghazal), the
separation of lovers, longing, suffering and emotions. There are also many love
poems which start with a religiously themed introduction and are about the belief of
Islam, God (Allāh), and the prophet Muḥammad. In the poetry of the khitām, there is
a greater variety of subject matter and style; examples include the satirical lyrics,
Reqād (al-Baker, n.d.), the praise poem or ode, Ahlan Wa Sahlan Marḥaban (al-
Kuwaiti, 1938), and Yegūl Bū-Me‘jeb Nahār al-Aḥad (Bin Fāris, 1937) which
features humour and dialogue. A abroad discussion about the text in ṣaut presented
on p. 208.
Ṣaut genre types: shāmī, ‘arabī, khayālī, istimā‘, khitām, and mawwāl
Although many forms of songs are performed at a ṣaut gathering, not all can be
considered core elements of the genre itself. Let us consider the three rhythmic types
of song that are always associated with the term ṣaut; ṣaut shāmī (four beats), ṣaut
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‘arabī (six beats), and ṣaut khayālī (twelve beats). Both the shāmī and ‘arabī types
are considered to be the essence of the genre as they account for the majority of
songs within the ṣaut repertoire. Khayālī6, although a legitimate types of ṣaut, is less
prominent in the repertoire and carries less importance. It is performed just once
during the ṣaut gathering, and occasionally will be omitted entirely from the
proceedings7.
Istimā‘ and khitām are two vocal types which are not usually described as ṣaut, but
are nonetheless only performed in ṣaut gatherings, each with a specific function.
Istimā‘, which means listening, was popular until 1930s and was performed in the
occasionally in present day gatherings mainly thanks to the ṣaut revival. The songs
of the istimā‘ type are rhythmic, contain a clear pulse, and are composed to a range
of different meters, such as two, three, and seven beats. They are however performed
The khitām or khatem, which means conclusion, is the last song in a ṣaut gathering
and is used to finish the concert. This form is based on one melody which, during the
1920s and 1930s, followed a 3 beat rhythm. In current practice however, this has
6- Muḥammad Jamāl, a scholar from Bahrain, finds the features of khayālī do not resemble those of ṣaut, and surmises that it is
probably known as such due to its accompaniment by mirwās, the same percussive instrument used to perform in the other ṣaut
types (Jamāl, 2001, p. 144).
7- The dance of ṣaut (zifān), the mawwāl, and the tawshīḥa (coda) play no part in ṣaut khayālī; rather, they are used in
accompaniment, or within ṣaut shāmī and ‘arabī.
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been replaced with that of ṣaut khayālī, a twelve beat rhythm (al-Deikān, 1998,
p.363).
Mawwāl, a song type which involves free and improvised singing is also considered
to be a part of the ṣaut repertoire (Shiloah, 1995, p.129). In contrast to all others
however, mawwāl can be found in many other Arabic music genres. Many ṣaut
mawwāl as distinct from the ṣaut genre, and never recorded mawwāl with ṣaut.
place but acts like an introduction to ṣaut shāmī and ‘arabī. Many other ṣaut
performers deal with mawwāl as an important type of singing in ṣaut, and they
Ḥamad Khalīfa, and Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, instituted and developed their own styles
in performing mawwāl, and they render the mawwāl in ṣaut differently from other
There are additional types of singing that can be found in the ṣaut concert such as,
sāmrī, fonūn, and basta. These are not however part of the ṣaut repertoire, despite
being performed with a mirwās, because they are not linked with a ṣaut. To clarify: it
while it is possible to utilise a mawwāl for this purpose. The main reason they are
8- Whilst mawwāl is usually an introduction for ṣaut ‘arabī and shāmī, there are however, a few exceptions; ‘Abdullaṭīf al-
Kuwaiti, for example, performed a mawwāl before a ṣaut khayālī (al-Kuwaiti, 1964) and Yusuf al-Baker sang a mawwāl then
followed it with an istimā‘ entitled Inna Hindun (al-Baker, n.d.).
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Rhythm system in ṣaut genre
This section aims to explore the rhythm systems of ṣaut in present day performance,
but also identify the ways in which rhythm practice has changed over the years. I
believe this discussion offers a clear insight into the ṣaut development process and
clarifies the disparities among all the types of elements that have developed within
the genre. Since not all forms possess prescribed rhythms, this discussion has been
The rhythm system in ṣaut consists of three types: ṣaut shāmī, ‘arabī, and khayālī.
These rhythms are usually produced with the mirwās. Since each rhythm has adopted
a different form over different time periods, this section will address the nature of
each ṣaut rhythm in each of its stages, separately. The discussion also includes new
traditions that have arisen to accompany the spread of the latest method of
As mentioned before, the only known sources of ṣaut practice during the 19th century
accompanied on the mirwās by his elder brother Muḥammad, who passed away in
1953 (al-Shamlān, 1975, p. 40). It is apparent from these recordings that Muḥammad
tried to present the features of ṣaut rhythms of the 19th century as accurately as he
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examples of ṣaut shāmī and six of ṣaut ‘arabī, (unfortunately, he did not perform a
ṣaut khayālī), I concluded that he tried to present the features of ṣaut rhythms of the
same method and style for all the pieces. By today’s standards, the rhythms he
(shown below) which provided as a base shape to the beat he would then manipulate.
Fig. 3.1. The base rhythm of ṣaut shāmī that presented by Muḥammad al-Baker.
The meter of the rhythm in the above transcription could be written as two beats,
however, I prefer to write it as four. This is because the mirwās player, Muḥammad,
in other examples suggested more variations (shakel, pl. ashkāl or tashkīlāt) for
shāmī, which expand the meter from two to four beats. In the shāmī example
recordings, Muḥammad used a simple technique to vary the rhythm. He did this by
changing the order of the high (ṭaraf) and low beats (baṭen) , but also would replace
some of these beats and play rests instead (takhṭīr). See Fig. 3.2.
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Fig. 3.2. Number of variation rhythms of ṣaut shāmī that presented by Muḥammad al-Baker.
The meter of the ṣaut shāmī forms practised by Muḥammad al-Baker thus appeared
to fluctuate between two and four, but in fact he played originally two-beat measures
which expand to become four in their varied forms. Thus, the characteristic that is
that used for rhythms of ṣaut shāmī, using a particular shape of rhythm as a
foundation upon which to build variations. The based rhythm that appears in all ṣaut
because most of the variations of ‘arabī are on this meter. See Fig. 3.3.
Fig. 3.3. The base rhythm of ṣaut ‘arabī that presented by Muḥammad al-Baker.
Beside this form, Muḥammad presented many other forms and variations upon the
ṣaut ‘arabī rhythm. He followed the same strategy as when varying in ṣaut shāmī, by
changing the order of high and low beats, and using rests instead of playing. See Fig.
3.4.
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Fig. 3.4. Number of variation rhythms of ṣaut ‘arabī that presented by Muḥammad al-Baker.
Most of the recorded examples show a straightforward treatment of the base rhythm
more advanced shape of rhythm that included syncopation, and the meter of the
Fig. 3.5. An advanced shape of rhythm of ṣaut shāmī that included syncopation and presented by
Muḥammad al-Baker.
There is some doubt, however, about the age of this form of rhythm as it can also be
other mirwās players younger than Muḥammad al-Baker and considered to be a new
late 19th century practice or is a developed form that appeared in the early 20th
century, but which led Muḥammad to experiment with a new orientation of mirwās
in his recordings.
In the recording period of the 1920s and 1930s, rhythm forms that had been
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performers albeit limitedly. Two instances of this are recordings of Min Ghair Sā’el
(‘Abdulrazzāq, 1927) which is based on a ṣaut shāmī rhythm, and Garīb el-Faraj (El
Fares, 1932) based on a ṣaut ‘arabī rhythm. However, these rhythm forms practised
by Muḥammad disappeared rapidly within a few years. Instead, the new generation
of mirwās players (imrawwis, pl. imrawsah) adopted different rhythms during the
1920s that can be described as more dynamic, complex, and full of syncopations.
Instead of the previous behaviour in the late 19th century involving fluctuation
between different meters to perform the same ṣaut rhythm, the meters of rhythms
became more stable and steady since approximately the 1920s: four beats for ṣaut
shāmī and six beats for ṣaut ‘arabī. See Fig. 3.6.
Fig. 3.6. The shape of ṣaut ‘arabī (six beats) and shāmī (four beats) since 1920s and onward.
These transcriptions are for the base rhythms that were used in most recordings
during the early recording era. However, the mirwās players used additional rhythm
forms, which were derivations or reformulations of the previous forms. See Fig. 3.7.
Fig. 3.7. Reformulated forms of ṣaut ‘arabī (six beats) and shāmī (four beats) been used in 1920s and
1930s.
An addition element that is not found in the rhythm playing style of the 19th century
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rhythmic forms, whether within the ṣaut shāmī or ‘arabī. These improvisations
(ḥarakāt) are always different from one mirwās player to another, and from one ṣaut
to the next.
Until the mid 1940s, all the recordings of ṣaut khayālī had been made only by
Kuwaitis. In the 1920s and 1930s, the meter of khayālī was unclear and not
recordings it has three beats. In the recordings of the 1940s, the khayālī rhythm had
developed to become a twelve beats meter. On the other hand, other factors remained
constant; ṣaut khayālī was and remains performed by either the mirwās or dumbuk,
the mirwās and dumbuk (al-Deikān, 1998, pp.363-366). See Fig. 3.8.
Fig. 3.8. Ṣaut khayālī rhythm before 1940s (ten beats) and after (twelve beats).
The meter of khitām rhythm is three beats, and the form of the rhythm is similar to
the ṣaut ‘arabī was that performed by Muḥammad al-Baker, but faster. It could be
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Since the 1950s, the basic rhythmic forms of ṣaut ‘arabī and shāmī have remained
unchanged. On the other hand, both ṣaut khayālī and khitām have been performed
according to a twelve beats rhythm only since the 1940s. Although present day
rhythms of ṣaut have not changed from the preceding periods, many new elements
have been established or developed in the system of performing the rhythms. These
Hand clapping
While clapping in many other musical cultures is a form of interaction with the
participate as part of the band and to integrate more within it. The clapping in ṣaut
This unique style of clapping involves using both the palms of the hands strongly. It
is necessary for the left hand’s fingers and palmar surface to touch those of the right
hand to extract the desired sharp and loud sound. This type of clapping could be
touching the fingers of first hand with the surface of the second hand’s palm. It is
important to note that, within the ṣaut community, the clappers or attendants do not
clap after the end of the ṣaut in praise of the musicians. Instead, they react by loudly
saying a few words that are known to express greetings and support for the band, for
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instance tislam, ṭayyib, ye‘īshūn, and hallah hallah. It is possible to find some people
wishing to salute the band by clapping at the end of a ṣaut, but this only tends to
Ṣaut is characterised by the use of different types of hand clapping, and they each
have a specific place in the ṣaut shāmī and ‘arabī as well as an associated local name
Many people and scholars use the term ṣafqa (derived from the Arabic taṣfīq) to
refer to clapping (Dūkhī, 1984, p. 208; al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p. 266), which is practised
in many other Arabic musical cultures. The most popular term among the
that is successive, and interlocking and which includes two separate parts: the
duration of the first is between two to three bars and the second is one bar (al-
Deikān, 1988, pp.129-130). The clapping is usually used during the instrumental
refrain, which are the instrumental sections between one verse and another.
Sharbuka is not used during singing, and when the singer moves on to the tawshīḥa,
this type of clapping will stop and the clappers will employ a different pattern. At the
end of the tawshīḥa, which is also the end of the ṣaut, the group or the attendants use
the sharbuka pattern once as a conclusion. Another more general phrase used by the
ṣaut community is kaf rābeṭ, used to describe the perfect interlocking of hand
clapping; kaf, meaning the palm of the hand, and rābeṭ meaning tied or bound. In
addition, a group of hand clappers is known as kaffāfah, whilst a single hand clapper
is a kaffāf. Waḥda, which means one, is a term used to refer to a singular clap that is
performed usually at the beginning of the bars and is mainly during the beginning of
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the tawshīḥa. It is common to hear people shout the instruction waḥḥed, cueing the
attendants to shift from the sharbuka to the waḥda pattern. It is also possible to hear
the waḥda pattern during the singing of the ṣaut, but this is less common. Yūsuf
Dūkhī refers to more types of clapping patterns in ṣaut, such as al-takhbīz, ṭaq al-
iṣbe‘ (finger clicking), and al-beithānī (Dūkhī, 1984, pp. 208-212). I was fortunate to
have the opportunity to see members of the Kuwaiti folklore band, Bin Ḥussain, use
Determining the history of hand clapping in ṣaut as prior to the 19th century, for
example, or a being a much newer tradition is tricky to say the least. All the sources
that are available, whether early recordings or interviews, do not contain any
sources does not necessarily prove or refute their existence. This is because it is a
minor element in the whole genre that is performed by the audience and not the
musicians, nor does not have the ability to change the form of the ṣaut. Furthermore,
clapping may not have even been possible in the recordings because it requires a big
group of participants. This would have been difficult to achieve inside the old
studios, because of the extra cost and the likely risk of overshadowing the music.
Dūkhī indicates that clapping is not a new tradition in ṣaut (1984, p. 209), but he
does not present any evidence or sources to support his conviction. Mubārak al-
‘Ammārī mentions that Muḥammad bin Fāris refused to use hand clapping during
his singing of ṣaut, for the reason that it is not an old tradition of classical ṣaut
(1991, p. 266). This would indicate that clapping is not long-standing but that it was
known in Bahrain before Bin Fāris’ death in 1947. However, al-‘Ammārī also does
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not refer to any sources to prove what he refers to. Therefore, both the researchers
ṣaut. Nevertheless, studying the private recordings of 1950s and 1960s could help to
build a clearer picture and clarify if it is an old practice and if any development of it
has happened. Apart of the recordings of Muḥammad bin Samḥān who passed away
in 1960, and Yūsuf al-Baker who passed away in 1955, it is not easy to confirm if
the early private recordings of ṣaut gatherings were recorded in 1950s or 1960s.
The recordings of Bin Samḥān are either free of all patterns of clapping or contain a
simple style that could be perceived as an interaction between the attendance and the
singing, and does not include any specific forms in performance, which could be
described as chaotic clapping. Most of the recordings of al-Baker are free from the
hand clapping that is known today. Only a few ṣaut recordings contain limited
clapping that is a simulation of the rhythm, for example, ṣaut Yā Asmar el-Loun (al-
Nomān (d. 1977), and Ḥamad Khalīfa, which are probably made in the late 1950s or
early 1960s, the concept of clapping is similar to that in the recordings of Bin
Additionally, the recordings of Bin Nomān and Khalīfa include a novel tradition not
found in the other recordings that have been mentioned previously which is
practicing sharbuka during the singing and anywhere within the tawshīḥa. There is
also individual clapping which could be likened to waḥda. Nowadays, these concepts
of clapping have disappeared and instead there are strict principles that regulate its
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This study of recordings made in the 1950s and 1960s, although lacking in some
breadth and detail, points tentatively to the notion that the system of clapping in ṣaut
was different in 1950s. It was simple and improvisational and did not follow any
forms or principles, except the imitation of rhythm. When it began to become more
complicated through the use of interlocking perhaps in the late 1950s or early 1960s,
the clapping performances sound confused and do not bear any relation to the
structure of the ṣaut. It would seem that clapping was a long-standing feature known
in ṣaut but it was not yet taken shape and been standardised to become a tradition
we can understand the process of development in the genre. This appears to have
involved adoption of characteristics inspired by elements from within ṣaut and the
local culture, and then development or regulation to become a more complicated and
unique style of its own, distinct from clapping known in other types of music in
There was a change in the mirwās’ role in ṣaut bands in the 1950s that significantly
influenced the patterns of ṣaut performance, which in turn had an impact on its
aesthetic values. Before the 1950s, the fact that there was just one mirwās performer
caused their style of performance to be interactive with the music. Besides the basic
rhythm of ṣaut, the mirwās player considered the features of the ṣaut melody as
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would try to concretise the melody of the ṣaut with his mirwās, for instance, by
stopping playing in some parts of the melody, or ornament it in other places. This
knowledge of the ṣaut melodies. In addition, it depends on the extent to which the
other performers, and simulate their actions or otherwise interact with them
Since increasing the number of mirwās players in ṣaut after the 1950s, however, the
conceptually. The present aim of the mirwās players is to play the rhythms in a basic
and accurate style, without any type of change or improvisation in order to exact
unified beats from the mirwās. This type of playing mentioned above is known as
hayma, and it enables support of the mirwās improviser during their practice (taksīr).
In this context, increasing the number of mirwās players creates a barrier between
them and other performers and the singer, as it would inhibit any desire to interact or
perform better. On the other hand, the mirwās improviser has more freedom to
interact and respond to other performers during the performance. Indeed, the quality
improviser to perform better. The post 1950s era change that happened within the
ṣaut band gradually enhanced the importance of the mirwās improviser. Thus, many
ṣaut singers invite distinctive mirwās improvisers to perform with them, with the
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Before the 1950s, the number of mirwās players was limited, mostly to just one
mirwās player per ṣaut piece, and on rare occasions, two (Zuwayid, c. 1976). Since
that time, the number of mirwās players has doubled and settled to be between three
to five mirwās players. This dramatic increase in the number of players has imposed
its own new traditions when it comes to performing the mirwās drum itself as well as
result, the mirwās performance is now significantly different from what had been
recorded in earlier eras. The mirwās group is usually divided into two different types
movement. Each distinguished mirwās improviser has his own pattern in terms of
improvisation, which can appear in two elements – the ḥaraka, and the ṭaqqa,
meaning the sound that is extracted from the drum. The sound (naghma) is described
as ideally having a sharp, pure, and pleasing quality. Such is the distinctive nature of
the improvisers’ playing patterns that many expert listeners can easily identify
the improviser must be steady and accurate. If they make a mistake in tempo
(yekhafiq) during the performance, this reduces their perceived value as a performer.
The number of improvisers is usually one during each ṣaut song, although there are
few exceptions. In the recordings made in the 1950s and 1960s, it is possible to hear
two mirwās players improvise at the same time. This style of combined
perform separately during the same ṣaut song. Nonetheless it is still possible to find
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two players improvising at the same time on rare occasions where the atmosphere is
part of both players to relinquish their primary role. It is not common however as
this practice is considered by other performers and the audience to detract from the
The other type of mirwās performer is the hayyām (pl. hayyāmah) or lazzām (pl.
lazzāmah), who plays the basic rhythm of the ṣaut song, without any improvisation.
The role of the hayyām could be compared to a metronome for the singer, the
clappers (kaffāfah), and the mirwās improviser. The size of the mirwās that is used
by the hayyām is bigger than that which is used by the improviser; the type of sound
that is extracted is described as being wide and deep, in both the high and low beats.
The number of hayyām players is usually between two and four with the most
talented or reliable hayyām player usually positioned between the singer and the
improviser, leading the other mirwās players. The hayyāmah and improvisers mostly
commit to playing together as a group, to ensure the high quality of performance and
To reveal the uniqueness of maqām in ṣaut, I used different sources about maqām in
Egypt, since it is impossible find all the maqāmāt that are used in ṣaut within a
single reference, and each source referred to group of maqāmāt that can be found in
entity. Each source represents the maqām from different perspective in Egyptian
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music, and the differences are based on many elements such as the influence of
Sources indicate that the maqām system, which is “the main modal unit of Arabic
music” (Randel, 2003, p.486), was known to a limited extent by ṣaut performers
born in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Yūsuf al-Baker referred to mawwāl Laka
Manzilun Be-l-Qalb as being based on maqām rāst (al-Baker, n.d.), see Fig. 3.10.
Zuwayid also mentioned maqām rāst when talking about performing this mawwāl
(Zuwayid, c. 1976). In addition, the label of a recording of Iraqi song (basta) made
by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti refers to maqām kurd (al-Kuwaiti, c. 1947). See Fig. 3.11.
These earlier ṣaut performers had seemingly limited knowledge about maqāmāt and
would refer to maqām when performing other genres of singing such as mawwāl, but
not in reference to ṣaut. Besides these, there is an absence of Arabic or local music
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theoretical terms in the ṣaut field, and there are no terms to describe the maqām in
ṣaut pieces amongst ṣaut performers. However, since the 1950s, Egyptian music’s
influence on the Gulf musicians was marked, a result of the opportunity to study
music with Egyptian teachers in the Gulf or Egypt. Therefore, many ṣaut performers
and scholars have since adopted the Arabic music system that is known in Egypt, to
analyse, notate and describe maqām and other musical elements in ṣaut.
Accordingly, the system of analysing ṣaut pieces in this dissertation utilises these
Arabic music theories and maqām systems used today in Egypt, and which are
the name intervals, symbols of quarter tones, name of maqāmāt, and other elements,
it is suitable for the purposes of clarifying and explaining the musical system and
components of ṣaut.
As Scott Marcus explains, most maqāmāt in Arab music have come to be understood
as comprising two parts, often tetrachords, (jins, pl. ajnās) a term which is derived
from the ancient Greek term genus, but sometimes trichords (nisba) or pentachords
(‘iqd) (Marcus, 1989, p. 275, pp. 283-284). The lower tetrachord is known as jins al-
aṣl or jins al-jedh‘ and the upper tetrachord is jins al-far‘ (Marcus, 1989, p. 379;
Arafa, 1994, p.24). In the modern period of Arab music theory, the whole tone is
divided into four quarters (arbā‘), flat, half flat, sharp, and half sharp, so the octave
(dīwān) consists of twenty four quarters (Touma, 2003, p.24). Half flat and sharp are
not necessarily equal quarters because the quarter tones in Arabic music are not
equal temperament as I mentioned before. Half flat and half sharp are represented by
new symbols that are derived from the symbol for flat and sharp in western music
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Fig. 3.12. Symbols of the half flat and half sharp that used in the Arabs music.
In general, most maqāmāt that are used in the ṣaut field can be found in Arab
musical theory books. In addition, certain maqāmāt that are used widely in ṣaut are
considered rare in Arabic music practice, for example, maqām ḥussainī ‘ushairān
(see Fig. 6.27) and maqām neirz rāst (see Fig. 6.20). The finale notes (tonics) of
maqāmāt in the ṣaut repertoire are based on tones that are uncommon or unpopular
in Arabic music. For instance, the finale notes of maqām ḥijāz in Arabic music is
addition, the compositions of ṣaut usually deal with a maqām differently to the way
it is used in other Arab music genres. For instance, Arab music theoretical literature
states that ḥussainī ‘ushairān is a maqām that is based on A and the pitches of the 2nd
and 5th notes are half flattened (al-Shawwā, 1946, p.26). It is defined as a maqām
specific order to perform it ideally. This form consists of a bayātī tetrachord on A5,
bayātī pentachord on D5, nekrīz pentachord on C4, and ends with bayātī tetrachord
different ṣaut melodies9, the form of the maqām is different and appeared through
two patterns. In the first the ṣaut begins with a bayātī tetrachord on D5, then moves
to a bayātī tetrachord to A5 to settle. In the second pattern, the ṣaut begins with a
9- The names of the ṣaut songs are Ohail al-Naqā (el-Koueti, 1928), Inna Hind (el-Koueti, 1928), Inna Wajdī (el-Koueti,
1928), Mā Yaṭrib Al-Qalb (two melodies) (al-Baker, n.d.), Salū Fāter al-Ajfān (al-Baker, n.d.), Layāliya Ba‘d (al-Baker, n.d.),
el-Bāriḥa Ḥārab (el-Koueti, 1929), Min Ghair Sā’el (‘Abdulrazzāq, 1927), Yegūl Abū Mutlāq (Bin Walīd, 1935), Nālat ‘Alā
Yaduhā (al-Ḥāy, 1960s).
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bayātī tetrachord on D5, a different musical phrase based also on a bayātī tetrachord
that both patterns are quite similar, they begin by using a bayātī tetrachord on D5
then they turn to a bayātī tetrachord on A5 to finish the melody. In addition, in the
ṣaut repertoire, there is no modulation technique nor accidental note in this maqām,
Tawshīḥa of ṣaut
A tawshīḥa or tawshīḥ is a part of a ṣaut that can be found in two rhythmic types of
the genre: ṣaut shāmī and ‘arabī. Both the melody and the text of the tawshīḥa differ
from that of the ṣaut itself and usually, the mode also changes for the duration of this
section. The dancing and clapping that accompany the ṣaut change for the tawshīḥa
and both the audience and musicians can participate in singing along with the lead
vocalist. On the whole, however, the tawshīḥa is performed solely by the singer.
Linguistically, the origin of tawshīḥa and tawshīḥ is “w.sh.ḥ”, which has many
meaning. One of them is the ornaments on the clothes or body, like jewelry for
women (Ibn Manzūr, 1997, vol. 2, pp. 632-633). It is possible to say that the
meaning of tawshīḥa in ṣaut has a similarity to that the linguistic meaning. It is a part
that is different from the melody of ṣaut, and could be consider as a part that
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A number of ṣaut studies refer to tawshīḥa briefly, but usually described it as two
particular of tawshīḥa pieces, one used for ṣaut shāmī and another for ṣaut ‘arabī
(Dūkhī, 1984, p. 115; al-Deikān, 1998, p. 254, pp. 342-345). See Fig. 3.13.
Fig. 3.13. Transcription of tawshīḥa piece that uses for ṣaut shami and been referred by number of
ṣaut studies.
Other studies indicate that tawshīḥa types are more than two: Lisa Urkevich in her
recent study notes that tawshīḥa in the “early days of the ṣaut” was more types from
that is known today (2015, p. 175). This observation, however, is not further
elaborated upon with any detail nor examples which might help to distinguish the old
and new forms of tawshīḥa. In this study, I examine and contest the aforementioned
notion that the tawshīḥa is formed of just two types, and complete what Urkevich
Furthermore, all these differences of tawshīḥa (in melody, function, and form)
happened within a long and profound development process through three main
stages, current period, in 1920s and 1930s, and in late 19th century.
sections; the majority of these, however, are not assigned formal names or
definitions within the vocabulary of the ṣaut genre. This study therefore examines
the sections of tawshīḥa and offers definitions for them, to enable readers and
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scholars to recognise the dynamic of change, modification, and development that has
impacted the tawshīḥa of ṣaut. It is important to note that this study is not intended
have existed in the ṣaut repertoire. Rather, the chief aim is to demonstrate that there
is an essential process of development and revision that has occurred over many
years to render tawshīḥa more integrated, active, and interesting for both the ṣaut
that is played at the end of the ṣaut song to act as a final part (coda) and its
conclusion signals the end of the ṣaut as a whole. Whilst the content and melodies of
tawshīḥat (plural of tawshīḥa) are the same in both countries, there are some
differences in its practice. For Bahraini ṣaut performers, the tawshīḥa is considered a
fundamental element without which a ṣaut ‘arabī or shāmī could not be completed.
inconceivable to end the same forms of ṣaut without performing the tawshīḥa part,
Tawshīḥa has an organised structure that consists of five parts, all of which are based
on maqām rāst. The first is the “musical theme”, followed by the “sung section”,
“kalima” meaning the word, “taqsīm”, and the last section which I shall term the
“qafla”, meaning the conclusion. The musical theme is a short instrumental line or
motif announces of the beginning of the tawshīḥa. It also works as a link between
other parts in tawshīḥa. The sung section can involve one of two different melodies,
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one used in ṣaut shāmī, and the other in ṣaut ‘arabī (Dūkhī, 1984, p.115). It usually
comprises one or two verses chosen from an alternative poem to that of the
preceding ṣaut. Since there is only one melody for ṣaut shāmī and another for ‘arabī,
the text of the tawshīḥa can be changed each time, to provide variation and avoid
monotony. The kalima is a single word or phrase, such as aḥḥī, halla hallah, yā-
dalīl, or yā-salām, and is used as a signalling the end of the sung section. The
melody of the kalima contains either one or two musical notes, G and C or just C,
which is the finale note of rāst, the maqām of the tawshīḥa. The kalima is not really
a singing part, and probably it better described as a tuneful shout or call. The taqsīm
sometimes ‘ūd or any other available instrument. The qafla section contains a short
instrumental piece that is performed by all the musical instruments (‘ūd, violin, and
qānūn). The instrumentalists use it to bring the ṣaut to an end all at the same moment
without slowing down the pulse of the rhythm. The mirwās must stop at the same
1 2 3 4 5 6
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1 2 3 4 5
A study of the period of early records, published in the late 1920s and 1930s
confirms that the position of tawshīḥa belongs at the end of the ṣaut. It also reveals
the two types of tawshīḥa on maqām rāst that were very popular at the time, and
which are similar to those of the rāst melodies tawshīḥa performed nowadays. One
difference is the absence of the qafla in the earlier tawshīḥa recordings, which today
The records of Kuwaiti performers contain numerous tawshīḥa melodies, and three
different methods of performing them. The first method results in a tawshīḥa that
differs from its preceding ṣaut in melody, lyrics and maqām. The only similarity
between the ṣaut and its tawshīḥa in this method, is the rhythm. This method of
The second method of performance divides the tawshīḥa into two parts; singing and
instrumental. The sung section consists of many melodies that are based on the
maqām of the preceding ṣaut; for instance, a ṣaut that is based on maqām bayātī is
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Fig. 3.14. Scale of the maqām bayātī on D4.
After singing, the performer uses the kalima as a connector to the subsequent
instrumental sections. The instrumental part is always on maqām rāst (as discussed
previously) and comprises the musical theme and the taqsīm. See table. 3.3.
1 2 3 4
Table. 3.3. The order of contents in tawshīḥa performance in 1920s and 1930s.
There are appear to be two sources which give rise to the melodies in the sung
section of this type; melodies that have been composed purely for use as part of the
tawshīḥa, and melodies that have been taken from other ṣaut melodies and modified
catalogue of the Kuwaiti records published by the Odeon Record Company in 1929
in which three different melodies are referred to as tawshīḥa. Two of them are used
exclusively as tawshīḥa, while the third as part of another ṣaut melody that was
taken and re-used as a tawshīḥa (Tabbārah, 1929, p. 4, pp. 9-10). Most scholars have
not discussed this type of tawshīḥa (in which the sung section shares the same
maqām as the ṣaut) in their research on ṣaut and tawshīḥa. Scholar Aḥmad ‘Alī is
most likely the only scholar who refers to this form of tawshīḥa, in his discussion of
mentioned by ‘Alī, he asserts that this section of the ṣaut is not an example of
tawshīḥa. Rather, Dūkhī calls this melody “radda fī al-ṣaut” and “ṣaut mardūd”
(Dūkhī, 1984, pp. 136-138). It is not exactly clear what is meant by radda and
mardūd in this context, though one might surmise Dūkhī is referring to the notion of
‘response’ in ṣaut. The Odeon catalogue however does refer to this same tawshīḥa,
this type of tawshīḥa. Although he states that the function of these melodies is
similar to that of the tawshīḥa, he does not call them tawshīḥa, and uses terms like
raddādī and tardīda to refer to them, which is probably inspired by Dūkhī who used
similar terms radda and mardūd (al-Deikān, 1998, p. 215, pp. 346-347). It is
tardīda in fact appear in the catalogues of Kuwaiti records by Odeon and Baidaphon
The third type of tawshīḥa is the rarest amongst all types, and has been so
throughout all periods of ṣaut practice. As described above, this type shares
similarities with the ṣaut that it follows in maqām, lyrics, and rhythm. The only
difference is in the melody of the tawshīḥa. The ṣaut performer uses the last verse in
the poem of the ṣaut to perform it in a different melody. Although this type of
tawshīḥa has been applied in a few ṣaut pieces, there is only one published reference
Record Company in 1930, there is a section on the poem of the ṣaut Min Gheir
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Sā’el, which was performed by Ṣāleḥ bin Abdulrazzāq in 1927. The transcription of
the poem of the ṣaut ends simply with the word “tawshīḥ”, and the catalogue does
not offer any text of the tawshīḥa, as it does with other ṣaut pieces (Darsah, 1930, p.
8). However, upon checking the recording of Abdulrazzaq’s ṣaut, there was no
tawshīḥa on rāst or bayātī, the maqām of the ṣaut as would be expected. The only
irregular act notable in this ṣaut is that the performer sang the last verse of the ṣaut in
ṣaut, Alā Yā Ayyuhā, the performer ‘Abdullaṭīf Al-Kuwaiti employed the same
method as Abdulrazzāq at the end of the ṣaut (Al-Kuwaiti, 1937); he presented the
last verse of the ṣaut within a different pattern of melody. Other examples include
Maḥmūd Al-Kuwaiti, who used the same notion to end the ṣaut, Thā Be-Rūḥī (Al-
Kuwaiti, n.d.). This type of tawshīḥa deserves further investigation in order to build
The instrumental tawshīḥa existed in the early recording period, and it was
occasionally used among the Kuwaiti performers, and to a lesser extent by Bahraini
performers. As mentioned previously, the qafla was not in use yet during this era.
1 2 3
Table. 3.4. The brief order of the instrumental tawshīḥa in 1920s and 1930s.
The recordings of Yusuf al-Baker, who was a ṣaut performer in the late 19th century,
reveal that the repertoire of tawshīḥa melodies in the late 19th century and the 1920s
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were similar. However, the similarity in melodies does not mean that the tawshīḥa in
the recordings of al-Baker involved the same practice or could be defined in the
Many of the ṣaut pieces that al-Baker recorded did not end with the use of a
tawshīḥa as the last part of the ṣaut. However, all the ṣaut pieces that did end with
tawshīḥa in al-Baker recordings do not contain the sung section. Thus, the tawshīḥat
tawshīḥa include the absence of the musical theme and taqsīm. Instead, al-Baker
plays part of a different ṣaut to end the tawshīḥa. The motive of this is unclear but it
may have been intended as a signal or clue as to what he would play next. Thus, the
content of tawshīḥa in the al-Baker recordings contains two elements, the kalima and
The al-Baker recordings also include the sung section, an essential part of a
tawshīḥa, perhaps since the 1920s until the present day, but conversely, it is not
performed at the end of the ṣaut. It is an element that is separate from others within
the tawshīḥa and can be used during the singing of the ṣaut itself, between one verse
and another. It can be repeated twice or more during the same ṣaut piece. For
instance, in ṣaut Yaḥya ‘Omar Qāl, al-Baker followed the second verse of the ṣaut
with a sung section, which he repeated again after the third verse using different text
(al-Baker, n.d.). The recordings of al-Baker do not contain any sung sections that are
not performed by other singers in the records of the 1920s and 1930s. In contrast, the
sung section in the tawshīḥa of ṣaut ‘arabī that is used and known in the current
days is absent in al-Baker recordings. A possible explanation for this is that it had
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not yet been composed when al-Baker learnt ṣaut in the late 19th century. In addition,
it is not clear if both the sections, sung and instrumental, were called tawshīḥa or
tawshīḥ in the time of al-Baker; it is possible that one of them was known as
Experimentation in performance
Although this study focuses on the process of development through each historical
period, there are individual attempts and exceptions to these norms, attempting to
change, modify, develop, and expand this component of the ṣaut song. These
instances where not been mentioned in any discussion of the earlier historical phases
important to examine them to appreciate the enthusiasm of the ṣaut performers for
In early 1937, the violin player Sāleḥ al-Kuwaiti accompanied ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti
tawshīḥa of the ṣaut was of the instrumental type, which has historically always been
played on maqām rāst. Only in this recording however, Saleh and his band decided
to play the known musical theme followed by a taqsīm in maqām ‘ajam ‘ushairān
(see Fig. 2.3). Apparently, Saleh was inspired by the maqām of the ṣaut, ‘ajam
‘ushairān, and decided to continue and played the tawshīḥa in the same maqām.
In Bahrain, Muḥammad Zuwayid invented a tawshīḥa type and used it to end the
song, Yegūl Abū Me’jeb (Zuwayid, 1950s). It was problematic to use a tawshīḥa
based on a song form that is not a ṣaut but has a similarity in beats with ṣaut khayālī,
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which is classified as a form of ṣaut that does not contain a tawshīḥa (Jamāl, 2001, p.
145). Zuwayid’s attempt could have been considered to be against the common
song that is not a ṣaut but has beats similarity with ṣaut khayālī understandable,
more harmonic and acceptable to the ṣaut audience, he utilised most of the tawshīḥa
elements that were known in Bahrain at the time. See table. 3.5.
1 2 3
Table. 3.5. The elements that were used to invent a tawshīḥa for a song or ṣaut khayālī.
adding a mawwāl as an additional sung section. Khalīfa places the mawwāl usually
after the kalima in tawshīḥa, and before the musical theme and taqsīm. Therefore,
the tawshīḥa of Khalīfa in ṣaut contains six parts. See table 3.6.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Table 3.6. The form of tawshīḥa that been developed by Ḥamad Khalīfa.
find many listeners who admire his mawwāl in tawshīḥa however, many listeners
and performers are not supporters of this practice, probably because mawwāl has
never been employed within the ṣaut piece and therefore they are unaccustomed to it.
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performer, of destroying ṣaut by using mawwāl in tawshīḥa. However, Khalīfa had a
different point of view to justify his experiment. He said, when I sing the tawshīḥ, I
come to the end of the ṣaut; after that I am free to do whatever I want. Therefore, I
perform mawwāl because I like to be distinctive, and it appeals to the Arab attendees
who are from out of the Gulf region (Khalīfa, 2005). The latter part of Khalīfa’s
over the turn of the 20th century by modifying, expanding, or omitting sections of
incorporated such as the qafla, which is totally absent in other stages. This process of
developing through many decades proves that tawshīḥa although just a small part in
ṣaut is nevertheless important and effective. Many musicians have tried and still try
to make it more dynamic and attractive for the performers, their peers and the
audience.
Zifān is a local term that is derived from the old Arabic word zafin, meaning a
movement that is similar to dance (raqṣ) (Ibn Manzūr, 1997, vol. 13, p. 197). It
refers to the dance in ṣaut which is not found elsewhere in traditional music in the
Gulf. It does not happen at every samra. When it does happen, it is usually
performed by two men known as the zaffānah (singular, zaffān). The term zaffān can
also be used for the leading dancer, while the other who follows him is named rīs
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(al-Meftāḥ, 2014). Zāfūn might also be used to describe the performer and the
performers are Zuwāfīn, but these terms are less prevalent (al-Mas‘ūd, 2013). Many
ṣaut performers insist on making a distinction between zifān and the act of dance,
refusing to describe it using the word raqṣ. One example is Aḥmad al-Qadīrī, a
zaffān since the early 1950s who does not elaborate on his assertions that zifān is a
different act to dance. One may theorise that a connotation of femininity associated
with the term raqṣ (al-Qadīrī, 2007) is what the performers wish to distance their
practice from. Therefore, the term remains solitary in meaning and in practice, is
Zifān is performed in both ṣaut shāmī and arabī. Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti mentioned that
ṣaut khayālī involved a dance style in the 1930s and stated this dance was “raqṣ that
is different from zifān” (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter IV, p.22). The raqṣ of ṣaut khayālī
The nature of motion in zifān might be described as a rhythmic walking that includes
performer is mostly making walking steps whilst in front of the ṣaut singer. Zifān
includes further elements such as jumping (nashah), turning (laffah), half turns (nuṣ
laffah), shaking the shoulders, and moving a hand and arm to the right or left, in a
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Fig. 3.15. Two dancers (zaffānah), jumping (nashah) in the front of the ṣaut singer.
Present day practice of zifān in Kuwait contains three parts which I shall describe in
brief. The first part occurs from the beginning of the ṣaut piece until the singing
starts. During this time, the two zaffānah walk forward toward the singer and back
several times, whilst also raising their right hand as they approach the singer. The
second part begins when the singer starts to sing; the two zaffānah change their
previous pattern of performing and do more varied movements. They use the half
turn, usually twice, in order to move further away from the singer until they reach
the end of the room (mīd) and then repeat this in the other direction. The zaffānah
also use a full turn to go round repeatedly in the same spot, and this happens near to
the singer. In addition, one of the most popular acts in zifān is nashah, where the
performer bends both knees down partially then jumps, and the jump must finish on
the pulse of the ṣaut rhythm. The performers repeat this form of zifān many times
until the third part begins signalled by the taqsīm section in the tawshīḥa (coda part).
The pattern of movements in zifān changes again. During this final section it is
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possible for other enthusiastic dancers to join the two zaffānah and participate in
A number of elderly zaffānah indicate that the old style of zifān was quite different
from what is known today. Zifān was more plain (rāked), there were fewer
movements and jumping (nashah) and the performers themselves appeared more
serious (al-Qadīrī, 2007; al-Meftāḥ, 2011). However, one explanation for it has been
argued that the performers more than fifty years ago were generally older than the
current generation of performers, and simply did not have the energy or the
In Bahrain I did not get an opportunity to talk to a zaffān from the country, and there
are no videos illustrating zifān as it is performed there today. However, a few videos
of ṣaut performers from Bahrain that date back to the 1980s are available. These are
enough to illustrate the Bahraini style and to recognise how it differs from the zifān
of Kuwait. The zifān in both countries do share several similarities, but there are also
many differences especially in the order. Zifān in Bahrain does not contain the first
part of the Kuwaiti style which occurs before the singing and involves walking to
and from the singer’s position etc. Instead, Bahrainis utilise all the movements
available right from the beginning of the ṣaut piece, including jumping and turning
actions, which commonly happens in the Kuwaiti style only when the singing has
started. Consequently, Sālem al-Muftāḥ, a Kuwaiti expert in zifān says that whilst
the zifān of Bahrain is nice (ḥelū), the zaffānah jump (yaṭmorūn) too frequently and
too early (al-Muftāḥ, 2011). A further motion found in Bahrain and not in Kuwait
happens during the tawshīḥa part: the two zaffānah separate from each other and
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while one starts to improvise along a different pattern, the other zaffān stands up and
watches before they reunite to continue the zifān (Dūkhī, 1970s; Aḥmad, c. 1975;
Khāled, 1980s).
To become a zaffān, there are certain physical requirements. For instance, the body
measured and controlled. He should not be short, and the two zaffānah should be the
same height.
Further conditions of compatibility are required between the two zaffānah, which
based on the need for communication between them. A zaffān will usually search for
another zaffān or rīs (follower) who is of the same age, fitness and experience.
Therefore, each distinguished zaffān has a preferred performer (rīs) who fulfils these
requirements which in turn makes the zifān successful. Many have friendships
beyond the performance space of zifān (mīd). In addition, many of the performers
have their own special language or techniques to communicate with each other and
therefore regulate the motion and steps during a performance. Aḥmad al-Qadīrī, the
oldest zaffān I met, indicates that his preference is to move his hand to signal to the
other zaffān, sometimes by tapping him quickly (yanqiz) to get his attention (al-
Qadīrī, 2007). Sālem al-Muftāḥ, who is a zaffān since the 1960s, states that he uses a
sound ist to get the attention of the other zaffān (al-Muftāḥ, 2011). Sulaimān al-
Baṭṭāḥ, a young zaffān, has a more noticeable method to communicate with the other
performer; he usually uses the word nuṣ (half) to refer to the half turn, kāmlah
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(complete) to refer to the full turn, and ‘indah (here) as a cue for the jump or nashah
(al-Baṭṭāḥ, 2011).
Zifān is practised only by men, however, both Aḥmad al-Beshr al-Rūmī and Sheikh
‘Abdullah al-Jāber al-Ṣabāḥ assert that in the 1920s, there were female ṣaut
performers instead of male ones with two women performing zifān together. Also it
was possible at the time to perform as a group of four, two men and two women. Al-
Ṣabāḥ goes on to refer to the best known women dancers, such as al-Naqqāza (the
jumper), Maryūm and ‘Odash (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter IV, pp.7-10; al-Ṣabāḥ, 1967).
In addition, al-Qadīrī indicates that when he was young he heard about women who
perform zifān, but he never saw them (al-Qadīrī, 2007). Further to this, there is just
one video available which shows a zifān between a man and a woman and they are
from Bahrain (Aḥmad, c. 1975). Apart of this clip, there are no more details to
Abdulwahāb al-Qeṭāmī (d. 1968), Sa‘ūd bin ‘Awn, ‘Abdullah bin Thābet, and
However, few of the zaffānah are exceptional in zifān, and their names are associated
with a description or they possess a nickname to reflect the advanced levels they
reached. For example, Abdulḥamīd Muḥammad al-Mājed (d. 1990) a zaffān who was
originally from the Kuwaiti island Failaka, was known and described as al-khaizarān
2011). In addition, an account in the 1930s by a sailor refers to two ship captains
(nokhitha, pl. nuwakhdhah), Abdulwahāb al-Qeṭāmī and Alī bin Nāṣer al-Najdī (d.
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1979) as two damask roses (jūrī) to emphasise the elegance of their zifān
Linking words
A “linking word” refers to a word, phrase, or even vowel used to form a connection
between one verse and another within a poem or word and another inside a verse. Its
main purpose is to fill the gaps that can exist during the singing of a ṣaut. In general,
the length of the linking word’s melody is a few notes, and not more than a bar. It is
used widely during the singing of ṣaut ‘arabī, shāmī, and the tawshīḥa section.
Although most of these phrases have independent meaning, they do not have a
correlation with content of the verses of the ṣaut in which they are used.
Some of the many words or phrases used as linking words include alā, yā rūhī (oh,
my soul), and yā sīdī (oh, my lord) or only sīdī which is the most popular amongst
ṣaut performers. Other phrases that are consider less popular and can likely be found
in early recordings include yā nās (oh, people) (Bin Walīd, 1935) yā qalbī (oh, my
heart), yā ‘einī (oh, my eye) and khallī bālak (take heed) (El Koweiti, 1932). On the
whole, the ṣaut performer has the freedom to use one of these phrases anywhere
within the ṣaut, within the second for example, or last verse.
A few ṣaut songs have specific phrases used as fundamental linking words which
should be used in certain places in each verse, because they are part of the ṣaut. Due
to its importance in the ṣaut, it is not easy to eliminate the essential linking word and
sing the ṣaut without it. Instances of this include the phrase alā in ṣaut Ḥarrak
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Shijūnī (al-Kuwaiti, 1927) and the phrase yā lālā in ṣaut Yegūl Abū-Muṭlaq (Bin
Walīd, 1935). In addition, vowels like oh and eīh are also used as linking words in
ṣaut, and most of them are essential. In each verse of the ṣaut, the same vowel will
be repeated in the same place. This can be heard in ṣaut Be-abī al-Shumūs (el-
Koueti, 1928), and ṣaut Kho ‘Elwī Sija‘ (Bin Walid, 1932).
There are three examples in ṣaut which are exceptional with regards to how the
linking words are dealt with. Whilst most are located within the body of a verse,
‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti in ṣaut Ḥarrak Shijūnī used a linking word in the beginning
of the ṣaut, before the first verse (el-Koueti, 1928). Muhammad bin Fāris also used
an advanced, complex approach in his utilisation of the linking words through ṣaut
Dam‘ī Jarā Be-l-Khudūd (1937). He manipulated a part of the last verse in the ṣaut,
the phrase ‘indī ‘alā dhā, by repeating the word ‘alā, which is of course similar to
the linking word, alā. In this same phrase, Bin Fāris uses another linking word, sīdī,
whilst most performers usually use only one per verse. The result of Bin Fāris’
unusual approach is an expansion of the original phrase ‘indī ‘alā dhā to ‘alā ‘indī
a unique approach in dealing with it by eliminating it entirely from all the verses.
Thus by removing it, he changed the ṣaut melody slightly through adoption of a
different shape for the same melody in order to avoid using the fundamental linking
word.
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The importance of using linking words is not merely to fill the gaps between words
or to create a melodic link between verses. Rather, it has a more significant effect by
offering the performers a chance to go out of the proposed context and rebelling on
the standardised form of the ṣaut through the manipulation of the linking words as a
key to change the shape of the melody. As discussed, when Bin Fāris employed both
the linking words and his ingenuity in improvisation, he changed the shape of the
melody as well as the phrase in that section, which made it different to all other
verses of the same ṣaut. Indeed, most distinguished performers strive to use linking
words with sophistication, because it is an element that motivates the singer’s mind
Conclusion
The Chapter has focused on explaining the details of the components that have built
the ṣaut genre. The arguments highlight a process of change, which has included
most ṣaut elements and which has happened through three historical stages, the late
19th Century, the 78rpm records period, and current performance. The processes of
modifying and changing the elements of ṣaut through these different stages as shown
here, proves again that ṣaut was and remains an active and live music genre which is
The challenge of the Chapter is however the shortage of references relating to each
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sources concerning the history of ṣaut or the history of its individual elements. This
scholars wishing to explore the elements of ṣaut that require wider investigation.
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CHAPTER IV
The instruments types that are presently in use or have been used in the past and
have since disappeared from ṣaut performance are primarily stringed instruments.
They are the ‘ūd (pl. ‘īdān in Arabic and a‘wād in the local colloquial), which is
violin, qānūn, and other instruments that are less important or less popular among
ṣaut performers. The only percussion instrument that is used in ṣaut is the mirwās.
‘Ūd
The type of ‘ūd that is in use in ṣaut today is the instrument already known in most
of the Arab world and Turkey. However, until a few years after the First World War,
a different type of ‘ūd was used to perform ṣaut in both Bahrain and Kuwait, and
was known as the ‘ūd hindī, meaning Indian lute. A study about this instrument is
overdue, references available are limited and have been unexplored by scholars.
‘Ūd hindī
Although this instrument was dominant in Bahrain and Kuwait a hundred years ago,
it has long since disappeared, resulting in ambiguity and great difficulty in defining
it. Therefore, this research aims to establish, as much as the sources can provide, a
clear definition of the features of the ‘ūd hindī, including its shape, materials, and
descriptions given by old performers, who used or saw this type of ‘ūd.
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The date the ‘ūd hindī entered the Gulf region is not known. However, according to
Aḥmad al-Beshr al-Rūmī (d. 1982), in his statement on the history of ‘ūd in Kuwait,
‘Abdullah al-Faraj (d. 1901) was the first person to bring an ‘ūd to Kuwait. This
happened when al-Faraj returned from India, and the type of ‘ūd he brought was
hindī (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter II, p. 42). A different reference indicates that al-Faraj,
who learnt music in India, returned to Kuwait a few years after his father’s death
which occurred in 1854 (‘Alī, 1980, p. 5). This indicates that al-Faraj probably
returned to Kuwait with his ‘ūd hindī at some point before 1860.
This ‘ūd was given the name hindī (Indian) because it was brought from India.
Muḥammad Zuwayid (d. 1982), however, referred to this instrument by using two
different terms, ‘ūd bambāwī, in reference to Bombay (now Mumbai), the prominent
Indian city, and ‘ūd bū-raqma, which means ‘ūd of skin, because skin is part of it
(Zuwayid, c. 1976). It is important to note that the ‘ūd hindī is mentioned in the book
of Arabian Nights, and the stories talk about both a‘wād those made by Indian
makers in Baghdad and those brought from India (Farmer, 2005, p. 104). However,
it is difficult to prove that the ‘ūd hindī mentioned in the Arabian Nights stories is
similar to what was used by al-Faraj and others since the mid 19th century, especially
with the absence of any comparison between the features of the ‘ūd ‘arabī and hindī
in the content of the book of Arabian Nights. Apart from these stories, the only
source or music genre in the Arabic region that refers to ‘ūd hindī or ‘ūd from India
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According to the descriptions of the old musicians and narrators, it seems that the
features of ‘ūd hindī are rather different from the features of the ‘ūd that is known
today, which I call ‘ūd ‘arabī. Most of the musicians and narrators describe the ‘ūd
hindī as much smaller than the ‘ūd ‘arabī and the shape of its body (qaṣ’a or ṭāsah)
is circular and its neck (raqaba) long, which is different from the ‘ūd ‘arabī as we
will see later. The entire ‘ūd hindī instrument was made as one segment from a large
piece of the Indian teakwood (al-Baker, 1960s). The body was carved out to be
circular shaped, as mentioned previously, and inside, the body was hollowed to
become shaped like a bowl. The carving included other parts of the ‘ūd, the neck and
the tuning pegs’ head (bunjuq). The body of the ‘ūd was covered by a thick skin
(raqma) to act as a soundboard (saṭḥa or wajh) and a small circular shaped hole cut
in the middle of the soundboard which they called shamsiyah or wardah (rosette).
While, in the tuning pegs’ head, seven small holes were made to install the pegs
(malāwī). The courses were tied to the pegs and on the other side to the tailpiece
(marbaṭ), at the end of the ‘ūd’s body. The courses were raised by a floating bridge
(ghazālah) made from wood, and set up somewhere between the tailpiece and the
rosette.
The number of courses in the ‘ūd hindī is four, three double and one single. Each
course (double or single) associates with a particular local term; al-sharār (C4)
which means the spark, al-methānī (G4) which means the second, al-methāleth (D4)
which means the third, and al-yetīm (A3) which means the orphan, because it is a
single course (Dūkhī, 1984, p.190, p.192; al-Gharīb, 2003). Yūsuf Dūkhī (d. 1990)
was the only scholar to refer to the fourth course (A3) as al-bām. This term was
probably inspired by or borrowed from the same name used for the same course of
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the Abbasid ‘ūd. In addition, Dūkhī mentions the fifth course and calls it al-rākhī,
and it seems that this term appeared after the appearance of the ‘ūd ‘arabī in the
Gulf, because the courses of ‘ūd hindī are four in number, not five (Dūkhī, 1984, pp.
190-192).
Many renowned musicians in Bahrain and Kuwait used to play the ‘ūd hindī, such as
the Kuwaitis ‘Abdullah al-Faraj, and Yūsuf al-Baker (d. 1955), who named his
instrument ‘ūd baṭlūs (al-Baker, 1960s), and Muḥammad bin Fāris from Bahrain,
who received his ‘ūd as a gift from his uncle Shaikh Jāber Āl-Khalīfa, and named it
bāshat Maṣir (the pasha of Egypt) (Olsen, 2005, p. 96; al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p. 107).
Apparently, all the instrumentalists mentioned here and those named in the other
sources as ‘ūd hindī players, were performers of ṣaut. Therefore, it is possible to say
that this ‘ūd was primarily dedicated to playing the songs of ṣaut repertoire.
It would seem that the ‘ūd hindī has many faults that make it an unsuitable
instrument for ṣaut music. For example, the frequency of the ‘ūd is weak, or low, as
the body of it is small and thick. This is incompatible with ṣaut music which requires
a loud string instrument to suit the loudness of the mirwās. A fact that supports this
supposition is that Khāled al-Baker (d. 1925) manufactured an improved ‘ūd hindī in
the early 1890s in Kuwait. He made it with a bigger and deeper body than the regular
‘ūd hindī, which made it slightly more similar in size to the ‘ūd ‘arabī (al-Baker,
1960s). In addition, another weakness was the tuning of this ‘ūd which was, I
believe, a problem. The stability of the soundboard tension was not steady, because it
was made from skin that shrinks in dry weather and stretches in humidity. The
reason for the ‘ūd hindī’s prevalence amongst ṣaut performers in Bahrain and
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Kuwait was probably its low price and availability. Commercial life in the Gulf until
the 1950s was mainly reliant on ships trading with the Indian seaports, and there
were tens of people from the region travelling to India frequently. Thus, it was easy
for any sailor or merchant to find and buy an ‘ūd during his visit into India. In the
1920s, the spread of the ‘ūd hindī began to retract and it disappeared in the 1930s
after six decades of use in Kuwait. The last musicians to use it were Yūsuf al-Baker
However, as mentioned before, there is no surviving instrument today, nor are there
any pictures of it, making it a rather enigmatic instrument. Several researchers have
investigated the mysteries that surround it, such as Nizār Ghānem from Yemen
(2001, p. 162) Muslim al-Kathīrī from Oman (2009, pp. 151-163) and Jean Lambert
from France (2014). Their hypothesis is that the ‘ūd hindī and qanbūs are one, and
that the qanbūs is the ‘ūd that spread to different areas in the Arabian peninsula 100
years ago, such as Ḥejāz and Oman. This instrument still exists in Yemen but under
different names such as ṭurbī and qanbūs. The scholars refer to elements common to
both the ‘ūd hindī and qanbūs: both instruments are made from a single piece of
wood, the soundboards are made from skin, and the number of courses is four.
Whilst these similarities lend support to the idea that the ‘ūd hindī is the qanbūs in
all but name, there are, however, a few pieces of evidence and observations that
would throw this hypothesis into doubt. Maḥmūd al- Kuwaiti describes the shape of
the ‘ūd hindī precisely and says it is circular with a long neck, which made it similar
to the mellās, a type of circular shaped ladle known in Kuwait with a long arm (al-
Gharīb, 2003, p.102). Furthermore, Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti indicates that his uncle,
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Raḥmain Ḥabūsha, sent him a mandolin from India as a gift in the 1910s (Twīnī,
1977). It would seem that Dāwūd received ‘ūd hindī10 not a mandolin, because the
shape of the mandolin is similar to the ‘ūd hindī (circular shaped body and long
neck), and the gift came from India. In addition, Zuwayid has provided an
in c. 1976, the only existing reliable document relating to the ‘ūd hindī. In the
interview, Zuwayid emphasised that the illustration represented the ‘ūd hindī he
used. All the aforementioned descriptions about the ‘ūd hindī’s shape confirm that it
is not similar to the shape of the qanbūs which is in fact, semi-oval. See Fig. 4.1.
Fig. 4.1. On the left, an illustration of ‘ūd hindī shown in a TV interview with Muḥammad Zuwayid (c.
1976). On the right, the Yemeni singer Qāsim al-Akhfash holding a qanbūs (Nājī, 1983, p. 135).
An additional difference concerns the hole or rosette: this is in the middle of the skin
soundboard in the ‘ūd hindī, while it is in the wooden part of the soundboard near to
the neck of the qanbūs. Lambert (2014) proposes that it is impossible to make a hole
in the skin, without destroying it. However, there are a few instruments that have a
soundboard made from skin containing one or more holes, for instance, the African
10 - In a radio programme about Dāwūd’s death anniversary, the broadcaster indicates that Dāwūd received ‘a small ‘ūd’ from
his uncle, and small size is a feature of ‘ūd hindī (Gabbāi, 1976).
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instrument that is known in the Gulf as the ṭanbūra, in addition, the quwaytara from
Fig. 4.2. On the left, an African instrument in the Gulf known as the ṭanbūra, the soundboard made
from skin and possessing two holes or rosettes (Khalīfa, 2012). On the right, quwaytara from
Zanzibar, the soundboard made from skin and possessing a hole (Quwaytara, 2016). In addition, it is
the most similar instrument to ‘ūd hindī as been described by Kuwaitis and Bahrainis.
Moreover, all the sources agree that the ‘ūd hindī was imported from India only.
Although the Kuwaitis have a strong historical relationship with Yemen in different
aspects, in music and trading for example, the ‘ūd hindī is never cited to have been
imported from Yemen. There is no evidence that the Yemeni qanbūs was widely
manufactured in India then sent to Bahrain and Kuwait under the name ‘ūd hindī.
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Fig. 4.3. On the left, an illustration by Aḥmad alṢālḥī of the ‘ūd hindī based on the illustration by
Zuwayid and descriptions from various musicians and narrators in the time of its use. On the right, an
illustration of a qanbūs (Lambert, 2002, p. 83).
A further reference from Yemen indicates to the existence of ‘ūd hindī in Yemen.
According to the Yemeni researcher ‘Abdullah Ḥaddad, the ‘ūd hindī, which has
many similarities with the old local ‘ūd (qanbūs), been brought for the first time to
Hadramaut in Yemen by Sultan bin al-Sheikh ‘Alī (d. 1904), from India in late 19th
century. Ḥaddad adds that many historians and writers (researchers) suspect that ‘Alī
was the first musician who brought qanbūs to Hadramaut, which is a common
mistake, because the instrument was in fact ‘ūd hindī (Ḥaddad, 2003).
Although the hypothesis that the ‘ūd hindī and qanbūs are the same is in doubt, it
does seem that the qanbūs was known by musicians in Bahrain and Kuwait, and was
probably used in ṣaut performance as well. The descriptive term is imkabbis, which
is used until now to refer to the ṣaut singer. The term imkabbis is derived from
kabbūs, which is a different name for the qanbūs, and also means the kabbūs player.
It seems that imkabbis was used by ṣaut performers to describe the ‘ūd player in the
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beginning, and later it became associated with the ṣaut singer, because the singer is
also the main ‘ūd player. Therefore, this would suggest that the qanbūs or kabbūs
There is another possible explanation for the use of the term imkabbis in the ṣaut
community. In the 19th century, the qanbūs was the only type of ‘ūd used in three
adjacent areas, Ḥejāz, Yemen, and Oman. In Ḥejāz, it was known as qanbūs
(Ṣabbāgh, 2012), in Oman it was known as qanbūs and ‘ūd yamānī (al-Ṣurī, c. 1978;
Al-Kathīrī, 2009), and in Yemen it had many different names, such as ‘ūd ṣan‘ānī,
ṭurbī, ṭarab, and gambūs (Lambert, 2002; al-Māss, 1930s). This term and instrument,
qanbūs, emigrated via Ḥejāzī and Yemeni musicians to the Malay world and spread
there under many names, for instance gambūs, hejāz, seludang, and perahu. These
names refer to different types of qanbūs alongside the classical ‘ūd which is also
known as gambūs (Hilarian, 2007, p. 2). Since the old musicians and narrators never
made references to the qanbūs or kabbūs as an instrument that was used in Bahrain
and Kuwait, it is possible that the term imkabbis was used because it was a renowned
term in Arabian Peninsula in that time, and used in Kuwait to refer to players of the
To summarise, any study that aims to trace the history of this instrument should
consider that it was dissimilar to what we today call the ‘ūd (what I am calling it ‘ūd
‘arabī here) probably a type of mandolin as Dāwūd said, and that it had a different
name in India. The zones of study should be the old Indian seaports visited by
Kuwaitis and Bahrainis 100 years ago as this instrument was sold and possibly
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Zuwayid’s use of the name bambāwī. This instrument probably disappeared from
‘Ūd ‘arabī
In the early 1920s, the classical ‘ūd or the ‘ūd ‘arabī became more desired amongst
the ṣaut performers. Within a few years the ‘ūd was dominant, while the ‘ūd hindī
‘ūd ‘arabī in the 1920s does not mean it was unknown before, but it seems that it
was rare. A few sources state that the ‘ūd ‘arabī was known in the region, at least in
Kuwait, in the late 19th century. Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti indicates that he got the chance
to see the ‘ūd of ‘Abdullah al-Faraj, who passed away on 15th July 1901 (al-
Wugayān, 2006, p. 280), and the ‘ūd was with Maḥmūd’s brother, Ṣāleḥ (d. 1975),
who was a renowned ṣaut performer in 1920s. The statement of Maḥmūd about al-
Faraj’s ‘ūd was quite ambiguous, he said that it was an old ‘ūd type, and different
from that which was covered by a skin (‘ūd hindī), but did not give more details or
clarify what ‘the old ‘ūd type’ meant (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter II, p. 44). The brother of
Khāled and Yūsuf al-Baker, Ibrāhīm, was more precise, saying that he saw al-Faraj’s
‘ūd with his brother Khāled and it was the ‘arabī kind (al-Baker, 1960s). Thus,
unfortunately, the information about this ‘ūd that dates back to the 19th century is
inadequate, and the only further detail provided is that the ‘ūd pegs were silver
Generally, the ‘ūd that I described as ‘arabī or classic is known today as simply an
‘ūd among ṣaut performers. However, with the increasing prevalence of this ‘ūd in
Kuwait, the performers began to name it ‘ūd shāmī, to distinguish it from the other
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‘ūd, hindī. There is no consensus on why Kuwaitis called this ‘ūd ‘shāmī’. It may be
have been imported from al-Shām, the name for Damascus or Syria, according to al-
Rūmī (‘Alī, 1980, p. 5). It could also indicate it came from Iraq, since al-Shām
means north in Arabic, and Iraq is north of Kuwait. It might be more logical and
indeed easier to bring an ‘ūd from Iraq, because of the short distance between the
two countries. Additionally, a few performers indicated that they brought their ‘ūd
from Iraq, while no one referred to Syria as the source of their ‘ūd. For instance, in
the mid 1920s, Maḥmūd bought an Iraqi ‘ūd from Ibrāhīm Kechek or Kuchuk, a
maker whose store was based in the seaport of Basra in Iraq, and it cost him 30
The features of the ‘ūd are its oval shaped body, short neck, wooden material and its
glued or unmovable bridge (al-Shaṭṭī, 2012). This ‘ūd contains distinctive features
that are not found in the ‘ūd hindī, such as the number of courses: in the ‘ūd is five,
or more rarely six, while in the ūd hindī it is four. The ‘ūd has a fine quality sound
and it is large, which means the sound is louder. The shift from ‘ūd hindī to ‘arabī
can be traced in the development of ṣaut music. A number of pieces were likely to be
composed on ‘ūd ‘arabī because they require five courses to be performed, for
example, ṣaut Be-abī al-Shumūs (el-Koueti, 1928). Therefore, the additional course
has expanded the range of notes in the ṣaut compositions. The loudness of the ‘ūd
was a reason to increase the number of mirwās players; this was typically just one
individual in the period of the ‘ūd hindī, but is now three or more. Such an increase
in the number of mirwās players would not have happened if the ‘ūd type was hindī,
because its frequency is described as weak and low. See table. 4.1.
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‘Ūd Hindī ‘Ūd ‘Arabī
‘Ūd hindī, ‘ūd bambāwī,
Name ‘ūd, ‘ūd shāmī
‘ūd bu-raqmah, mandolin
Courses Four Five or six
Circular shaped body Oval shaped body
Shape
and long neck and short neck
Materials Indian teak wood (sāy or ṣāj) Different types of wood
With the exception of a few performers, such as ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti and Sa‘ūd al-
Mukhāyṭa, most ṣaut singers are ‘ūd players. Therefore, there is a unique association
between singing and playing ‘ūd in ṣaut, and this association explains why people in
the ṣaut community still refer to the singer as imkabbis, because usually the ‘ūd
Due to the prominent and influential role of the ‘ūd as the only fundamental musical
instrument in ṣaut, the technique of playing is always changing and developing, and
most of this change happened through the efforts of three ṣaut performers, Dāwūd al-
Since the 1920s, the recordings show that the technique and style of playing ‘ūd
were generally similar among the performers. The exception was Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti,
who used an advanced technique that required long periods of practice and skill. He
was the first ṣaut player to demonstrate al-rīsha al-maqlūba, a technique that
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requires the plectrum (al-rīsha) to be used in two directions, up and down. All the
players from his generation used the plectrum in one direction, down only. This
technique allowed Dāwūd to perform and improvise in the music of ṣaut that would
be impossible to achieve using the plectrum in one direction style. Dāwūd was
sophisticated in his use of the ‘ūd positions system, which was very limited before
his contribution. He was able to jump to the positions, up to the fifth note, easily,
clearly, and confidently. Although the style of Dāwūd is a distinctive and attractive
one for playing ṣaut, his influence is limited among ‘ūd players as this style demands
thorough training for a long period of time in order to reap the benefits.
By comparison, Muḥammad bin Fāris has been influential in his contribution to the
Dāwūd, the techniques developed by bin Fāris are much easier to adopt and more
popular among the ṣaut performers. Bin Fāris used the technique of making a wide
vibrato on a F5 and dragging it gradually to the G5, and sometimes the wide vibrato
would begin from a lower note, E5 or D5. This type of note ornamentation is a
the instances of using this technique finish with a long tremolo on G5, which is
In the early 1960s, Ḥamad Khalīfa took the ‘ūd playing in ṣaut to a new level of
dexterity, which further enhanced the position of the ‘ūd in ṣaut. In ṣaut, usually the
instrumental refrain is similar to the sung melody. Khalīfa developed the refrain by
ṣaut melody and an improvised rhythmic taqsīm. Sometimes, Khalīfa used his notion
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of the instrumental refrain in the beginning of the ṣaut like an introduction, and
sometimes during the ṣaut, and both of these methods were previously unknown in
ṣaut. In the end of the ṣaut, particularly in the tawshīḥa part, he would play a long
taqsīm while other performers usually performed a short taqsīm or left this to another
instrument, commonly the violin. In addition, Khalīfa used al-rīsha al-maqlūba but
Nowadays, there are a number of names that are considered to be prominent ‘ūd
players in ṣaut. They utilise different techniques, mostly those founded by Dāwūd,
Fāris, and Khalīfa. These include, for example, Rāshed al-Ḥemely from Kuwait and
The tuning system (currently dozān and previously taṣlīḥ) of the ‘ūd in ṣaut is
traditional, in that it can be found in several areas in Arab world. The first or highest
course is C5, the second G4, the third D4, the fourth A3, and the only exception is
the fifth which is usually G3. It is possible to find some players who tune the fifth as
F3, but it is rare. It is common to tune the ‘ūd one step down, which means the first
course that is usually C5 will be Bb4, and similar with the rest of the courses. In
addition, it possible to find singers tune their ‘ūd one step up, and the first course
will be D5 instead of C5. This matter of the ‘ūd tuning depends on the range of the
The majority of ‘ūd types used in ṣaut are Arabic; it is possible to find a singer who
uses a Turkish ‘ūd, but this is rare. The performers believe that the ‘ūd in ṣaut needs
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a specific type of sound and frequency, which they describe as yābes (solid or
strong). Therefore, they prefer the large sized ‘ūd to ensure that the frequency is
loud. This made the instruments of the Iraqi ‘ūd maker Muḥammad Faḍel (d. 2002),
made to be big and loud, very popular among ṣaut performers. ‘Abdullah al-Shaṭṭī, a
Kuwaiti ‘ūd maker, told me that he made an ‘ūd specifically designed for ṣaut music.
This instrument was similar to the Faḍel style of ‘ūd, characterised by its large-sized
Nowadays, the ‘ūd plectrum tends to be thick and made from plastic, to ensure that
the player can extract a loud sound from the ‘ūd. In the old TV recordings, a few old
plectrum, which, it seems, was more wide-spread in the 1930s and 1940s.
Mirwās
The mirwās is the only percussion instrument used in ṣaut. This percussion was
brought from India to Kuwait in the middle of the 19th century by ‘Abdullah al-Faraj
to use in his ṣaut music (al-‘Ammārī, 2002, p.25). Recently the mirwās has become
more of a figure or symbol, not only of the ṣaut community, but also of music
culture in the entire Gulf region. It became popular out of the context of ṣaut, and it
can be found regularly on the TV and in radio jingles, as well as many contemporary
musical pieces that are not ṣaut music. Within the ṣaut community itself, the mirwās
holds a uniquely significant position amongst the mirwās players, many of whom do
not play any other type of traditional percussion instrument. Indeed, some players
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gave their preferred mirwās a name of endearment, such as bulbul11 by Fāḍel
Despite the mirwās being a familiar term in the Arabian Peninsula, its origin and
etymology are obscure. Yusūf Dūkhī states that the term and instrument mirwās date
back to the Abbasid Caliphate period. He refers to the word rawwāsīn mentioned by
the Abbasid music author Ibn Zaila (d. 1044) in his book al-Kāfī Fī al-Mūsīqā as
meaning the mirwās player at that time. Dūkhī asserts that the term rawwāsīn has
been corrupted and mutated at some point to become imrawsīn, the word for the
mirwās players used in Kuwait (Dūkhī, 1984, p. 199). However, Ibn Zaila does not
actually write rawwāsīn: rather, the terms that can be found in his book are rāwisīn
and rawishīn. Ibn Zaila explains that rāwisīn is a music genre or a tune that is free
from poetry or words, and can be presented through the human vocals or strings
instruments. The editor of Ibn Zaila’s book, Zakariyā Yūsuf, believes that rāwisīn is
what we would today call mawwāl or taqāsīm in Arabic music (Ibn Zaila, 1964, p.
66, p. 70), and that it is unrelated to any kind of rhythm or percussive instrument. In
addition, the term imrawsīn seems never to have been used in Bahrain and Kuwait.
Commonly, people in the ṣaut community call the mirwās players imrawsah.
It would seem that the oldest source to refer to the term mirwās can be found in
Yemeni literature. One of the earliest traces a poem written by Aḥmad Abdulraḥmān
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al-Ānsī (d. 1825), who said: “or extinguish his passion, he who is far from you, by
the tunes of the strings and the sound of marāwīs” (Ghānem, 1987, p. 287).
‘Abdullah Muḥammad Bā-Ḥasan (d. 1928) is another Yemeni poet who makes
mention of it: “do not fear any matter, this is a great boon, on the tune of the mirwās,
Mirwās as a term is used in many other Arabian Peninsula or surrounding areas, such
as Oman. There are also a few terms that are derived from or are similar to the word
mirwās, such as moryās in Nubian region and in Sudan (Olsen 2005, p. 83), and
moryās and mirwāsī are similar to the mirwās of ṣaut in Bahrain and Kuwait.
Nevertheless, the features of the mirwās in Yemen13 and Oman are also quite similar
to the mirwās in ṣaut, and the differences lie in the size, the technique of its use, and
Urkevich the mirwās in Saudi Arabia, specifically in the Ḥejāz region, is a common
term associated with all types of double headed drum (Urkevich, 2015, p. 183)
In the Gulf, the mirwās has a specific shape and method of use (tarwīs) that is used
in the ṣaut genre, and to a limited extent, in sea songs. It is a small double headed
drum that is covered by skin on both sides. The length is about 20 cm and the
enable the player to hold it and raise it with one hand. It possible to find a player
13 - Mirwās in Yemen was accompanied string instruments, particularly the Ṣan‘ānī music until 1930s, when it began to
disappear from the strings bands, and continues to be used only in the Yemeni folk music scope (Ghānem, 1987, p.19; Bin
Tha‘lab, 1987, p.41).
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who uses a heavier and bigger size mirwās, but this is rare and probably only found
There is a standard method of holding or gripping and using the mirwās in ṣaut. The
player usually uses the thumb, third and fourth fingers of the left hand to hold the
mirwās from underneath. He tilts the drum slightly towards to the right hand, and
raises it almost to chest level. The mirwās should be 30 cm away from the body of
the player. The right hand knocks the mirwās to extract two types of sounds, ṭaraf
and baṭin. Ṭaraf is the high pitch sound that happens by using the index and middle
fingers to knock the rim of the mirwās. At the same time, the index finger of the left
hand touches the skin of the underside to make the knocking sound sharper
(ghamta). Baṭin is the low pitch sound that happens by using the same right hand
fingers, index and middle, to knock the area between the centre and the rim of the
mirwās. Simultaneously, the index finger releases the skin on the underside,
generating a high frequency and deep sound. There are players who use only one
finger to extract the ṭaraf and baṭin, usually the index finger, but this is considered as
weakness in technique or worse, a sign of failure (al-Jassār, 2008). See Fig. 4.4.
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Manufacture of the mirwās
Three elements are involved in the manufacture of the mirwās that is used in ṣaut:
wood, skin, and cotton. The body of the mirwās (qurf) is made mainly from a large
piece of teak or rosewood. The piece of wood is carved out perfectly without any
breaks or cracks to become hollow from inside with a circular shape on both sides,
inside and out, then the qurf rubbed inside and outside to become thin,
middle of the qurf, the purpose of which is to help release the air pressure. The qurf
of the mirwās is painted from outside with different colours, such as red, yellow, and
green. Recently, many mirwās players have preferred not to have colouring on their
The skin (raqma) that is used to cover both sides of the mirwās is usually rabbit,
goat, or fish skin. Each raqma type gives a different type of sound, sharp or deep.
Therefore, the performers sometimes use two different types of skin to cover the
mirwās, for example rabbit for the higher side and goat for the lower, which gives a
sound that combines the deepness in baṭin and sharpness or resonance in ṭaraf. The
size of the raqma before its installation should be one and a half times the diameter
of the mirwās. The raqma must be immersed in water for a short time to make it
flexible enough to install onto the mirwās. After the raqma covers a side of the
mirwās, a piece of bamboo made as a collar (ṭouq, pl. ṭījān) is shaped and placed
onto the raqma and the qurf, like a ring on a finger. The raqma is pulled to the top to
cover the ṭouq, then another ṭouq is placed to press and hold the raqma, and the
process is repeated on the other side of the mirwās. After installing both sides of the
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A long, twined and thin cotton rope, about 2 mm in width, is passed between the
body of the mirwās (qurf) and the collar (ṭouq) by a big needle (mīber). It is used to
make six holes in on side and seven in the other, and to connect both sides in a
zigzag form. At the end of the threading, 80 cm of the rope is left to use for pulling
the rope that is between the collars of both sides. This pulling or tugging process is
known as shibāḥ, and helps to control the tune of the mirwās. In the 1960s and
1970s, there were marāwīs with metal rings placed between every two lines of rope,
and were used in tugging (shibāḥ) the raqma by pulling the ring up. However, this
model did not succeed against the traditional mirwās and disappeared later (Dūkhī,
The head of the Musical Instruments Office in the Ministry of Education in 1983,
Rāshed al-Rashīd, had difficulty in providing percussion instruments for the schools
using a plastic pipe as a body of mirwās (qurf), rather than expensive wood. At that
time, the traditional mirwās cost four Kuwaiti dinars (nine pounds sterling), whilst
the plastic mirwās cost 150 Kuwaiti fils (35 pence). A further limitation of the
wooden mirwās was the uniformity of size. Plastic instrument could be made several
sizes: quarter, half, and three quarters, which suited all ages of students (al-Suraie‘,
2011). Although the plastic mirwās is very effective in the schools and less costly, it
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There are some problems or diseases that affect the skins of mirwās (raqma), and
force the player to replace them with new ones. Commonly, there are three types of
problem that cause the raqma to lose its capability to function properly: a hole in the
skin (baṭ), a rupture near the collar or the rim (mindili’), or the deterioration of the
quality of the skin. In this case, the mirwās needs riqām, which means re-skinning or
Mirwās players
The oldest mirwās player that been written about is ‘Abbūd al-Ṣaffār, who
Baker (d. 1953) is another mirwās player from the late 19th century, who
accompanied al-Faraj as well as his two brothers Khāled and Yūsuf al-Baker (al-
Shamlān, 1975, p.40). In 1930s and 1940s, many mirwās players were known for
their work on early records made in both Bahrain and Kuwait. Mullā Sa‘ūd al-
Mukhāyṭa (d. 1971), was a singer and mirwās player, and performed with many of
the ṣaut singers in the 1920s and 1930s. Here corded his mirwās playing with
‘Abdullaṭīf, Maḥmūd, Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti in Kuwait, and Muḥammad bin Fāris, and
Ḍāḥī bin Walīd in Bahrain. Ḥamad Buṭaibān (d. 1933), was a Kuwaiti mirwās player
who accompanied bin Fāris, bin Walīd, and al-Mukhāyṭa in their recordings in 1932
(al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p. 139). From Bahrain, Ṣaqer bin Fāris (d. 1948), Juwhar al-
Najdī and Blāl bin Faraj, all performed in the recordings of the 1930s. After
the1950s, with the developments to the mirwās performance approach and the
appearance of the mirwās improviser, many players became well known such as
Almāṣ Bashīr (d. 2014), Fāḍel Maqāmes, Surūr al-Youḥa and Rāshed Sanad.
Nowadays, several mirwās players are prominent and popular amongst the ṣaut
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community, such as Muḥammad al-Ḥamad, ‘Abdullah Saffāḥ, Jawād al-Shaṭṭī (d.
Violin
During the 1920s, the violin was already involved in the ṣaut ensemble in both
Bahrain and Kuwait, but references from the time do not provide sufficient detail
about the violin before this decade. Only Yūsuf Dūkhī mentions that the violin was
known in ṣaut in the late 19th century and refers to Alī al-Khaḍar or al-Akhḍar as a
master of violin who accompanied al-Faraj (d. 1901), and Khāled al-Baker who was
a singer in the 19th century and passed away in 1925 (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter II,
indicates that he was accompanied by the violin of al-Khaḍar, in the 1920s (Bu-
Shāyi‘, c. 1978). The sources mention two further names who were violin players in
the 1920s, Ya‘qūb Abdulrazāq al-Naqī (d. c. 1963) from Kuwait and Sa‘ad Bu-
Sayyūl (d. 1933) from Bahrain (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter II, Pupils, p.4; al-‘Ammārī,
aforementioned performers to know what their style and ability in playing the violin
was. The only violin player who performed ṣaut in the 1920s and whose recordings
are available is Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti. Ṣāleḥ is considered the father of the violin in ṣaut
and the most prominent violin player in the history of ṣaut. The advanced level of
Ṣāleḥ in violin implies that the violin players in Kuwait before Ṣāleḥ may have
reached a level of technique that was good, and which influenced Ṣāleḥ’s
capabilities. We know that Ṣāleḥ and also al-Naqī studied violin with al-Khaḍar at
the beginning of their playing careers (Dūkhī, 1971, Chapter II, Pupils, p.4), but we
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do not know if al-Khaḍar was a good player, nor if he was the only teacher of Ṣāleḥ
in Kuwait.
As in the whole Arab region, the violin in Bahrain and Kuwait is called the kamān or
kamanjah. In addition, the tuning of the violin is exactly the same as that in other
Arabic music cultures which is D5, G4, D4 and G3, which is a tuning that is known
since 1940s, and became more popular later (al-Turkī, 2016). A few violin players
use a different tuning (C5, G4, D4 and G3), which is the old Arabic tuning that was
widespread until probably the 1960s. However, the number of players who use this
tuning is limited and it would appear that this practice is likely to disappear.
taqāsīm in the ṣaut genre, which are found in the mawwāl before the ṣaut, and in the
tawshīḥa in the end of ṣaut are performed by the violin player. The position of the
violin became more prominent through the efforts of Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti, who
sometimes took a leading role in recordings of ṣaut. His performances for the
instrumental refrains in ṣaut were full of improvisation that led the other performers,
such as on the ‘ūd and qānūn, to follow his perspective in formulating the refrain.
Ṣāleḥ was able to interpret the improvised singing in ṣaut, and possessed unusual
skill in following the singers and their unpredictable improvisation. Many of his
taqāsīm in tawshīḥa are like instrumental pieces in themselves which many violin
players learn and memorise to utilise in their ṣaut performances. Moreover, Ṣāleḥ
was the only ṣaut singer who played violin rather than ‘ūd during his performance.
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Later in the 1950s and onward, many violin players used the Egyptian violin playing
style in performing ṣaut, and a number of them were Egyptians, such as Najīb
Rezqallah (d. 1972) and Ḥamdī al-Ḥarīrī (d. 2002). Nowadays, there are number of
prominent violin players in the ṣaut community, such as ‘Abdullah Khairī from
Qānūn
The qānūn is an instrument that has a modest presence in ṣaut history, and was not
available in the region until the 1950s. Outside the region, specifically in Baghdad, a
few performers from the region recorded their songs with bands that contained a
qānūn player. In 1928, ‘Abdullah Faḍālah from Kuwait recorded two Kuwaiti songs
for Baidaphon Company, and these records are the first that include a qānūn. In the
istimā‘ for Odeon Company in Baghdad, with a band containing a qānūn. In both
sessions of recordings, the qānūn player was Ṣayyūn Cohen from Iraq. However,
although the content of these recordings were traditional songs from Kuwait, they do
not include any ṣaut. In early 1937, Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti recorded some ṣaut songs,
such as Ṭāla Lailī, for HMV Company in which the qānūn was part of the band.
Within a few months, Muhammad bin Fāris and ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti recorded
their ṣaut songs with a qānūn player for the same company, HMV. The qānūn player
in these three recording sessions is Yūsuf Za‘rūr (d. 1969), an Iraqi musician who
was a member of the official Iraqi broadcast ensemble, which was headed by Ṣāleḥ
al-Kuwaiti at that time, the violin player in these three sessions (al-Kuwaiti, 2014, p.
23). In 1947, Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti recorded a few ṣaut songs, for instance Lawlā al-
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Nasīm, for the BBC Radio, and probably the recordings were recorded in Baghdad.
The recordings consisted of the qānūn of Za‘rūr, and in the last part of the ṣaut,
known as the tawshīḥa, Za‘rūr played a taqsīm on his qānūn which had never been
However, with the exception of the recordings that were made in Baghdad, the
qānūn was an unused instrument among ṣaut performers in Bahrain and Kuwait. The
first qānūn player from the region was Ḥamad al-Rujaib (d. 1998), who went to
Egypt and took private lessons with the Egyptian qānūn master Muḥammad ‘Abdu
Ṣāleḥ in the 1950s (Bashīr, 1990s, p.58). Furthermore, in 1952, two qānūn players
arrived from Iraq, Fawzī Nājī and Sālem Ḥussain, to join the Kuwait radio ensemble.
In 1959, the Kuwaiti government decided to establish a big band and they made
agreements with many musicians from Egypt, included Muḥammad Riḍā Ghunaima,
who was preferred by the ṣaut performers in that time, because of his unique style in
performing ṣaut (Surayi’, 2008, p. 110). In the 1960s, a few Bahraini and Kuwaiti
musicians began to study and play qānūn seriously and academically such as
‘Abdullah Bu-Gheith from Kuwait and Aḥmad al-Fardān (d. 2014) from Bahrain.
(samra). Until now, the qānūn is present in ṣaut but it is not as important as the
There are further instruments that could be found in ṣaut recordings, but their
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unconventional. Instruments like the nāy (wooden flute) might be found in ṣaut
gathering while instruments like the double bass or cello are extremely rare and
seldom used in ṣaut gatherings. Rather they can be seen commonly in TV or other
Conclusion
This chapter aimed to discuss the instruments that are used in the performance of
ṣaut. It consists of the main instruments, ‘ūd and mirwās, and other less common
ṣaut instruments such as the violin. The discussion sheds light on many aspects of
the instruments used, such as the terms, playing techniques, prominent musicians,
and the developments that have happened with regard to the features and playing of
such instruments.
Additionally, the chapter argues about the features of ‘ūd hindī, which is an
instrument that no longer exists in ṣaut, and probably disappeared in the 1930s.
Moreover, an attempt has been made to compare it with the ‘ūd that is known today
and the old ‘ūd – the qanbūs – that was used in the Arabian peninsula, and which
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CHAPTER V
UNDERSTANDING ṢAUT
Introduction
This Chapter will address the concept of variation and improvisation in ṣaut in order
to explore the areas in which existing research into these practices is lacking. Besides
academic field, the following discussion illuminates the features of creativity in ṣaut
that give us, in my opinion, a fresh opportunity to understand it from the perspective
of practitioners. A central post of this is the learning processes involved in the ṣaut
that is spontaneous, on inventive whim, rather than one given from a written or
printed score or from memory" (Latham, 2004, p. 87). Similarly, in the Harvard
“surprise, wonder, mystery and discovery” as the basis of the improvisation (2002, p.
6).
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Discourse on improvisation does not contain a logical typology (Gerson-Kiwi, 1970,
p. 66). Because every music type possesses its own characteristics and features,
ethnomusicologists try to adopt their own approaches which can cover the
improvisers’ practices and convey the sound and act of improvisation. Attempts to
build a suitable method therefore depend on the type and conditions of the music
being studied.
Bruno Nettl and Ronald Riddle (1973, pp. 11-55) studied taqāsīm, a non-metric
improvised form of Arabic music by analysing sixteen taqāsīm. They chose the ones
which shared the same maqām, and had been performed by the same improviser
using two different instruments, the buzuq (long neck lute) and the nāy (wooden
flute). The recordings were taken on different days. The study measured the length
of each taqsīm, the number and length of every section within each as well as the
In his thesis about the ‘ūd improvisation of Riyāḍ al-Sunbāṭī, Kareem Joseph
Roustom (2006), tried to find a method that could help him study and analyse the
to the technique of playing ‘ūd, such as the role of the left and right hands. He
explained how to transcribe the expressions that are used on the ‘ūd, and found new
symbols to assist him in explaining in greater detail the techniques that were used by
al-Sunbāṭī, but could not be found in any music dictionary (2006, p. 60). In addition,
in the Chapter on transcriptions and analysis (2006, pp. 170-152), Roustom notated
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the examples (six pieces of taqāsīm), followed by a transcription of the modulations.
50), which should be considered as the main difference from ṣaut. Additionally, the
modulations in ṣaut are limited, usually to two maqāmāt, and this does not need
tables, only to present and show the transcription of maqāmāt that were used in ṣaut
example. On the other hand, using the classical style of transcription by notating the
Although the studies of Nettl and Riddle, and Roustom focus on elucidating an
Arabic genre of improvisation, the scholars propose a method that deals with just one
This study of ṣaut will be broader than those, reviewing a range of performers from
different periods and regions. But the specific approach will be different as well,
because the practice, structure, and form of taqāsīm are significantly different from
ṣaut music. Taqāsīm is un-rhythmical and is in a non-metric form. Within the same
taqsīm, the finale notes, number of themes or sections, and their length are variable.
The performance of the whole taqāsīm melody is usually improvised. On the other
hand, in ṣaut the practice of improvisation relates to specific rhythms and musical
sections. In a ṣaut song, the melody is specified and through it, the performer
improvises.
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A valuable model is offered by Ruth F. Davis in the book, ma’lūf reflections on the
Arab Andalusian music of Tunisia (2004). The method that is used by Davis relies on
various elements such as the text, scale, pentachords (‘uqūd), and the transcription.
ma’lūf music to illustrate the scale, ‘uqūd, and transcription of the model. She
reveals how each expert or scholar recognises, absorbs, and interprets the example of
ma’lūf that studied. This comparative method that is used by Davis provides
ma’lūf and ṣaut: it is possible to provide transcriptions for each chosen ṣaut to
analyse and extract the creativity practices. Each example can be studied through
and tetrachords are fundamental in the analyses study, to able to define any change
In another important and recent study, Laudan Nooshin (2015) looked at creative
dastgah segah music, was more broad and comprehensive. Nooshin used a
of different ages, both singers and instrumentalists. Nooshin collected the recordings
from different resources, for instance, live concerts, commercial recordings, and
from the Iranian radio broadcasts. The performances analysed contained all the main
The method of analysis in Nooshin’s study shares some similarities to that of Nettl
and Riddle (1973), for example, by discussing the tone and length of certain parts or
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sections. However, in order to compare and to understand how Iranian classical
different variations of the same motif or part that been performed by different
performers. Nooshin suggests new terms to identify the phrases and parts of
she also proposed a categorisation for the various permutations. The study
additionally includes symbols for a semi quarter tone (koron), tremolo (riz),
exaggerated vibrato (mālesh), and other unique techniques used only in Iranian
music.
In fact, the approach used in Nooshin’s study suggests many elements which could
performer. This could improve an understanding of how ṣaut performers think and
clear, the approaches and styles used during ṣaut performances are unknown or
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Another recent text is Anne Rasmussen’s (2009) study of Indonesian reciters of the
Quran. A Quran master teaches the students melodies and the style to be used, as
well as a number of musical phrases that help the student to discover the best way to
use certain maqām, the typical phrases, and the common variations. Part of the
of teaching described here does not exist in the ṣaut field, at least not nowadays.
Teacher-student relationships of this kind are very rare: the scope of opportunity to
singer in percussion or violin. Aside from these occasions, the singer has to learn the
style of singing ṣaut, including being creative, by himself and does this through
listening to ṣaut for a long time and accommodating many melodies, variations, and
musical phrases for improvisation is also absent in ṣaut, because each ṣaut is a
separate example that should be learnt to expand the knowledge of the performer.
Rasmussen also demonstrates that teaching is not only about what the reciter should
do, but also what not to do. It is usually related to particular aesthetic and cultural
considerations, which means that not every change made during a performance will
types of singing techniques that the student learns, such as trills, vibrato and cadence
(qaflah). Many of these ornamentation types have never been used in the ṣaut field.
But of course, there are ornamentations that are particular to ṣaut which will be
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A key figure in discussion of improvisation has been Bruno Nettl, who refers to it in
his more recent work as “…the creation of music in the course of performance-exists
alongside music that is not improvised but precomposed” (Nettl, 2009, p.186). He
expands further on this definition in terms of understanding the values that reflect
creativity as being relationships between concept and practice, using similarities and
differences in the creative field through comparison of the Persian music genre radif¸
and other improvisatory music forms in south India and the Arabic world. He works
to determine or explain the terms that describe the phases of improvisatory practice,
how improvisation can be learnt, and the motives that encourage the musician to
improvise in radif music. He reveals that musicians learn gushehs, which are
their order in the radif: this is improvisation in radif music. Nettl illustrates different
order, or utilising parts of them. The notions that surround gusheh are a way to
emerge below ṣaut and radif converge through the practice of changing the order of
approach improvisation in ṣaut. It dates back to an evening in the late 1990s when I
was involved with a group performing ṣaut songs. At that time I was still a beginner
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and unfamiliar with many particulars of the ṣaut genre. At some point between songs
the singer was searching through his song notebook for a suitable ṣaut poem to
perform. This was a manuscript that been written by the singer himself. As I tuned
my violin, the mirwās players were preparing their instruments by tightening the
ropes and beating the skin to find the ideal sharp percussive sound. As we were
doing this, someone from the mirwās players’ group asked the singer to find a ṣaut
which was, as he described it, military, or on the theme of battle (ḥarbī). It was my
first encounter with this term, and I did not understand it as I was only familiar with
other ṣaut types like shāmī, ‘arabī, and khāyalī. However, later on I came to
understand this common term, which refers to a type of ṣaut that is fast paced and
involves singing in a high register. The singer, if I recall correctly, was Ibrāhīm al-
Khashram, and his response was very quiet. He answered without hesitation, using
an expression which roughly translates as, “whatever the ‘ūd brings” or “wherever
the ‘ūd takes me” (ellī yeṭal‘a-l-‘ūd). He then began suddenly playing on his ‘ūd, and
the mirwās players and myself as a violin player followed his lead in
accompaniment. The music of the ‘ūd in this opening part was unclear, and for about
30 seconds there was a maqām to be heard, possibly bayātī, and with a shāmī
rhythm, but the music did not relate to any specific ṣaut piece. It was composed of
chasing his notes, up and down (see Fig. 3. 14.). Nevertheless, gradually the music
became clearer and the melody of a ṣaut song emerged. As a result, all of us as
performers, the mirwās and violin players, became more confident and harmonious.
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This practice and this phrase (ellī yeṭal‘a-l-‘ūd [wherever the ‘ud takes me]), were
along with the others during performances, but I had never thought of that as
improvisation – it was simply a part of playing. That day revealed a separate playing
event that was not a piece of ṣaut. The singer had begun the ṣaut without any idea
about the melody that he was proposing to sing. Except for the maqām and the
rhythm that were apparent, the music was totally ambiguous. But the singer believed
that he was being obedient and submissive to his ‘ūd, which is reflected in his choice
of phrase “wherever the ‘ūd takes me”. Al-Khashram was touching the strings as if
trying to find any message from his ‘ūd, any suggestion or inspiration. In other
words, he dealt with the ‘ūd as an originator of improvisation notions. The statement
and the act of the singer were how I came to understand the relationship between the
One might ask, how can the ‘ūd have the ability to lead the singer to choose a ṣaut
through this improvisatory section? Although many ṣaut singers use the same phrase
and practice, none of them have clarified the structure of such improvisatory
beginnings. They never comment on how the ‘ūd can suggest a ṣaut. However, there
are small clues that could offer an explanation. During the playing of the ‘ūd, the
improvised phrases may contain several notes that are similar somehow to a melody
found in the ṣaut repertoire. Here the singer will recognise or remember a certain
ṣaut song, and then he will decide to follow his ‘ūd's “suggestion” and perform what
he noticed through this elusory improvised entrance. Viewed from this perspective,
despite the implication of the phrase, the singer is responding to a musical moment
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However, there is another aspect that is important to note. The maqām used in the
improvisatory music is not always the maqām of the ṣaut to which it leads. So the
singer can use the improvisation as a way to lead those present to expect one maqām,
but eventually present them with another. This gives the singer total control over the
expressive disjuncture when the maqām of the song is different. Improvisation can
be a fundamental component in generating, not only modifying or adding to, the ṣaut
song. Improvisation activity that precedes the emergence of the ṣaut song itself
improvisation activities, this example shows that it possible to go further beyond the
Variation and improvisation practices are central to ṣaut performance and as such,
are an essential element that should not be excluded from any study of the ṣaut genre
and repertoire. Many studies of ṣaut refer to the importance of improvisation but
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most do not discuss the method of improvisation activities in any depth, nor illustrate
Bahraini ṣaut performer. However, this study is rather generalised, and lacks an
attempt to clarify the motives, styles, processes, and many other elements that should
ṣaut. Al-‘Ammārī does refer to the fact that Bin Fāris never sang a ṣaut in a way that
was similar to another, even if they were in the same maqām and similar in phrase,
because his singing style was different from one ṣaut to another (1991, pp. 223-224).
However, when considering the similarity in maqām, phrase, and melody between
the examples that been sang by Bin Fāris, al-‘Ammārī does not clarify what connects
and what separates these “similar” examples. Thus, even this study failed to address
many crucial questions that could lead to understanding the features of improvisation
in ṣaut.
Broadly speaking, one might ask why ṣaut singers tend toward variation rather than
simulation, and how such singers become so creative. What it is about the ṣaut circle
that encourages the ṣaut performers to find such a character in variation and
improvisation? Furthermore, one may seek to understand in what way terms like
does the variation and improvisation in ṣaut converge with other cultures and
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The reasons for studying the features of variation and improvisation in ṣaut are not
simply the absence of similar studies in this field, but crucially are because of its
identity, resistance to modernism, and affiliation to the ṣaut community. Within the
ṣaut community, the generally accepted view is that there is a strong correlation
between ṣaut as a concept and variation and improvisation as a practice. The culture
of variation and improvisation is deeply embedded in the art of ṣaut, so much so that
that it can be said to be one of the sole reasons for the successful preservation of ṣaut
in its traditional form. This has led to a view among many performers and listeners
that any ṣaut repertoire performed without variation and improvisation is a semi or
In the late 1950s, a number of Kuwaiti young performers, such as ‘Awaḍ Dūkhī and
Sa‘ūd al-Rāshed, began to perform ṣaut with a big band that contains many other
instruments, which is influenced by modern popular Egyptian music style and never
been used in ṣaut before. The musicians in this big band played from scores, which
had the effect of reducing the scope, or at least greatly reducing the improvisatory
melody or maqām and repeating verses, which would naturally happen during
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singing, are impossible to present with this “standardised” ṣaut. The singer must
commit to what is written in the score, otherwise the large band will not able to
members acknowledge it as their own. Purists, who support the traditional or the
hereditary style of performing ṣaut, believe that the standardised presentation of old
ṣaut belongs only to academic institutions and the media (television and radio), and
they reject it on an aesthetic level as tedious. For them, the melody and rhythm are
not enough to represent ṣaut: the spontaneous creative elements are crucial.
Traditional performers who resist standardised ṣaut prefer to call it ṣaut muṭawwar
(a developed ṣaut). They refrain from using adjectives such “old”, “traditional” or
There are several potential motivations behind the keenness and commitment to use
effect of wāhis, a colloquial term similar to the Egyptian term ṭarab; roughly
translated these terms describe the stirring of emotion by the songs (Shiloah, 1995, p.
12). The state of wāhis could occur as a response to or through interaction with the
other performers (musicians and percussion players), or the audience. The effect of
wāhis on the performer could be a high level of integration with every component of
the performance, the music, lyrics, instrument (usually an ‘ūd), musicians, dancers
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(zaffānah or zuwāfīn) and audience. The performer who reaches this level is
described as mistahwis or mingherem and is able to create something new within the
could also act oddly, in rare cases, and it is probably a result of the ecstasy-like state
situation of wāhis.
about the legendary Bahraini mirwās player, Surūr al-Youḥa, who whilst sitting,
tradition requires all performers to sit on the floor, and not to move around during
the performance. Saffāḥ points out that when al-Youḥa displayed this type of
Other ṣaut performers are motivated to use variation and improvisation to break the
songs. This makes the monotonic ṣaut more active. Another theory however,
would have the ability to make a ṣaut his own and be known for his style.
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overlap in style. The reason for this maybe said to be the finite repertoire of ṣaut,
Al-Khashram, the well known ṣaut singer in Kuwait offers a related interpretation
for the need for improvisation. He says that in his case, he struggled to be
independent from any other ṣaut performer, and that he insisted on being free and
could be compared with of the notion of freedom, which is a concept similar to that
community and the variational and improvisational elements that he uses during
absent. Ṣaut performers rarely engage in a debate involving the why, when, who, or
how concerning improvisation. A number of them consider that the music of ṣaut is
free from any type of change, which may imply there is no improvisation in ṣaut.
derived from the style (ṭaur or islūb) of the performer. In the ṣaut community, ṭaur
and islūb are a package of elements that establish the character of the ṣaut performer,
for instance, creativity and aesthetics. Other words that refer directly to
Other performers cite intelligence and talent as the source of the variation and
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or rational. In general, members do not believe in divine, spiritual, or any hidden
power as a source or motive to improvise and innovate, and many of them think that
it is an intellectual process.
need to first clarify the method of teaching and learning the ṣaut songs within the
community, because there is an overlap between learning ṣaut and learning how to
Nowadays, the method of learning ṣaut is different from that used in the
prerecording era, i.e. before the release of the first records of the local singers in
1927. So far as we know, at that time the only way to learn ṣaut songs was to meet a
singer. There is no research explaining how the professional or expert singers taught
the beginners, but it is possible to find a few clues of older teaching processes
mentioned in interviews with the older ṣaut performers. One method of learning was
by taking lessons in exchange for money or other items. Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti, who
was a tobacco seller in 1920s, indicated that Yūsuf al-Baker taught him ṣaut pieces
in exchange for cigarettes and sometimes for money. In addition, Muḥammad bin
Samḥān had agreed with Maḥmūd to teach him ṣaut pieces and the payment was an
‘ūd (al-Gharīb, 2003, p. 103; pp. 108-109). Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti indicated clearly that he
began his education in music with Khāled al-Baker, who taught him ‘ūd and ṣaut
songs. The first song that Ṣāleḥ learnt it is Yā Badī‘ al-Jamāl, which is a ṣaut shāmī
(al-Kuwaiti, c. 1978). Currently, it is rare to find any singer that gives lessons,
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whether for free or for a form of payment, in the ṣaut community. This is possibly
due to the availability of ṣaut songs recordings and the trend of using them for
learning.
Many ṣaut performers have learnt ṣaut within their family, from their fathers or
brothers. There are many examples like Khāled (a singer), Muḥammad (a mirwās
player) and Yūsuf al-Baker (a singer), Muḥammad bin Fāris (a singer) and his
brothers, ‘Abdullaṭīf (a singer) and Ṣaqer (a singer and mirwās player). The method
of learning ṣaut within a family is still practised, and it is the only current method
available that allows the expert performer to teach through advice or perhaps formal
lessons. The examples are numerous in both Bahrain and Kuwait, for instance,
Muḥammad Zuwayid (a singer) and his son Yūsuf (a singer), Ḥamad Khalīfa (a
singer) and his son Ṣalāh (a singer and mirwās player), ‘Abdullaṭīf al-‘Arrūj, his son
Sa‘ūd (d. 1980) (a singer), and his two grandsons ‘Alī (a singer), and Jamāl (a
mirwās player).
ṣaut and play with expert performers, as the gathering is a closed and private affair.
father, brother, or in rare cases other relatives, has the privilege to accompany him as
a mirwās player, or attend any rehearsal or training in the house as a listener. Thus,
this type of learning in the most part is not by lessons or a tutor and student dynamic,
but by accompanying and practicing ṣaut constantly for years. This pupil has the
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preparing, and modifying of ṣaut songs. This established practice of attending and
accompanying is an efficient process for the student to naturally understand the style
has the possibility to ask about any detail, act, or idea during the performing ṣaut.
Most performers who acquired their knowledge and experience in ṣaut through the
family, are advanced, accurate, sophisticated, and traditional, and perhaps a small
from their elders. Nonetheless a number of these performers possess imagination and
many are good imitators. Yūsuf al-Baker, who learnt ṣaut by his brother Khāled, had
the opportunity to record and hear his voice for the first time when he was over 80
years old. When Yūsuf listened to his voice, he felt pleased and stated happily “as if
that the singing style of Yūsuf was really similar to his brother, and Yūsuf was
method, caused by the beginners who rely on only one source to acquire their
This structure of learning is the most influential, because it includes two levels of
learning, namely theoretical and practical (or observation and application). It can be
described as consistent or constant and involves attending the samra. Many ṣaut
performers, not only singers, spent years as a part of the audience, listening,
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of the choir. Later, they could begin to learn practically by performing ṣaut, whether
playing mirwās or ‘ūd and singing. They would then move on to imitating, and
singing what was remembered from what was heard from the expert performer. This
method of learning is the most successful process, and already taught many
beginning. In Bahrain, Ḍāḥī bin Walīd was a mirwās player for Bin Fāris, and
Muḥammad ‘Allāyah was also a mirwās player for Bin Fāris, Bin Walīd, and
Zuwayid (‘Allāyah, n.d.). In Kuwait, al-Mukhāyṭa was a mirwās player for Khāled
al-Baker and many other singers (al-Yāqūt, 1964). This old practice is still ongoing
and, many singers active today began performing ṣaut as mirwās or violin players.
One of the most important ṣaut singers today is Ibrāhīm al-Khashram, who told me
singing.
A further element that could be considered as an aspect of learning ṣaut is the use of
notebooks. Many performers own a collection of ṣaut texts, and they usually write
the lyrics in a notebook or a collection of papers. The origins of the poems vary,
mostly deriving from the repertoire, but there is a continuous and constant renewing
process happening in ṣaut in the search for new poems, which are suitable to the ṣaut
character. The performers were (and remain to this day) using varying procedures to
find new texts, for example the singer of 19th century ‘Abdullah al-Faraj was keen to
search the literature books and poem collections to find new texts for his ṣaut pieces
(al-Baker, 1960s). His high quality of education, wealthy family, and easy access to
India, helped him to buy these books. In that period, late 19th century, the availability
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of books in the region was limited and expensive, and there was no single book store
or public library in Kuwait in that time. On the other hand, al-Faraj wrote a number
of poems of his own to use in ṣaut, as he was also notable poet. A different method
for finding new poems was used by Muḥammad bin Fāris. In early 1910s in Bahrain,
Bin Fāris met an expert performer from Ḥejāz region named Abdulraḥīm Ḥejāzī, and
committed to his notebook many poems that were not known in the ṣaut repertoire in
that time (Zuwayid, c. 1976). Muḥammad Zuwayid has an unusual story about his
own attempt to gain a collection of texts. In his youth, in the 1920s or 1930s,
Zuwayid visited Oman and during a samra with a group of local musicians, he found
a manuscript that was full of poems. At midnight, Zuwayid stole the manuscript and
left Oman by ship in the morning. Zuwayid later justified his theft and said, the
Omani owner was not a musician and he refused to sell it to me (Zuwayid, c. 1976;
Zuwayid, n.d.). These examples show the strong desire to find new texts, but also the
obstacles faced.
There is no reference for any ṣaut performer who used a notebook or papers during a
samra from the late 19th century until approximately the mid 20th century. Possibly,
due to the importance and value of the text collection or the notebook for the ṣaut
performers, they did not like to lose their own collection, or perhaps they shielded it
from being copied by other performers. It is important to point out that there were a
number of performers who never owned a notebook because they were illiterate,
such as Ḍāḥī bin Walīd (‘Allāyah, n.d.), or because they were blind and incapable of
using texts, such as ‘Abdullah Faḍālah. Recently, it is has become common to see
one or more notebooks in every samra. There are many public and private libraries,
book stores, and lately many websites have been published that provide hundreds of
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poems. Therefore, the attitude towards the notebook is changed completely today,
and most ṣaut performers prefer to read and sing from their own. However, the
tradition of singing from memory or not reading from a notebook still exists among
the new generation, for example Salmān al-‘Ammārī and Ṣāleḥ al-Jerayid.
This practice of owning a notebook is important to learn ṣaut not only historically,
but also in the present day community. Historically, there was no transcription
availability of recording and until the 1950s, it was not easy to record for companies:
it required that one find a sponsor and travel for a long journey to Iraq or India or
another country to record maybe a few ṣaut pieces. Thus, the opportunity to record a
ṣaut was not easy, and the number of performers who got the chance to do so was
small. In the pre and early recording era, the best way to learn more ṣaut songs was
by meeting other performers and listening to their singing. Since repeating the ṣaut
was unavailable in that time, writing the text was and remains one form of many for
learning ṣaut, and it will assist many to learn and remember the melody of a ṣaut or
at least some of its features. The improvisatory elements will adopt a space to fill the
ṣaut knowledge, because the notebook is not only about the poetry but it is more the
chance to learn something new about ṣaut and about their singing. The notebook will
lead me to recognise the style of poems that are preferred, and why they chose
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certain verses or neglected other verses. In addition, there would probably be
annotations about the text or the melody of ṣaut. However, there remains an
argument against reading text during singing. Salmān al-‘Ammārī stated once that he
does not like to read during singing, because it is restricting (al-‘Ammārī, 2015).
This would mean probably reading during the singing which reduces imagination
scene includes many performers who provide improvisatory performances and read
When the ṣaut recordings began to emerge on the market in 1927, the method of
learning changed, as people had the ability to buy a 78rpm record of ṣaut and listen
expand to become more common. The listener, whether they were a fan of ṣaut or a
learner, had the ability to repeat the song as much as they liked, and listen to ṣaut
imitation in ṣaut. Zuwayid was probably the first performer drew from ṣaut
recordings in the late 1920s and who actually learnt ṣaut from them. Two of his four
records available today, documenting his first recording session in 1929, were
(Zuwayid, 1935) which sounds like a copy of ṣaut Yā Wāḥid al-Ḥusn (Bin Fāris,
1932) which was recorded in 1932 by Bin Fāris. Apart from these few records of
Zuwayid, the influence of records on the ṣaut singers in the 1920s and 1930s was
limited. This is most likely because performers had already established their own
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character in singing, and the experience that they gained during the prerecording era
was solid and sufficient to exceed the influence of the recordings. It might also be
the case that they did not get used to listening to recordings, and they continued to
Recently, the availability of recordings has founded a new and popular method for
learning ṣaut. Many musicians gained their knowledge by listening to the recordings
and imitating the style of expert ṣaut performers. For the majority of ṣaut performers
and fans, recordings of ṣaut are the first step to discover, listen, recognise, love, and
understand ṣaut as a genre and practice. Therefore, beginners use this type of method
as an entrance to the ṣaut world. The beginner will start by simulating different
singers, and discovering the difference between different performers and styles. It is
a basic style of learning, to encourage the player to proceed further to learn more and
probably to try to find other beginners to share what was gained from the recordings.
Since this style of learning is individual and usually takes place far from the samra,
it could be considered a preparatory method of learning. Then the learners move later
this time possessing some knowledge of ṣaut. The aim of these types of study is to
because each expert singer has a collection of pieces sung in his style. In addition,
one of the greatest benefits of learning by the recordings is the easy access to
notions, styles, melodies, and features of singing that are no longer used nor can be
found in a current day samra. Recordings are the only way to understand how ṣaut
songs have been performed and modified by performers who are no longer living or
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performing. For example, the style of Ḥamad Khalīfa, who stopped singing in 1980,
is still influential among the new generation of performers and listeners due to his
During many years of the learning process, the beginner focuses on learning two
chief components: the melodies of ṣaut and how to perform the ṣaut. However,
learning the melodies is not a matter of studying a core repertoire, because there are
many forms, improvised elements, and different versions for each ṣaut song. Thus,
in the beginning, the performer will try to recognise the differences between songs.
Later, he will begin to discover the differences between performers for the same ṣaut
song, which means his knowledge in ṣaut is expanding. When he begins to perform
ṣaut, usually the singer will attempt to imitate a famous and an expert singer.
beginner learns and applies many singing techniques and features that he may have
found through his attempt to imitate others. The imitator might strive to improve and
modify what was varied or improvised by others, and repeat this with more detail
which makes the piece part of his own vision in performing and put him on the first
step to finding his own style. After years of imitating, many of the imitators will
develop their own style in changing, modifying, and developing the old ṣaut. Most
new styles are derived from another style, usually the beginner influenced by the
performer who he has already imitated. It might be the case that the new style is
affected by several different styles, which means a performer has a bigger scope of
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To establish a style in singing ṣaut requires the ability to vary and improvise, which
in turn need an accumulation of knowledge in the ṣaut genre gathered through many
Naturally, artistic standards are varied, and the range of ability to improvise or use
components of improvisation. Other singers have a more limited vision, and are less
ṣaut performers in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar, I noticed that a number of performers
exceeded the learning level and they work to imitate others. Because they do not care
for the accuracy of imitation, I found that they are trying to create something new to
replace or cover what is missing during their inaccurate imitation. In other words,
part of the rendering is an imitation, and the other part is at most new, which make
crucial question should be addressed: how can we theorise the ways that performers
of ṣaut vary and improvise so easily and significantly? Despite the fact that
aesthetics and singing techniques play such an essential role in creative practice
within traditional ṣaut, it is not common for performers to speak in depth about what
is desirable or acceptable with regards to these, nor why. Indeed, one might describe
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“improvisation” needs to refer to a practice that develops relationships between
recordings, texts and performances, rather than an opposition between texts and
improvisations. In the next Chapter, I present a model of analysing ṣaut that attempts
At the end of the chapter, it is important to discuss the question of whether the term
examining the old recordings, which date back to the 1930s and 1940s, it is difficult
to know whether the added elements were instantaneous improvisation or have been
prepared beforehand. In the beginnings of the 20th century, the opportunity to record
was very rare, and would happen only once every few years. It might have been the
case that the performer repeated the same ṣaut ten times or more, and we do not
know for certain how much he modified his performance every time he sang the
same ṣaut before recording. I tend to believe that what was recorded in the 78 rpm
records era was an accumulation or the result of long years of practice and gradual
change. Yet, the question remains unanswered in this research until new evidence
arises relating to the details of the early records or of any record company.
ṣaut, it is difficult to ascertain whether the changes in the ṣaut are necessarily
to take into consideration and critique if necessary the words and descriptions of the
understand the music tradition from within its discourses and terminology. Most of
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the performers that I met for the purposes of research and whom I accompanied as a
musician, insist that ṣaut is an improvisatory (irtijālī) type of music using the word
Khashram and Rāshed al-Ḥemely denied that they practice, prepare, or rehearse
before the samra. According to them, anything that emerges during the samra is an
chapter is mainly based on the discourse of the musicians I interrogated. But from an
ethnomusicological perspective, one should question the use of this concept (irtijāl)
by the Gulf musicians, especially in view of the prestige this word has in Arab
musical culture. The concept is relatively new to the region and dates from the
development of modern academic teaching. So, we do not know exactly how the
musicians were expressing such realities before the last three or four decades.
conscious approach to variation than their elders. Thus, it is possible that some of
always uses the same range of tools, styles, and techniques to deliver an element of
creativity in his ṣaut performance. The next chapter will focus on uncovering the
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CHAPTER VI
justice to the practices of bringing ṣaut to life. Thus, the following discussion
variation and composition in the ṣaut genre. It will focus primarily on vocal practice,
because this is the most crucial driving element in ṣaut. Structurally, this can be
traced in the fact that ṣaut is inspired by poetic structures in Arab literature, and by
ṣaut. Because of a deficiency in terms that describe the content of ṣaut songs in the
ṣaut community, it is necessary to assign a specific name for each part: this allows us
to analyse broadly and flexibly the various improvisatory practices in ṣaut, the core
theme of this thesis. The proposed terms will facilitate the analysis section.
There is a similarity in structure between the main content in ṣaut and the poems that
are used within the ṣaut repertoire. It is therefore useful to have an understanding of
the formation of poems before discussing the structure of the ṣaut. This similitude as
well as the new terms that will be used to explain the parts of ṣaut help to explain
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how I have developed my approach. As has been mentioned previously in Chapter
III, there are two main genres of poetry in ṣaut - the classical Arabic poems (fuṣḥā)
and the Yemeni vernacular poems (ḥumainī). Poems in the fuṣḥā genre (qaṣīda)
contain a different number of verses (beit; pl. abyāt). Each verse is divided into two
equal parts or hemistiches (shaṭer). The first hemistich is referred to as ṣadr, while
the second is referred to as ‘ajz (Holes and Abu Athera, 2011, p.7). As to poems of
the ḥumainī type, the verses can be divided into two equal or unequal hemistiches.
There are also verses in ḥumainī poems which contain three or four hemistiches in
used. Although each ṣaut piece can be divided according to the divisions used in
poetry and described using terms like “poem”, “verse”, “hemistich”, and “word”, in
this dissertation different terms will be used to melodically explain the structure of
ṣaut thus avoiding any misinterpretation and overlap with poetic terms. Therefore,
ṣaut songs will be considered using terms like “piece”, “section”, “theme” and
“motif”, rather than poem, verse, hemistich, or word. “Melody”, “version” and
“instrumental refrain” will also be used. I introduce each of these terms individually
in what follows.
These terms will refer to a ṣaut song which contains the whole content of the ṣaut,
ornamentations. The same piece of ṣaut can be performed in different maqāmāt, with
different lyrics or rhythm, and based on different finale tones. For example, ṣaut
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piece X is based on the maqām ḥijāz (see Fig. 6.2) and its metre is four beats (ṣaut
shāmī) in recording A, while in recording B the same piece is based on the maqām
bayātī (see Fig. 3. 14.), with a six beat metre (ṣaut ‘arabī), and probably differing
lyrics. Despite the difference in rhythm, maqām, lyrics, and tawshīḥa, (potentially
fundamental elements in other music cultures, but not in the field of ṣaut) we will
understand such cases as examples of the same “piece”. Apart from the ṣaut
performers and the expert listeners, many people have no ability to recognise the
same ṣaut that has been performed using different elements such as maqām or lyrics;
they classify it as a different and independent ṣaut. It is not easy to explain why it is
still the same ṣaut, because ṣaut as a practice is very generative. Like many other
musical genres that are grounded in improvisation, ṣaut relies on a local musical
culture that is difficult to be understood by those who did not grow within this
culture. However, there is the “melody” element that could help to specify two
different examples as the same ṣaut piece, which will be defined later in this
Chapter.
Version in ṣaut
Many ṣaut pieces can be performed whether by the same or different performer in
other elements. Ṣaut that has such differences will be known as having a different
“version”. The term version will not refer to the appearance of different lyrics,
because the study focuses primarily on musical elements. The use of the term
“version” requires us to specify a particular recording of each ṣaut piece as the main
or original version, while others will be defined as different from it. However, this is
somewhat arbitrary, as researchers and ṣaut performers do not specify any version as
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a main or original. For the purposes of analysis, it nevertheless seems necessary to
choose a recording or a version and to use it as the chief source for each example
that will be studied and analysed in this dissertation. I will generally take the
recordings of Yūsuf al-Baker as the main sources because he was the only recorded
performer who learned ṣaut in the late 19th century. Although he recorded as late as
1952, and was probably affected by changes around him, his relatively
Melody in ṣaut
This is a term that refers solely to the main and fundamental tune that makes up the
ṣaut piece. The term “melody” does not involve other parts in the ṣaut piece such as
skeleton of ṣaut, and is enough to create a ṣaut piece. Other creative elements or
tawshīḥa are not enough to create a ṣaut piece without this fundamental melody.
Most ṣaut pieces consist of one or two melodies. Exceptions to this are very rare, but
the ṣaut Layāliya Ba‘d by Yūsuf al-Baker, for example consists of three. Moreover,
each ṣaut that contains two melodies, for convenience I refer to them here as A and
B, can be performed in three different ways. The first is to perform both A and B
melodies during the ṣaut singing. The other possibilities are to play only the A
melody during the ṣaut singing and disregard the B melody, or to play the B melody
and disregard the A melody. In the ṣaut community, if a singer performs only the A
melody, for instance, and does not use the B melody, other singers present will not
play the same A melody again, or even B with a different poem, because the
etiquette of ṣaut performance dictates that there should be no repetition of the same
melody in the same samra. In fact the singer who chooses to repeat the same ṣaut
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runs the risk of implying that the previous performer had not been successful in his
execution of the melody. Singers may also prefer to avoid playing the B melody in
the same samra, because they believe that this act would constitute repetition,
despite the difference in the two melodies. The reason for this is the belief that both
melodies, A and B, could be performed together as one ṣaut, and separating them
would not make each melody a new or independent ṣaut. The only exception to this
is when the same melody is repeated but with a different rhythm by the same, or an
alternative performer.
It is important to note that using A and B to refer to the different melodies inside a
ṣaut piece does not mean that the A is the essential melody while B is less important.
ṣaut, and B does not always come later during the ṣaut performance. Therefore, all
the possibilities exist, in that the A melody could be used more than the B melody
and vice versa, and the A melody could be at the beginning of the ṣaut singing or the
reverse. However, the order of the letters (A and B) to distinguish the melodies in a
ṣaut piece is just to regulate ṣaut and identify that there are different melodies, and
merely to indicate how a source has performed a particular ṣaut. In most of the ṣaut
repertoire, regardless of the number of hemistiches in the verse, whether two, three,
or four, the ṣaut needs only one line or a verse, to present a complete melody, with
the other verses usually repeat the same melody. In a ṣaut piece that contains two
melodies, the first appears through a verse, while the other appears in a different
verse. A melody that is composed of two verses is very rare in the ṣaut field. (One
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other pattern of composing involves a ṣaut piece that contains two or more different
Section in ṣaut
I take this term to mean the melodic material used during one verse of the poem. If
for example, a ṣaut piece contains five verses, this means it has five sections. In
analysis, I will refer to the various sections as numbers 1, 2 etc. As above, I will use
letters for melodies: A will refer to the first melody in the ṣaut piece, while B will
refer to the second melody. Thus a melodic structure could be represented as: section
1A, section 2A, section 3B, section 4A, and 5B. To expand on this example, there
could be five sections, the A melody being used for the 1st, 2nd and 4th section, and
the B melody for the 3rd and 5th. The main difference between the term “melody” and
“section” is that the “melody” is used to refer solely to the skeleton of the ṣaut,
which does not include additional elements, like tawshīḥa. On the other hand,
“section” refers to the structure of verses, plus all other additional elements
(elaborations as we will see), all of which are important to analyse in order to clarify
Theme in ṣaut
Each melody in a ṣaut piece has at least two parts, and mostly with different musical
phrases. Each part inside the melody will be referred to as a theme. I will refer to the
first theme by using the letter i, while ii will refer to the second theme. In addition,
there are melodies in ṣaut that contain three or four themes. In such a case, there is
the possibility of using two themes within the same musical phrase. The last theme
in the melody must be based on the finale notes of the ṣaut piece, and other themes
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may be based on the finale notes or on a different note. However, in a melody that
consists of three or four themes, I will refer to each theme with a number in addition
to the letter, to understand the process of repeating the themes inside the melody, e.g.
we might have theme i1, theme i2, theme ii3. The importance of themes is to
recognise the technique for changing the melody by using improvisation or variation
within the same ṣaut piece, or by comparing it with the same ṣaut piece, whether in
Motif in ṣaut
I will use this term to refer to the smallest part of a ṣaut piece. It contains a few
notes or one bar of the theme. The term “motif” is used to refer to the different types
and appears mostly through the musical setting of one or two words.
Finally, I will refer to an “instrumental refrain” when discussing music that acts as a
link between one line and another, or between one section and another. It acts
In 2013, I was invited to play the violin and sing ṣaut in Bahrain with a group of
participated in the event. That evening I was spontaneously inspired to sing a ṣaut
that has traditionally involved six beats, in four beats, perhaps because he was there.
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I had previously heard him perform it in this way during a televised programme on
the TV Bahrain channel. It was not the first time I had attempted to change the meter
of this ṣaut from six to four: the first time had been in Kuwait a few years earlier, but
I had not attempted it since. When performing the first attempt, I encountered many
problems with the rhythm which in turn led to other issues, such as extending the
words beyond the phrase. Also, whilst the melodic elaboration should be both related
to the main melody of the ṣaut but possess something new that develops logically,
both these qualities were absent in my first rendition. The second attempt was much
better, and the main characteristic feature of what I sang and played was drawn from
same text and maqāmāt that had been used in his version, drawing some of his ideas
about the ṣaut formation, and other ideas from my own experience. I am not sure if
people in the ṣaut community could see the link between my version on four beats,
and Muḥammad Zuwayid’s old version on six beats, but I am sure that my attempt to
perform this ṣaut in a particular melodic shape was based on what I heard from
Muḥammad Zuwayid.
central to the culture of ṣaut today. For example, in a samra of which I heard a
recording, Ḥamad Khalīfa asked his friends: “Do you want to listen to an old or a
new ṣaut?” One of the audience replied: “What do you mean by a new ṣaut?” to
which Khalīfa answered: “New ṣaut, my ṣaut.” (Khalīfa, n.d.). When Khalīfa
performed one of the ṣaut songs that he considered new it was well known as part of
the traditional repertoire. But it included two new elements: the text was new and
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had been written by the performer himself, and the style of performing represented
In this Chapter, I suggest that this is not only typical of today’s practices, but rather,
each rendition and the ways in which they draw from one another, as well as how
they differ quite drastically. The aim is to demonstrate both how individual ṣaut
songs are defined and developed between players and singers, and how to understand
this as a creative process. In earlier Chapters, I have argued that individual ṣaut
songs are not defined in the same way as individual songs and pieces in other Arab
used: the quality of the recordings, the rich varied and improvisatory form of ṣaut,
The material of most of the analysed examples was originally recorded on 78rpm
records, which is an old form of technology that suffers from the low recording
quality and the noise of the surface of the records. Many of these records are in very
bad condition because of the long usage, which makes understanding everything
the 78rpm records, the absence of other copies of the same record makes me
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The way ṣaut is presented, specifically by distinguished performers, is quite
particular which means it is not easily understood by people who do not belong to
the parts or content of the ṣaut, that is to say the form of singing. This will be
discussed in greater depth later. The modulation from one maqām to another is
sometimes possible, and at other times the same example might not contain these
modulations. Finally, the ornamentations and the style of singing usually affect the
shape of the ṣaut. In many examples, all these features can be found combined in the
same section in the ṣaut. Therefore, this complexity in performing ṣaut confuses
many listeners and sometimes researchers, because the same ṣaut melody can be
performer presents each verse in ṣaut adding something new by using the elements
of variation and improvisation. However, the aim of this thesis is not to reveal all the
feature in ṣaut and has its own principles, by investigating a number of the
improvisational elements.
transcription can be very detailed and contain all of what is heard in the example.
transcribe and read (Hood, 1972; Bartok, 1976; Nettl, 2005). Béla Bartók indicates
that “even the most simple tunes cannot be transcribed exactly” and that the
transcriber must always improve and change the methods of work in order to
accomplish such a difficult task (Bartók, 1976, p. 174; Nettl, 2005, p. 75). Ter
Ellingson indicates that “the best transcription, which conveys the most essential
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features of the music, may be the most difficult to read”. In the same reference, Alan
Merriam points out that it is assumed that the ethnomusicologist “has available to
him accurate methods of transcribing musical sound to paper, but this is a question
that is far from resolved” (Nettl, 2005, pp. 75-76). Mantle Hood considers the
The other proposed style of transcription is the skeletal or schematic style. This type
(for example, see the transcriptions in Description de l'Égypte book). Beside its
simplicity, this skeletal transcription cannot clarify the influence of variation and
the music, but other people will not understand the goal of the notation.
A third method of transcription lies in the middle ground between the two previous
styles of transcriptions. This style of transcription, which is not too detailed and not
music with his teacher Kunst (1972). They both individually worked at the same
time on transcribing the same piece. Hood’s notation was full of detailed music
ornamentation. His teacher’s notation on the other hand was less detailed, and at the
same time was closer to the sound, according to Hood (1972, p. 54). In his article
“Some Problems of Folk Music Research in East Europe”, Bartók provides different
types of transcription. His transcriptions are full of details and ornamentations, see
example 9 (1976, p. 184). In other examples, Bartók presents transcriptions that are
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less detailed with limited ornamentation, see example 6 (1976, p. 180). Furthermore,
which mostly show the basic shape of the melody, see example 10 (1976, p. 185).
to the idea that has been provided by both Hood and Bartók. My aim is to present a
transcription that is as close as possible to what is heard in the recording. Yet, I aim
This method is capable of showing the type of improvisation that I aim to discuss,
variation element does not mean presenting a skeletal transcription, which would
clarify the enquiry, which is the method of improvisation. These particular verses
have been chosen because I believe that they contain something new in the examples
that I study, whilst other verses possibly would not reveal anything different from
Therefore, the selected verses help to demonstrate ways that a ṣaut melody can be
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Variation and improvisation processes in ṣaut take several different forms. One of
the most prominent of these can be compared to composition. But rather than
outright invention and creation of a new melody, this form involves gradual
modification that endows the ṣaut with a slightly different shape, allowing it to
evolutionary method, it occasionally makes the relationship between the oldest and
sometimes required to understand the connection between them and suggest their
common ancestry.
The first ṣaut example described is one such case of a generative piece of which
there are a number of versions with diversities in many aspects including shape,
maqām, and rhythm. This ṣaut is one of the most popular amongst performers, and it
is found in all periods of ṣaut recordings. The earliest rendition examined below
dates back to 1927, and the most recent has appeared during the writing of this
thesis. The motivation of a performer to present a new version of an old ṣaut is not
necessarily due to the simplicity of a piece, but may be due to their capacity for
process of adjusting and developing is demonstrated in the example below in both its
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In the case of the ṣaut that I have selected here for study, the differences are evident-
not only between a performer from, say, Bahrain and Kuwait, or between one
performer and another in the same region and period, but there are also different
versions belonging to the same performer. During my study, I found at least ten
prominent renditions of the same example, meaning ten different perspectives for the
same ṣaut. There are a great many more available. I have selected these ones because
each of the perspectives represents the character, capability, and imagination of the
culture. The nine versions are based on two main maqāmāt - ḥussainī and ḥijāz - and
there are versions using both maqāmāt. For reference, see Figs. 6.1 and 6.2 for the
maqāmāt, and Figs. 6.3 and 6.4 for the rhythmic patterns of the versions in either six
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Version no. 1
The oldest recording I have traced refers to the ṣaut I am discussing as Qāl Ibn al-
Ashqar. It dates from 1927 and was made by Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti, who was a well-
known and established violinist, in Baghdad, Iraq, for Baidaphon Records Company.
Saleh was the singer and violinist, accompanied by his brother Dāwūd on the ‘ūd,
and Sa‘ūd al-Yāqūt, a mirwās player, known among the ṣaut audience as Sa‘ūd al-
Mukhāyṭa. The rhythm of ṣaut is ‘arabī: six beats. The maqām of this version is
ḥussainī on D4 and consists of two themes, i and ii, and each one is repeated twice in
every section. At this stage, the ṣaut counts as a one-melody ṣaut piece, because
Fig. 6.5. Transcription of version no. 1, Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar, includes verse “Etruk Hawā al-Bīḏ
Jemlah Wetba‘ el-Asmar - Wen Sāylok Fī Hawāhum Asmar Kidhā Khallah” performed by Ṣāleḥ al-
Kuwaiti in 1927.
The performer follows a strict order when presenting this ṣaut (theme i is played and
repeated, then theme ii is played and repeated), making it the least intricate in the
melody that consists of two themes; the first is always based on the fourth note of the
maqām, which is G4, and the second is on the first note, which is D4.
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Version no. 2
This version was recorded in 1929 by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti in Cairo for Odeon
Record Company. ‘Abdullaṭīf’s sole accompaniment was an ‘ūd player, Maḥmūd al-
Kuwaiti. The performance does not involve a mirwās or any other type of
percussion, due to the lack of experts in ṣaut rhythms in Egypt. As a result, the meter
during singing occasionally gets lost. I have modified the meter of singing to fit with
the rhythm of ṣaut ‘arabī for the purposes of developing the structural discussion
here. The ‘Abdullaṭīf version has many similarities with the first, that of Ṣāleḥ al-
Kuwaiti, such as the text, maqām and rhythm. It is also a one-melody piece.
However, the main difference appears in the content of theme ii. One can describe
Fig. 6.6. Transcription of version no. 2, Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar, includes verse “Khalloh Yamshī Wohu el-
Maskīn Yetfakkar - Līman Newā Bā Yeṣallī Ḏayya’ el-Qiblah
” performed by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti in 1929.
Version no. 3
In the same year that Version no. 2 was recorded, 1929, Muḥammad Zuwayid from
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Bu-Sayyūl on mirwās (Zuwayid, c. 1976; Zuwayid, n.d.). Zuwayid recorded the
same piece of ṣaut with considerable differences, reforming the content to create a
Fig. 6.7. Transcription of version no. 3, Salām Yā Zein, includes verse “Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Anā Ṣādaft
Fīl Bandar - Ad‘aj Mudalmaj Muhaj Da‘jāj al-A‘yāna” performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in 1929.
The same maqām, ḥussainī, is present at the start. But the finale tones is changed
from D4, as in the previous versions, to G4. The poem sung is also new, namely
Salām Yā Zein, which was not known in the ṣaut repertoire in that time (Zuwayid, c.
1976). Although the ṣaut became higher and sharper in singing, due to the
transposition, Zuwayid expanded the range of the melody even more to hit the upper
tenth note, which is B 5, while in previous versions, it reached only the eighth higher
note. In addition, he created more variety: in the older renditions, the performers
always repeated the first theme twice and the second twice. Here in the third version,
Zuwayid did not follow this repetitive structure, not always performing themes
is always dissimilar to theme i2. In Fig. 6.7 above, I demonstrate variation between
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repetitions of theme I schematically (in the later parts of this Chapter, I will explore
In this version, Zuwayid performs the ṣaut in a singing style that seems dissimilar to
previous versions. The ornamentations and improvisations that Zuwayid used made
his version quite different from, or unrelated to the others. However, there is still a
concrete link between all of these three versions, which suggests that they all came
from the same ṣaut origin. That link is the instrumental refrains between the verses.
Rather than drawing from Zuwayid’s sung melody, as normally occurs in ṣaut, it is
highly reminiscent of the singing in the first version. See Fig. 6.8, and compare with
Fig. 6.5 above. I propose that the musicians that accompanied Zuwayid committed to
playing the first version as an instrumental refrain in this version because they had an
Fig. 6.8. Transcription of the instrumental refrain in the version no. 3, Salām Yā Zein, performed by
Muḥammad Zuwayid in 1929.
The fact that the musicians recalled the melody of version 1 exemplifies how
changing the sung melody of a ṣaut need not mean that the resulting ṣaut itself is
new. Those within the ṣaut community understand the continuity, and perceive the
common origin.
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Version no. 4
This version is also by Zuwayid, who revisited the ṣaut with a different vocal style
and using a different text, namely Lān al-Ṣakhar. The recording was made in 1935,
by Odeon Record Company in Bombay, India. The violin player was Faizullāh
Taghioff, and the mirwās player was Muḥammad ‘Īsā ‘Allāyah (‘Allāyah, n.d.).
In comparison to the record he made in 1929, the range of this 1935 rendition is
smaller and the ornamentations are slightly more limited, simpler and easier to
case of inconsistency on the day of the recording. The simplicity may account for the
popularity of this version amongst the performers even today. Apart from a slight
change in the melody, and reduced singing range, there is nothing new that can be
demonstrating how the singers work to present different versions of the same ṣaut.
Fig. 6.9. Transcription of version no. 4, Lān al-Ṣakhar, includes verse “Yā Yūsuf el-Ḥusn Ya‘qūb al-
Bukā’i Laqad - Aṣlaytanā Min Ṭawīl el-Hajr Nīrānā” performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in 1935.
All the versions that been discussed so far have common elements, whether text,
maqām, rhythm or melodic shape. Structurally, they have much in common too:
despite the differences between each recording, whether significant or minor, the
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performances are all repetitive. Most sections in each rendition are similar, and the
diversity between one section and another within the same version is also minimal.
The next five versions I discuss, however, show a significant change in various
elements, and greater variety in singing style, as well as in the handling of maqām
and rhythm.
Version no. 5
In 1936, Muḥammad bin Fāris travelled from Bahrain to Aleppo to record his songs
for Sodwa Record Company. The band included two musicians, Ilyās Fannūn the
Syrian violin player, and Juwhar al-Najdī, the mirwās player (al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p.
141). In this session, Bin Fāris recorded ṣaut Lān al-Ḥaṣā, which is his version of
pupil of Bin Fāris, when he recorded ṣaut Lān al-Ṣakhar in 1935. Apparently, Bin
Fāris was dissatisfied with the quality of Zuwayid’s rendition in this ṣaut, and he
criticised Zuwayid for replacing the word al-Ḥaṣā with al- Ṣakhar, both synonyms
for rock or gravel. Therefore, Bin Fāris decided to record this ṣaut again, to
contemporary ṣaut culture, version no. 5 belongs to the same ṣaut as all the versions
recording. However, the similarity may be difficult to appreciate when the ṣaut is
examined technically.
Bin Fāris’ version is highly innovative and sophisticated. It consists of ten sections,
each of which is different from the others in structure or rendition. It also includes a
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modulation that is not found in any earlier versions (in Fig. 6.10 below it is the B ,
which implies bayātī on A rather than the prevailing bayātī on G). Also, in the
previous recordings, the first theme begins on the fourth note or the eighth note, and
the theme ends on the fourth note again. Bin Fāris, on the other hand, uses two more
forms for theme i, the first ending the theme on the first note of the maqām, see Fig.
6.10. and the second beginning the theme on the fifth note; he holds this note for a
whole bar before ending the theme on the fourth note, see Fig. 6.11.
Fig. 6.10. Transcription of version no. 5, melody A, Lān al-Ḥaṣā, includes verse “Lan al-Ḥaṣā
Willadhī Ahwāh Mā Lānā - Allāhu Akbar Yā Sīdī Mā Aqsāk Insānā” performed by Muḥammad bin
Fāris in 1936.
Fig. 6.11. Transcription of version no. 5, melody B, Lān al-Ḥaṣā, includes verse “Bil Qous Qad
Ṣābanī Yā Sīdī Rīmun Lahu Sharakun - Min A‘yunin Qad Ḥawat Seḥran Wa Hattānā” performed by
Muḥammad bin Fāris in 1936.
Technically, then, version no. 5 is entirely distinct from versions 1-4. In versions no.
6 through to 9, we can trace its elaboration. None of these has a strong discernible
musical connection to versions 1-4. The singer and musicians of version no. 5 bridge
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the change I have identified, not only through the corrective response, but also by
combining music from versions 1-4 with music from versions 5-9.
It is important to note that there are ongoing performances of this ṣaut that do draw
more explicitly from versions 1-4, and they are part of the same ṣaut as well. My
concern here, however, is in finding versions that illustrate the development of the
transformed version.
Version no. 6
This recording was made in about 1947, when Muḥammad Zuwayid went to India to
record for a company called Oneon. He was accompanied by Faizullāh Taghioff and
an unidentified mirwās player. Zuwayid recorded this ṣaut again but in a different
way from what both he and others had done before. The name of the ṣaut in this case
is Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fī al-Bandar, and it consists of eight sections. Each one is
different and is notable for a certain element, whether the maqām, ornamentation, or
the melody of the section and theme. As a whole, the recording fluctuates between
ḥussainī and ḥijāz as maqāmāt, or between bayātī and ḥijāz as tetrachords. Through
various sections. For example, he presents the first theme in section 5 on the ḥijāz
tetrachord G4 (first note) whilst in the other versions, this theme was mostly on the
previously, or ḥijāz G4, which is also not done by the other previous singers.
This attempts to use modulations between maqāmāt may be inspired or related to the
note that was included once time in the fifth version by Zuwayid’s master, Bin Fāris,
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which is in a different maqām. This shift will be explored more below, when I
discuss how multiple maqāmāt are implied within a single theme of melody. See
Fig. 6.12. Transcription of version no. 6, melody A, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi al-Bandar, includes verse
“Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fī al-Bandar Sikan Weddī - Wa Ṭāb Lī Masmerī Amsīt Fī Rāḥā” performed by
Muḥammad Zuwayid in c.1947.
Fig. 6.13. Transcription of version no. 6, melody B, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi al-Bandar, includes verse
“Badkhel Bek al-Nakhl Yā Sīdī Wanā Waḥdī - Hādhā al-Jafā Fīk Walā Lak Nafs Sammāḥa”
performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in c.1947.
There are some sections in this version that bear similarities to what has been
analysed in version no. 5, Fig. 6.11, suggesting that Zuwayid continued to use Bin
Fāris as a reference point after he passed away in 1947. For example, in the other
versions, usually the sections include two themes, the first based on the fourth note
of the maqām and the second on the first note, whilst these two versions include
sections where both the themes based on the first note. In addition, both recordings
begin theme i with the fifth note, and finish it on the fourth, and they both begin
theme ii with the sixth note, and end it on the first note, which had not been done
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before. It is likely that in this version Zuwayid is trying to vary a theme that has been
suggested by Bin Fāris, in version no. 5. The main difference here is that sometimes
Zuwayid presents theme ii on ḥijāz, not on Bayātī, as presented by Bin Fāris. See
Fig. 6.14.
Fig. 6.14. Transcription of version no. 6, melody C, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi al-Bandar, includes verse
“Min Youm Amīr el-Ghawānī Qid Khaṭar ‘indī - Yetmashā Bel Ful Wafī al-Kādhī Wa Teffāḥa”
performed by Muḥammad Zuwayid in c.1947.
Version no. 7
In these last versions, I address how contemporary singers perform this ṣaut, in order
to consider its relationship with recordings made between 1927 and 1947. In a ṣaut
gathering (samra) one may come across any one of these aforementioned versions,
but only rarely. The most common version that is known nowadays and is prevalent
in samrāt, however, is closely related to the recording I discuss as version no. 6 here.
This was made in Kuwait by Ibrāhīm al-Khashram on 1993, and the title is Bū ‘Alī
‘Abdullah Saffāḥ, and Salmān al-‘Ammārī. In this recording and many other
subsequent recordings, the ṣaut is still six beats, ‘arabī, but the main maqām is ḥijāz
(see Fig. 6.2), with a slight overlapping with the bayātī tetrachord (al-Khashram,
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1993). This is a development of the style of combining maqāmat that was initiated
by Bin Fāris, but using different ones to those presented in combination by Zuwayid
Fig. 6.15. Transcription of version no. 7, Bū ‘Alī Qāl, includes verse “Yallī Lah el-Khad Fuḏḏa
Bedhahab Maṭlī - Wel Yās Mayyās Wel ‘Aynīn Qattāla” performed by Ibrāhīm al-Khashram in 1993.
similarity can be seen through a few elements, such as the maqām, (both use ḥijāz
and bayātī), and the concept of shifting between the maqāmāt are similar, as they
both modulate from one maqām to another within the same theme.
Version no. 8
In the mid-1980s, Rāshed Zuwayid performed this ṣaut with a significant difference,
adopting a four-beat rhythm (shāmī) to perform the ṣaut instead of the one in six
(‘arabī). Moreover, the melody was more broken up with long rests in Zuwayid’s
performance. This may be a result of the change of the ṣaut meter from six to four,
which makes the process of inserting the melody into a different rhythm difficult: in
fact, the lyrics do not fit with the rhythm in this rendition. The maqām of the ṣaut
was purely ḥijāz (see Fig. 6.2), and there was no overlapping with the bayātī
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tetrachord or the ḥussainī maqām. However, the structure is quite constant; there are
two different sections, the first contains two themes and both are based on ḥijāz G4,
whilst the other involves two different themes, the first based on rāst C5 and the
Fig. 6.16. Transcription of version no. 8, melody A, Bū ‘Alī Qāl, includes verse “Bū ‘Alī Qāl Keif el-
Qalb Bā Yeslā - Qad Bāt el-Aghyād Yeṣabbeḥ Beit Kaḥḥālā” performed by Rāshed Zuwayid in 1980s.
Fig. 6.17. Transcription of version no. 8, melody B, Bu ‘Alī Qāl, includes verse “Yallī Lah el-Khad
Fuḏḏa Bedhahab Maṭlī - Wel Yās Mayyās Wel ‘Aynīn Qattāla” performed by Rāshed Zuwayid in
1980s.
Version no. 9
Khairī (violin), Ayyūb Khuḏur (qānūn), and three of mirwās players, ‘Alī Othmān,
Sālem ‘Abdullah, and Hilāl al-Dhawwādī. As the gathering was in Bahrain, most of
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the band were Bahrainis, apart from the qānūn player, who is Kuwaiti. I outlined to
this recording’s story at the start of this section. In terms of the development of
maqāmāt, the feature of this version is an overlap between ḥijāz and bayātī, as it was
with Muḥammad Zuwayid in the sixth version; however, the repetitions are varied,
because the order of modulation between maqāmāt is dissimilar to what had been
done by Muḥammad Zuwayid. On the other hand, the difference between this
version and version no. 8, both based on the four beat rhythm (ṣaut shāmī), is that
the rendition in the eighth is more careful, accurate, stuck in one maqām, and
contains many gaps during the singing. Whilst, in this version the performance is
freer, with fewer gaps in singing and probably similar to what is usually happening
in original form on six beats, and also fluctuates in changing the maqām. See Figs.
Fig. 6.18. Transcription of version no. 9, melody A, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl, includes verse “Yaḥyā ‘Omar
Qāl Fī al-Bandar Sikan Weddī - Wa Ṭāb Lī Masmerī Amsīt Fī Rāḥā” performed by Aḥmad alṢālḥī in
2013.
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Fig. 6.19. Transcription of version no. 9, melody B, Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl, includes verse “Min Youm
Amīr el-Ghawānī Jid Khaṭar ‘indī - Yetmashā Bel Ful Wel Chādhī Wa Teffāḥa” performed by Aḥmad
alṢālḥī in 2013.
There have been significant changes in the form of this example since 1927, and
without tracing the development of the creative elements through each version, the
connection relating the oldest and newest renditions is lost. It is not possible to argue
on musical technical grounds that the first recording, which is on maqām ḥussainī
(see Fig. 6.1) and ṣaut ‘arabī rhythm, is similar or derived from the same origin of
the last version, which includes two maqāmāt, ḥussainī and ḥijāz and ṣaut shāmī
rhythm, without going through the other versions. Therefore, many researchers and
listeners have a notion that certain versions of this example are separate and different
pieces. For instance, Ibrāhīm Ḥabīb, a researcher and ṣaut performer from Bahrain
discusses the first and fifth versions of this example, and does not make any
association between them. He states clearly that Bin Fāris composed two ṣaut pieces,
Lān al-Ḥaṣā (the fifth version), and Yā Bāhī al-Khad, that was recorded by Ḍāḥī bin
Walīd and not studied here. He considers these two versions to be different pieces by
researcher and composer from Kuwait, discusses Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar (the first
version) as a ṣaut that is composed by ‘Abdullah al-Faraj, and discusses the same
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ṣaut melody (Yā Bāhī al-Khad), which is different in text and shape, as a ṣaut that is
not attributed to a known composer. This demonstrates that he did not see any
relation between these versions and refers to them as different ṣaut pieces (al-
Deikān, 1998, pp. 162-164). My own method allows us to understand the repertoire
The next example I wish to discuss is named Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat, as per the
name of the ṣaut that is performed by Yūsuf al-Baker. A number of the creative
elements which are involved here overlap with those discussed in the previous
example, Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar. Chiefly, both examples share the feature of a maqām
change in melody. However, there are two main differences in this example. First is
during the performance of any version, in contrast with the previous example where
there is a freedom to modulate from a particular maqām to another within the same
version. Second is the use of two unequal meters in poems. The longer metre
typically fits with the length of the melody, but the shorter has a small gap in the first
theme of the melody. The short meter influences the singing style, because it creates
a gap at the end of the line, and the performer works to fill it by using ornamentation.
In other words, the length of a poem and its relationship to the metre can lead to a
degree of variation due to its contribution in encouraging the performer to fill the
gaps. In this example, the transcriptions of ṣaut versions are accompanied with the
words of the verses, to demonstrate how the length of the poem contributes in
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formulating the shape of the melody, and how the performers work to fill the gap in
In the current example, the process of gradual modification is clearer than the
previous example, enabling the reader or musician from outside the ṣaut community
to recognise the process of change occurring between one version and the next,
Although this melody is still popular and in demand amongst listeners of ṣaut, there
are just four main different versions, which is small in comparison with the previous
example. Other recordings of this ṣaut are mostly similar, influenced in some way by
The four main versions of this example as described below share some common
features. For instance, the type of lyric is always in colloquial Yemeni, which known
the singing consists of a call and response between the singer and the choir or
listeners. Furthermore, there is no variety in the rhythm of this ṣaut, and it is always
played on six beats (ṣaut ‘arabī). Three different maqāmāt that have been used to
perform the different versions of this ṣaut, namely neirz rāst, kerdān, and muḥayyer,
see Figs. 6.20, 6.21, and 6.22. Therefore, as in the previous example, it is not easy to
identify how the first version relates to the fourth, without looking at those that are
intermediate.
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Fig. 6.21. Maqām kerdān on C5. The maqām is similar to rāst but it read from up to down.
Fig. 6.22. Maqām muḥayyer on C5. The maqām is similar to ḥussainī but it read from up to down.
Version no. 1
This version entitled Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat was performed by Yūsuf al-Baker,
whose only accompaniment was his brother Muḥammad (d. 1953) on mirwās (al-
Baker, n.d.). The version is a private recording that was made either in 1952 or 1953
in Kuwait, and is therefore not the earliest stylistically, amongst the versions that
have been selected to be analysed. The shape of the melody and the vocal style in
this recording probably represents the form of this ṣaut as it was performed in the
19th century, because the performer, al-Baker, had been a musician since the last
decade of the 19th century, and was known to be the only student of ‘Abdullah al-
Faraj, (d. 1901). Therefore, I suggest this version is in effect the earliest, despite it
not being the oldest recording. The maqām of this version is neirz rāst on C5, which
is the only version in this example on this maqām, see Fig. 6.23.
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Fig. 6.23. Transcription of version no. 1, Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat, includes verse “Subḥān Man
Zayyanak Be-l-Khāl - Yallī ‘Ayūnak Na‘sāna” performed by Yūsuf al-Baker in 1952 or 1953.
The version is a one-melody ṣaut piece, and consists of two themes, i and ii, which
are always based on the first note of the maqām, C5. In his version, al-Baker presents
a systematic order when performing and develops it over four sections. The first
theme is always played and repeated, and the second theme is also played but then
repeated twice in each section. The only exception occurred in the first section of
this version, which begins with theme ii without going through theme i. Al-Baker
plays and repeats it. The singing of al-Baker offers limited details regards to the
other versions in this example, because both the melody and rendition are simple and
mostly repetitive.
Version no. 2
This version is the oldest recording available for this ṣaut piece and is called Māla
Rīm al-Falā. It dates from 1929, and was made by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti in Cairo,
Egypt, for the Odeon Records Company (el-Koueti, 1929). Two musicians
accompanied ‘Abdullaṭīf in this recording namely the ‘ūd player Maḥmūd al-
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Kuwaiti, and Sāmī al-Shawwā, who was a Syrian-Egyptian violin player. The
recording does not involve any percussion. The ṣaut is of one-melody and consists of
two themes: i, which is usually performed twice, and ii, which is performed two or
three times in this version. The maqām of ‘Abdullaṭīf’s version is kerdān (see Fig.
6.21), based on C5, and is similar to maqām rāst, which is based on C4. See Fig.
6.24.
Fig. 6.24. Transcription of version no. 2, Māla Rīm al-Falā, includes verse “Wajhuh Farīd-l Jamāl –
Be-s Seḥr le-l Nāsi salab” performed by ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti in 1929.
There are two differences that should be considered when comparing the recording
of al-Kuwaiti and al-Baker. Initially, the second version uses a different maqām,
kerdān, which has some similarities with the maqām of the first version, neirz rāst
(see Fig. 6.20). They are both based on C5, and share the same lower tetrachord,
rāst. One difference is in the higher tetrachord which is bayātī on maqām neirz rāst,
and rāst on maqām kerdān (see Fig. 6.21). The other difference is the metre of verses
in the second version which is shorter than that of the first particularly in theme i.
There is a gap that appears in the end of theme i in the version by al-Kuwaiti.
Therefore, he would repeat the last word in the verse or use the expression ‘yā sīdī’
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to fill this gap. In theme ii, ‘Abdullaṭīf used these same words, usually before he
repeated theme ii for the first or second time. The aim of using this phrase would
have been to act as a link between the themes, not to complete the musical sentence
Version no. 3
This version, Māl Ghuṣn al-Dhahab, can be described as the most popular version
amongst ṣaut performers, and it is frequently played in ṣaut gatherings and drawing
on numerous poems, both in Bahrain and Kuwait. The performer in this version is
Muḥammad bin Fāris from Bahrain, who recorded it in 1932 for His Master’s Voice
Company (HMV) in Baghdad, Iraq. Bin Fāris was accompanied by two musicians
from Kuwait, the violin player Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti and the mirwās player Ḥamad Bu-
Ṭaibān (d. 1933) (El Fares, 1932; al-‘Ammārī, 1991, p. 138). The maqām of this
version is muḥayyer D5 (see Fig. 6.22). The version is a one-melody ṣaut piece and
it consists of two themes, the first based on C5 and the other on D5. See Fig. 6.25.
Fig. 6.25. Transcription of version no. 3, Māl Ghuṣn al-Dhahab, includes verse “Māl Ghuṣn al-
Dhahab - Mawlā-l Banāna-l Mukhaḍḍab” performed by Muḥammad bin Fāris in 1932.
Through his recording, Fāris transformed some significant elements in the shape of
the ṣaut shape. The most important and obvious modification in this version is the
use of maqām muḥayyer on D5, which is part of the bayātī family, instead of kerdān
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or neirz rāst, which are derived or part of the rāst family in the previous versions. In
whilst theme ii is based on D5. The metre of the verses in this version is short,
similar to that which was used in the second version. The ṣaut includes twelve
can be clearly heard in the end of each hemistich or at the end of theme i and ii. He
mostly avoided the techniques of ornamenting that had been used by ‘Abdullaṭīf to
fill in the gap at the end of theme i through either repetition of the last word or using
the linking phrase yā sīdī each time. In Bin Fāris’ rendition, he never repeated theme
i, which is done in both previous versions. Instead, Bin Fāris extended the length of
the last word in the hemistich, connecting theme i with theme ii, making a gap before
the last word not after it as usual in version no. 2. Yet sometimes he did not fill the
tradition. In theme ii, Bin Fāris sings it and repeats it once or more, and uses
different expressions as linking words to repeat the theme, such as yā sīdī, oh, and
wallah. It is possible to say that the concern of Bin Fāris in this recording was to
present different notions to fill most of the gaps whether in theme i or ii.
In addition, although the version been described as a one-melody piece, after section
eight, Bin Fāris repeated the section but without singing theme i. This technique of
eliminating theme i and jumping to sing theme ii was practised in ṣaut before Bin
Fāris. For example, the al-Baker version begins in this way, and, as will be discussed
broadly later in this Chapter, ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti performed the ṣaut piece Ḥarrak
Shijūnī (el-Koueti, 1928), beginning with part of theme ii. However, it seems that
whilst traditionally this method was used in the beginning of the ṣaut pieces, as in al-
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Baker’s version, Bin Fāris’ innovation was to use this technique during the singing.
He used this same technique in many other ṣaut pieces, both in the beginning or
during the ṣaut, such as Yā Wāḥid al-Ḥusn (Ale Khalifa, 1932), and Qāl al-Mu‘annā
Version no. 4
This fourth version is a recording was made by another Bahraini singer, Ḍāḥī bin
Walīd, and is the the ṣaut Marra Bedwī Ṣaghīr (Bin Walid, 1932). It finds a place
within this example despite its distinct shape and approach of singing. Bin Walīd
was accompanied by Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti on violin, and may have been accompanied on
mirwās by either Bu-Ṭaibān or Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Mukhāyṭa, see Fig. 6.26. The maqām
of this version is muḥayyer D5, see Fig. 6.22. From the period of 1920s and 1930s,
the versions we have that were based on C5 were performed by Kuwaitis, and the
Fig. 6.26. Transcription of version no. 4, Marra Bedwī Ṣaghīr, includes verse “‘Athba Akhḏar Khaṭar
- Ba’d-l ‘Ashiyah Mu’addī - Kellemā Ṣār Fattān” performed by Ḍāḥī bin Walīd in 1932.
This version shares some similarities with the other Bahraini version in no. 3,
because the first theme is based on C5 and the other on D5. The main difference can
be found in the structure of the first theme, which is completely different from all the
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previous versions. Theme i is expanded in range, which reached F5 in the other
recordings, and sometimes G5 in Bin Fāris’ version. Bin Walīd on the other hand
hits A5 in most of the sections, which is till now, seldom found in the other versions
of this ṣaut. Additionally, Bin Walīd’s expansion of theme i appears through a new
melody.
This new version that was offered by Bin Walīd was a result of a developing process,
deriving in particular from version no. 3. This can be surmised, since they both share
the same maqām, and the instrumental refrain in this version is similar to the singing
and instrumental refrain in version no. 3. Bin Walīd’s rendition is mostly repetitive
as he does not tend to break the routine, unlike his predecessor Bin Fāris. Rather, his
magnificence lies in his style of singing and the harmony and coherence created
between theme i, which is new, and theme ii, which is old. The monotony of
performing the sections is broken by using linking words between the hemistichs. In
ṣaut, a linking word is usually a word that is not related to the text, but in this
version Bin Walīd repeats the last word in the verse as a linking word instead. This
differs from the way in which ‘Abdullaṭīf in version no. 2 repeated the last word to
fill a gap because the repeated word was part of the melody, and did not link the
verses. Also, in version no. 2 the repetition of the last word in the verses was found
in theme i, whilst in version no. 4 it is always found in theme ii. In addition, in a few
sections, Bin Walīd employs an uncommon practice of using two syllables together
as a linking word, usually a single word, ‘alā or alā, and the last word in the verse.
between the four versions described. In other words, nobody has paid attention to the
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similarity and dissimilarity between the Bahraini and Kuwaiti versions. This is not
due to any difficulty in recognising the relationship between the versions, but
because both Kuwaiti renditions were forgotten or unknown amongst the people of
the ṣaut community until the late 1990s, when the revival movement began in
Yet, in the 1970s, a Kuwaiti performer named Sa‘ūd al-Rāshed, recorded a ṣaut for
the Kuwait state radio, which implied he recognised the existence of a connection
between the versions no. 2 of ‘Abdullaṭīf and no. 3 of Bin Fāris. The maqām of the
ṣaut is kerdān (see Fig. 6.21), as in version no. 2, and al-Rāshed’s style of singing is
similar to that of ‘Abdullaṭīf, but the text of the al-Rāshed recording is Māl Ghuṣn
al-Dhahab, which is used by Bin Fāris in version no. 3. Before the 1990s, during
which the Kuwaiti versions were generally ignored, al-Rāshed probably sent
messages to his contemporaries that are still perhaps pertinent to us today. Namely,
we must note how Bin Fāris’ version of the ṣaut differed from his own contribution
and that is important to be aware of and try to discover the correlation between the
A different story involves my activities in the late 1990s, when I was accompanying
pieces, and one of them was similar to version no. 2, which I have described as a
neglected version, but he used a different text. During this time, I was working
enthusiastically to discover old versions that nobody cared about or knew. Therefore,
I was pleased with this recording and subsequently uploaded it to an online musical
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forum. The uploaded file was accompanied by a comment regarding the relation
between this new recording and the version of ‘Abdullaṭīf, which is largely
unknown. After a few months, I received a call from the performer, al-Mas‘ūd in
which he told me that he had never had the chance to listen to the recording of
‘Abdullaṭīf, and what he did in this recording was a result of his own intellectual
process. He decided to do something new in the version of Bin Fāris, by shifting the
maqām from muḥayyer to kerdān, to became similar to version no. 2. This destroyed
contributed to and probably confirmed or the observation that the change in maqām,
development, because there were different performers who used the same
It is worth mentioning that this example of ṣaut, which is always based on ṣaut
‘arabī, six beats, has been used in a different genre of music in Kuwait. In 1960s,
Rāshed al-Jīmāz, a Kuwaiti singer from the generation of ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti and
‘āshūrī 14 genre, for Kuwait state radio station (al-Jīmāz, n.d.). The metre of the
rhythm was six quavers, rather than six crotchets of ṣaut ‘arabī, and performed by
percussion instruments called ṭār (pl. ṭīrān) and ṭabul (pl. ṭubūl), without using the
‘ūd or mirwās. In his song, al-Jīmāz mixed between the Bahraini and Kuwaiti
versions, and it was based on D, as performed by the Bahrainis, and the seventh note
was flat, as in the first version. Al-Jīmāz added a new element to his version to make
it suitable for the ‘āshūrī genre, which was to speed up the singing to make it fit with
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the six quavers beats metre of the song. This ‘āshūrī model shows that it is possible
to utilise the ṣaut melodies and adapt them for a different genre of music, and add
something new to the shape or form of the melody if the performer has an awareness
of the principles of ṣaut and the ability to develop the song in their own style.
The discussion of these different ṣaut versions leads to a recognition of the process
maqāmāt and not modulating the maqām in the same version. This example involves
repeatedly using linking words or phrases to ornament the themes and fill the gaps in
a different way each time, a practice that was very limited in the previous example.
Whilst this example is limited in terms of the addition of new melodies within the
structure of a ṣaut piece, version no. 4 proves that this idea is not absent from the
In this example, I will address the most general practice of variation or improvisation
the ṣaut structure” and some degree of this improvisation can be found in all
multiple-melody ṣaut pieces. It seems that the number of music genres that practice a
similar tradition of freedom are limited, although one example would be Persian
radif music. According to Nettl (2009, pp. 185-195), the improvisation found in
the literature dealing with Arabic music has not questioned whether this type of
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The number and system of musical sections or themes within every genre in Arab
musical repertoire can be clearly identified. In the basta music of Iraq, for instance,
which will be repeated several times until the end of the song (Ḥelmī, 1984, p. 14).
In the case of a ṣaut piece that contains multiple-melody and involves distinct
identifying any melody within the ṣaut as being the first or second, or as the major
and minor melody in terms of importance, as usually, when improvising in ṣaut, the
words, the common order that can be found in Arabic music, such as songs
beginning with section 1A, followed by section 2B, then section 3B, until the song
Through the example of ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, the following discussion will be
used to highlight the fact that there are many possibilities in terms of the order that
the theme A or B in any ṣaut piece can be played. The performer may start the ṣaut
with a melody that can be named for the purposes of this study A, followed by a
melody that will be known as B, such terms are not necessarily applied in literal
terms within the samra. It may be the case, in a different recording, that the same
necessarily followed by B. Rather, it could be 1A, 2A, 3A, and then 1B, or the
performer may begin the ṣaut with 1B followed by 2B, then 1A etc. In ṣaut, one
melody could be the major or dominant one in a particular version, or it could be the
minor one in another. The paradox is that there are some performers who might
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decide to perform only melody A, and not go on to use B in their singing, or who
perform B only without A. However, this seldom happens as in this case, the ṣaut
would be changed and become a one-melody ṣaut piece. Nevertheless, the same ṣaut
could contain two melodies or only just one melody. This freedom means that, with
the exception of those ṣaut pieces that are built on only one melody, there can be
multiple structures possible for each ṣaut piece. All options depend on the
improviser’s imagination and vision. As a violin player, I know that before each
singing section that there are two possibilities that the singer will follow, either
melodies on the violin. This requires a high degree of concentration to identify the
melody or to decide which melody the singer is going to use as quickly as possible.
The example that been chosen for discussion below contains a few elements that are
common in all versions of the same one example as will be seen later. The maqām
that has been used is ḥussainī ‘ushairān, which is a maqām commonly used in the
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The metre of this piece is six beats, ṣaut ‘arabī, but sometimes, albeit rarely, it is
performed in four beats - ṣaut shāmī. All versions in this example however, are
based on ṣaut ‘arabī. The example consists of three versions that were performed by
the same performer. This will help us to investigate the extent to which the
performer has the freedom to follow different structures for the same ṣaut in
different recordings.
In this example, the approach to analysing the versions is quite different from to
what has been done in the previous examples. I will transcribe the two melodies and
define each with the symbols A or B, so that I can refer to them later during the
separately. In the previous examples, one or two sections picked from every version
was enough to discover the similarities and dissimilarities between the versions.
However, to analyse this example requires us to investigate the content of all the
versions, which means about 48 sections, in order to recognise the concept of re-
ordering the ṣaut structure, and how it changes from one version to another.
except for the ornamentations, is unnecessary. I believe that we can understand how
the order of the melodies in ṣaut is changing constantly with a clearer illustration, by
using the symbols A and B followed by a number, to identify how many times they
have been used in each version, rather than providing notations for the same
melodies over tens of pages. In addition, the transcription contains the skeleton of
omitted. This includes repeating the themes and the linking words. This allows us to
deliver the idea clearly to the reader by focusing only on the re-ordering concept,
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without overlapping with the other improvisatory practices, which are not required in
this example.
The example that I call ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, relates to the oldest recorded
version, representing the common shape of this ṣaut, which was and remains well-
known amongst ṣaut performers. It contains two melodies, A and B, and each
melody consists of two themes. The first theme is always based on G4, while the
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Fig. 6.29. Transcription of ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, melody B.
Version no. 1
This recording, ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl, is not only the earliest recording of this
example, but is also the oldest or the first recorded song to be issued commercially,
whether on the part of Kuwaiti or Bahraini performers (Ḥabīb, 2003, p. 7). The
vocalist performer is ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti, and the band that accompanied him
consisted of three musicians from Kuwait - Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti on violin, Dāwūd al-
Kuwaiti on ‘ūd, and Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Mukhāyṭa on mirwās. The recording was done
which have been provided above, through eight sections. The order of the sections is
A, B, 2A, 3A, 4A, 5A, 2B, 6A. This version shows that there are six sections of A,
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Version no. 2
by his band, the ‘ūd player Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti, the violin player Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti,
and the mirwās player Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Mukhāyṭa, when he decided to record this
piece again, but with a different text, ‘Alemtum Be’annī Mughram (Kwiti, 1927). It
was a strange decision because, except for these two recordings, the history of ṣaut
recordings in the 78rpm era does not include any two recordings of the same ṣaut
piece recorded in one session by the same performer. The only explanation I can
suggest is that the recording in version no. 1, which is the first recorded ṣaut song
ever, was a demo recording: neither the singer nor the band as a whole had ever been
recorded the same ṣaut piece again, but with a different text, because he did not
In this recording, ‘Abdullaṭīf used a different order of sections during his singing.
These were A, B, 2A, 2B, 3A, 4A, 3B, 5A, 4B, 5B. The illustration of the sections
order shows that there were ten sections in this version, beginning with A and
followed by B then A, as in the earlier version, whilst the rest of the sections are
different. In addition, the number of sections A and B are equal, five for each
melody, which is different to the previous version, in which the A sections were
dominant.
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Version no. 3
The performer in this version is still ‘Abdullaṭīf al-Kuwaiti, and what makes this
version unique is that the three musicians, Ṣāleḥ, Dāwūd, and Sa‘ūd, all of whom
participated in the previous versions, are also playing in this recording. In 1928,
‘Abdullaṭīf came back to Baghdad to record a number of his songs, but this time, for
the Odeon Record Company. This happened within a year of the previous
recordings. In this session, ‘Abdullaṭīf recorded this ṣaut piece with a different text,
Ohail al-Naqā Qalbī, which consisted of eight sections with a different form; A, 2A,
3A, B, 4A, 2B, 5A, 6A (el-Koueti, 1928). It begins with A, as in the previous two
versions, but is followed by another A. There are two B melodies, which is similar to
version no. 1.
As mentioned, this is a unique chance to analyse three versions of the same ṣaut
piece, involving the same performer, band, location, and within the same brief
recording period. Even though the three versions have a different structure or form
for each version, it is possible to find a few similarities. For example, the performer
like a melody that is used to break the monotony of the singing. Apart from the
limited matching in the first three sections in version no. 1 and 2, there is an
unsystematic pattern with regard to the use of the melodies in the rest of the versions.
Furthermore, the similarities that have been found in the previous three versions are
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Version no. 4
In 1932, Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Mukhāyṭa, or Mullā Sa‘ūd al-Kuwaiti as his name appears
on the record label, went to Baghdad and recorded Anūḥ Edhā al-Ḥādī, for the HMV
on violin, Ḍāḥī bin Walīd from Bahrain on ‘ūd, and Ḥamad Bu-Ṭaibān from Kuwait
perspective when it comes to performing this ṣaut piece. Mullā Sa‘ūd omits melody
A from his version, and performs only melody B through nine sections; B, 2B, 3B,
4B, 5B, 6B, 7B, 8B, 9B. Mullā Sa‘ūd neglects melody A, which is the major or most
prominent melody in ‘Abdullaṭīf’s recordings, and builds a ṣaut from melody B that
is generally a minor melody in ‘Abdullaṭīf’s versions. Moreover, due to the fact that
Mullā Sa‘ūd formulated the whole recording only in melody B, the concept of re-
ordering the ṣaut structure in this example generally appears not to have existed.
Version no. 5
In 1937, Maḥmūd al-Kuwaiti recorded Laqad Khabberānī Anna, for the HMV
Ṣāleḥ al-Kuwaiti on violin, Yūsuf Za‘rūr al-Ṣaghīr (d. 1969), who is an Iraqi, on
qānūn, and probably Dāwūd al-Kuwaiti on mirwās. Unlike the previous versions that
have been discussed here, and in contrast to version no. 4, Maḥmūd eliminated
melody B from his performance, and adopted only melody A in five sections; A, 2A,
3A, 4A, 5A. This version has no reordering for the sections because it is a one-
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Version no. 6
This is the only version performed by a Bahraini singer, in that all the previous
versions were performed by Kuwaitis. This ṣaut, Anūḥ Edhā al-Ḥādī, is the same
text as in version no. 4, but the performer Muḥammad Zuwayid, provided a different
structure. The recording involved two musicians, ‘Abdullah Faḍāla from Kuwait on
violin, and Rāshed bin Sanad from Bahrain on mirwās (Zuwayid, 1950s). The
and it is distinctive from what been discussed before, because it begins with melody
B rather than A. The version consists of eight sections; B, 1B, 2B, 3B, 4B, 5B, 6B,
A, 7B. Among these eight sections, there is only one section incorporating melody
A, which means there is a great dominance in the form of B, and is unlike what
A crucial question should be asked here: if the performers of versions no. 4 and 5
adopted only one melody and neglected the other, and the melody that has been used
in version no. 4 is B, while it is A in version no. 5, then what relates these two
versions, or why are they categorised here, and by the ṣaut community, as the same
ṣaut piece?
Although the performers in the ṣaut community define no. 4 and 5 as two versions of
the same ṣaut piece, the shape of the ṣaut contains obvious evidence that shows the
relationship between these two different versions is close. The main difference
between the two melodies is situated within theme i, and each theme has a different
shape. However, theme ii in both melodies is the same, and this similarity supports
275
the common perspective that existed amongst people in the ṣaut community, which
This table below aims to summarise the re-ordering the ṣaut structure through the
versions that have been studied by demonstrating how the same ṣaut can be
Version no. 1 A B 2A 3A 4A 5A 2B 6A - -
Version no. 2 A B 2A 2B 3A 4A 3B 5A 4B 5B
Version no. 3 A 2A 3A B 4A 2B 5A 6A - -
Version no. 4 B 2B 3B 4B 5B 6B 7B 8B 9B -
Version no. 5 A 2A 3A 4A 5A - - - - -
Version no. 6 B 2B 3B 4B 5B 6B A 7B - -
Table. 6.1. A table shows the difference between all versions of ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl example.
Conclusion
Variation and improvisation are a practice that develops in many different ways
within the ṣaut genre. Moreover, it is impossible to separate the ṣaut as a song or
melody from what has been added through variation and improvisation.
it is more restricted, organised and limited in ṣaut. In the ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl
involving the use of an unsystematic order as a means of arranging the melodic parts
in the ṣaut. In the Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat example, the method of variation or
276
sometimes using a different meter in terms of the lyrics. These help the performers to
change the shape of the ṣaut. Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar is a strong example of the effect of
techniques: by modulation, by changing the rhythm meter, and by the shape of the
ṣaut. The modulation in this ṣaut is simple, mostly from ḥussainī to ḥijāz and vice
ṣaut is about when and how the performer can modulate. In addition, the difficulty of
considering, the rhythm or the length of the melody in ṣaut, which is unusual in other
Arabic music.
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CONCLUSION
With a few exceptions, research into the genre of ṣaut, whether pursued in the Gulf
or the West, has concentrated on certain traditions that have been in practice from
the late 1950s to the present day. In both discourses, there has been a clear
preoccupation with ṣaut’s more obvious elements, including its rhythms, texts and
instruments. Consequently, such studies have not ventured with any real depth into
the many other principles and practices that enrich ṣaut performance. One key
only in a limited way. The main discourse amongst ṣaut performers and musicians,
on the other hand suffers from an absence of explanation of many of its important
elements and codes, endowing their practices with an unspoken and mysterious
practitioners of this exclusive genre. However, these accounts do not offer much
insight into their artistic or creative visions nor indeed how they have acquired the
musicians, the analysis of the first recordings of the 20th century reveals rather a
tendency towards variation resulting in different versions of the same song, but not
necessarily that the different versions were created spontaneously, at the time of the
recording. After all, the existence of many different versions, which cannot be linked
to one original version, is the rule for most of the oral traditions in human cultures.
278
must ask whether the transformations and modifications were actually created ‘in the
course of performance’ (Nettl, 2009, p.186; see above, p. 206) or whether they were
created through a long process of repetition and variation in daily practice. The
answer is that we don't know, and we will probably never know, because we lack the
In this dissertation, I have tried to expose what is hidden or unspoken, and to explore
the less apparent features, principles, and forms that each reveal much about ṣaut and
widely in previous studies. The biggest challenge during this thesis however was
addressing the many principles and features that currently exist in ṣaut performance
practitioners. I have therefore devised and utilised a novel approach to extract and
as a practitioner who has accompanied many ṣaut performers for over 20 years, as
which to understand not only its prehistory and emergence, but also to trace the
process of development that has influenced most of the elements involved in ṣaut
contribution has been evidence showing that most of the contents and practice that
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attributable to ṣaut, were different or had a different function in other historical
periods. For instance, the current rhythms bear no similarity to those which existed
in the late 19th century, neither in shape nor meter; certainly the present-day mirwās
player would find it impossible to accompany another mirwās player from the late
19th century. Through this historical study, I have attempted to substantiate a new
notion that insists ṣaut is not an invariable genre, rather it is developing quietly
that I did not consider when I was a ṣaut performer only; my position as a researcher
guided me to observe the practice of ṣaut using a different perspective. The task of
not usually need to explain any of the terms they use as it is part of a common
culture and natural performance environment. Jā‘dah is one of the most important
terms, but has never appeared in any ṣaut studies prior to this. It is a single word
which embodies all that is required to refer to a performer as a high quality ṣaut
singer. Ellī yeṭal‘a-l-‘ūd (wherever the ‘ūd takes me) is one of the phrases used that
shows the awareness of the audience, other musicians, and performers of the
existence and significance of variation and improvisation in ṣaut, even if they do not
refer to it by name. The phrase is the sum of the experience, cognisance, capability,
courage, and all other elements present in the moments that follow the uttering of
this phrase. I have therefore tried to discuss it rigorously to reveal the hidden
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In chapter I, recordings are the focus of discussion as they are a significant source
that all other chapters in the dissertation rely on. To understand how the performers
worked to develop ṣaut and modify it over the years, there is a need to use different
types of recordings that belong to different eras. The discussion clarified that certain
formats of ṣaut recording are more important than others in for the purposes of this
circumstances that surrounded the recordings. The chapter also includes abroad
discussion about the era of the 78rpm records as the type of recordings that was the
most generative for ṣaut, whilst also discussing the companies, singers, and
musicians involved.
Chapter II deals with ṣaut as a term that can be found in musical contexts of various
periods, regions, and which carries different meanings. It is a term that denotes any
songs of the Abbasid period, as well as a local song in Yemen. In Bahrain and
Kuwait, the term ṣaut has separate meaning and form, and it relates to a specific
repertoire, instrumentation, rhythm, and other features that makes ṣaut different by
also the hypotheses that deal with the history of ṣaut. The discussion shows that
there are many methodological faults in these hypotheses, which casts serious doubt
follows the premise that the influences that can be found in ṣaut are derived from
Indian and Yemeni music, and suggests Abdullah al-Faraj, a student of Indian and
Yemeni musicians, was a founder of this genre. The theory states that ṣaut was
established in the 19th century by utilising particular features that were already
281
known in Yemen and the Arabian Peninsula, but within a new performative context
and adoption of new creative notions, I argue this proves the correlation of ṣaut with
the music of the region and its diversity at the same time.
Chapter III discusses the musical types that were found within the ṣaut genre, which
includes the three rhythmic types: ṣaut shāmī, ṣaut ‘arabī, and ṣaut khayālī. While
istimā‘, khitām, and mawwāl are part of the ṣaut genre, they are not described as
ṣaut. The rhythmic system of all three rhythmic types (shāmī, ‘arabī, and khayālī)
has developed significantly since the late 1800s to become far more complex.
Additionally, tawshīḥa, which is part of ṣaut shāmī and ‘arabī, comprises many
melodies, some of which have been forgotten or are not practised or known as
tawshīḥa today. Both the role and content of the tawshīḥa have been through
different phases, and its importance has gradually increased to become one of the
The instruments are discussed in depth in Chapter IV, revealing that there was a
different type of ‘ūd a hundred years ago called the ‘ūd hindī. The ‘ūd that is used
today in ṣaut and other Arab musical genres was known by Kuwaitis at that time as
‘ūd shāmī before the ‘ūd hindī disappeared. Subsequently, the ‘ūd shāmī became
known solely as the ‘ūd. The mirwās, which is the percussion instrument of ṣaut,
was connected to different rules in the early days of ṣaut practice. It is probable that
before the 1950s, the ṣaut performer was accompanied by only one mirwās and
rarely two. Today, a ṣaut band includes three or more mirwās players. This study
reveals how expansion in the number of players instituted new traditions based on
282
In chapter V, improvisation and variation are introduced as a central notion that
accompanies each part of ṣaut, and is practised unconsciously by the performers. The
ṣaut. It is the tool used to develop novelty in a ṣaut repertoire. This is essential, as
the composition of new ṣaut songs has ceased, most probably since the 1930s.
Furthermore, most of the masters of ṣaut own a unique style in performing, and these
styles usually centre around how improvisation and variation are employed in their
performance.
ṣaut. The apprentice should learn different renditions of the same ṣaut, which have
sources that help the learner to accumulate experience, and establish a base on which
to improvise, leading him later to find his own version for that ṣaut.
delivered by different performers. These analyses offer support to the notion that
termed a ṣaut piece, there is broad space allowing a certain freedom of delivery. This
freedom is restricted by the existence of certain elements and notions derived from
the traditions of ṣaut resulting in particular conduct and aesthetics suitable to the
genre. Most importantly, my analysis reveals that it is not possible to separate ṣaut as
repertoire and ṣaut as variation and improvisation. There are no original versions.
283
This ethnomusicological thesis is a foundational study, which addresses the main
principles as well as the history of ṣaut. It is hoped that it might encourage other
scholars to investigate further features of ṣaut, and provide a useful basis to ongoing
studies. A few theories that are known as controversial and have potentially been
misunderstood have been revisited in this thesis with new evidence; this could help
other scholars to enhance such hypotheses through more investigation, including, for
example the boundary of Yemeni influence in ṣaut and its role in ṣaut’s origins. This
study suggests that ṣaut historically has not always been the same, and it was
different in terms of performance and principles from one period to other. This
notion is usually not examined by scholars, who present ṣaut as a genre that has been
Before I began my study, my research plan in terms of scope was much wider than
that which has been discussed in this thesis. Many factors restricted the examination
of topics within ṣaut and made research into them impossible at this stage. One of
the most important subjects concerning the ṣaut community, which can be found in
most discussions amongst ṣaut performers, is the nature of the difference between
Bahrain and Kuwait in performance of ṣaut. Although this question has been
and an ambiguous issue. There is no serious study, which reveals the differences and
scholars from both countries approach ṣaut as a matter of national propriety, which
significantly influences their scholarship. This topic was a concern for me and I did
in fact spend a long time investigating the similarities and differences to explore and
delineate the Bahraini and Kuwaiti styles. However, it was difficult for me to discuss
284
it properly within a chapter, and with the limited time I had. I believe that this topic
and others, such as the dominance of the Bahraini style upon Kuwaiti ṣaut
performance, and the recently diminishing state of ṣaut practice amongst performers
in Bahrain, requires a different project. Additionally, the shortage of sources and the
of several aspects of traditions and rituals in ṣaut in Bahrain. Therefore, the term
could not find a current community of performers in Bahrain. This finding might be
contested by Mubārak al-‘Ammārī, the Bahraini researcher, who stated that there is a
Moreover, the practice of ṣaut before the appearance of Muḥammad bin Fāris,
considered the founder of the Bahraini style of ṣaut, is as yet shrouded in some
mystery and the resources available do not easily lend themselves to exploration and
understanding of ṣaut at that time. This scarcity also affects the study of ṣaut in the
19th century, about which the most of the details come from Kuwaiti references.
the process of development in ṣaut is discussed in the thesis through three historical
stages, the 19th century, the records period, and present day. However, it would be
better to explore the process of development through each decade, especially from
the 1930s onwards. This would help to identify the differences in traditions and
performance in ṣaut and probably to discover more about the process. Unfortunately,
this approach is not feasible now, as it requires more research and sources that are
285
not currently available. An additional obstruction is the political situation in many
Arab countries. It is a challenge to visit Syria and Iraq to find out more details about
the records industry. The existing discussion about the relationship between ṣaut and
Yemen is not broad enough but regrettably it is almost impossible to expand it right
In the late 1950s, a new pattern of ṣaut compositions appeared in Kuwait and
brought many new elements that could not be found in the traditional ṣaut of Kuwait
and Bahrain. This new ṣaut was influenced mainly by Egyptian music, which was
the style that dominated the music scenes in Kuwait at the time. This music also
needs a study to explore definition of it, its relation with the traditional ṣaut, what
makes it ṣaut, what the ṣaut community think about it, and its importance as a part of
the cultural identity of modern Kuwait or Kuwait after the oil boom.
Although I have been one of several researchers who have examined the history of
ṣaut, this history is in fact still unclear or uncertain. To explore more about this
history, it needs to be discussed not only within the context of Arabic music but also
as that of the Indian Ocean. This music began before the oil boom, and in that time
the whole Gulf region relied mostly on trading via the seas, generally with India.
This association dates back many centuries and has influenced the life of Gulf
society, especially Bahrain and Kuwait, in all aspects of life. Music is one of these
influenced aspects and this thesis demonstrates a small side of this, but more studies
286
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DISCOGRAPHY
‘Abdulghanī, Yūsuf (1930s) Min Yom Fragak (ṣaut ḥejāzī) [From Day that You
‘Abdulrazzāq, Ṣāleḥ (1927) Min Ghair Sā’el (Ṣan‘ānī) [Without tears]. [78rpm]
Baghdad: Baidaphon.
Aḥmad, ‘Abdullah (c. 1975) Aghnam Zamānak [Took Advantage of Your Time].
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QMjEreo0GSU>.
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (c. 1953) Jalā Bel-Kās (Ṣaut Zenjibārī) [Appeared with a glass].
Recording] Kuwait.
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Bin Harhara Qāl (Ṣaut Yamānī) [Bin Harhara said]. [Private
Recording] Kuwait.
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Fī Hawā Badrī (Ṣaut Bulbula) [In the Love of my Full
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Fī Hawā Badrī (Ṣaut Hindustani) [In the Love of my Full
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Ḥarrak Shijūnī (Ṣaut Yamānī) [He Moved My Sorrow].
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Ḥusnahā Shalla Rūḥī [Her Beauty Paralyses My Soul].
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Inna Hindun [Hindun has]. [Private record] Kuwait.
302
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Laka Manilun Be-l-Qalb (Maqām Rāst) [You Have a Place in
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Layāliya Ba‘d (Ṣaut ‘Arabī) [My Nights After]. [Private
Recording] Kuwait.
Recording] Kuwait.
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Mā Tendhurū Dam‘atī Sālat [Can You See my Tears Spilled].
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Mā Yaṭrib al-Qalb (Ṣaut Yamānī) [My Heart Cannot Feel
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Salū Fāter al-Ajfān (Ṣaut Yamānī) [Ask the lukewarm
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Tamatta‘ Bi al-Reqād (Khitām) [Enjoy the Sleeping]. [Private
Recording] Kuwait.
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Yaḥya ‘Omar Qāl [Yaḥya ‘Omar said]. [Private Recording]
Kuwait.
Al-Baker, Yūsuf (n.d.) Yu‘ātibunī ‘Alā [He Admonish me]. [Private Recording]
Kuwait.
Ale Khalifa, Mohamed El Fares (1932) Ya Wahidal Housn (Hedjazi) [Oh, the
Al-Jarrāsh, Aḥmad ‘Awaḍ (1930s) Ibn Sombul Yegool (Ṣaut Yāfe‘ī) [Ibn Sombul
303
Al-Jīmāz, Rāshed (n.d.) Yā Leitinī ‘Ubaidekum Doum [I Wish I am Always Your
Al-Khashram, Ibrāhīm (1993) Bū ‘Alī Qāl [Bū ‘Alī Said]. Private recording: Kuwait.
Al-Kuwaiti, ‘Abdullaṭīf (c. 1937) Zein al-Mebāsem [The Beautiful Lips]. [78rpm]
Al-Kuwaiti, ‘Abdullaṭīf (1937) Alā Yā Ayyuhā [Oh, Barman]. OML. 539 [78rpm]
Al-Kuwaiti, ‘Abdullaṭīf (c. 1947) Ṭāb al-Sharāb el-Leila (Lahan Kurdī) [Drinking in
Record.
Al-Kuwaiti, ‘Abdullaṭīf (1964) Terīd al-Hawā [You want the love]. Concert: Kuwait
Television. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=plU0qH8UKCw>.
Al-Kuwaiti, Maḥmūd (1937) Laqad Khabberānī [They Told Me]. [78rpm] Baghdad:
HMV.
304
Al-Kuwaiti, Ṣāleḥ Ezra (1927) Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar [Ibn al-Ashqar said]. 091886
Al-Laḥjī, Masrūr Mabrūk (1930s) Ya Kaheel Tarfak (Ṣaut Laḥjī). 1121-B [78rpm]
Al-Māss, Sheikh Muhammad (1930s) Qālat al-Qumriyah [The collared dove said].
Al-Rāshed, Sa‘ūd (n.d.) Māl Ghuṣn al-Dhahab [The Branch Of Gold Has Tended].
Kuwait Radio.
Al-Rāshed, Sa‘ūd (n.d.) Mālī Arā al-Lail Dhā [Why I Am Seeing This Night As].
Kuwait Radio.
AlṢālḥī, Aḥmad (31 May 2013) Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fī al-Bander [Yaḥyā ‘Omar Said
Bin Fāris, Muḥammad (1936) Lān al-Ḥaṣā [The Gravel Melted]. [78rpm] Aleppo:
Sodwa Company.
Bin Fāris, Muḥammad (1937) Dam‘ī Jarā Be-l-Khudūd (Ṣan‘ānī) [My Tears Spilled
Bin Fāris, Muḥammad (1937) Yegūl Bū-Me‘jeb Nahār al-Aḥad (Khatem) [Bū-
Bin Ḥāy, Hilāl (1960s) Nālat ‘Alā Yaduhā [She Got on Her Hand]. Kuwait Radio.
Bin Walid, Dahy (1932) Khū ‘Elwī Seja‘ (Shihry) [Khū ‘Elwī Says]. 30-10349
Bin Walid, Dahy (1932) Marr Bedwi Saghir (Sout Shihry) [A Young Bedouin
Bin Walīd, Ḍāḥī (1935) Yegūl Khū ‘Elwī Niḏart [Khū ‘Elwī Says I Saw]. [78rpm]
305
Bin Walīd, Ḍāḥī (1935) Min Rakkab al-Khāl [Who Installed This Mole]. [78rpm]
Bin Walīd, Ḍāḥī (1935) Yā Bāhī al-Khad [Oh, the Beautiful Cheek]. [78rpm]
Bin Walīd, Ḍāḥī (1935) Yegūl Abū-Muṭlaq [Abū-Muṭlaq Says]. [78rpm] Aleppo:
Sodwa Company.
Dūkhī, ‘Awaḍ (1970s) al-Bāriḥa Fī ‘Atīm [Yesterday in the Dark]. Concert: Kuwait
Television. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-fBdILww0OI>.
Dūkhī, ‘Awaḍ (1970s) Rūḥī al-Fidā [My Sole is Redemption]. Concert: Bahrain
Television. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rqzGJb1V1AM>.
El Fares, Mohamed (1932) ‘Ala Dam‘o ‘Aynī (Arabic) [The Tears of My Eyes]. 30-
El Fares, Mohamed (1932) Garīb el-Faraj (Yamānī) [The Relief Is Near]. 30-10990
El Fares, Mohamed (1932) Qalal Moanna (Sanai) [The Lover Said]. 30-8264
El-Koueti, Abdul-Latif (1928) Inna Hind (Istimā‘) [Hind Is]. 220712 [78rpm]
Baghdad: Odeon.
El-Koueti, Abdul-Latif (1928) Inna Wajdī (Shāmī) [My Ecstatic Is]. 220636 [78rpm]
Baghdad: Odeon.
306
El-Koueti, Abdul-Latif (1928) Jalā Fī al-Kās (Furāqī) [He Appeared with a Glass].
Odeon.
El-Koueti, Abdul-Latif (1929) Māla Rīm al-Falā (Ṣaut Sheḥrī) [Gazelle, What
El-Koueti, Abdul-Latif (1929) Qāl Ibn al-Ashqar [Ibn al-Ashqar said]. 220744
El-Koueti, Abdul-Latif (1929) Yā Leila Dāna (Ṣaut Sheḥrī). 220746 [78rpm] Cairo:
Odeon.
El Koweiti, Mulla Seoud (1932) Anouh Izal Hady (Arabic) [I Lament When the
Faḍālah, ‘Abdullah (n.d.) Alam Ta‘lamī Yā [Did You Know]. [Kuwait Radio]
Kuwait.
Ghabbah, ‘Omar Maḥfūẓ (1930s) Ya Ghart Allah (Ṣaut ‘Adanī) [Oh God's Mercy].
Khalīfa, Ḥamad (n.d.) El-Bāriḥa Mā ‘Araf Jefnī [Yesterday My Eyelid Did Not
307
Kwiti, Abdel Latif (1927) ‘Awādhel Dhāt al-Khāl [the Envious People of the Girl
Kwiti, Abdel Latif (1927) ‘Alemtum Be’annī (‘Arābī) [You Knew That I Am]. B.
Kwiti, Abdel Latif (1927) Wa Kad Kānat (Khayālī) [It Was Moving]. B 090040
Zuwayid, Muḥammad (1935) Lān al-Ṣakhar (Ṣaut Sheḥrī) [The gravel melted].
Zuwayid, Muḥammad (c. 1947) Yaḥyā ‘Omar Qāl Fi al-Bandar [Yaḥyā ‘Omar Said
Zuwayid, Muḥammad (1950s) Anūḥ Edhā al-Ḥādī [I Lament When the Camel
Zuwayid, Muḥammad (1950s) Yegūl Abū Me’jeb (Yamānī) [Abū Me’jeb says]. T.S.
Zuwayid, Rāshed (1980s) Bū ‘Alī Qāl [Bū ‘Alī Said]. Bahrain T.V. Video cassette.
308