The Theodosian Age

(A.D. 379-455)
Power, place, belief and learning
at the end of the Western Empire

Edited by

Rosa García-Gasco
Sergio González Sánchez
David Hernández de la Fuente

BAR International Series 2493

2013
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The Theodosian Age (A.D. 379-455): Power, place, belief and learning at the end of the Western Empire

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 Ammianus and Theodosius I concerning the domesticorum Severus and later was added the magister
Barbarica Conspiratio militum Jovinus. However, their presence on Britain was
not enough to face the barbarians who raided the island
David Álvarez-Jiménez and Valentinian ‘allowed them to return at quick step,
intending to seek the support of a strong army; for he
Universidad Complutense de Madrid declared that this was demanded by the pressing
Grupo Barbaricum necessities of the situation’ (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 2).
Finally, ‘because of the many alarming things which
constant rumours reported about the same island,
Abstract Theodosius, a man most favourably known for his
services in war, was chosen to be sent there with all
Through this paper, the author deals with the troubling historical speed, and having enrolled legions and cohorts of
episode known as the Barbarica Conspiratio that, in brief, courageous young men, he hastened to depart, preceded
implied a brutal barbarian attack by sea played by Picts, Scots, by brilliant expectations’ (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 3).
Saxons and Franks on the shores of continental Gaul and mainly Theodosius who was then comes rei militaris is also
on Britannia. Dr. Álvarez-Jiménez approaches this subject from remarkable for being the father of the eponymous
a close analysis on Ammianus Marcellinus’ narrative and
Theodosius I —because of this fact, he is known as
particularly on the historian relationship with the later emperor
Theodosius I, who was the son of Theodosius the Elder, the Theodosius the Elder or the count Theodosius.4
general in charge of recovering the British provinces to the According to Ammianus, the Barbarian Conspiracy was
Roman dominance. characterized by a double-front attack. On one hand, the
situation in Britain was terrible because of the threatening
With the sonorous term of Barbarian Conspiracy, Ammianus activities of barbarians peoples such as the Picts who
Marcellinus described an impressive barbarian attack that were ‘divided into two tribes, called Dicalydones and
affected some coastal areas of the Western Roman Empire and Verturiones, as well as the Attacotti, a warlike race of
especially Britain during two years from the year 367 onwards.1 men, and the Scots, were ranging widely (per diversa)
Unfortunately Ammianus is our main source for this episode
and even if there are some additional and more or less vague
and causing great devastation’ (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 5).
references, we have to trust mainly on his narrative in spite of Simultaneously the continent was also affected by other
its complexity and its lapses. pirates because as Ammianus (27, 8, 5) stated ‘while the
Gallic regions, wherever anyone could break in by land
KEYWORDS: Barbarian conspiracy, Ammianus Marcellinus, or sea, were harassed by the Franks and their neighbours,
Theodosius, Piracy, Barbarians the Saxons, with cruel robbery, fire, and the murder of all
who were taken prisoners’.

Regarding the Frankish and Saxon activities in the

continent —even though I judge that these piratical peoples
did not just affect the continental coasts but also the Briton
A narrative of the Barbarian Conspiracy shores—, unfortunately the sources do not provide any
straight evidence. However I deem possible to ascribe an
Ammianus described in this way how the emperor
extremely difficult fragment from the very Ammianus and
Valentian I knew of the first details of this episode when
dated in 369. After stating Valentinian’s defensive efforts
he was heading towards the Eastern Gaul to confront the
along the frontiers (28, 2, 1), Ammianus exposed
Alamans:
Valentian’s unfortunate decision of erecting a fortress at
Having set out then from Amiens and hastening to Mons Piri in the middle of the Alamanni territory and
Treves, Valentinian was alarmed by serious news therefore contravening former treaties. The dramatic
which showed that Britain was brought into a state consequence was the slaughter of the Roman garrison
of extreme need by a conspiracy of the savages, placed there except just one of the soldiers. Immediately
that Nectaridus, the commanding general of the after this, Ammianus wrote the following words:
seacoast region, had been killed, and that another
general, Fullofaudes, had been ambushed by the Meanwhile throughout Gaul there spread, to the
enemy and taken prisoner (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 1).2 ruin of many, a savage frenzy for brigandage,
which kept watch of the frequented roads and fell
On account of this magno horrore Valentinian was indiscriminately upon everything profitable that
shocked and he decided to send successively two of his fell in its way. Finally, in addition to many others
best military commanders.3 The first one was the comes who fell victim to such ambuscades,
Constantianus, chief of the imperial stables, a
relative by marriage of Valentinian and own
1
About Conspiratio’s chronology see Tomlin (1974) and Blockley brother to Cerealis and Justina, was surprised by
(1980). While Tomlin placed its beginning in June 367 and considered an unexpected attack and presently slain (Amm.
that Theodosius’ campaign finished in the next year, Blockley deemed Marc. 28, 2, 10).
that there was not any reason to discuss the traditional chronological
frame. In consequence, the Conspiratio lasted over two years till 369.
2
This and next Ammianus’ references are extracted from John C. arrival of any new from Britain to the Imperial court. On this piracy, see
Rolfe’s Loeb translation, 1935-40] below.
3 4
Interestingly enough Snyder (2003, 61) thought that the piratical I regard Austin’s (1979, 43, n. 7) idea of Theodosius as a new comes
activities of Franks and Saxons in the continent could have delayed the litoris Saxonici as nonsense.

73
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

Unquestionably, this latrociniorum rabies saeva cannot enemies for their sudden raids’ (Amm. Marc. 28, 2, 12).
correlate with the Alamanni’s assault because Ammianus As Irfan Shahîd (1984, 172) said, this mention is really
did not specify it neither he connected this attack with the unusual in Ammianus because of the context where it is
disastrous end of the Roman garrison formerly cited. placed and it can only be explained if it is connected with
Moreover, although some scholars have tried to link this the former reference to the latrones,9 that is, the Saxons
episode with banditry (Dill 1910, 342; Thompson 1952, —and implicitly the Franks— who raided this Gaulish
17) or a bagaudic outbreak,5 I do not consider any of coasts. In fact, as Phillip Bartholomew (1984, 173, n. 17)
these possibilities as being accurate. First of all, the said,10 it is highly meaningful the Ammianus’ description
geographical vagueness placed on this reference (inter on the Maratocupreni’s modus operandi as the historian
per Gallias) reminds to another one offered by from Antioch argued that the Maratocupreni attacked
Ammianus and cited previously when he mentioned the ‘wherever the wind took them’ (quoquo ventus duxerat)
Frankish and Saxon attack on Gallicanus tractus.6 comparing with this maritime metaphor their raids with
Obviously, this evidence is not a very solid one but in my Saxons’ assaults. In fact, this reference matches with a
opinion it rules out Drinkwater’s idea of holding the Roman topos very well established concerning the
Bagauda responsible because besides of not knowing any random piratical menace.11 Regarding the effects of these
outburst of this kind in any source, I consider Ammianus Saxon and Frankish piratical attacks, they were
should have localised it in a more precise way. I consider unquestionably devastating and very difficult to counter
rather that this geographical vagueness entailed the after the Litus Saxonicum’s defensive system was shut
wandering nature of these latrones’attacks. That is, this down. Certainly, Ammianus’ Res Gestae seems to
description aims to some typical piratical characteristics: suggest this area was defencelessness and the failure of
mobility and surprise. On the other hand, this information the Roman military antipirátical measures: the Litus
(28, 2, 10) is placed among the first reference to the Saxonicum itself, and the defence-in-depth defensive
Barbarica Conspiratio (27, 8) and immediately before system described by Ammianus himself when he wrote
the resolution of Theodosius’ British campaign (28, 3). about the Saxon pirates intercepted by a patrol in Deuso,
Between both episodes, there is not any other predatory Germania Inferior.12 This failure is evidenced by
action consigned in Gaul except the isolated capture of Ammianus when he writes about the tribunus stabuli
Mogontiacum (Mainz) by the Alamann princeps Rando Constantianus, Valentinian I’s brother-in-law whom I
—an attack that provoked the later Valentinian I’s regard as a piratical victim of these Germanic raiders
reprisal on Alamann territory (27, 10)— that in no way (PLRE I, 221). It is not surprising that some time later the
can be connected to these plundering activities.7 In brief, emperor had stirred punishment expeditions against the
this allusion can only be interpreted as a back reference to Saxons and Franks in their own territory.
the formerly cited raids of Franks and Saxons since
Ammianus individualized the plunderers through the It is obvious to assert that the situation was more
description of these latrones as ‘bloody’ (saeva), so catastrophic in Britannia.13 The army was absolutely
characteristic of the bad fame attributed to these gentes.8 beheaded because of the dux Britanniarum Fullofaudes’
On the other hand, these attacks are directly correlated death, who commanded the army placed in the northern
with the actions described subsequently of the frontier and resided in York (Eburacum), and because of
Maratocupreni (28, 2, 11-14), a contemporary people Nectaridus’s capture —the comes tractus maritime,
who practiced banditry in Syria. In fact Ammianus said whose rank has to be undoubtedly equalled to the
that ‘no one could guard against their unexpected coming, Notitia’s comes Litori Saxonici— that should be
since they did not assail previously chosen places, but beholden as a periphrasis of his later death (Birley 2005,
various quarters and those that were far removed, 428-429).14 In fact, Ammianus (27, 8, 10) told us how the
breaking out wherever the wind took them —the same
reason that makes the Saxons feared before all other 9
On the very Maratocupreni see how this author considers them as an
Arabic population (ibid. 172-175).
5 10
Drinkwater (1989, 194; 2007, 278) argued that this info should help However, this scholar (172-173) wrote an ad hoc improbable
‘to fill the long gap between 286 and 407/8’. However this argument historical reconstruction to justify an allegedly inexistence of the Saxon
misinterprets the bagaudic phenomenon since it is a mistake to establish menace. In this way, he substituted saxones for sagaces.
11
continuity on this rebel movement from the third to the fifth centuries. I An aspect I often emphasized in my thesis Álvarez-Jiménez (2010).
12
consider that in the fifth century the term bagauda just exemplified a The so called Limes Belgicus (Amm. Marc. 28, 5; Jerome Chron. s.a.
citizen rebellion. That is, this word had become standardized into the 373; Orosius 7, 32, 10; Álvarez-Jiménez 2010, 571-576).
13
later Roman political language to typify an antisystemic movement Frend (1992) considered that the Conspiratio meant a huge attack on
against the Roman order. Consequently, there’s nothing to admit a the poor advance on Christianism in Britannia. On this, Frend is
connection between both realities. followed by Watts (1998, 66) y Jones (1996, 180-181). Against this
6
Bartholomew (1984, 175-176) admits this fragment alludes to the view Reece (1994).
14
Frankish and Saxon piratical attacks, but I consider he is wrong when he On the other hand, Fraser (2009, 56-57) really valued this testimony
deems it as an introductory one to the later referred by Ammianus (28, and he considered that the Picts desired booty and future ransoms —I
5, 1-7). possibility I do not trust— more than blood. Less convincingly, Fuentes,
7
Ammianus just records two others military episodes in this lapse Fresh, 61 deemed in his deep revision of the Litus that there were two
besides of the reflected in the text but they are not located in Gaul. In different commands focused on the fight against piracy. First of all the
this way (27, 9) are described both Mauri attacks on Africa and comes tractus maritimi, whose command would extend from Bradwell
Isaurians in Asia Minor, and additionally (27, 12) is mentioned the clash till the river Humber and also the comes litori Saxonici, whose authority
between the Empire and the Persians because their ambitions in was based on the defence of the English Channel. According to Fuentes,
Armenia and Hiberia. once that the comes tracturs maritimi Nectaridus died, the Roman
8
Concerning the Saxon piratical features it is interesting to attend — military power was replaced inmediately by Germanic foederati settlers.
even if it is a later source— Sid. Apollinaris (ep. 8, 6, 14). However, I consider more feasible to take into consideration this

74
 David Álvarez-Jiménez - Ammianus and Theodosius I concerning the ‘Barbarica Conspiratio’

British army had been disbanded and many of its However, in spite of being obvious that this area was
members had deserted. Despite not knowing this process, severely affected this evidence does not imply necessarily
I consider E. A. Thompson (1990, 7) was right when he that the Conspiratio assault was confined just here neither
said that ‘it can hardly be doubted that the Roman that, as Phillip Bartholomew (1984, 179) and E. A.
garrison had suffered a disastrous defeat or series of Thompson (1990, 9) said, Theodosius’ actions were
defeats amounting to a demoralising catastrophe’.15 limited in this very area.18 Nevertheless we have to
According to Ammianus, Theodosius marched with his discern several geographical areas affected by these
troops, maybe two thousand soldiers, to Boulogne.16 pirates and correspondingly Theodosius’ deeds in spite of
There they were reinforced by several elite units, some of Ammianus’ fragmentary narrative. It is true that
them very valuable to confront this kind of raiders archaeology has shown that Hadrian Wall was not
because of their ethnic origins. These were the Batavians, affected because of the Conspiracy, but this fact precisely
the Heruls, the Jovians and the Victors. Unfortunately we presupposes that this defensive line was surrounded by
do not know the exact vicissitudes of this campaign that sea. Regarding this, we cannot forget neither the dux
lasted two years because Ammianus just sketched a Britanniarum’s death nor the later development of coastal
general view of the countermeasures adopted by signal stations placed on the northeastern coast from the
Theodosius in such a big time lapse. farthest eastern limit of the Wall till the proximity of the
very Eburacum. Then again, the Picts have been held
Once he disembarked in Richborough (Rutupiae), as responsible of quite a few contemporary damages stated
Lupicinus did some years before, he marched fast to in this area as, for example, the Roman villa of Langton
London (Londinium), the Diocese’s capital, whose (Ramm 1978, 131), even though as with any other
situation was defined as ‘plunged into the greatest archaeological evidence connected to the Conspiratio this
difficulties’ (mersam difficultatibus summis) (Amm. one has to be used carefully. However, concerning the
Marc. 27, 8, 8). Presumably Theodosius looked for both eastern coast of Britannia, it has been ascribed to this
relieving the most important urban centre in Britannia episode certain contemporary Pictish material found in
before its presumed harassment and getting info of the East Anglia (Casey 1979, 78, n. 20a) while, on the other
assailants, the island’s global state of affairs and its army. hand, the abandonment of numerous villas in
On one hand, he told that in the way between southeastern Britannia has been associated with an
Richborough to London ‘he divided his troops into many economical decline accelerated by the raiders’ presence.19
parts and attacked the predatory bands of the enemy, Likewise, according to Shepard S. Frere (1987, 345-346)
which were ranging about and were laden with heavy it is possible that some other villas from Yorkshire, the
packs’ (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 7). That is, the present region Midlands and Hertfordshire could be touched by the
of Kent, the area with the island’s most prominent raiders as well as the potteries factories specialized in the
maritime defences as the coastal forts of Reculver black burnished ware and placed in these areas and
(Regulbium), Richborough (Rutupiae), Dover (Dubris) additionally the important centre of production of
and Lympne (Portus Lemanis) show. This fact, along the Hartshill-Mancetter.20
capture of Nectaridus, has to be taken into consideration
both as a proof of Ammianus’ statement of the existence Likewise, the Scots raiders’ range of action logically
of a conspiracy conformed by several barbarian peoples should be located in the western coast of Britannia as it is
and also of its mighty attack because the Litus Saxonicum reflected in the numerous coin-hoards and destructions
was not designed to face huge naval menaces neither found there. In this way, although I do not concur
intensive attacks coming from multiple fronts but to completely, Frere (1987, 345-346) thought that alongside
confront lesser infiltrations. In fact, it is interesting to northern Britain, the western coast suffered most of the
suppose that one of the main objectives of this attack was barbarian damage and he held accountable respectively
to dismantle the naval defensive system that formerly had the Picts and, on the other hand, the Scots and the
frustrated so many piratical raids. According to this, it mysterious Attacotti.21 Therefore, according to P. J.
can be reasonably deduced that Saxons and Franks
participated of the assault of Britannia because this Gallicus as just a ‘poetic licence’. Instead, under his view this
territory, and especially its southeaster sector, was a geographic term referred to the Briton Eastern coast. Austin (1979, 43);
perennial objective of both peoples as ancient sources Tomlin (1974, 475), even though he did not specify it; Frend (1992,
129-130) and Faulkner (2001, 159).
show from the third century onwards.17 18
On the contrary, Frend (1992, 129-130) judged the attack damaged
especially The Fens in the centre-east coast of Britain. In a more recent
paper, Frend and Hadman (1994) thought that a lead deposit from the
fourth century and found in North Lodge Farm (Barnwell, Northant), in
settlement around the time of the later usurper Maximus. Also the very centre of Britain, was left by looters during the Conspiracy:
unconvincingly, Martin (1969, 414-417) thougth that the tradicional Frend and Hadman (1994). Likewise, Martin (1969, 415) thought that
identification between Nectaridus and the comes litori Saxonici was the attack happened just in the northern and western regions of Roman
wrong because this last one had to be just a simple comes who Britain. On the contrary, I consider as a more reasonable approach
commanded comitatenses troops. Finally, White (1961, 50) also refused Casey (1979, 73-74), Rance (2001, 245) or Faulkner (2001, 158) who
to identify both commands. defended a multiplicity of attack fronts.
15 19
Thompson (1990, 8) eloquently said that ‘we must not underestimate Black (1987, 45) emphasized the abandonment of the terms of
the size of the defeat which the Romans had suffered’. Cobham y Sidlesham, and also of the Roman villas of Walton-on-the-
16
Tomlin (1974, 307) accurately stressed their scarce number. See also Hill and Oltford.
20
Thompson (1990, 7), who is followed by Birley (2005, 439). In consequence of this, the pottery production in Britain was
17
Johnson (1976, 82); Casey (1979, 74; 78, n. 20a). This scholar centralized in a few but big places as Nene Vallet, Farnham and Oxford.
21
deemed that the ammianean reference to their activities in tractus According to him, Picts came from the firth of Forth.

75
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

Casey (1979, 74) a number of contemporary damages 345-346), it is possible that some villas from Hampshire
have been attributed to the Conspiratio in Ambleside were also damaged. Finally, the find of a pottery shard in
(Cumbria) and additionally a lot of archaeological the island of Rathlin, at the Irish Sea, has been linked
remains have been connected as certain contemporary with the Scots pirates (Collins 1960).23
destructions in Roman villas in Somerset, as
KingsWeston, Brislington and Keynsham, where the Apart of the affected areas and the hypothetical damages
archaeologists found corpses in a context of violence as correlated with the Barbarica Conspiratio, it is necessary
happened in the villas of West Park, Bowood y Calne. to come back to Ammianus and analize the measures he
Apart from these villas, Keith Branigan pointed out took to suppress the raiders. Ammianus stressed the
several other villas more complicated in dating but that success in Theodosius’ work that according to his words
they could have been attacked by barbarians in this very was got after such a hard and intensive effort that
area as Combe Down, Wellow II, North Wraxall, Box, provoked the troops’ exhaustion. However, this success
Atworth, Nuthills, Tockington, Lye Hole, Ilchester Mead was not complete given that, as the very historian
and West Cooker (Figure 1). acknowledged, they routed quickly ‘those who were
driving along prisoners and cattle, he wrested from them
the booty which the wretched tribute-paying people had
lost’ (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 7). Once the first phase of
Britain’s reconquest was over, alter returning the booty
recovered to the legitimate owners —yet he admitted that
a part was shared out between his men as a reward. A
decision that, as happened under Carausius’ command in
the third century, was illegal but fit to the present-day
circumstances—, Theodosius went back to Londinium.
The first part in the Britannia’s recovery can be qualified
as an urgent ‘shock therapy’ measure in time to regain the
initiative to the Empire and to clear south-eastern
Britannia, that is, such was a vital objective to reconnect
the province to the continent and the Empire. As it can be
deduced from Ammianus, Theodosius adapted his
military resources to the raiders’ modus operandi who
were scattered trough the Diocese territory in factiones
and he planned an active campaign of harassment against
them. However, he did not have enough military
resources to confront them with a certain level of security
and subsequently Ammianus (27, 8, 9) surreptitiously
admitted the flight of the pirates. Obviously, Theodosius
needed more muscle and this reality became more
flagrant when he received worrying news:

While he lingered there, encouraged by the

successful outcome to dare greater deeds, he
carefully considered what plans would be safe; and
he was in doubt about his future course, since he
learned from the confessions of the captives and
the reports of deserters that the widely scattered
enemy, a mob of various natives and frightfully
savage, could be overcome only by secret craft and
Figure 1. Map of Roman Villas damaged in time of the Barbarica unforeseen attacks.
Conspiratio (Branigan 1976, fig.29).
That is, after being fulfilled this first stage and when he was
about to consolidate his deeds and the island’s defence,24
On the other hand, Branigan also judged that other south-
western villas could be harmed even though there are not course true that, in many cases, where fire destruction alone is attested
so evident destructive traces. However, in spite of these without clear evidence for hostilities, the disaster may have been
damages, many villas kept working, and some of the accidental. On the other hand it is also true that many villas may have
been accidental. On the other hand it is also true that many villas may
most damaged as Brislington or Keynshaw were
have been raided but not fired by the raiders, and if they were re-
reoccupied but in a different way. It is possible that their occupied there would be little or nothing in the archaeological record to
original owners went to the cities and the villas became attest the raid’. About Kingsweston, see Boone (1950, 16-19).
23
mere farms managed by dependents or occupied by According to A. E. P. Collins, a simple shard of common pottery —
squatters.22 On the other hand, according to Frere (1987, the only late Roman find in the island— did not imply anything
conclusive at all but in his view it could have hidden something worthy
inside. Against Collins, Bateson (1976, 36, n. 16), who deemed this find
22
Rahtz (1976, 227-228). Branigan (1972a; 1972b, 120-125 and, as an evidence of commerce.
24
especially, 1976, 136-141), who is followed by Dark (1999, 22) and On this see Amm. Marc. (28, 3, 1-2). Across this text Ammianus
Edwards (1990, 4). Sensibly, Branigan (1976, 137) said that ‘it is of compresses again the events. At first he mentions Theodosius’ stay on

76
 David Álvarez-Jiménez - Ammianus and Theodosius I concerning the ‘Barbarica Conspiratio’

Britannia was shaken again by an apparently massive new this info fits with the end of Theodosius’ campaign and his
attack that could perfectly reflect to a former planning presence at the Imperial court to be honoured after having
outlined by the raiders. A proof of this can be inferred from solved the Barbarian Conspiracy. It is reasonable to think
the way Theodosius got the info as some barbarian captives that Theodosius could have carried some of these Attacotti
informed him. However, this fact does not imply any detail before the emperor presence as a sign of his success and
to identify the looters but their description as variarum also maybe in prediction of the celebration by Valentian of
gentium obviously entails the participation of barbarians a triumph and the self-concession of the title of
coming from different places in consonance with the BRITANNICUM28 but neither of those things ever
Barbarian Conspiracy’s multiethnic character announced by happened (Rance 2001, 246).
Ammianus at the beginning of his narrative. On the other
hand, this info lacks any detail about the area or
geographical areas involved on this attack.

Theodosius subverted again the Roman law when he

promulgated some edicts to rejoin up the already cited
deserters and soldiers on the run in exchange of immunity
before their acts of treason (Amm. Marc. 27, 8, 10). He
also as well requested additional help to Valentinian and he
solicited two specific persons to strengthen both the
military and the civil commands of the Diocese. So he
reclaimed Civilis as a new vicarius Britanniarum and the
general Dulcitius, dux scientia rei militaris insignem,
presumably as the new dux Britanniarum (Amm. Marc. 27,
8, 10). Yet, in spite of these efforts, his forces were not
enough and according to Ammianus he cunningly recruited
soldiers.25 I consider this decision has to be interpreted
both as an allusion to the deserters’ re-enlistment and the
incorporation of new barbarian warriors in consequence of
the adhesion of the enemy traitors cited above. About these
barbarian new allies, I consider highly suggestive to
identify them with the Attacotti who would have been
drafted after been defeated and become dediticii. In fact,
the later Notitia detailed the existence of Attacotti units
integrated into the Imperial army and scattered into the
provinces of Gaul, Italy and the Illirian. It is very tempting
to assign its origin to the Conspiracy according to this Figure 2. The work of the Count Theodosius (Frere 1987).
reading.26 Likewise, regarding the Attacotti based on Gaul
we are lucky enough of having Jerome as a witness of their
presence. In his Contra Jovianum, Jerome affirmed he saw Returning to the Conspiracy narrative, Theodosius kept
in his youth when he resided in Treveris c. 370 a group of practicing a similar strategic scheme adapted to the
Attacotti whom he described as savage cannibals.27 That is, barbarians’ tactics and finally he completed a very tough
struggle that lasted many months.29 However Ammianus
Londinium and then he detailed the recruitment of troops —an episode I (Amm. Marc. 28, 3, 2) solved his victory in just some
will deal with later— and his efforts on the island’s defensive
reconstruction.
lines: ‘in this way, while he performed the duties of an
25
Amm. Marc. (28, 3, 1): cum milite industria conparato sollerti. active common soldier and observed the care of a
26
The Atecotti Honoriani seniores and the Atecotti iuniores Gallicani distinguished general, after having routed and put to
placed in Gaul and the Atecotti Honoriani iuniores placed in Italy are flight tribes which an insolence fostered by impunity was
cited in Not. Dig. Occ. (7). Likewise there is a mention of a unit just
named Atecotti and placed in Illiria in Not. Dig. Occ. (9). Although
inflaming with a desire to attack the Romans’. That is,
some of these troops are labelled as Honoriani, that is, honouring the Ammianus (30, 7, 9) again reported about a inconclusive
emperor Honorian, this fact does not mean these contingents where result of his campaign even if in a very brief resume of
created during his reign and nor even during his father’s. It was found the Barbarian Conspiracy placed somewhere else the very
not so many years ago a funerary inscription from Illiria of a member of
an Attacotti unit. On this see Scharf (1995). On the other hand,
Richmond (1958, 128) bound these contingents with Magnus Maximus,
while Frere (1987, 341) linked these units with the Conspiracy but he sectetur exemplum, nulla apud eos conjux propria est, sed ut cuique
did not connect their appearance with their defeat and later treason as I libitum fueriot, pecudum more lasciviunt. There is another interesting
deem. It is also interesting Rance (2001, 247-248; 260-261). reference about Attacotti and Scots in Jerome (ep. 69, 3). Concerning
27
Likewise, Jerome (adv. Jov. 2, 7) also made a commentary about the the topic of cannibalism and Scots in the ancient sources, see Killeen
Scots in a comparison with the Attacotti. However he said he did not see (1976, 209-210).
28
them personally: Quid loquar de caeteris nationibus, cum ipse Richmond (1958, 120) was wrong when he considered that this
adolescentulus in Gallia Atticotos, gentem Britannicam, humanis vesci reference meant that the Attacotti had attacked Gaul.
29
carnibus: et cum per silvas porcorum greges et armentorum As Ammianus described, ‘He secured beforehand everywhere the
pecudumque reperiant, pastorum nates et feminarum, et papillas solere places suitable for ambushing the savages, requiring nothing of the
abscindere, et has solas ciborum delicias arbitrari? Scotorum natio common soldiers in which he himself did not smartly take the first
uxores proprias non haber: et quasi Platonis politiam legerit, et Catonis tasks’ (Ammianus 28, 3, 1).

77
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

historian said that Valentian —Theodosius to be Although it is always necessary to be careful to connect
precise— ‘allowed almost none of the plunderers to literary events and material records, archaeology
return to his home’.30 Even if Thompson (1990, 10) confirms there were certain military changes
valued almost completely this assertion, I deem it as a contemporarily (Figure 2). On the subject of the
very suspicious one in contrast to the data provided by reconstruction of static defensive structures, besides of
the very Ammianus concerning the Barbarica the renewal works at the central core of the Hadrian Wall
Conspiratio as I have analyzed it. —even if this defensive line was not touched during the
Barbarian Conspiracy—, it has been attributed to
It was more important to the future, even more that any Theodosius both the adding of external towers to the
possible annihilation of the pirates, to return to normality Briton city walls and also the presence of regular troops
across the Diocese. So Ammianus (28, 3, 7) tried: inside.35 Yet, regarding this paper there were others
novelties more remarkable and concerning the maritime
Then, after the danger had been wholly removed, defence both in the eastern and western coasts of
since it was common knowledge that propitious
Britannia.36 Consequently, the pre-existing chain of
fortune had failed him in none of his undertakings,
he turned his attention to making many necessary fortresses and hamlets placed from the Hadrian Wall’s
improvements, restoring the cities and defences, as western end across the county of Cumbria’s shores was
we have said, and protecting the frontiers by deeply strengthened. Its obvious role was to protect the
sentinels and outposts. And so completely did he province against Pictish and Scot maritime raids.37
recover a province which had passed into the Following this topic, D. C. A. Shotter (1973) supposed
enemy's hands and restore it to its former that practically every western Britannia’s coastal
condition, that, in the words of his report, it had a defensive measure were reorganised by Theodosius.
legitimate governor; and it was henceforth called According to him, the very Cumbrian defences cited
Valentia, in accordance with the emperor's wish,
above were added with several coastal signal stations as
who, one might almost say, celebrated an ovation
in his joy on hearing the priceless news.31 Wreay Hill and Barrock Fell. These structures became
part of a powerful defensive system characterised by the
Therefore, Theodosius proceeded to an overall recreation presence of land and maritime defences and possibly
of the Diocese on every level, military and civilian, as he complemented by a classis created contemporarily and
strengthened the administration and he created a based mainly in Bristol Channel but connected with
mysterious new province or renamed the entire Diocese others shore military settlements in Cardiff and Caer
as Valentia.32 Regarding the military plane, Ammianus Giby (Holyhead) and more places.38 Its existence is
(28, 3, 8) just listed a measure: the suppression of the corroborated by an inscription placed on a mosaic
areani/arcane,33 a reconnaissance unit placed presumably addressed to the Celtic god Nodens, concerning a
in the north to check Pictish activities that ‘had gradually Praefectus Reliquationis Classis and found in Lydney
become corrupted, and consequently he removed them Park (Gloucestershire). Besides Nodens’ connection with
from their posts. For they were clearly convicted of the sea, he was equalled to Mars as a military deity (CIL
having been led by the receipt, or the promise, of great VII, 137). On the other hand, this god is also found in
booty at various times to betray to the savages what was Lancaster in two little statuettes and also presumably in
going on among us’.34 the following inscription (RIB, 601):

DEO
MART[I]
30
He said precisely: ‘Again, when the Britons could not resist the
hordes of enemies that were overrunning their country, he restored them SABINV[S]
to freedom and quiet peace with the hope of better conditions, and
allowed almost none of the plunderers to return to his home’. Certainly,
P P ET MILIT[ES]
Ammianus simplified overtly the narrative of the Conspiracy. N BARC S C
31
Regarding the military recovery, Ammianus (28, 3, 2) anticipated
formerly some of Theodosius’ measures: ‘he completely restored the EII ElVS Po[S].
cities and strongholds which had been founded to secure a long period
of peace, but had suffered repeated misfortunes’.
32
Dornier (1982) placed Valentia in the West, from northern Wales till frontier provoked a progressive dissociation with the Roman authorities
the Wall. She deemed this province was created by Constans. and consequently an approach to the current enemies.
35
Bartholomew (1984, 178), who was followed by Thompson (1990, 9) Frere (1987, 346-347); Salway (1981, 383-384); Johnson (1980, 127-
thought that the southern province of Maxima Caesariensis was 130); Snyder (2003, 72). See the reasonable critic of this thesis in Casey
transformed into Valentia. On the other hand Frere (1987, 200) (1983). Likewise, see the more recent analysis by Guest (2002, 76)
considered that the province of Britannia Secunda, whose capital was concerning the future urban development in the island.
36
Eburacum (York), was divided in the year 369 in two provinces and one Breeze and Dobson (1974, 16-18); Frere (1987, 342-348); Faulkner
of them was Valentia. On the contrary, Birley (2005, 399-400; 416) (2001, 164-168).
37
placed its creation under the reign of Constans and its location in About the military units placed in these forts and watchtowers
northern Britain around the Hadrian Wall. Hind (1975) argued that according to Not. Dig. Occ. (40) and their defensive role against raiders
Theodosius renamed the entire diocese as Valentia. see Richmond (1958, 127); Dornier (1974); Potter and Shotter (1977,
33
See Woolliscroft (2001, 88-92) about the Roman intelligence at the 183); Mann (1989); Frere (1987, 344-345); Faulkner (2001, 166).
38
Hadrian Wall. He wrote (2001, 88) that the areani could be a part of the Frere (1987, 345) and Casey (1979, 74). Caer Giby was a military
units of exploradores placed on this area. naval base close to the ones placed at the Rhin and possibly created by
34
Incomprehensibly, for Bartholomew (1984, 179) the arcani / areani Theodosius. On the other hand, Branigan (1971) suggested that
were not placed in northern Britain. Hanson (1983, 212) and Higham Gatcombe could work as a ‘signal-station’. He is followed by Rahtz
and Jones (1985, 125), held that their situation beyond the imperial (1976, 228). On this, see also Faulkner (2001, 165-166).

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 David Álvarez-Jiménez - Ammianus and Theodosius I concerning the ‘Barbarica Conspiratio’

From this epigraph and the evidence of the erection of the Shore forts (Faulkner 2001, 166). Finally some scholars
Lancaster coastal fort in the fourth century —extremely have thought that the definitive reorganization of the
similar in its architectonical design to the Saxon Shore Roman military deployment in Britannia was designed by
forts—, Shotter thought that Lancaster was as a military Theodosius the Elder in this moment as exposed in the
harbour used by the numeri barcariorum and plainly Notitia Dignitatum (Hassall 1977, 10; Cunliffe 1977, 6).
involved in the maritime defence of this area so exposed
to barbarian raiders. A similar role would have been On the other hand and interestingly enough, in view of
played by the numerus barcariorum Tigrisiensium cited the Roman withdrawal of the outposts placed beyond the
in the Notitia (40) and placed in South Shields (Arbeia), Hadrian Wall —and the end of the areani— Sheppard
at the mouth of the river Tyne, under the dux Frere made use of the early medieval Welsh genealogies
Britanniarum’s command —that is, this numerus would and considered that Theodosius could sign treaties with
have taken cover Hadrian Wall’s eastern limit.39 some of the barbarian gentes placed there and in
According to Shotter (1973), both numeri could have consequence some buffer-states favourable to the Roman
taken profit of the light boats used by this kind of military affairs were created. So Theodosius could have
regiments to confront Celtic pirates in the shallow agreed a treaty with the eastern Votadini, whom he could
draught waters of Morecambe Bay and the Tyne estuary. have conceded a status of Federate or Client Kingdom
If this was the case, the votive inscription of that in future days would be known as the Kingdom of
Mars/Nodens can be interpreted as a gratitude offering to Gododdin (Dumville 1989, 217). In fact, according to
the divinity because a successful confront with a these genealogies Paternus, one of its fourth century
barbarian raid. In parallel with these defensive leaders, was named Padarn Pesrut, i.e. ‘he of the scarlet
improvements a system of signal-stations was erected on cloak’, a fact that could suppose a kind of military
the north-eastern shore, around Yorkshire County, and authority granted by the Romans. On the West,
named appropriately by J. C. Mann as a Pictish Shore Theodosius could have settled a similar treaty with the
because he compared it with the southerner Saxon Shore. dynasty of Strathclyde given that on the very Welsh
According to Mann (1977, 15), this system depended also genealogies there are again two fourth century leaders
on the dux Britanniarum40 but in the view of Sheppard with Roman names but celtified in a certain way as Cluim
Frere (1987, 344-345) these watchtowers were connected (Clemens) and Cinhil (Quintilus). If Frere (1987, 341-
to the closest Saxon Shore forts to coordinate naval 342) was right, Theodosius arranged a very worthy
actions and the share of information concerning military resource used many times by the Romans around
Britannia’s eastern coast (Mattingly 2006, 243-244). I their history and especially in Late Antiquity to counter
consider both options as complementary. These signal- any possible menace from the British Barbaricum.42
stations (Huntcliff, Goldsborough, Ravenscar, Obviously as Frere (1987, 342) said, this decision
Scarborough and Filey) were set on the coast not to strengthened land defence but also this meant that from
confront directly pirates —but they could do it if the this moment onwards Picts would use more than ever
raiders were not strong enough and they penetrated piracy as a way to gain access to Britannia to skip the
deeply into land— but to make out them and to warn the new Roman defenders from beyond Hadrian Wall as later
closest military contingents given that they were not Gildas’ De excidio Britannorum showed. Once
situated on the sea level but on the top of cliffs.41 Before Theodosius brought back Britannia to normality —or at
Mann wrote his theory, Herman Ramm (1978, 125-129) least he quieted down the province—, he went to the
considered that these signal-stations depended on the Imperial Court as we said above and he was received
close fort of Malton (Derventione) that housed a military with triumphal honours, being rewarded as the new
unit extremely mobile as the supervenientes, whose western magister militum (Amm. Marc. 28, 3, 9).
command was the Praefectus numeri superuenientium
Petueriensium who reported to the dux Britanniarum
(Not. Dig. Occ. 40; Drinkwater 1999, 69). Regarding the
Litus Saxonicum it is possible that the Portchester fort An outcome about comes Theodosius’ campaigns in
was abandoned contemporarily on behalf of Bitterne Britain according to Ammianus and other sources.
(Frere 1987, 345) and, on the other hand, it has been
Concerning this matter, it is very difficult to achieve an
hypothesized that from this moment onwards there was a
overview because of the disappointing data provided by
closer relationship between the fortified towns placed
the scarce sources except Ammianus. However, his text is
near the coast or navigable rivers’ estuaries and the Saxon
a very difficult one, biased, with frequent lacunae and
39
According to Hodgson (1991, 88), the creation of the South Shields
42
fort and the placing of the numeri barcariorum’s garrison could been In the same line Higham and Jones (1985, 126) and before them
dated in the years 260-270 and connected to the Saxon Shore’s Richmond (1958, 124-125) y Hughes (1966, 25-26). On the other hand
development. Se also Reddé’s (1986, 286) doubts regarding Shotter’s Laing (1985, 273) deemed unconvincingly these characters as
reading. For Casey (1993, 260) this numeri just served to transport. praefectus gentium. A critical view on this interpretation in Smyth
There is another similar numerus at the Notitia placed in Ebruduni (1984, 16-19) and Armit and Ralston (2003, 222). See also Rance
Sapaudiae, at the Narbonense (Not. Dig. Occ. 42). (2001, 259-260) and Faulkner (2001, 165), who considered that the
40
Most scholars place the building of these forts under the command of origin of the Pictish confederation could have arisen certain fears in the
Theodosius the Elder except Casey (1977, 121; 1979, 75-76; 1993, 264- Votadini and consequently they allied to Rome. Faulkner linked with
265) who held Magnus Maximus responsible. them the treasure of Trapain Law as he regarded it as a subsidy and not
41
They were placed in high places, around 90-120 meters. Haverfield a booty as I suspected in my thesis. On the other hand, see the critic on
(1912, 206-207) specified this function in earlier times. this possibility by Dumville (1984, 63-64).

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The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

plainly characterized by an incessant praise about serious menace.47 In my opinion both Rance and
Theodosius, whom he qualified as a new ‘Furius Bartholomew went too far in their arguments, but the
Camillus or Papirius Cursos’ in account of his successes core of their thesis should be basically accepted because
in Britannia (28, 3, 9) although, as it is going to be it is obvious to assert Ammianus’ laudatory tone towards
exposed, his military outcome cannot be described as Theodosius the Elder (Blockley 1975, 15-16).
such accomplishment. In fact it is very shocking the lack
of the usual amount of barbarians massacred and booty It is true that the Conspiracy did not appear in any other
recovered so frequent in Ammianus’ tales on Roman prominent source of the period in comparison with the
victories. On the contrary, it seems rather that the result less important Valentinus’ episode, a low level
was just to thwart the attacks and put the pirates to flight contemporary usurpation happened in Britannia.
and actually it is more emphasized the suppression of However, the Conspiracy is present in other Theodosian
Valentinus, a former Praetorian Prefect exiled in the or later sources. The eminent pagan senator Quintus
island (28, 3, 4-6).43 This fact is not strange because of Aurelius Symmachus is our first source through two
the Roman historiography features, more interested in the relationes dated in 384. While in one of these he wrote to
courtier dramas than even to the military affairs, Theodosius I, his son Arcadius and Valentinian II the
especially when a regular army was not involved but Senate decision of erecting statues honouring Theodosius
latrones or praedones.44 Unfortunately, Ammianus the Elder, Africanum quondam et Brittannicum ducem
Marcellinus’ account about the Barbarian Conspiracy (Símaco Rel. 9, 4). In a second relation, but necessarily
(367-369) is a very compressed one, very vague and previous, addressed to Valentinian II, he requested the
relatively careless regarding the terrible reality he emperor to communicate precisely to the very Theodosius
announced previously characterized by the harshness of a I and Arcadius that ‘their author and father… was given
terrible situation provoked by the terrible penetration of the distinction of equestrian statues of himself; our
Celtic and Germanic raiders into the western Roman venerable order decreed them as a memorial of the Wars
coasts. However, in spite of this easy perception on the in Africa and in Britain; their intention was that the well-
topic of the Barbarica Conspiratio there is a permanent deserved inscriptions celebrating readers of earlier times
contemporary historiographical controversy. As it should stimulate the present generation to be loyal to you’
happened with the third century Crisis in Hispania, the (Símaco Rel. 43, 2).48 Obviously the reference to the
Conspiracy has been appealed as the perfect explanation Africani et Brittannici belli allude to Theodosius’ British
ad hoc to every kind of archaeological and numismatic campaign and later African fight against the usurper
finds or historical novelties appeared contemporarily on Firmus. Fortunately, we have some inscriptions
the Late Roman Britain.45 Both Ammianus’ account and connected to these statues in Apulia, Ephesus and
his omissions led several historians as A. S. Esmonde Dranovo (present Macedonia). The last is the most
Cleary, E. A. Thompson, Anthony R. Birley, Phillip interesting and complete one because it is not only
Rance or Phillip Bartholomew to consider that the referred the British campaign but also the subsequent
historian did not tell all the truth but he embellished his campaign against the Saxons that will be analyzed later.
account just to praise indirectly Theodosius the Elder’ This is the text: [...] ν οὐ νόμ[α..], χάρμα / μέγα /
son, the emperor Theodosius I. On the other hand, some Βριττανῶν καὶ / Μαυριτανίης μέγα δῖ/μα, Σαξονείης
of these historians did not underestimate the Conspiracy λυτῆ/ρα καὶ γένους Κελτῶν / ὀλετῆρα, χρυσίον [...] (AE
effects as Esmonde Cleary (1989, 44-46) or E. A. 1931, 53).49 That is, this epigraph emphasizes Britons’
Thompson did. Interestingly Thompson (1990, 10; 14-15) great enjoyment because of Theodosius exploits on their
interpreted the attack into a context of continuous province and, on the other hand, he is described as
pressure.46 Some other scholars have been more conqueror of Saxony and destroyer of the Celts
hypercritical as Phillip Bartholomew (1984, 177), who (Germans).
minimized completely both the Conspiratio and
Theodosius’ role; and Phillip Rance (2001, 244-245) Additionally there are other extremely interesting but
who, as also did Neil Faulkner, deemed that the difficult references on three panegyrics, the first one
Conspiratio was a simple accumulation of unrelated written by Pacatus in 389 in honour of Theodosius I and
events and he portrayed it more like a nuisance than a later laudatory works of the same poet in commemoration
of Honorius third (396) and fourth (398) consulates and
43
Surprisingly —or not, as I discuss above— Valentinus’ rebellion
likewise there is another reference in his ‘In praise of
appears in other sources as Zosimus (4, 12, 2), Jerome (Chron. s.a. 371) Serena’, the daughter of Honorius and wife of Stilicho. In
or Jordanes (Rom. 308). However, these sources did not mention at all the first place, Pacatus (Pan. Lat. 2 (15) 5, 1-2; 4) wrote:
the Barbarica Conspiratio.
44
According to Thompson (1990, 12-13) Valentinus’ attempted coup
could be connected with a higher level of barbarian menace on the
province. Following this theory, Anthony R. Birley (2005, 436-7) held
47
that Valentinus’ failure could derive from Theodosius’ absence, because Although Rance (2001, 257) also judged positively the seriousness of
he was serving at that moment in Northern Britain. In fact, his the Conspiratio. In this line, for example, Webster (1983, 240-241).
usurpation was managed by Dulcitius. Faulkner (2001, 158) judged Ammianus’ narrative almost as a
45
See, for example, the objections of Webster (1981, 343), Jones (1981, hagiographic tale but well anchored in reality. On the other hand, Hines
401), Pearson (2005, 346) or Halsall (2008, 58). Likewise, although (1989, 26) deemed that the term Conspiratio can be understood as the
Esmonde Cleary (1989, 45) accepts the Conspiracy he warned about simple coincidence of their attacks in time and space.
48
this historiographical danger. Translated by Barrow (1973).
46 49
On the other hand, see also Thompson’s monography on Ammianus See later bibliography on this and other related inscriptions in Birley
(1947, 89-92). (2005, 431).

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 David Álvarez-Jiménez - Ammianus and Theodosius I concerning the ‘Barbarica Conspiratio’

What, I repeat, shall I do? Shall I begin with the Ambrose but presently its anonymous author is just
events that the Rhine and Waal witnessed? called Pseudohegesippus in account of the impossibility
Immediately the Danube, bloody with the of determining the real author. This source is not just a
slaughter of Sarmatians, confronts me. Shall I mere translation but also contains several contemporary
recall Batavia, trampled by infantry battles? Then
the vision of the Saxon, annihilated in naval
historical fragments crucial to this episode. Precisely the
warfare, presents itself. Or shall I speak of the fact that Theodosius the Elder feats are described —and
Scot, driven back into his own swamps? ... For he placed in a general discourse over the Imperial power—
himself would be called Saxonicus, Sarmaticus have settled on a terminus post quem date around the
and Alamannicus, and the one family would boast year 370, even if it is not possible to assure it with
as many triumphs as the whole State has enemies complete security. Pseudohegesippus comments in a
(Trans. Nixon and Rodgers 1994). triumphant tone that Britannia was returned to the
Roman fold (in orbem terrarum redactas) and
In his customary tone, Claudian (in III cos. Hon. 52-60; immediately he portrayed the main enemies confronted,
in IV cos. Hon. 19-33; c.m. 30, 39-46) accentuated even Picts and Saxons, whose homeland (Saxonia) is depicted
more the praise on Theodosius the Elder: as a marshy one inaccessible even if from time to time
contributed with a captive to the Roman triumphs.
And the more to inflame thy heart with love of
battle he would recount to thee the deeds of thy Likewise, he defined Saxons as ‘the strongest race of
grandsire, object of dread to Libya's sun-scorched men’ even if they do not trust their strength but they do
shores and Thule whither no ship can sail. He in piracy and their ships (piraticis tamen myoparonibus),
conquered the fleet Moors and the well-named more prepared for fight rather than battle (fugae potius
Picts; his roaming sword pursued the flying Scot; quam bello parata) (Pseudohegesipo De Bel. Iud. 5, 15,
his adventurous oars broke the surface of the 2).51
northern seas. Crowned with the spoils of triumphs
won beneath the northern and the southern sky he After reviewing these references we can note a
trod the wave-swept strand of either Ocean remarkable progression on the consideration deserved by
(Panegyric on the Third Consulship of the emperor
Theodosius’ feats, from Symmachus’ curtness till
Honorius).50
Claudian’s impossible exuberance52 and the completely
Hence [from the Ocean] came Theodosius, different view offered by the mysterious
grandfather of Honorius, for whom, exultant after Pseudohegesippus. Unlike the other sources cited, he did
his northern victories, Africa twined fresh laurels not personalize on Theodosius but he just made an
won from the Massylae. 'Twas he who pitched his overview to sum up the power of the Empire. This is an
camp amid the snows of Caledonia, who never extremely interesting fact because it precisely guarantees
doffed his helmet for all the heat of a Libyan an early date to the writing. If it would have been written
summer, who struck terror with the Moors, contemporarily to Ammianus or Claudian, the author
brought into subjection the coasts of Britain and
would not have avoided a perfect occasion of connecting
with equal success laid waste the north and the
south. What avail against him the eternal snows, such a victory on Picts and Scots in Britain and the
the frozen air, the uncharted sea? The Orcades ran campaign against the Saxons to Theodosius I, one of the
red with Saxon slaughter; Thule was warm with most idolatrised Christian emperors and the present
the blood of Picts; ice-bound Hibernia wept for the emperor when the former authors cited wrote their
heaps of slain Scots. (Panegyric on the Fourth works. Actually both Ammianus, Symmachus and
Consulship of the emperor Honorius). Claudian references fall within the context of a
permanent praise of Theodosius I and his dynasty. In
Thou art famous for that thine uncle was an consequence it is obvious to assert that if the son of
emperor, more famous by reason of the warlike
deeds of thy grandsire who carried the Roman
Theodosius the Elder would not have got the purple
eagles across the British Channel and repulsed the probably none of these news would have been
armed bands of the Gaetulians. Cornelia, daughter transmitted to posterity neither a statue would have been
of the Scipios, must cease to vaunt her high birth erected to an otherwise obscure general. Even Ammianus
and to boast that she received for dower the spoils could have passed still more lightly over the Barbarian
of Carthage. Thou [Serena, Theodosius’ great- Conspiracy as Zosimus did or he would not have
granddaughter] canst point to ancestral triumphs in registered anything at all as Orosius. That is, concerning
either hemisphere; on thy brow sit two crowns, the
one won by thy sires from Scotland, the other from
the South. (In Praise of Serena). 51
quid attexam Britannias, interfuso mari a toto orbe divisas, et a
Romanis in orbem terrarum redactas? Tremit hos Scotia, quae terris
To these two authors its is necessary to add a third one nihil debet: tremit Saxonia inaccessa paludibus, et inviis septa
but extremely complicated to use because it is a Latin regionibus. quae licet belli curam videatur augere, et ipsa frequenter
captiva Romanis aecessit triumphis: validissimum genus hominum
translation of Flavius Josephus’ Bellum Iudaicum that it perhibetur, praestans caeteris: piraticis tamen myoparonibus non
has been dated around the end of the fourth century. Not viribus nititur, fugae potius quam bello parata.
52
only is its date disputed but also its authorship. During In his kind of crusade against piracy in the fourth century, Phillip
some time it was believed to have been written by Saint Bartholomew (1984, 177, n. 33) tried to dismiss Claudian’s words as
poetic rhetoric as he said that they ‘are too deeply embedded in passages
of poetical exaggeration to be allowed to count as historical evidence’.
However, his persistence seems empty as, for example, he forgot to use
50
This and next fragments translated by Platnauer (1976). the extremely important information from Pseudohegesippus.

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The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

the Conspiratio we are lucky of Theodosius I’ with the historical Old Saxony but Batavia according to
enthronement who moreover accompanied his father into Pacatus reference to the river Waal (Wachalis)56 or in
the British campaign.53 However, this statement does not Belgica II as Emilienne Demougeot (1969-1979, 110)
imply a refusal of the reality: the problems aroused in argued, where she though were confronted jointly
Britain were serious and Theodosius the Elder was Saxons and Franks in a campaign that allegedly implied
granted the power to solve them. the permanence of the emperor Valentian I in Treveris
and delayed his campaign against the Alamans —where
Regarding Theodosius military feats towards the he also was accompanied by Theodosius the Elder
barbarian raiders involved in the Conspiracy as told in (Wood 1990, 95). This last reference can imply the
these sources just cited, there are some references that existence of two different campaigns and not just one.
apparently are hardly to admit but in contrast with Not in vain at the end of the year 369 or the beginning of
Ammianus’ reluctance they have to be born in mind. As 370, Valentinian I assumed the title of FRANCICVS
regards the Picts, Claudian told that they were subjugated (CIL VI, 1175 = ILS, 771).57 Namely if we bear in mind
and that there were also military camps in the ‘snows of that Ammianus wrote that both Franks and Saxons had
Caledonia’. It is reasonable to interpret this allusion as a focused on the continent —even if I consider this new as
punitive expedition against them. A logical move inconsistent— it is logical to conclude that the emperor
because of their raids and also because we know the should decide to punish not only the distant Saxons but
Hadrian Wall was refortified. Concerning the Scots, also the nearer Franks who participated on this piratical
Pacatus, Claudian and Pseudohegesippus just mention wave. So, in spite of Ammianus’ silence on this matter, it
the fear aroused by Theodosius’ armies on Hibernia’s is reasonable to suppose that Theodosius participated on
inhabitants. On these references, and especially on these operations after the end of the Briton campaigns
Claudian and Pacatus, Phillip Freeman has considered and maybe before being awarded with the magister
the possibility that Theodosius could have employed the militum command. However, although Saxons and
British Roman navy to pursue the Scot pirates to their Franks were battled jointly and they participated together
homeland although this fact does not imply the existence in piratical raids, they cannot be identified as a single
of a regular Roman campaign on Ireland according to the opponent and also it cannot be mixed up an honour of
evidence.54 Although maybe Freeman is too optimistic FRANCICVS MAXIMVS with an honour of
on this subject, his thesis makes sense and opens an SAXONICVS MAXIMVS as I will argue later.58 In fact,
interesting way about the Roman navy role on western although the result of this punitive expedition cannot be
Britain in the suppression of piracy. In this way, although qualified as successful —there is nothing to suppose it
in a different scenario, it can be interpreted a very was—, the efforts implied on this campaign, that is the
polemic information from Claudian and cited above military resources deployed, the important distance from
where the panegyrist said that ‘the Orcades ran red with the Roman border and its originality, could be admired
Saxon slaughter’. Generally this reference has been by Pacatus and Pseudohegesippus even if they did it
rejected as a Claudian rhetorical piece but it could also because of different motivations.
reflect the use of the navy against Saxon raiders on
Britain and the existence of a piratical base on these After reviewing this evidence parallel to Ammianus, it is
northern islands.55 possible to assert some conclusions about the Barbarian
Conspiracy. On one hand, I deem it cannot be denied the
Regarding the military reaction against the continental existence of the very Conspiratio and their terrible
Saxons, it can be inferred from the Dranovo inscription, effects primarily on Britain according to the texts, in
and the testimonies of Claudian and Pseudohegesippus as spite of its controversial archaeological record, and the
well, that Theodosius carried out an until then original huge efforts carried out by the Roman authorities to
accomplishment: a naval campaign against the Saxons in return to normality and to reorganise militarily the island.
their homelands of Saxonia/Σαξωνεία, that is in the area Certainly Ammianus is our best source for this event but
placed between the low watercourses of the Elba and it is also disappointing the shortage of details transmitted
Weser and the northern island located in Frisia. In my in his narrative and its sketchy structure. It is more than
opinion, Phillip Bartholomew (1984, 183-184) is wrong probable that Ammianus knew a lot more than what he
when he assumed that this reference does not correspond referred in his Res Gestae,59 nevertheless neither the
barbarian piratical activities nor the Roman response
53
As it can be deduced from Zosimus (3, 5, 3) according to Frere (1987,
341).
54 56
Freeman (2001, 94) emphasized that Claudian’s following verses Nixon et al. 1994, 517-519; Detalle, 2002, 15.
57
concerning Theodosius’ suppression on Scots piratical activities had a About its date, see Humphreys (1999).
58
parallel on Ptolomeo (Geogr. 2, 1), where the geographer placed the However it is more than probable that there was a phenomenon of
Hyperborean sea at the north of Ireland: ‘his [Theodosius] roaming synecdoche through the entire Roman Empire concerning the use of
sword pursued the flying Scot; his adventurous oars broke the surface of ethnonyms. The massive reference to Franks and Saxons as pirates
the northern seas’ / edomuit Scottumque vago mucrone secutus could darken the participation of many different peoples in raiding
fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas (Claudiano in III cos. Hon. activities, as it happened with the Cilician piracy. In this way, the
57-58). preponderance of Franks at the end of the third century and the
55
If Davis (2007) is right —although his historical knowledge is lesser beginning of the Fourth and Saxons from this moment onwards is rather
than his philological one— in his analysis on the Saxon substract on the suspicious.
59
island language. A regular opinión concerning this fragment is I oppose to Thompson (1947, 90). Austin (1979, 46), deemed more
Chadwick (1958, 150), who explained these verses as typical from the interestingly that Ammianus’ vagueness was motivated mainly on his
author’s ignorance. indifference than in a lack of adequate sources.

82
 David Álvarez-Jiménez - Ammianus and Theodosius I concerning the ‘Barbarica Conspiratio’

were worthy enough to be told in a more precise way. harassment of the province of Britannia by pirates. Due
After all, both processes —barbarian action and Roman to this, his reference to the Frankish and Saxon activities
counteraction— were just minutias according to cited above and connected to the Maratocupreni latrones
Ammianus’ ‘principles of history’: the barbarian raids is explained mainly because a relative of the emperor
were just mere depredatory deeds and not important died.64 However, it is useless to denigrate the work of the
actions from the military and politician point of view as very best Late Antiquity historian because he just
well as Theodosius’ campaigns. To be exact, to followed a well established tradition in the Roman world.
Ammianus these facts just deserved the vague narrative Piracy was considered as an undeserving topic for a
he used, as he did when he presented jointly the menaces historian and even more for such an aristocratic historian
that Valentinian I had to confront at the time of his as Ammianus himself was.65 In fact, in contrast with the
enthronement.60 Ammianus’ historical thought —los also cited later panegyrists —not only Claudian or
praeceptis historiae— is well described by himself (26, Pacatus, but also Symmachus who desperately looked for
1, 1): the reconciliation with Theodosius I after the senator
formerly supported the usurper Magnus Maximus. The
… the principles of history… for it is wont to case of Pseudohegesippus is different, because he only
detail the high lights of events, not to ferret out the pretended to show the Roman power in a writing that did
trifling details of unimportant matters. For
not pretend to praise personally to anybody but the
whoever wishes to know these may hope to be
able to count the small indivisible bodies which fly Empire—, Ammianus showed a kind of intellectual
through space, and to which we give the name of honesty when he silenced the failure or the unimportance
atoms.61 of Theodosius the Elder campaign in Saxony just to not
praise falsely the present emperor. As Ammianus (26, 1,
That is, Ammianus (27, 2, 11) just like any of the 1) inferred in a previous discourse, he had to be watchful
Graeco-Roman historians distinguished perfectly to write about the Theodosian Dynasty:66 ‘having
between the subjects he deemed as historiographically narrated the course of events with the strictest care up to
relevant from the unimportant. This preconception is the bounds of the present epoch, I had already
observed through the use of minutias or any other similar determined to withdraw my foot from the more familiar
circumlocution as he did in several occasions when he tracks, partly to avoid the dangers which are often
referred to less important barbarian attacks from a connected with the truth, and partly to escape
military point of view as well other piratical attacks or unreasonable critics of the work which I am composing,
analogous raids.62 In fact Ammianus (28, 2, 12) did it who cry out as if wronged’.67 In brief, Ammianus (28, 5,
when he described the Saxon and Frankish attacks cited 1-8) did not have any moral teaching to show —as it
above inter per Gallias, or likewise his digression about happened with the Saxons betrayed by the Romans and
the Maratocupreni latrones from Syria also connected to
these raids.63 64
The tribunus stabuli Constanciano was brother-in-law of the emperor
Valentinian I (Amm. Marc 28, 2, 10-14).
65
In consequence, if Theodosius the Elder would not have On this, see the fantastic paper of Braund (1993) about piracy in the
High Empire and the Roman historioraphy. His conclusions are
been the main actor in the repression of the Conspiratio
perfectly fit to deal with a later period as the Later Roman Empire. In
Barbarica we almost would not have known anything that way, Thompson (1947, 87) wrote that ‘minor battles and minor
about, in spite that Ammianus could have provided a victims of injustice will not be granted space in his history’, because
fuller narrative because he understood this event should according to Ammianus, the minutiae ignobiles did not provide any
lasting result. C. R. Whittaker (1993, 279) made a magnificent
not have been kept in memory according mainly to the
statement when he said that later historians preferred to emphasize
nature of the attacks. In the same way, the previous larger military campaigns ‘in comparison to the more banal but
reference to Lupicinus and his campaign in Britain continual pressure of the small bands of infiltrator’. On Ammianus and
against Picts, Scots and Attacotti (Amm. Marc. 20, 1, 1- his aristocratic tendency, see Alonso Núñez (1975, 92).
66
In this way, it is very recommendable the great analysis written by
3) appeared in his Res Gestae and in the most compact
Thompson (1947, 87-107; 110-111) on the relationship between
way, without any detail about these barbarian activities Ammianus and Theodosius. Thompson argued that Theodosius I was
and/or the very Roman general counterattack. This very alert regarding the historical work written under his reign and
episode was just cited by Ammianus because it was consequently inhibiting historians as the very Ammianus. In his line, see
Halsall (2008, 179). On the contrary, Matthews (1989, 10) considered
useful to portray the ascension of the young Caesar
that Theodosius was indifferent concerning the contemporary history.
Julian and not because the historian was interested in the 67
Undoubtly, these words have to correlate with Theodosius I as
Ammianus also did in a different fragment, where in a veiled way he
made a critic to his religious politics (Amm. Marc. 30, 9, 5). On the
60
The biography concerning his historiographical trends is very wide. contrary, I consider that Blockley (1975, 94) is wrong when he confined
See, for example, Thompson (1947); Alonso Núñez (1975); Blockley this reference just to the context of the Barbarian Conspiracy and linked
(1975; 2001); Santos Yanguas (1976); Barnes (1998); Drijvers and Hunt it to the Valentinian Dynasty as, in Blockley’s view, Ammianus just
(1999). dared to write on this subject after Valentinian II’s death. Obviously,
61
discurrere per negotiorum celsitudines adsuetae, non humilium concerning this last fact Blockley is right but also this critic has to be
minutias indagare causarum, quas si scitari voluerit quispiam, understood as a diatribe against the new reigning dynasty and the
individua illa corpuscula volitantia per inane, atomous, ut nos insecurity faced by those historians who attempted to analyse the
appellamus, numerari posse sperabit. present. In this way, Blockley (1975, 52) considered that the portrait of
62
praeter haec alia multa narratu minus digna conserta sunt proelia Valentinian I’s cruelty could be an indirect accusation against
per tractus varios Galliarum, quae superfluvm est explicare, cum neque Theodosius I in consequence of the slaughter he provoked in
operae pretium aliquod eorum habuere proventus, nec historiam Thessalonica in 390. Similarly, Humphreys (1999, 124) deemed rightly
producere per minutias ignobiles decet (Ammianus 27, 2, 11). that the praise of Valentinian I for his religious tolerance implied a critic
63
sed ne per minutias gesta narrando. to the later Theodosian prejudice.

83
The Theodosian Age (AD 379-455): Power, Place, Belief and Learning at the End of the Western Empire

cited subsequently, an allusion linked to the Ciceronian probable to consider the role of the Roman navy in the
concept of the pirate as an enemy of mankind— neither a piratical restraint. However, Theodosius’ most important
military teaching worthy to remember. He mentioned measure was to reorganise the island in both the military
this episode because of the identity of the Roman and administrative levels as he recovered the vanished
commander in charge of the suppression of these pirates. Briton garrison and he refortified several key points in
On the contrary, as any other imperial historian he paid the island. As E. A. Thompson (1990, 9-10; 15) correctly
more attention to another episode linked to Theodosius argued this policy did not eliminate completely the
the Elder as Firmus and his revolt in Africa (372-375) piratical menace but it supposed the re-establishment of
because it was an usurpation. However, in such a more the imperial authority in Britannia. Precisely the absence
complete account he did not give up the laudatory of important military successes explains why Valentinian
treatment of the very Theodosius the Elder, even though did not assume the honour of BRITANNICVS
he showed some reprehensible features of his making, as MAXIMVS as Constantius Chlorus or Constantine I did
he concealed his execution and a true historiographical in view of presumably similar circumstances even if they
judgement of his deeds. According to E. A. Thompson were not as serious. In fact the subsequent campaign
(1947, 92-95), Ronald Mellor (1999, 126; 106-107) and against the Saxons in the very Saxony must be beholden
Jan Willem Drijvers (2007, 151-154), this last fact could in a similar way and although Pacatus claimed a
mean that the father of Theodosius I could deserve his SAXONICVS MAXIMVS honour for Theodosius the
fatal fate and thus he had good reasons to keep the Elder, Valentinian I did not assume it as he could have
silence to avoid the wrath of a Christian emperor so done if there would have been true motives to do it.
extremely intolerable with the paganism that this Unquestionably this original and risky expedition
historian professed.68 deserved the praise as the authors cited did but its
development was not manifestly satisfactory and in fact
it did not have and effect on the later Saxon piratical
activities. The silence kept by Ammianus on this matter
The context of the Barbarica Conspiratio is eloquent (26, 6, 1). However, in spite of this
incomplete success, Theodosius’ work in Britain was
Although we do not know exactly the details of the properly recognized and he was awarded by Valentinian
Conspiracy and less about the alliance between such I with the charge of magister militum and he was later
different gentes, it is impossible to refute the brutal entrusted with the important mission of repressing
coincidence of these attacks and their result: the Firmus’ usurpation. An episode as I have referred before
incapacitation of both the military and the civil more detailed by Ammianus than the Conspiracy
administration of a whole province during two years till according to the historiographical rules followed in his
the situation was calmed down because of Theodosius Res Gestae. In sum, Ammianus offered the best narrative
the Elder. Concerning the fact that the southeast of concerning the Conspiracy but in a vague way and
Britain was hard pressed by the raiders, that is, where the according to the historical conditions of his writing not
Litus Saxonicum was placed, I consider there is enough because he believed he had to show any information
evidence to consider that these barbarians planned the about it. Although Ammianus tried to flatter Theodosius
attack because they knew perfectly this was the most I narrating the feats of his father, he did not humiliate
powerful Briton piratical deterrent. Similarly, the himself in praising the Count Theodosius excessively as
piratical nature of the Conspiracy cannot be argued due other writers did contemporarily and always since a deep
to the barbarian tribes involved, the inexistence of any respect of his historiographical trends. In fact, he hid
damage in the Hadrian Wall and the refortification of its some of the evidence to avoid embarrassing the emperor
maritime flanks. Regarding Theodosius, it cannot be and especially to avoid lying on historical facts —even if
denied both his presence in Britain and his good work this implied not telling all the truth he could have handed
before the devastating situation of the island and the down just on behalf of his own security.
scarce resources he had at his disposal. However,
concerning the suppression of the raiders he did not have
at all such a sonorous success. According to Ammianus,
and exaggerated largely by the panegyrists and the
anonymous author of Flavius Josephus’ De Bellum
Iudaicum, Theodosius appealed to a guerrilla kind of
tactic to confront the raiders and maybe with the very
important help provided by some traitors I identify as
Attacotti. In brief, except maybe some success it was
impossible to eliminate the whole number of raiders as
they were scattered in numerous factiones characterized,
as any other good pirate in history, by mobility and
surprise. Leaving aside the use of infantry, it is also very

68
On the contrary, Matthews (1989, 382) regarded unconvincingly that
Ammianus did not write his execution because this one surpassed the
chronological limits established by the historian concerning the Western
Roman Empire.

84
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