Bush, Susan - Early Chinese Texts On Painting 2013)
Bush, Susan - Early Chinese Texts On Painting 2013)
PO1BJOUJOH
Susan Bush and Hsio-yen Shih
Early Chinese Texts on Painting
IMAGE REDACTED
“A Breath of Spring,” dated to 1360, Yüan Dynasty. Plum blossom painting flour-
ished at the end of the Southern Sung Dynasty, and during the Yüan Dynasty
it served as a form of cultural protest against the Mongol regime. This is the
only known work by the Taoist hermit Tsou Fu-lei, whose purity of character
was thought to be reflected in his subject. Handscroll (detail), ink on paper,
34.1 x 223.4 cm. Courtesy of the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D.C.
Early Chinese Texts on Painting
ISBN 978-988-8139-73-6
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed and bound by Goodrich Int’l Printing Co. Ltd., Hong Kong, China
To our teachers
Contents
Introduction 1
Flowers and Birds 125 Ink Bamboo, Vegetables, and Fruit 128
Classification by Social Status 129 Scholars’ Painting 132
The Emperor as Connoisseur and Artist 134 The Academy of
Painting 137 Southern Sung Monks and Academicians 138
Bibliography 363
Index 379
This volume of translations has been out of print now for more than
a dozen years and I am extremely grateful to Hong Kong University
Press for reissuing it, and trust that it will continue to find an audience.
Recently I heard a professor of Chinese art history call this book his
bible, and I do know that in the past students and teachers have found
it a useful tool as it was designed to be. That it succeeded so well was
largely due to two prime movers, Professor James Cahill and my co-edi-
tor Hsio-yen Shih.
James Cahill’s contributions to Chinese art history cannot be overes-
timated, and his chief virtue for students at all levels must be his acces-
sibility and interest in their work. This volume was the outcome of his
translation project started at the University of California, Berkeley, and
eventually funded by the American Council of Learned Societies. After
Hsio-yen Shih and I were chosen as editors, James Cahill continued as
always to offer advice and support.
As for Hsio-yen Shih, better known as Yen, I still regret her death
in 2001. She made contributions in all areas of Chinese art history
while working overtime in different positions. In the early 1980s she
was chosen as an editor for this book because of her research on Sung
painters’ biographies and her translation of the second part of the Li-tai
ming-hua chi of ca. 847, a text that supplies much of the material in the
first two chapters of this book. I was no doubt chosen because of my dis-
sertation on literati art theory and because I could work with Yen.
We made a good team. She outlined the chapters and devised the
approach of presenting excerpts under subject headings so that the
material was more accessible to students. She also suggested that we
each edit chapters in which we had not translated most of the texts. I
thought that chapter introductions would be a helpful overview and
that a general discussion of the Six Laws of painting was necessary in
x Preface to the Second Edition
Susan Bush
Preface to the First Edition
xii Preface to the First Edition
The editors would like to thank the authors and publishers who
have granted permission for the use of excerpts of published trans-
lations: E. J. Brill for material from Some Tang and Pre-Tang Texts on
Chinese Painting (Vol. I); Professor James Cahill for his translation of
the "Six Laws" of Hsieh Ho; Professor Herbert Franke for an excerpt
from Wang fs Hsieh-hsiang pi-chiieh; the Harvard University Press for
excerpts from The Chinese Literati on Painting; Professor Robert Maeda
and Garland Publishers for excerpts from Two Sung Texts on Chinese
Painting and the Landscape Styles of the 11th and 12th Centuries; Professor
Kiyohiko Munakata and Artibus Asiae Publishers for material from
Ching Hao's Pifa chi: A Note on the Art of the Brush; Professor Alex-
ander Soper and the American Council of Learned Societies for ma-
terial in Kuo Jo-hsil's Experiences in Painting; Professor Soper also for
excerpts from Chu Ching-hsuan's T'ang-ch'ao rning-hoo lu and Li Ch'ih's
Hua-p'in; Professor Michael Sullivan and the University of California
Press for the Fu Tsai excerpt in Chinese Landscape Painting: The Sui
and Tang Dynasties; Professor Ssu-yu Teng and E. J. Brill for an
excerpt from Family Instructions for the Yen Clan. We would also like
to thank Professor Tseng Yu-ho Ecke and Dr. Arthur Mu-sen Kao
for material translated in their Ph.D. dissertations, available in Uni-
versity Microfilms International editions. These translations have been
slightly modified in the interests of meaning, accuracy, and style.
In addition, the editors have made use of unpublished translations,
most of which were commissioned in the early stages of the translation
project. We are extremely grateful to these contributors: Professor
Richard Barnhart, Professor john Hay, Dr. Sarah Handler, Professor
Ellen Laing, Nancy Price, and Dr. Roderick Whitfield, who translated
certain texts excerpted in chapters 3-5; Professor Chu-tsing Li and
his students-Karen Brock, Dr. Arthur Mu-sen Kao, and William
Lew-who compiled material for chapter 6. An unpublished trans-
lation of the Li-tai ming-hua chi biographies by Professor Hsio-yen
Shih was a major source for the excerpts in chapters 1 and 2. Specific
credit is given to each translator in the introductions to the chapters.
Abbreviations
Chinese Texts
CKHC]M1TT Chung-kuo hua-chia jen-ming w-tz'u-tien, comp. Sun Ta-
kung, 1934.
CKHLLP Chung-kuo hua-lun lei-pien, ed. Yii Chien-hua, 1957.
CKJMTIT Chung-kuo jen-ming ta-tz'u-tien, comp. Fang I et al., 1921.
CKKSHL Chen-kuan kung-ssu hua-lu, by P'ei Hsiao-yiian, ca. 639.
CKWHCTIT Chung-kuo wen-hsiieh-chia ta-tz'u-tien, comp. Tan Cheng-pi,
1934.
ESSS Erh-shih-ssu shih (Dynastic Histories, Chung-hua ed., 1957- ).
HC Hua-chi, by Teng Ch'un, ca. 1167.
HCPI Hua-chi pu-i, by Chuang Su, ca. 1298.
HHHP Hsilan-ho hua-p'u (Catalogue of Hui-tsung's Collection), ca.
ll20.
HHP Hsii hua-p'in, by Yao Tsui, ca. 552.
HLTK Hua-lun ts'ung-k'an, ed. Yii An-Ian, 1963.
HP Hua-p'in, by Li Ch'ih, ca. 1098.
HS Hua-shih, by Mi Fu, ca. 1103.
HSTS Hua-shih ts'ung-shu, comp. Yti An-Ian, 1962.
ICMHL /-chou ming-hua lu, by Huang Hsiu-fu, ca. 1006.
KCHP Kuang-ch'uan hua-pa, by Tung Yu, ca. 1120.
KHPL Ku hua-p'in lu, by Hsieh Ho, ca. 535.
LCKCC Lin-ch'iian kao-chih (chi), by Kuo Hsi, ed. Kuo Ssu, ca. 1110-
1117.
LTMHC Li-tai ming-hua chi, by Chang Yen-yuan, ca. 847.
MCPT Meng-ch'i pi-t'an, by Shen Kua, ca. 1086-1093.
MSTS Mei-shu ts'ung-shu, comp. Huang Pin-hung and Teng Shih,
1911-1936.
PFC Pi{a chi, by Ching Hao, ca. 925.
PWCSHP P'ei-wen-chai shu-hua p'u, comp. Sun Yiieh-pan et al., ca.
1708.
SCMHP Sheng-ch'ao ming-hua p'ing, by Liu Tao-shun, ca. 1050.
xzv Abbreviations
The sages set forth the diagrams and observed their hsiang.
They appended words, thus clarifying good and evil omens.
The firm and yielding act upon each other, thus giving
birth to change [as, for example, in the broken (yin) and
Introduction 3
cause his spirit lost its grip on the pneuma ... Why is it
that a madman's vital parts (sheng-chil) arc exactly like any
man's, yet he is mocked? It is because his material form
(h1ing) and spirit (shen) have become separated from each
other. Thus, if a man's spirit is foremost, his material form
will follow it to his benefit. If his material form governs
and his spirit follows, he will suffer.
2. See Kenneth J. DeWoskin, A Song for One or Two: Music and the Concept of Art in
Early China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1982).
3. Vincent Yu-cheng Shih, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons by Liu Hsieh
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), p. xi. The entire introduction to this
annotated translation is useful as "a brief survey of the development of literary criticism
in ancient China."
4. Ferenc T6kei, Genre Theory in China in the 3rd-6th Centuries, Biblioteca orientalis
Hungarica, XV (Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1971 ), p. 32. This study is of particular
interest, representing as it does both a Marxist and a structuralist approach.
Introduction 7
5. Ibid., p. 33. See also J. R. Hightower, 'The Wen Hsuan and Genre Theory,"
Haroardjournal of Asiatic Studies, 20 (1957), 519 n. 27.
6. Shih, Literary Mind, pp. 26 n.2, 45 n.2.
7. Ibid., p. 195.
8. Ibid., p. 25.
8 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
9. Ibid., p. 162.
10. See also Donald A. Gibbs, "Notes on the Wind: The Term 'Feng' in Chinese
Literary Criticism," Transition and Permanence: Chinese History and Culture, ed. David
Buxbaum and F. Mote (Hong Kong: Cathay, 1972), pp. 285-293. He notes that Jeng
may signify a distinctive, nameable attribute or quality. Applied to prevailing practices,
it signifies customs, but it may also denote an invisible, life-giving energy. As such an
intangible power, it is an influence or suasive force. Thus, "emotion that is swelled with
feng is like a body filled with the breath of life [ch'i]." For a useful discussion of ch'i in
this connection, see David E. Pollard, "Ch'i in Chinese Literary Theory," in Adele Austin
Rickett, ed., Chinese Approaches to Literature from Confucius to Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 43-66.
Introduction 9
II. Chen Shih-hsiang, tr., Essay on Literature (Portland, Me.: Anthoesen, 1953), pp.
xxiv, xxix, xxii.
10 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
12. James Cahill, "The Six Laws and How to Read Them." Ars Orientalis, 4 (1961),
p. 381.
Introduction 1I
about all but the first two laws. The sewnd pair, that is, the third and
fourth laws, are taken to refer respectively to the depiction of forms
and the application of colors. The fifth law evidently described the
spacing and positioning of objects in the composition, while the sixth
is usually thought to indicate the practice of copying as a means of
preserving past styles and imparting artistic technique.
The first two la\vs have provoked innumerable commentaries in
China and Japan throughout the ages. A survey of the most important
studies in English on this subject may give some indication of the
difficulties that they raise. See, for example, Michael Sullivan's com-
parative table of five well-known English translations in The Birth of
Landscape Painting in China. 1 ~
In 1949 Alexander Soper gave his interpretation in "The First Two
Laws of Hsieh Ho," where he discussed the translation in the context
of earlier and contemporary usage of similar phrases. The second
law, rendered as "structural method in the use of the brush," is seen
as indicating appreciation of "boniness," an aesthetic derived from
calligraphy. The first law, in which "spirit consonance" effects "ani-
mation," is interpreted in terms of the "mystical correspondences"
presented in the I ching (Book of Changes). "Sympathetic respon-
siveness of the vital spirit" is, however, not thought to be associated
with the painter, nor with figural images, but with the universal "spirit"
of living beings in a painting that should respond to its like in nature. 14
William Acker's t.ranslation of 1954 in Some T'ang and Pre-T'ang
Texts on Chinese Painting is that given in chapter I of this anthology.
He reinterpreted the grammar of Hsieh Ho's six-word phrases and
briefly compared the Six Laws to the sadanga or "six limbs" of tra-
ditional indian painting. His reading is based on the belief that Hsieh
was quoting two-character terms from an earlier source and then
defining them with more accessible contemporary terms. The first law
is taken to des(:ribe the vital energy of the painter lingering in a vibrant
state to produce the effect of life in a painting. The analysis of the
second law mentions the use of"bone method" in physiognomy, where
a knovvledge of inner character was derived from outer bone struc-
ture, and ultimately understands the term to describe structural fon:es
in brushwork, as in calligraphy."'
Acker's grammatical reconstructions were questioned in 1961 by
13. Michael Sullivan, The Birth of Landscape Painting in China (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1962), pp. 106-107.
14. Alexander Soper, "The First Two Laws of Hsieh Ho," The Far Eastern Quarter{)',
8 (1949), 412-423.
15. William R. B. Acker, Some T'ang and Pre-T'ang Texts on Chine.se Painting, 2 vols.
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1954 & 1974), I, xxi-xlv.
12 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
James Cahill in "The Six Laws and How to Read Them." He argued
that the Six Laws must be indivisible four-word phrases, as in the
traditional reading of the text from Tang times on, and further pro-
posed that grammatical parallelism was present in each pair of the
set. Thus, of the first two laws, the first was translated as "engender
[a sense of] movement [through] spirit consonance"; and the second,
as "use the brush [with] the 'bone method.'" Cahill also reinterpreted
the third and fourth laws as indicating a conceptual "abstraction into
images" in the mind which complements the objective "portrayal of
outward appearances" on the basis of observation. 16 His translation
of the Six Laws appears in chapter 2 at "Definition, Animation, and
Expression."
In 1966 Wen Fong gave another reading of the first law in "Ch'i-
yiln-sheng-tung: 'Vitality, Harmonious Manner and Aliveness,'" where
he traced these terms in contemporary as well as later usage. Ch'i,
"the vital creative force," and yiln, its harmonious expression, are both
viewed as attributes of style, as in literary theory. Yiin in painting is
"grace" or "harmony" in the manner of representation, comparable
to Ching Hao's use of the term in the Pifa chi (A Note on the Art of
the Brush) or in later definitions. Various Chinese interpretations of
the first law from the Tang period on are listed for convenient ref-
erence including, for example, the Ch'ing Dynasty controversy as to
whether ch'i-yiln could signify the atmosphere in landscape paintings. 17
The summaries of these writings merely touch on the substance of
the discussion. Some of these issues, such as the possible Indian origin
of the Six Laws, are still a matter for scholarly debate. Acker's con-
troversial punctuation, though disputed by many, seems to have been
independently arrived at in both China andjapan. 18 Among the rna-
19. See \\Tai-kam Ho, "Li Ch'eng and Some Guiding Principles in 1'\orthern Sung
Landscape Painting," paper delivered at the Cleveland Symposium on Chinese Painting,
March 1981.
20. Max Loehr, "Chinese Landscap(' Painting and hs Real Content," Rice Uni·wrsity
Studies, 59 (1973), 68; manuscript translation by Dr. Achilles Fang, as transmitted in a
bibliographical study of the Hsieh Hu text by Dr. Ronald Egan; Nagahiro Toshio et
a!., Kandai gm:ii no kN1.kyii. (The Representational An of the Han Dynasty) (Tokyo:
ChU.f>k<)ron bijutsu shuppan, 1965), English Summary, p. 8.
14 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
21. Makota Ueda, Literary and Art Theories in japan (Cleveland; Western Reserve
University, 1967), pp. 136-137.
22. See Nakamura, Chilgoku garon no tenkai, pp. 163-202, especially pp. 165-180;
Kohara Hironobu, Garon (Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1973), pp. 55-61.
Introduction 15
the values of both works of art and their creators, the reader will find
many familiar problems dealt with in the translated texts. The social
roles of painters, their techniques, matters of connoisseurship and
taste, and other subjects can be traced through a millennia and a half
of Chinese history. And exploration of these writings will lead on to
other aspects of Chinese civilization and culture.
1
I. For one interpretation sec Lin Yutang, The Chinese Theory of Art (New York:
Putnam, 1967), p. 21. For another version see James Legge, 11le Chinese Cla.f~ir..5 (Hong
Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960), I, 157.
2. For one such story see Shio Sakanishi, The SpiriJ of the Brush (London: John
Murray, 1957), p. 18.
Pre-T'ang Interpretation and Criticism 19
natural beings were easier to render than dogs and horses was to
reverberate in the minds of later writers.
Representation and its significance were the main concerns of the
philosophers, essayists, and poets who commented on painting in the
Han. The art they described had evidently moved from the decorative
to the practical realm. Strategic maps, inventory paintings of retainers
in procession, illustrations of physical exercises, and diagrams of the
spirit world that would be encountered by the deceased, all inscribed
on silk, were tOund in second-century B.c. tombs excavated at Ch'ang-
sha in Hunan province. A few references to painting appear in the
contemporary collection of Taoist writings, Hu.ai-nan-tzu, compiled at
the court of Liu An (d. 122 B.c.). Besides these brief, and somewhat
contradictory, statements, there is a general passage in Book I on the
nature of perception and physical control that stresses the opposition
between an individual's spirit (shen), and his bodily form (hsing), con-
cluding: "if spirit is the guide, form follows and all is well." Spirit is
thus "the master of form," which was thought to be so important in
the characterization of different types of figures.
From pre-Han times on, mural paintings of mythological and his-
torical subjects are known to have de(~orated palaces, towers, and gates.
The didactic significance of these idealized portraits is generally in-
terpreted in a straightfon•..'ard Confucian fashion by '"Titers of the
Later Han Dynasty (A.D. 25-220) and the Three Kingdoms period
(220-280). In prose poems on the topic of palaces, lor example, such
murals are described in detail, and their desired effect on the viewer
is indicated. Thus moral paragons are said to be portrayed to serve
as models for future conduct, while villains are represented as warn-
ings to evildoers. Identification with these pictures is usually assumed
to be instinctive and hence instructive, as is most forciblv stated bv
Ts'ao C:hih (192-232), the Wei Kingdom poet and essayist. On th~
other hand, the skeptic Wang C:h'ung (27 -ca. I 00) had argued earlier
that moral inspiration could only be derived from the written word
and not from painted images. A concluding voice in the argument is
the balanced view of the critic Lu Chi (261-303), assessing the relative
value of both writing and painting in preserving past merit. This
debate foreshadows later comparisons of the two arts on purely aes-
thetic grounds.
Although the early comments on painting consist of anecdotes or
brief statements excerpted from the writings of literary figures with
no experience of the art itself, short essays attributed to particular
painters begin to appear in the so-called Six Dynasties period (3rd to
6th centuries). The earliest of them are versions recorded around 84 7
20 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
ling, the Heavenly Master who tested his disciples' fitness on the Cloud
Terrace Mountain of Six Dynasties' legend.
As for the painting itself, it is still a matter of scholarly debate
whether one, two, or three narrative scenes were to be illustrated.
Most significant for future trends is the fact that landscape elements
have a primary importance in the composition. Various aspects of the
scenery seem to have a symbolic import or echo dynamic descriptions
of landscape in contemporary poetry. Thus, the cinnabar-red cliffs
and the lone pine hint at the Taoist quest for immortality, while purple
boulders and watchtower peaks or pillars mark an ascending path
toward the palatial dwelling of the Immortals.' The scenery of tow-
ering peaks, precipitous cliff~s, and deep gullies emphasizes height
and depth in an exaggerated fashion, and its dynamic aspect is under-
lined by the coiled, dragon-like thrust of a vertical ridge. The term
shih (dynamic conftguration) is used here to describe such a "momen-
tum" or "effect."
More in the nature of aesthetic appreciations than guides for land-
scape composition are the texts recorded in entries on two Liu-Sung
Dynasty artists, Tsung Ping (375-413) and Wang Wei (415-443).
Both were members of scholarly families that had produced officials
or writers for generations, and both were noted for their love of
landscape and the Taoist pursuits of lute playing and wine drinking.
Their essays suggest that painted scenery infused with the feelings of
the viewer could serve as an effective substitute for nature. However,
they differ somewhat in the type of painting they describe, and their
outlooks stem from distinct philosophical contexts.
A typical mountain-climbing recluse who resolutely refused office,
Tsung Ping is best known as a lay member of the famous Buddhist
community on Mount Lu that was founded by Hui-yiian (334-416).
Significantly, the bulk of Tsung's writings consists of Buddhist polem-
ics. Thus, although his Hua shan-shui hsii (Introduction to Painting
Landscape) quotes from the Lun-yu (Anale<:ts) and mentions Taoist
practices such as breath control, the dominant frame of reference is
likely to have been drawn from Buddhism, more specifically the "land-
scape Buddhism" fostered on Mount Lu. In this light the insistent
mentions of sages and noble recluses take on a deeper meaning, since
they apparently indicate the Buddhas and bodhisattvas that had ma-
terialized in the past. In an ingenious attempt to assimilate Chinese
legend to a Buddhist world-view, it was inferred that these forerun-
4. For further commenLary, see Michael Sullivan, The Birth of I.andswpe Pninling in
China (Berkeley: Uni"~>ersity of CaliJOmia Pre~s. 1962), pp. 93-10 I.
22 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
ners prefigured the Way of the historical Buddha when they were
"roaming in sublime freedom" during their ascent of sacred peaks.
Furthermore, it would seem that a replica of a landscape, like a Buddhist
icon, could serve as an aid to meditation and inner visualization if its
proportions were correct. The ultimate aim of landscape viewing would
thus be to stimulate and strengthen the human spirit by delighting
it. In Tsung's text, "spirit" (shen), or "deified human soul," was what
characterized the sages and what should be aroused in the viewer. It
was also thought to exist in all living beings, and was used in H ui-
yuan's contemporary interpretation to explain the doctrine of trans-
migration after death. In this intermingling of Taoist and Buddhist
concepts, landscape would seem to have been seen quite literally as a
"vale of soul-making."
The considerably younger Wang Wei, who served briefly as an
official before succumbing to illness, was rather less of a mountain
climber and more of a scholar than Tsung. The thought expressed
in his Hsu hua (Discussion of Painting) is N eo-Taoist in origin, deriving
from speculations on the I ching (Book of Changes). This essay was a
general defense of the status of painting and conceived in response
to a letter from the poet and calligrapher Yen Yen-chih (384-456),
who had linked painting and calligraphy and the symbolic hexagrams
of the I ching. 5 Since the text is evidently abbreviated, certain parts
are extremely difficult to understand, particularly the phrases con-
taining the terms "form," "soul," and "mind" (hsing, ling, and hsin).
Wang does insist that painting is more than defining physical forms
or mapping localities. He seems to assume that the artist could tran-
scend the limits of a subjective view in space and time, and with
calligraphic dots and lines create an effective image of the universe
itself, placing all things in their proper order as did the conceptual
symbols of the I ching. This is a painting's "achievement." Its reality
or "true feeling" would lie in the imaginative response of viewers as
they unrolled the scroll.
The interest in painting displayed by literary men of the Southern
Dynasties ultimately led to painting's being judged by the standards
applied to other art forms. Earlier, Wang I (267-322), a distant rel-
ative of Wang Wei, had had no doubts about the value of his own
achievements in calligraphy and painting. A cultivated awareness of
personal style in art began to be developed by such gentlemen-paint-
ers. Criticism of individual artists and their work is first known to
5. For Yen Yen-chih's definition in LT1'vfHC, Book l, see chapter 2 of this text at
"Origins of Painting."
Pre-T'ang Interpretation and Criticism 23
have appeared in two somewhat later texts that exist apart from the
Li-tai ming-hua chi and were also printed in Ming times. The first is
the (Ku)hua-f/in(-lu) (Classification of Painters) by Hsieh Ho (active
ca. 500-535?), and the second, the Hsi.i hua-p'in (Continuation of the
Classification of Painters) by Yao Tsui (535-602). Both were evidently
composed during the Liang Dynasty (502-556) and inspired by recent
works of literary criticism: Liu Hsieh's Wen-hsin tiao-lung (The Literary
Mind and the Carving of Dragons) and Chung Hung's Shih p'in (Clas-
sification of Poets).
The form of the painting texts consists of introductions followed
by brief entries on specific artists. In the case of the Hsieh Ho text,
a grading system is used to rate quality. Six classes are distinguished
in the extant version although the original number may have differed.
This work is most famous for the Six Laws (liu-ja), six canons or
principles of painting that are first. defined in its preface and contin-
ually referred to by later writers (see the discussion in the Introduc-
tion). Typical of Southern Dynasties taste is the practice of characterizing
a man's personality or achievements in pithy binomial terms such as
"spirit resonance" (ch'i-yun). Similar atmospheric terms, often begin-
ning with "spirit" (ch'i) or "wind" (jeng), appear in the entries on
individual masters, where they seem to refer to the artist's character
or the artist's style or the figures in his paintings, depending on the
specihc context.
From a rather disparaging entry by Yao Tsui, we know that Hsieh
Ho was a fashionable portrait painter, who must have been advanced
in years when he finished his text if this was alter 532 as is now
thought. His successor Yao evidently wrote around 550 or 551 when
he could have been no older than sixteen. His age may account for
the emotional tone of his defense of Ku K'ai-chih's standing and for
the dense literary allusions of the text, where style overshadows sub-
stance. He did not classify painters in grades, and thus was able to
place the Prince of Hsiang-tung, his father's patron and later the Liang
Emperor Yuan (r. 552-554), at the head of the list. The most effusive
praise in the entries is given to this imperial artist, \Vhile Chang Seng-
yu, the greatest mural painter of the previous generation, is treated
rather coolly. Relevant to such critical discrimination are contempo-
rary stories, related by Yen Chih-t'ui (531-after 591), of officials classed
with artisans because of their skill in painting. Later, Sung critics were
also to be influenced in their judgments by an artist's social status,
and to make distinctions between the gentleman-painter and the
professional.
In this chapter, excerpts from the Hsieh Ho and Yao Tsui texts
24 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Problems of Representation
Han Fei (d. 233 B.c.)
There was a retainer painting for the King of Ch'i, whom the King
of Ch'i asked: "What is most difficult in painting?" He replied: "Dogs
and horses are most difficult." "What is easiest?" He replied: "Demons
and goblins are easiest. Since dogs and horses are things known by
man, visible before us the day through, they cannot be completely
simulated and thus are difficult. Demons and goblins are without
form, and not visible before us, hence they are easy.""
Han Fei-tzu, Book 1 I. Chung-kuo hwt-lun lei-pien (Chinese Painting cl·he-
ory by Categories, CKH LLP), p. 4.
Optical Illusion
Han Fei (d. 233 B.c.)
There was a retainer who painted a tablet for the Lord of Chou,
completing it after three years. When the lord saw that it had the
same appearance as any lacquered tablet, he was very angry. The
tablet's painter said: "Build a wall of ten planks' height and cut out a
window of eight feet. Then, just when the sun is rising, place the
tablet on the window and look." The Lord of Chou did this and
perceived the tablet's appearance. It was entirely formed of dragons,
snakes, birds, beasts, and horse-drawn chariots, the forms of myriad
beings complete in every detail. The Lord of Chou was delighted.
This tablet's achievement certainly shows the difficulties of work in
small scale, yet its use is similar to that of any lacquered tablet without
ornament.
Han Fei-tzu, Book II. CKHLLP, p. 4.
remote past are the emergence of the universe from chaos and the
beginnings of antiquity: the Five Dragon Kings wing to wing, the Nine
Rulers, Fu-hsi with his scaly body, and Nii-wa with her snaky form.
Austere is that immense wilderness and simple are its shapes. Then
the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun are visible in all their brilliance.'
Accessories of rank accord with usage, and court costumes are now
defined. From the later period of the Hsia, Shang, and Chou dynasties
are shown the concubines who debauched their masters, loyal min-
isters and filial sons, noble scholars and virtuous women. No detail of
their wisdom or stupidity, successes or failures, is omitted from these
records. Their evil may serve to warn later generations while their
good may be an example to posterity.
"Lu Ling-kuang tien fu" (Prose Poem on the Palace of Spiritual Light
in the State of Lu); Wen-hsuan, Book 11. CKHLLP, p. lO (in part).
Of those who look at pictures, there is not one who, beholding the
Three Majesties and the Five Emperors, would not look up in rever-
ence; nor any that before a painting of the degenerate rulers of the
Three Decadences would not be moved to sadness. There is no one
who, seeing a picture of usurping ministers stealing a throne, would
not grind his teeth; nor any who, contemplating a fine scholar of high
principles, would not forget to eat. At the sight of loyal vassals dying
for their principles who would not harden his own resolve, and who
would not sigh at beholding banished ministers and persecuted sons?
Who would not avert his eyes from the spectacle of a licentious hus-
band or a jealous wife? And there is no one who, seeing a virtuous
consort or an obedient queen, would not praise and value them. From
this we may know that paintings are the means by which events are
preserved in a state in which they serve as models [for the virtuous]
and warnings [to the evil].
7. See Bernard Karlgren, "Legends and Cults in Ancient China," BMFEll., 18 (1946),
pp. 199-365, for analysis of the mythology of primeval culture heroes in China.
Pre-T'ang Interpretation and Criticism 27
Lu Chi (261-303)
For appreciating the fragrance and perfume of great deeds the setting
up of colors [that is, painting] may be compared to the writing of a
8. Stories about various exemplary women were collected and published by Liu
Hsiang (77-6 B.r:.) in t.he 1-ieh-nii. chuan (Biographies of Illustrious Women). Manv
have been translated by S. F. Balfour, "Fragments from a Gallery of Chinese Women,'"
T'im-l~w. 10 ( 1940), pp. 625-683.
28 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Seeking that which is beyond the usual, a painter will take pains
with every hair but miss the total appearance.
Viewers of a dragon head painted in our time cannot tell what sort
of a beast it is. Its form must be entire to be recognized without doubt.
9. Both Hsiln Hsii (ca. 218-ca. 289) and Wei Hsieh (active late 3rd-early 4th
century) painted this subject; see LTMHC, Book 5.
Pre-T'ang Interpretation and Criticism 29
10. "Attaining the One" alludes to a passage in the Tao-te ching: "Heaven attained
unity and became dear. Earth attained unity and hecame tranquil. The spirits aoained
unity and became animated" (j.J. L Duyvendak, trans. [London: John Murray, 1954],
p. 39). As culture heroes, these two sages would have had unusual shapes or features.
II. The C:hin Dynasty Emperor Ming (299-325) is recorded as having painted an
"Illustrious Warriors from the Shih rhi (Historical Records)"; see P'ei Hsiao-yiian, Chen-
kuan kung-ssu hua-lu.
12. Shih Tao-shih (active late 4th-early 5th century) painted this suqject: see LTIHHC,
B<X)k .11.
30 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
stresses their manner of rendering objects, then one will not see this
pure essence [in their work]. But, if one considers them from [a point
of view] beyond the forms, only then will one be satisfied with their
richness. This may be called a delicate and subtle matter.
Ku CHDN-CHIH (5TH CENTURY, PLACED IN THE SECOND CLAss). In
soul resonance and nervous energy he did not come up to the former
sages, but in refinement and delicacy, painstakingness and detail, he
sometimes surpassed wise men of the past. He was the first to develop
the old and make the patterns for the new. Both in the laying on of
colors and the delineation of form, he was the originator of new ideas.
Ku K'AI-CHIH (cA. 345-cA. 406, PLACED IN THE THIRD CLASS). His
investigation of form was refined and subtle, and he never used his
brush haphazardly. But his brushwork did not come up to his ideas,
and his fame exceeds the reality.
MAo HUI-YUAN (D. CA. 490, PLACED IN THE THIRD CLASS). In paint-
ing style he was complete and sufficient, and there was nothing that
he tried that he did not accomplish perfectly. Now coming out and
now going in, he exhausted the possibilities of the extraordinary. Now
up and down, now back and forth, he let his brush run wild. His
strength and impetuosity have resonance and grace, and his tran-
scendent excellence was beyond all categories. In dexterity and deft-
ness he never failed to reach the very height of subtlety, but when it
was a question of making things look solid, then he was lumpish and
his mastery in this was not yet complete. As for divinities, demons,
and horses, he was confused about their physical structures and some-
what clumsy.
Wu CHIEN (5TH CENTURY, PLACED IN THE THIRD CLASS). His stylistic
methods were elegant and charming; his definition of composition
was able and ingenious. He commanded the praise of his own time,
and enjoyed renown at the capital, Lo-yang.
CHANG TsE (5TH CENTURY, PLACED IN THE Third CLAss). His ideas
and thoughts ran riot, and he had but to move his brush to be original.
His mind was his guide, and his views were his own; he was sparing
in his adaptations from others. His versatile ingenuity was inexhaus-
tible, like a circle's being without end, and in his scenes there is much
that strikes the eye.
CH'D TAO-MIN AND CHANG CHI-PO (LATER 5TH CENTURY, PLACED IN
THE FouRTH CLAss). Both were good at painting on temple walls,
and combined this with excellence in fan painting. In the proportions
of men and horses they never missed by so much as a hair, and their
skill in differentiating physical structures also penetrated to the divine.
Pre-Tang Interpretation and Criticism 31
Training
Wang I (276-322)
My older brother's son Wang Hsi-chih [309-ca. 365] is young but
precocious and must eventually exalt our house. He is just beginning
his sixteenth year and, besides his regular studies, whenever callig-
raphy and painting pass before his eyes he is able (to reproduce them).
He came to seek my techniques in calligraphy and painting, and I
painted Confucius and his Ten Disciples to encourage him. Alas, if
Hsi-chih is not stimulated!
The painting is from my hand, as is the calligraphy. Though I am
unworthy of serving as a model in other things, my calligraphy and
painting can certainly be studied. In studying calligraphy, I would
have you [Hsi-chih] realize that you can go far by amassing knowledge.
In studying painting you should begin to travel on your personal path
through learning the relationship of pupil to master. I will, moreover,
assist you in both of these.
Colophon on a painting of "Confucius and His Ten Disciples"; cited in
LTMHC, Book 5. CKHLLP, p. 14 (phrase omitted).
Technique
Ku K'ai-chih (ca. 345-ca. 406)
All those who are about to make copies should first seek these essen-
tials, after which they may proceed to their business.
Whenever I create any paintings, the plain silk scrolls must all
extend to two feet three inches. Plain silks with warped threads cannot
Pre-Tang Interpretation and Criticism 33
be used, since after some time they will again become straight and
the proper appearance [of forms] will be lost. When a copy is made
on silk from silk, one should be placed over the other exactly, taking
care as to their natural straightness, and then pressed down without
disturbing their alignment.
When the brush moves forward while the eyes are looking in ad-
vance, then the new painting will come closer toward one. [Hence]
one should habitually fix one's gaze near the brush. Then, since there
is only an intervening layer of paper or silk, by which the version to
be copied is separated from one, if a single copying (stroke] is mis-
taken, successive errors will be very few. One should cause the new
brush strokes to cover the original but prevent their turning inward.
To guard against this inward [tendency], it is best to make the brush
pointed if an object is light, and to put pressure on strokes if it is
heavy. Each [use of the brush] completes the thought. For instance
in painting mountains, if strokes are pointed, then the thought is
active and will detract from an effect of firmness. In using the brush,
one may have an excessive smoothness, then there will be no substance
to projecting angles. Or one may have too many curves and hooks,
which will add angularity to what is smooth. The damage in not
combining [these qualities] is as hard to describe as the expert wheel-
wright's [untransmittable] skill.
In drawing heads, rather go slowly and be without substance than
go fast and lose [likeness to the original]. In all the various images,
since each has its own difference in brushwork, one must cause the
new to supplement the original. If length, texture, depth, breadth,
and the detail of dotting in an eye-pupil should have one small fault
in their placement, proportion, or tone, the spirit vitality will accord-
ingly change completely.
One should use ink and color of light tone for bamboos, trees, and
the earth, but pine and bamboo leaves should be rich in tone. In
general, sizing and coloring should not reach the upper and lower
[edges of the] silk. If yellow [discoloration] fills the silk on a fine
painting, one should then simply leave the [copy's] sides clear. At each
of the two borders of a scroll, for example, this should be for not
quite three-tenths [of an inch].
Human figures have greater or lesser height. Once their distance
has been set in accordance with their scrutinization of an object, one
must not alter their spacing or misplace them higher or lower. No
living person salutes with his hands or gazes with his eyes if there is
nothing before him. To describe the spirit through form but omit its
actual object is perverse as a means of trapping life and deficient as
34 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
The mountain has a main face, hence its back is shadowed. I would
cause auspicious douds in the west to flow to the east. For the colors
of sky and water on a clear day, I generally use only azure pigment,
finishing the white silk above and below as if in bright sunlight. In
the mountain that stretches out to the west, I will distinctly define the
relative distances, starting from the eastern base.
Shifting to not quite the midpoint, I will make five or six purple
boulders like firm clouds which, buttressing a ridge, mount it and
ascend. I will cause the [ridge's] momentum (shih) to writhe and coil
and, like a dragon, embrace a peak to ascend vertically. Below it, I
will make piled-up ridges and cause them to appear to ascend in a
congealed mass.
There will be another peak, which is of rock. It towers up, con-
fronting its eastern neighbors. The western side of this peak will
connect with a westward-oriented, cinnabar-red cliff, below which will
be placed a steep mountain gorge. In painting the red cliff near the
top of the gorge, one should make its fiery pinnacle exalted and lofty
to depict an effect of dangerous steepness.
The Heavenly Master [Chang Tao-ling of the Later Han Dynasty]
sits on this peak and is partially shaded, together with the rock upon
which he sits. Appropriately, in the gorge, a peach tree grows sideways
from amidst the rocks. I will paint the Heavenly Master with emaciated
form but far-reaching spirit vitality. Leaning over the gorge, he points
to the peach while turning his head to talk to the disciples. Among
these are two who approach the edge, their bodies all atremble, per-
spiring, and pale. I will render Wang Ch'ang sitting deep in thought,
answering the question, and Chao Sheng lively in spirit and alert in
attention while leaning to gaze at the peach tree.
Then, I will repeat Wang and Chao hastening [to leap after the
Heavenly Master into the gorge]. One is concealed by the slanting
cliff of the west wall, with only his skirts visible. Another is completely
in view within the void, and I would make him tranquil and indif-
ferent.14
In painting figures, they must be seven-tenths [of their full heights]
when seated. The colors of their garments should be distinctively
subtle. This is correct, since when mountains are high, the people are
far away.
On the east side of the middle section, a steep cliff of cinnabar
shale, partially shaded, should be made to tower in lofty darkness,
with a lone pine planted on it. It is placed opposite the cliff near the
Heavenly Master to form a gorge. The gorge should be extremely
narrow. I would like this closeness to cause [all space] between the
two walls to be remote and pure, which must help to establish it as
the dwelling place of the divinities.
I would make a purple rock stand erect at the top of the next peak,
and thereby form the buttressing element of a lefthand watchtower.
The steep cliff, lofty and dark, is linked on the west with the Cloud
Terrace so as to indicate a road. The lefthand watchtower peak has
a precipice for its base, and below this is a void. I will combine several
boulders in a layered effect to support the precipice so that together
with it they face the eastern gorge. To the west, a rocky torrent
appears. However, as it adapts to its steep confines, I will cause it to
flow down through the ridge as an underground stream that emerges
after awhile to the east. It descends down the gorge as a stony
brook that sinks into a deep pool. The reason for its falling now to
the west and now to the east is that I wish to make the painting seem
naturaL
The northern and western faces of the Cloud Terrace should be
depicted as one in a ridge that winds around them. At the top I will
make two pillar-like boulders to stand for the left and righthand
watchtowers. On one rock I will place a solitary wandering phoenix.
It should be in a dancing pose with ornamental and detailed plumage,
raising its tail and spreading its wings to gaze into the steep gorge.
The red flanking rocks of the last section should be made dispersed
and agitated like rending lightning. These face the wall next to the
14. The story is of the last of seven tests given by the Taoist adept Chang Tao-ling
to discover a worthy heir to his knowledge. Chao Sheng hurled himself into a chasm
to reach the peach tree for whose fruit the master promised the Tao. Subsequently,
both Chao Sheng and Wang Ch'ang followed their master in leaping into the chasm
and, upon landing, were the only two of his numerous disciples to receive his instruction.
See the Shen-hsien chuan (Tales of Immortals), attributed to Ko Hung (A.D. 4th century),
Book 4.
36 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
15. Mountains arc often associated with sages or immortals in Chinese mythology.
See Karlgren, "Legends and Cults in Ancient China," for various traditions about heroes
and rulers in prehistory, especially P- 279 for the hermit Kuang-ch'eng and the sage
Ta-k'uei. Hsi.i Yu, and the brothers Po-i and Shu-ch'i, are all noted by Ssu-ma Ch'ien
(145-ca. 74 B.c.) in Shih-chi (Historical Records), Book 61, as recluses who disdained
worldly power.
16. All famous scenic areas in the Kiangsi, Hunan, Hupei, and Szechwan regions.
Pre-T'ang Interpretation and Criticism 37
17. Members of the monk Hui-yuan's religious community are known to have
climbed this peak and to have celebrated it in poetry. See Susan Bush, ''Tsung Ping's
Essay on Painting Landscape and the 'Landscape Buddhism' of Mount Lu," in Theories
of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian .\.furck {Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 1983), pp. 144-152. This particular phrase can also be understood and
translated as "I am distressed at being unable to concentrate my vital breath and to
attune my body, thus falling into being like him at the Stone Gate." This alludes to a
passage in the Lun-yil {Analects), Book 14; Legge, Chinese Classics, I, 290, in which a
gatekeeper at the mountain pass of the Stone Gate comments on the futility of Con-
fucius's actions, without attempting any positive action by himself.
18. The central peak of this semimythologized range to China's west is known for
its height and for immortals thought to dwell there; cf. David Hawkes, Ch'u tz'u: The
Songs of the South (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959), pp. 29, 136.
38 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
of life, and truth enters into reflections and traces. One who can truly
describe things skillfully will also truly achieve this.
Thus, I live at leisure, regulating my vital breath, brandishing the
wine-cup and sounding the lute. Unrolling paintings in solitude, I sit
pondering the ends of the earth. Without resisting the multitude of
natural promptings, alone I respond to uninhabited wildernesses where
grottoed peaks tower on high and cloudy forests mass in depth. The
sages and virtuous men who have shone forth throughout the ages
had a myriad charms [of nature] fused into their spirits and thoughts.
What then should I do? I rejoice in my spirit, and that is all. What
could be placed above that which rejoices the spirit?
Huashan-shuihsii (Introduction to Painting Landscape); cited inLTMHC,
Book 6. CKHLLP, pp. 583-584.
[in man's affairs]. The solitudes and silences of a thousand years may
he seen as in a mirror by merely opening a scroll.
Even though painting has its Six Elements [or Laws], few are able
to combine them thoroughly, and from ancient times until now each
painter has excelled in one particular branch. What are these Six
Elements? First, Spirit Resonance which means vitality; second, Bone
Method which is [a way of] using the brush; third, Correspondence
to the Object which means the depicting of forms; fourth, Suitability
to Type which has to do with the laying on of colors; fifth, Division
and Planning, that is, placing and arrangement; and sixth, Trans-
mission by Copying, that is to say the copying of models.
Only Lu Tan-wei [5th century] and Wei Hsieh [active late 3rd-
early 4th century] were thoroughly proficient in all of these.
But, while works of art may be skillful or clumsy, aesthetics knows
no ancient and modern. Respectfully relying upon remote and recent
[sources] and following their classifications, I have edited and com-
pleted the preface and citations. Hence what is presented is not too
far-ranging. As for the origins [of painting], it is merely reported that
it proceeded from gods and immortals, but none was witness to such.
KHPL, preface. Compare Acker, tr., I, 3-5, and CKHLLP, p. 355.
20. For a discussion of ling-t'ai (towers} and ming-t'ang (halls) in the Chou Dynasty
(1027-256 B.c.), see Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper, The A1·t and Architecture
of China (Baltimore: Penguin, 1956}, pp. 367-371, 374, 378-379.
Pre-T'an[J; Interpretation and Criticism 41
ried in distant countries. 21 But all such things of remote memory are
hard to trace thoroughly. And in what is extant, the subjects are often
lost in obscurity. Of course, unless one has deep perception and wide
experience, how can one distinguish the fine from the coarse, and
cast off snares and traps to arrive finally at the truth?
Still, there are opportune and inopportune times in human affairs,
and man experiences prosperity and dedine. Sometimes he is highly
honored in his boyhood; sometimes fame comes to him in the prime
of life. For truly that which precedes and that which follows are formed
each according to the other, and the superior and inferior are opposed
yet mixed [in all work].
As for the excellence of someone like Ku K'ai-chih, he commands
the highest place in the records of the past, standing lofty and alone.
In all time he had no equal. He had a sort of supernatural brilliance,
which ordinary intelligence could never hope to realize. It was as
though he upheld the sun and the moon. How should the insignificant
learning [of others] be able even to glimpse him. Hsiin Hsii, Wei
Hsieh, Ts'ao Pu-hsing, and Chang Mo [all of the 3rd or early 4th
century] were as nothing compared to him, and no man has ever been
seen ,.,.,ho could meet him on equal terms. That Hsieh Ho records of
him "his fame exceeds the reality" is quite depressing enough, but
that he should have placed Ku in a low class is something that I can
bear with even less equanimity. This was simply because Hsieh's otvn
emotional attitude was unstable, and had nothing to do with the merits
or defects of the paintings themselves ... I fear that the principles of
classification have come to an end, are swept away and lost forever.
Yet I have some hope that, by lifting one corner, I may be as one
with the three profitable friends [of the upright, true unto death, and
those who have heard much] ...
If one studies the Ho shu [Interpretations of Divination Hexagrams]
at length, then [one will find that] pictures existed before writing. To
use the words of the Lien-shan lBook of Divination], "speech is ren-
dered visible by means of visible forms.'' 22 Nowadays everyone admires
21. Between A.D. 58 and 76, idealized portraits of twenty-eiglu famous generals
and four officials were painted on the walls of the Cloud Terrace to do them honor
and to remind posterity of such models. Fan Yeh (d. A.D. 44!'1), H(m-Han 5hu (Later
Han Dynastic History), Book 22, hiogr<tphy of Ma Wu (d. A.D. 61). For one le('!;end of
a Chinese bride selected on the basis of a portrait see the LTMJ/C, Book 4, Acker
translation, II: I, pp. 5-6.
22. For the connection between script and divination, see the LTMHC, Book I,
Acker translation, I, R5-99.
42 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
23. Ch'ui is twice referred to in the Shu ching (Book of Historical Documents),
sections "Yu shu" and "Ku ming," Legge, The Chinese Classics, Ill, 45, 555, as minister
of works for the legendary emperor Shun and as a maker of bamboo arrows. Chuang-
tzu (late 4th-early 3rd century B.C.), Book 10, "Ch'ii ch'ieh," James Legge, tr., The
Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Taoism, The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 39 (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1891 ), Pt. 1, p. 286, contains the caution against art as destructive of natural
experience.
Pre-Tang Interpretation and Criticism 43
gories (Upper, Middle, and Lower) each further subdivided into three,
is applied mainly to pre-T'ang painters in notations after their names,
and hence may be among the later interpolations in the text.
As a member of a family of officials who had practiced calligraphy
and collected painting for several generations, Chang Yen-yuan had
a historical perspective on both of these arts. He also edited essays on
calligraphy in the later collection, Fa-shu yao-lu (Essential Records of
Calligraphy Exemplars). This background prepared Chang for his
major contributions to art criticism, a historical framework of devel-
opment and connoisseurship of calligraphic line. Thus his essays traced
the origins and significance of painting from the mythical past to more
recent times when period styles could be distinguished, and empha-
sized the contrasts in style between T'ang and pre-T'ang paintings.
His material came from various sources such as the dynastic histories,
collections of anecdotes or legends, and texts on painting criticism,
but many comments were based on personal observation. Since his
eye had been trained by the traditional writing methods, he charac-
terized past artists in terms of their calligraphic techniques and ob-
viously valued brushwork more highly than the application of colors.
He articulated the joys of appreciating paintings and the proper ap-
proach to connoisseurship, even adding such technical aids as the
deciphered seals of earlier connoisseurs and collectors. Since he was
broad-minded enough to include the critical opinions of others on
specific masters, the Li-tai ming-hua chi is the main source for the
excerpted comments from the writings of various T'ang critics, who
will be discussed in a logical, if not strictly chronological, sequence.
Chang Yen-yuan cited in the Li-tai ming-hua chi at least two critics
with whom he obviously disagreed. He disparaged the critical abilities
of the seventh-century official P' ei Hsiao-yuan and quoted from a text
that is evidently still extant in part, the Chen-kuan kung-ssu hua-lu
(Record of Paintings in Public and Private Collections in the Chen-
kuan Era, 627-650). This text has a preface dated to 639 relating the
history of painting, and a postscript that corresponds to certain of
Chang's quotations, praising contemporary artists such as Yen Li-pen
(d. 673). Chang also disagreed with the monk Yen-ts'ung, presumably
active in the capital at Ch'ang-an around 650. A Hou hua-lu (Later
Record of Painters) attributed to his authorship is extant in a version
generally considered a forgery based on quotations from Chang. It
has a preface dated to 635 but deals with one painter active in the
660s. According to Chang, Yen-ts'ung's criticisms were particularly
inaccurate, and the seventh-century official Tou Meng had also ex-
pressed his opposition to them. Tou was noted as a calligrapher and
T'ang CTiticism and Art History 47
falls upon white silk that which has physical appearance (hsiang) is
established, and that which is formless is created. [The painting] may
have the beauty of Hsi-shih who could not hide her charms or be as
true as the ugliness that Mu-mu could not alter. That is why terraces
and pavilions exhibit the ardor of meritorious officials [in painted
murals], while palaces and great halls display the fame of chaste and
virtuous ladies. If the subtleties [of these works] penetrate to the
spiritual (shen), then their quintessence (ling) will arrive at the sage-
like.
T'ang-ch'ao ming-hua lu (Record of Famous Painters of the T'ang Dy-
nasty, TCMHL), preface. CKHLLP, pp. 22-23.
Origins of Painting
P'ei Hsiao-yilan (ca. 639)
After Fu-hsi received the Dragon Chart [of divination hexagrams],
scribes became the officials responsible for pictures. They had the
I. The Six Classics are usually designated as the Shih dting (Book of Songs), Shu
ching (Book of Historical Documents), Li chi (Rook of Rill's), ri..ieh ching (Book of Music),
I citing (Book of Changes), and Ch'un-ch'iu (Spring and Autumn Annals). Acker, I, 61,
equates the liu-ching (Six Classics) with the liu-i (Six Arts) taught to the sons of Chou
Dynasty rulers-ceremony, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and reckoning.
50 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
and [depictions of] the valorous and those with distinguished service
were all placed on the Unicorn Pavilion [in the Former Han]. To see
the good is sufficient to warn against evil, and the sight of evil will
make men long for virtue. [These exemplars] were preserved in shape
and appearance in order to illustrate instances of the triumph of
morality. Full account was given of their successes and failures in
order to transmit some traces of the past. While written records and
chronicles served to relate their deeds, they could not convey their
appearance; odes and panegyrics sang of their beauty, but could not
give them shape. It is in the fashioning of drawings and paintings
that [appearances and shapes] may be included.
LTA1HC, Book 1, "On the Origins of Painting." CKHLLP, pp. 27-28.
scribing."2 Since ancient times few painters have been able to combine
these. I will attempt to discuss the matter as follows.
The painters of antiquity were sometimes able to transmit formal
likeness while endowing it with a noble vitality (ku-ch'i). They sought
for what was beyond formal likeness in their painting. This is very
difficult to discuss with vulgar people. As for today's painters, even
if they attain formal likeness, they do not generate spirit resonance
(ch'i-yun). If they were to explore painting through spirit resonance,
then inevitably formal likeness would reside in it ...
Now, the representation of things necessarily consists in formal
likeness, but likeness of form requires completion by a noble vitality.
Noble vitality and formal likeness both originate in the definition of
a conception and derive from the use of the brush. That is why those
who are skilled in painting often excel in calligraphy as well.
In any case, the palace ladies of yore did have dainty fingers and
small bosoms, and the horses of antiquity, sharp muzzles and slim
bellies; ancient terraces and pavilions were lofty and towering; and
antique robes and ornament, ample and trailing. Accordingly, the
paintings of olden times were not merely aberrant in appearance or
of strange conception. Probably, the appearances of things were dif-
ferent.
As for terraces and pavilions, trees and rocks, chariots and horses,
and artifacts in general, these have no vital movement that could be
embodied and no spirit resonance that could be matched. They re-
quire placement and alignment, and that is all. As Ku K'ai-chih said:
"In painting, human figures are most difficult, then landscapes, then
dogs and horses. Towers and pavilions are fixed objects, and com-
paratively easy to do." These words are to the point.
As for demons, divinities, and human figures, they possess vital
movement that can be described and require spirit resonance (shen-
yiin) for completion. If spirit resonance is not pervasive, then the
display of formal likeness will be in vain. If brush strength is not
vigorous, then excellence in application of colors will be in vain. This
may be called unsubtle work. Therefore, Han Fei-tzu said: "Dogs and
horses are difficult, but demons and divinities easy, for dogs and
horses are generally and commonly seen, while demons and divinities
2. Here the Six Laws, cited as four-character phrases in the text, are given in james
Cahill's translation in 'The Six Laws and How to Read Them," p. 380. See chapter I
at "Criteria for Appreciation and Criticism" for the Six Elements of Hsieh Ho; also
see the discussion in the Introduction.
T'ang Criticism and Art Hi<tory 55
arc deceptive and uncanny apparitions. "3 These words are to the
point.
As for division and planning, or placement and arrangement, these
are the universal requirements for all painting.
Works by Ku K'ai-chih, Lu Tan-wei, and their successors have
rarely been preserved, so that it is difficult to give an exhaustive and
detailed account of them. Only when we look at the works of Wu
Tao-tzu can we say that the Six Elements were entirely perfected,
hence the myriad phenomena were entirely exhausted, as though a
divinity had borrowed his hand to reach the limits of creation itself.
Therefore, such was his virile manifestation of spirit resonance that
it could scarcely be contained upon painting silk, such the rugged
freedom of his brushwork that he had to represent his ideas on mural
walls. His painting in smaller scale was most dense and detailed, and
this also is a divinely wonderful thing.
As for transmission by copying, or reproduction by imitating, this
should be the painter's last concern.
However, contemporary painters are but roughly good at describ-
ing appearances, attaining formal likeness but without its spirit res-
onance; providing their colors but lacking in brush method. How can
such be called painting? Alas, the men of today have not achieved
excellence in this art ... Painters now mix their brushes and inks with
dust and soil, and combine their pigments with mud and lees. All they
do is defile the silk. How can this be called painting?
l.TMHC, Book 1, "Discussing the Six Elements of Painting." CKHLLP,
pp. 32-33.
[Wu Tao-tzu] also painted the "Five Sages [Tang Emperors] and
Their Thousand Officials" in the Taoist Temple (Hsuan-yuan Miao).
[The painting's] palaces and halls and figures in ceremonial dress, all
seemed to aspire to the clouds and dragons, so that one's mind was
turned to the creative powers of Nature. Therefore, the Assistant
Department Director Tu Fu's poem said, "Their dense ranks turn
the earth on its axis; I A wondrous perfection shakes the palace
walls."
He painted, as well, five dragons in the Inner Hall, whose scaly
armor moved in flight. Whenever it was about to rain, a mist would
rise from them ...
Early in the Yiian-ho reign [806-821 ), I was staying at the Temple
of Dragon Ascension (Lung-hsing Ssu) while taking my examinations.
There I found an old man [named] Yin, over eighty years of age,
who once told of the time when Master Wu painted the halo on a
divinity inside the central gate of the Temple of Renewed Virtue
(Hsing-shan Ssu). Then all the people of Ch'ang-an, old and young,
gentry and commoners, came rushing until the spectators were like
a surrounding wall. For the halo, he raised his brush and swept it
around with the force of a whirlwind. Everyone said that a divinity
must have aided him.
I also once heard an old monk of the Temple of Brilliant Clouds
(Ching-yiin Ssu) relate that when Master Wu had painted a hell cycle
in this temple, the capital's butchers and fishmongers were terrified
for their sins on seeing it and occasionally changed their trades. All
of the good deeds that he painted here generally also became models
for men of later generations.
TCMHL, "Inspired Class, Top Grade."
CHou FANG (CA. 730-CA. 800). When Chao Tsung's wife went
home to visit her parents, [her father] Kuo Tzu-i [697 -781] asked,
"Who is it in these paintings [two portraits of her husband by Han
Kan and Chou Fang]?" She answered, "The Board Vice-President
Chao." He asked again, "Which is the better likeness?" She replied,
"Both paintings are likenesses, but the second one is better." Again
he asked, "Why do you say that?" She responded, "The first painting
has merely captured my husband's appearance, while the second has
also conveyed his spirit vitality (shen-ch'i). It has caught his personality
and his manner of laughing and talking." Tzu-i demanded, "Who did
58 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Chou and Ch'i the schools of Tung Po-jen and Chan Tzu-ch'ien were
also said to have changed attitudes. Though they eliminated distor-
tions, theirs were still only the breed of Ch'il [Shansi] and the colts
of Shu [Szechwan], retaining an alert, prancing appearance and lack-
ing a peaceful, leisurely mien. As for the coloring of their pelts, they
were mainly tans, chestnuts, and grey or bay piebalds and had no
other rarities.
Hsiian-tsung [who reigned 713-756] was fond of big horses, and
the imperial stables contained some four hundred thousand of
these ... Once the empire had been unified, there came yearly trib-
utes [of horses] from the Western Regions and Ta-yiian [Central Asia
and the Uzbeck Region of Russian Turkestan], and so the Emperor
commanded the establishment of grazing lands for horses in the high-
lands [Kansu] ... Kan depicted all [the horses in the imperial stables],
thus becoming the sole master [in this subject for all time].
LTMHC, Book 9.
Training
Chu Ching-hsilan (ca. 840)
HAN KAN (8TH CENTURY). In the T'ien-pao era (742-755), Hsiian-
tsung summoned him to serve at Court. The ruler ordered him to
take Ch'en Hung [a slightly older contemporary] as his master in
painting horses; then, being surprised to find [Han's work] dissimilar,
[the Emperor] had him questioned. His explanation was: "I already
have a master; the horses in the imperial stables are all my masters."
The Emperor thought him unusual.
TCMHL, "Inspired Class, Bottom Grade."
When Chou Fang (ca. 730-ca. 800) picked up his brush to begin
painting, the people of the capital came struggling for a view at the
temple, knocking against its garden gates. The wise and the ignorant
alike came-some speaking of the painting's subtleties, others point-
ing out its flaws. He made revisions in accordance with their ideas.
After a month or so, all talk of either merit or defects had ceased,
and there was none but praised his refinement and subtlety. He be-
came the foremost painter of the time.
TCMHL, "Inspired Class, Middle Grade."
60 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
LTMHC, Book 8.
Brushwork
Chang Yen-yuan (ca. 847)
Someone asked how I would describe the brushwork of Ku, Lu, Chang,
and Wu. I replied: "The [brush] strokes of Ku K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca.
406] are strong in firmness and uninterrupted in continuity, circling
back upon themselves in abrupt rushes. His tone and style are un-
trammeled and varied; his atmosphere and flavor sudden as lightning.
His conception was formulated before his brush [was used], so that
when the painting was finished the conception was present. Thus he
completed its spiritual breath (shen-ch'i).
Formerly Chang Chih [active mid-2nd century A.D.] studied the
cursive script methods of Ts'ui Yuan [77-142] and TuTu [also of
the Later Han Dynasty]. Relying on them and altering them, he formed
the stylistic appearance of modern cursive script. He completed [a
sequence of characters] in one stroke with a vein of nervous energy
running continuously through it, and without breaks to divide col-
umns. Only Wang Hsien-chih [344-388] understood these profound
objectives, hence the character at the top of a line is occasionally
connected with the preceding column. This is popularly known as
"one-stroke calligraphy."
Tang Criticism and Art History 61
4. The essay as it exists today, though attributed to a famous Later Han Dynasty
calligrapher the Lady Wei (d. 140), is generally considered to be a sixth-century com·
position based on the ideas of Wang Hsi-chih (309-ca. 365). See Richard M. Barnhart,
"Wei Fu-jen's Pi-chen T'u and the Early Texts on Calligraphy," Archives of the Chinese
Art Society of America, 18 (1964), 13-25.
62 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
kept watch over his spirit, concentrating upon his own unity. Being
in harmony with the work of Creation itself, [his spirit) could borrow
Master Wu's brush. This is what was earlier described as 'formulating
the conception before the brush is used, so that when the painting is
fmished the conception is present' ... Now, if one makes use of mark-
ing line and ruler, the result will be dead paiming. But if one guards
the spirit and concentrates upon unity, there will be real painting. Is
not plain plaster better than dead paimings? Yet even one stroke of
a real painting will show its breath of life (sheng-ch'i). Now, the more
one revolves thought and wields the brush while consciously thinking
of oneself as paiming, the less success one will have when painting.
If one revolves thought and wields the brush without ideas fixed on
[the act of] painting, one will have success. [Painting] is not stopped
in the hand, nor frozen in the mind, but becomes what it is without
conscious realization. Though one may bend bows, straighten blades,
make vertical pillars, and horizontal beams, why should marking lines
and rulers enter into this?"
Again I was asked: "Now, if the brushwork of one who thinks
meticulously and profoundly is exact and detailed, what can one say
about those whose brushwork is sometimes incomplete?" I replied:
"The divine quality of Ku and Lu is that one cannot see the ends [of
their strokes], which is what you call exact and detailed brushwork.
The subtle virtue of Chang and Wu is that with just one or two strokes
the image is already reflected. They broke up and left spaces between
dots and strokes, and sometimes one sees their omissions, but this is
what may be described as complete conception though incomplete
brushwork. Only when you understand that there are two styles of
painting, the sparse and the dense, can you join in discussion about
painting."
LTMHC, Book 2, "On the Brushwork of Ku, Lu, Chang, and Wu."
CKHLLP, p. 35-37.
Now, fashioned and distilled by [the interaction of] yin and yang, the
myriad phenomena were strewn and spread [through the universe].
Mysteriously evolving without speech, [Nature's] divine work operates
by itself. Grasses and trees spread forth their glory without depending
upon cinnabar and azurite; clouds and snow whirl and float aloft, and
are white with no need for ceruse. Mountains are green without need-
ing malachite, and the phoenix is iridescent without the aid of the
five colors. For this reason one may be said to have fulfilled one's aim
when the five colors are all present in the management of ink [alone].
T'ang Criticism and Art History 63
If one's mind dwells on the five colors, then the images of things will
go wrong.
In painting things one should especially avoid a meticulous com-
pleteness in formal appearance and coloring, and extreme carefulness
and detail that display skill and finish. Therefore, one should not
deplore incompleteness, but rather deplore completeness. Once one
knows [a thing's] completeness, where is the need for completing it
[in painting]? This is not incompleteness. Should one not recognize
[a thing's] completeness, that is true incompleteness ...
There was a clever painter who said of himself that he could paint
cloud vapors. I said to him: "The ancients never reached this final
subtlety in their painting of douds. If one moistens silk, dotting and
filling in here and there with a light powder blown from the mouth,
this is known as blown clouds. Such [a technique] is in accord with
the principles of Heaven, but, though it may be called a subtle solution,
one cannot see the brush strokes in it, therefore it cannot be called
painting. It is comparable to the splashed ink [technique] oflandscape
painters, which also cannot be called painting as it is not suitable for
copying."
LTMHC, Book 2, "On Painting Materials, Tracing and Copying."
CKHLLP, p. 37 (in part).
WEI YEN (8TH CENTURY). The smallest [of his horses] might have
its head made by a single dot, or its tail by a single sweep (of the
brush]. For mountains he would lay down ink [washes]; for water he
would rub with his hands. He completely exhausted the subtleties [of
such techniques], accordingly [his work] is true to life.
TCMHL, "Excellent Class, Top Grade."
Landscape
to use a purple bristled [brush] with a blunt tip, and rubbed color on
with his palms. Ingenious ornamentation remains within [such brush-
work] while on the surface it appears haphazardly formed.
LTMHC, Book 1, "On Mountains and Waters, Trees and Rocks." CKHLLP,
p. 603.
[Chu Shen's landscapes] are deep and profound and firmly delimited,
dangerously dark and grandly unconstrained. His torrential rapids
[seem to] splash upon one, and his level plains extend to the limits of
vision. He was quite famous in the Chien-chung era [780-783].
LTMHC, Book 10.
WANG TsAI (LATE 8th-EARLY 9TH CENTURY). His home was in west-
ern Shu [Szechwan]. During the Chen-yuan era [785-804], the Gov-
ernor Wei Kao received him as an honored guest. In his painting of
landscapes, trees, and rocks, he went beyond appearances. Therefore,
the Assistant Department Director Tu Fu gave him a poem which
said,
Ten days to paint a rock,
Five days to paint a stone,
An expert is not to be hurried along;
Only so will Wang Tsai leave a true work.
I once saw, in the audience chamber of the late Grand Secretary
Hsi K'uei, a picture screen of two trees by a river, one a pine and the
other a cedar. An old wisteria vine twisted around them, winding up
towards the sky and reaching down to the water. Innumerable branches
and leaves were criss-crossed, curved and bent, yet distributed without
confusion. Some were withered and others blooming; some growing
rank and others drooping; some straight and others inclined. Leaves
were piled in a thousand layers, and branches spread forth in all
directions. Men of understanding would prize [this work], but vulgar
eyes find it difficult to comprehend.
Again, I saw at the Temple of Renewed Virtue (Hsing-shan Ssu) a
screen painted with the four seasons. It was as if he had transferred
creation itself, its climate and weather, the eight periods and the four
seasons, all into one sitting room. It was the very ultimate in subtlety.
Hence, for both his landscapes and his pines and rocks, he may be
placed in the Excellent Class, Top Grade.
TCMHL, "Excellent Class, Top Grade."
70 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
[Wang Tsai] mostly painted the mountains of Shu, with a fine tracery
of sunken valleys and the steep irregularities of ingenious peaks.
LTMHC, Book 10.
[Yang Yen] was good at landscapes, which were lofty and unusual,
elegant and rich ... I have seen a landscape painting by him in which,
I think, one could see what he was like, imposingly grand yet freely
vigorous.
LTMHC, Book 10.
A certain person said to me: "In the past Chang Huai-kuan [active
early 8th century J wrote his Shu ku (Calligraphy Valuation) in which
he discusses different grades with the utmost detail. Why do you not
arrange famous paintings since ancient times in such order as to make
a Hua ku (Painting Valuation)?" I, Chang-tzu, replied: "Calligraphy
and painting are different Tao which should not be studied without
discrimination." For calligraphy, one has but to estimate the [number
of] characters in order to settle upon its value, but for painting there
are no limits by which to determine the merit. Not only that, but the
famous works of the Han Dynasty and Three Kingdoms period have
long since vanished from the world. People of today value what they
hear while underestimating what they see and are seldom capable of
thorough connoisseurship. When the provenance is not in doubt and
the object itself is still in existence, then [any] such painting will become
an important treasure of a ruler or a great family ...
Now, when an artist of the middle grade has a period of perfect
equilibrium in his work, he can rise to the level of an artist in the top
grade. When an artist of the top grade meets with an unsatisfactory
day, he may suddenly fall to the middle grade. Only those of the
bottom grade, even when in perfect equilibrium, cannot approach
the top grade. As for men of wide understanding and experience,
the beauty or ugliness [of each of their works] must be judged afresh
at the moment of seeing it ...
f\ow, there are differences in the use of the brush for large paint-
ings and finely executed paintings. Those who reach the ultimate in
their subtleties will have a number of styles. For example, in the
calligraphy of Wang Hsi-chih [309-ca. 365], there are naturally a
number of styles. Each of the forms of his cursive script merely de-
pended upon the shallowness or depth of his own invention at the
Tang Criticism and Art History 73
all day?" At which I sigh and say: "If one does not do such useless
things, then how can one take pleasure in this mortal life?" Thus my
passion grows ever deeper, approaching an irresistible craving.
Each clear dawn in quiet surroundings, with bamboos before the
window and pines above the eaves, I find greater luxury of no con-
sequence and deliberate austerity wearisome. As for the bonds beyond
the body, I have no superfluous objects about me. Only in calligraphy
and painting have I not yet forgotten emotion. Intoxicated by them
I forget all speech; enraptured I gaze at and examine them. It is my
constant regret that I have never been able to examine personally the
famous works of the Imperial Repository and so derive instruction
from the wide variety of calligraphy and painting in it. Also, lovers
of these arts are reluctant to lend works. Worse still, they have few
genuine examples. In calligraphy I have not been able to learn good
brush methods and cannot compose characters [properly]. That I have
thus allowed my family's fame to fall is my lifelong sorrow. In painting,
too, my work does not come up to my idea, but then I do it to amuse
myself alone. Does this not seem wiser, after all, than all that burning
ambition and ceaseless toil when fame and profit war within one's
breast?
LTMHC, Book 2, "On Connoisseurship, Preservation, Collecting, and
Appreciation." CKHLLP, pp. 1225-26.
Classification
P'ei Hsiao-yiian (active 627-650)
There are still a good many ancient paintings in Lo-yang, but I have
not had opportunity to examine them. Now I collect remains from
the past which I have seen, selected for their techniques combined
with their cunning conception. Only the brothers Yen Li-te and Li-
pen [d. 656 and 673 respectively], Yang Ch'i-tan [later 6th century]
and Lu Tan-wei [later 5th century], went far beyond the usual stand-
ard. Yuan Ch'ien and Chih [later 5th century], Chang Seng-yu and
Shan-kuo [early 6th century], these pairs of fathers and sons, may
then be placed next. Yen Li-pen originally studied the style of Chang
Seng-yu, but can be said to have surpassed his master. In figures with
all their official apparel, chariots and horses, pavilions and great halls,
he captured the subtleties of both the north and south. Yang Ch'i-
tan and the two Changs also show that their generations did not lack
worthy ones. As for Yen Li-pen and Li-te, it can truly be said that it
would be difficult to place one higher than the other. Students such
as Ch'en Shan-chien [the late 6th-century follower of Cheng Fa-shih]
and Wang Chih-shen [a 7th-century follower of Yen Li-pen] could
capture only one out of myriad qualities in their masters. Though
they certainly were not equal to their masters in nobility of spirit, still
they labored after formal likeness. Works collected by people of today
are mostly copies or tracings by Ch'en and Wang and not the true
brush remains of Yang Ch'i-tan or Cheng Fa-shih. Whenever one
wishes to appreciate genuine works, it is eminently suitable to make
such fine distinctions.
or grading quality. The result is that later students find him useless
as a reference. I, in my humble way, love the art and search for its
monuments. Things I have not seen I shall not record, but I shall
write on everything I have seen. My investigations have been made
whole-heartedly and without any fear of being seen as clumsy by
others.
For my classification, I have used the three categories, "inspired
(shen)," "excellent (rniao)," and "capable (neng)," established by Chang
Huai-kuan [active early 8th century] in his Hua-p'in tuan (Decisions
on the Classification of Painters). A further triple division into top,
middle, and bottom has been provided for each category. Outside of
this system, for those not bound by any orthodox rules, there is an
"untrammeled (i)" category, to show their relative excellence.
Now, painters give priority to the human figure, ranking birds and
beasts next, then landscapes, and finally architectural subjects. Why
is this? In the past Lu Tan-wei [later 5th century] placed buildings
first. This was entirely because human figures, birds, and beasts are
active beings of mobile disposition with an infinite range of variations
in appearance. It is difficult, therefore, to concentrate their spirits
and fix their images. 6 Thus Lu Tan-wei reached the full height of
perfection in painting human figures, but when it came to landscapes,
plants, and trees, he gave them no more than a summary treat-
ment ... Painters of the recent period were well pleased if they could
establish a reputation by showing skill in one kind of thing alone. The
one exception was Wu Tao-tzu [8th century] with his heaven-sent
talent. As a unique figure in his age, he was able to match works with
Ku K'ai-chih and Lu Tan-wei. After him came Chou Fang [ca. 730-
ca. 800]. The other practitioners, 124 men, have been classified di-
rectly according to their abilities as painters, without regard for rank
or mental capacities, though such factors have been briefly touched
on during the classifying process. Connoisseurs of the future may
judge that my principles are not false ones.
TCMHL, preface. CKHLLP, p. 23.
plished. I have also delved deeply into the histories in order to broaden
my knowledge.
Sometimes ... contemporary classificatory works on those with ability
in painting make no mention [of certain men]. When one goes into
the matter in detail for both past and present, {one finds that] much
has been neglected or forgotten. This was, no doubt, because works
{by such men] were not yet to be seen in the world at large, or again
simply because the men who wrote these works made no extensive
searches ...
During the 230 years since the founding of the Sacred Tang Dy-
nasty, artists of rare ability have been contemporaries, learning from
each other through audial and visual contacts. In the K'ai-yiian and
Tien-pao eras [713-755], such men were especially numerous. Why
must there be perfection in all the Six Elements [or Laws]? I have
simply taken those painters who excelled in even one branch of the
art.
Here are more than 370 men, from Shih Huang [of prehistoric
mythology] down to the first year of the Great Tang's Hui-ch'ang
reign [841]. There are no discrepancies in the order of compilation,
and the critical evaluation is now practically settled. More than this,
I have searched far and wide and brought together all sorts of ma-
terial. All that has been mirrored in my mind or eye I have spoken
of without reserve.
From early times on, writers on painting have considered the works
of Ku K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca. 406] to be incomparable by nature, so
that critics do not dare to determine whether he should be ranked
first or second. I have seen Master Ku's critical discussion of Three
Kingdoms' Wei and Chin Dynasty painters, in which he himself highly
commends Wei Hsieh [mid-3rd-4th century] and so I conclude that
Wei was not inferior to Ku ... The approval of famous sages was
surely not lightly given. Flow can the shallow and vulgar of later times
examine such matters? In going over the criticism by Hsieh Ho [in
the (Ku)hua-p'in(-lu) of the early 6th century], I find myself mostly in
agreement; whereas I am not altogether satisfied with some of the
verdicts of Yao Tsui [535-602, in the Hsu hua-p'in] or Li Ssu-chen [d.
696, probably in the Hua hou-p'in]. When Li reversed the judgment
of Hsieh in saying that Wei ought not to be placed above Ku, it was
78 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
entirely because he was unable to recognize what was basic and orig-
inal.' One may indeed feel sorrow at this ...
Those who can be said to excel have ability in all categories they
encounter. Yet all the vulgar will commend those who excel in only
one specialty.
LTMHC, Book 2, "Discussing the Schools and Their Transmission in
the Period of the North and South."
Criticism
Different Tang Critics on Important Early Masters:
Comments by Li Ssu-chen, Chang Huai-kuan, and Chang
Yen-yuan
Although works by Wei Hsieh [active late 3rd-early 4th century] have
spirit vitality (shen-ch'i), if one examines their bone articulation (ku-
chieh), they are overly elaborate and complicated ... The natural tal-
ents of Ku K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca. 406] were outstanding; he was unique
and without equal. How could Hsieh Ho have dared to place Hsiin
Hsii [ca. 218-ca. 289] and Wei above Ku?
Ts'ao Pu-hsing [3rd century) was also placed above Ku. Hsieh's
criticism is most unsuitable. Master Ku's thought imitated creation
itself, capturing subtle things through harmony with spirit. This was
7. See the section on "Criticism" below for a fuller account of these critical diver-
gencies.
T'ang Criticism and Artllistory 79
Master Ku's expression of thought was refined and delicate; his in-
nermost spirit unfathomable. Although he recorded traces of these
with brush and ink, his spirit vitality (slten-ch'i) floated on high in the
cloudy empyrean and could not be sought in his paintings. In beauty
of figural images, Chang captured the flesh, Lu the bones, and Ku
8. This paragraph hus been recon.-.Lituted from st:attered references cited by Chang
Yen-ylian, but see also Acker, I, 6--l 9, as well as chapter l, above, at "Definition,
Animation, and Expression." Li Ssu-chcn was, apparently, more in agreemem with
Yao Tsui's assessment of the standing of Ku; sec Acker, I, 36.
80 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
I was initially doubtful and ill at ease about placing Wei Hsieh's grade
above Master Ku's, but then I read Ku's collected writings in which
there is a Lun hua (Essay on Painting). In this, Ku himself praised
Wei's paintings North Wind and Illustrious Women, feeling himself un-
able to equal them. Thus, there is no impediment to placing Ku below
Wei. Whether Hsiin Hsii should also stand above Ku, I cannot pretend
to know. 9
Chang Yen-yuan (ca. 847), LTMHC, Book 5 in the entry for Wei Hsieh.
9. See also "Classification," above, for Chang's attitude toward earlier critics in the
LTMHC, Book 2, "Discussing the Schools and Their Transmission in the Period of the
North and South." He also stated his agreement with Chang Huai-kuan's assessments
of Ln T'an-wei and Chang Seng-yu, thus, differing from Yao Tsui's view of the latter.
T'ang Criticism and Art History 81
Yen-ts'ung (ca. 650), cited in the IIMHC, Book 8. Cf. CKHLLP, p. 381.
T'ien Seng-liang was subtle in all the skills, and not solely in rural
scenes. He is inferior to Yang Tzu-hua and Sun Shang-tzu, but of the
same level as Tung Po-jen and Chan Tzu-ch'ien.
Sun Shang-tzu's saddle horses, trees, and rocks, were not equaled
10. The omitted passage may be found in the section on "Brushwork: Comments
on Brush Technique" above.
Tang Criticism and Art History 83
I feel that T'ien Seng-liang's ideas in painting were like those of Chan
Tzu-ch'ien, but he did not equal Chan in refinement and detail.
I consider the Grand Official Li Ssu-chen's criticism of Cheng Fa-
shih as being below Yang Tzu-hua inappropriate. It would be fitting
for Cheng to stand above Yang.
Chang Yen-yuan (ca. 847), LTMHC, Book 8.
II. Chu Ching-hsiian, TCMHL, has Yen Li-pen and Li-te as the first two in his
"Inspired Class, Bottom Grade," with only two later painters preceding them-Wu
Tao-tzu (8th century) in the Top Grade and Chou Fang (ca. 730--<:a. 800) in the Middle
Grade.
12. Ibid., has him in the Inspired Class, Bottom Grade just below Yen Li-pen and
Li-te: "Former generations spoke of Wei-ch'ih 1-seng as comparable with Yen Li-pen.
I have felt that in painting foreign peoples, Yen never exhausted their subtleties, and
have never heard that Wei-ch'ih even attempted Chinese likenesses. Therefore, to judge
them [one should say that] each worked at a different kind of painting."
13. Ibid.; he is listed in the Competent Class, Top Grade.
Tang Criticism and Art History 85
YEN LI-PEN (D. 673). A dynastic history says that T'ai-tsung and
his attendant courtiers were once wandering about the park in spring.
On the pond were some rare birds swimming at leisure along with
the current. The Emperor admired them ceaselessly, ordering the
attendant officials to compose odes and summoning Li-pen in haste
to describe their appearance. Those in the council chambers trans-
mitted the call for "the painting master Yen Li-pen." At this time, Li-
pen was already a Senior Secretary in the Bureau of Nobles' Titles
T'ang Criticism and Art History 87
[under the Board of Civil Office]. He rushed out, dripping with per-
spiration, to prostrate himself beside the pond. His hands flourished
cinnabar and silk; his eyes were respectfully raised to the seated guests.
He could not repress a mortified blush. Upon retiring [from the
imperial presence] he cautioned his son, saying: "When I was young,
I loved to read books and write literary compositions. Now, I am only
recognized for painting and have to do menial tasks personally. What
could be a greater disgrace? It is proper that l caution you seriously
against practicing this art"" ...
When Yen Li-pen became President of the Imperial Grand Sec-
retariat, Chiang K'o [d. 672] was President of the Imperial Chancel-
lery; together they managed the affairs of state. K'o had formerly
achieved merit [as a soldier] on the border, while Li-pen was only
good at painting, and so contemporaries referred to them with words
from the Ch'ien-tzu-wen (Classic of a Thousand Characters)-"The
Chief Minister extended sovereignty over deserts. The Vice Minister
pursued fame in painting." These words meant that neither had min-
isterial capacities ...
I will now comment as follows: Historians of the past have praised
Emperor Ming of the Wei [reigned 227-239] for erecting the Pavilion
of Ascending Clouds (Ling-yiin Ko) and appointing Wei Tan [178-
253] to inscribe its placard. Ho';,.'ever, the workmen made a mistake
in nailing the placard up first. They had to raise Tan, who was dan-
gling in a basket, some 250 feet above the ground. When he de-
scended, his beard and hair were all white, and only then could he
release what breath remained to him. Then, he warned his sons and
grandsons against continuing with [their study of] the methods of
formal script. Hsieh An [320-385] once discussed this affair with
Wang Hsien-chih [344-388] who responded quite seriously: "Wei Tan
was one of the great officials of the \Vei. How could there have been
such an affair? If it happened as you related, we may understand why
the power of the Wei did not last long." I feel that Hsien-chih's re-
marks are very perceptive. Although the President of the Imperial
Grand Secretariat Yen included painting among his skills, at that time
he had already occupied various high offices. Moreover, T'ai-tsung
was affable and close to his attendants, having the kindness to en-
l4. Chu Ching-hsiian, TCMHL, has the painter ftrst in the "Inspired Class, Bottom
Grade," and a briefer account of this incident with a slightly different implication. Both
the Chiu and Hsin Tang shu (Old and 1\'ew Tang Dynastic Histories) relate the anecdote
in terms close to Chang Yen-yiian's, hut they were, of course, not yet written in his
time.
88 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
I. The l Ching, tr. Richard Wilhelm (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1~)71)},
pp. 324, 336.
2. See Wang Yen·shou's prose poem in chapter I at "Didactic Subject Mauer"; alsu
Chang Yeu-yuau, LTMIIC, Book I, "On the Origins of Painting," in chapter 2 at
"Origins."
3. Evidently quoted from the Hsm T'ang shu, Book 100; see Alexander Soper, Kuo
]a-hsil's F:xperimces m Pamting (Washington, D.C.: ACLS, 1951), p. 118 n.R4.
94 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Critical Standards
Kuo Jo-hsu (ca. 1080)
It is sometimes asked how the best art of the present dynasty compares
with that of the ancients. My answer is that, in relation to the past,
[the art of] modern times has fallen behind in many respects but
made progress in others. If one is speaking of Buddhist and Taoist
subjects, secular figures, gentlewomen, or cattle and horses, then the
modern [paintings] do not come up to the ancient. If one is speaking
of landscapes, woods and rocks, flowers and bamboo, or birds and
fishes, then the ancient [paintings] do not come up to the modern.
Let me try to explain myself. Ku K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca. 406], Lu
Tan-wei [5th century], Chang Seng-yu [6th century], Wu Tao-tzu
[8th century), as well as the two Yen, Li-pen [d. 673] and Li-te [d.
656], were all single-minded, grave, courtly, and correct; their natures
proceeded from heaven itself ... Master Wu's work has become a
standard for all time; he has been called "the Sage of Painting," and
how truly! All the above reached their heights in Buddhist and Taoist
subjects and secular figures.
Chang, Chou, Han, and Tai [all 8th century) all exceeded normal
expectations in spirit consonance and structural method. These were
all Tang men. Chang Hsiian and Chou Fang of the Tang were both
skilled in [portraying] gentlewomen; Han Kan painted horses and Tai
Sung was good at cattle ...
The later men who studied [these masters] were never able to equal
them; hence one can say that the modern do not come up to the
ancient.
When it is a question of works like those of Li Ch'eng, Kuan Tung,
and Fan K'uan, or like those of Hsii Hsi and the two Huang, Ch'iian
and Chii-ts'ai [all I Oth-early 11th century], they had no indebtedness
to a teacher in the past and were not to be equaled in the future.
Even should men like the two Li and the three Wang rise up again,
or types like Pien Luan and Ch'en Shu he reborn, how could they
hope to compete in this company? Hence one can say that the ancient
[painters] do not come up to the modern. The "two Li" were General
Sung Art History 95
4. For this statement (in a different translation), see Chang Yen-yuan, LTMHC,
Book 2, "On the Brushwork of Ku, Lu, Chang, and Wu" in chapter 2 at "Brushwork."
96 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
5. Quoted from Chuang·tzu, Book 12; see James Legge, tr., The Sacred Books of China:
The Texts of Taoism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1891), I, 311.
6. Yang Chu (4th century B.c.), whose egotistical philosophy was attacked in Mencius
(see James Legge, tr., The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press,
1960), II, 281-282, 464), also appears in Taoist works as a would-be student of Lao-
tzu. For this story and that of the wheelwright, in Chuang-tw, Books 13 and 27, see
Legge, Sacred Books of China: Texts ofTaoisrn, pt. I, pp. 343-344; pt. II, pp. 147-148.
7. This statement is from the Fa-yen (Canonical Sayings, ca. A.D. 5), Book 5.
Sung Art History 97
Brushwork
Kuo Jo-hsii (ca. 1080)
Generally in painting, as spirit consonance originates from pleasing
the mind, so spiritual character (shen-ts'ai) is produced by applying
the brush. The problems of using the brush [properly] may be readily
appreciated. Hence Chang Yen-yuan could only commend Wang Hsien-
chih's ability to do single-stroke calligraphy and Lu Tan-wei's grasp
of single-stroke painting. It was not merely that the writing on a page
or the depiction of an object might be exewted with a single stroke,
but rather that from beginning to end the brush was responsive, that
connecting links were interdependent and the flow of energy unin-
terrupted. Thus, "if the concept is formulated before the brushwork,"
when brushwork is complete the concept will be within, then "when
the painting is finished, the concept will be present," its images will
correspond and its spirit be whole. 8 Only when what is within is sat-
isfied in itself will the spirit be tranquil and the concept settled. When
the spirit is tranquil and the concept settled, the imagination will not
flag, nor the brush labm ...
There are, moreover, three faults in painting that are bound up
with the use of the brush. The three are thus desuibed: the first is
"board-like," the second, "engraved," and the third, "knotted." In
"board-like" [brushwork], the wrist is weak and the brush sluggish,
completely lacking in give and take. The forms of objects are flat and
mean, and there is no ability to turn and bend. If "engraved," the
movement of the brush is uncertain, and mind and hand are at odds.
In delineating an outline, one will produce sharp angles at random.
If ''knotted," one wishes to ahead but does not or fails to break
off when one should. It seems as if things are congested or obstructed,
unable to flow freely.
Not yet having exhausted these three faults, I merely lift one corner
[for those who understand]. Few painters are able to pay attention to
them, hence viewers should take pains to darify their eyesight. In
general, if spirit consonance is lofty and brush delineation vigorous,
the longer one examines it, the more beautiful it is. But should the
style be mediocre and the brush-point weak, although [a work] may
seem worthy of selection at first sight, on returning to it after some
time its concept wilt seem lax.
THCWC, Book 1, "On Virtues and Faults in the Use of £he Brush."
CKHLLP, p. 60 (in part).
8. Phrases and wording echo Chang Yen-yuan, LTMHC, Book 2. "On Brushwork
of Ku, Lu, Chang, and Wu," in chapter 2, at .. Brushwork."
98 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
9. Note that this translation is derived from the SKCS text: see Bibliography B. On
the other hand, the definition of the Six Merits in the following passage only occurs
in the more generally known WSSHY version.
Sung Art History 99
Shen Kua(l031-1095)
Of those who collect calligraphy and painting, the majority rely on
names alone. If there is a work reputed to be from the brush of [such
calligraphers as] Chung Yu [151-230] and Wang Hsi-chih [309-ca.
365], or [such painters as] Ku K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca. 406] and Lu Tan-
wei [5th century], those who see it compete to acquire it. This is known
100 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
10. This subtropical plant, frequently depicted in garden settings, was of course
not native to Lo-yang, in Honan province. An anonymous painting of the paragon
Yuan An (d. A.D. 92), who preferred to starve rather than beg, Lying in Bed After the
Snowfall, was displayed in Nanking in Sung times: see Soper, Kuo Jo-hsii's Expniences
in Painting, p. 92. Chang Yen-yuan's remark about Wang Wei is not found in the
LTMHC.
II. Here Shen Kua first cites Hsieh Ho's comment on Wei Hsieh in a shortened
form of the LTMHC version, and then the well-known lines from an Ou-yang Hsiu
poem: c.f. chapter I at "Definition"; chapter 5 at "Poetry and Painting."
Sung Art History 101
fonns are complete, and attain naturalness (tzu-jan). None can take it
as a model for it goes beyond expectations. Hence we designate it "the
Untrammeled Class."
In general, the art of painting is "to depict forms in correspondence
to objects." 12 But when inspiration soars on high, thought is joined with
spirit. Then creative insights establish form, and [the paintings'] subtle-
ties echo natural transformations. Is this not what was said about their
disappearance on the opening of a cabinet, or their flying away after
picking themselves off a wall? 13 Hence we designate it "the Inspired
Class."
Painting is done by men, and each man has his own nature. Brush-
work may be refined and ink may be subtle without one's knowing
how this came about. It is like [the expert butcher's] handling of a
blade to cut up an ox, or like [the skillful artisan's] whirling an ax to
clean [plaster] off a nose. 14 From conception to execution, one com-
pletely exhausts all mysterious subtleties. Hence we designate it "the
Excellent Class."
There are paintings whose characteristics encompass the entirety of
animals and plants, and whose artistry vies with the achievements of
heaven. As for [their] connected peaks and flowing streams, diving fish
and soaring birds, their formal resemblances have lifelike movement.
Hence we designate it "the Competent Class."
ICMHL, "Introduction to the Classification." CKHILP, pp. 405-406.
Sun Wei [late 9th century] ... was careless and wild by temperament
and his feelings were exceptional. Although he liked to drink wine,
he was never a heavy drinker. He frequently consorted with Buddhist
monks and Taoist priests. When men of power and position requested
works, if there was the slightest discourtesy in their manner, it would
be hard to get him to execute a single stroke even though they offered
him much gold. Only art lovers would occasionally obtain his paint-
ings ...
In both these temples [ofYing-t'ien Ssu and Chao-chiieh Ssu, where
around 886 Sun painted sets of Buddhist and Taoist murals], the
Heavenly King [of the East], the crowd of retainers, men, and demons
12. The third of Hsieh Ho's Six Laws; see chapter 1 at "Criteria for Appreciation
and Criticism."
13. For stories related to Ku K'ai-chih and Chang Seng-yu, see the LTMllC, Books
5 and 7. Acker, II, pt. l, pp. 43 and 174.
14. For these Taoist stories of ultimate skill in Chuang-tzu, Books 3 and 24, see
Legge, Sacred Texts of China: Texts of Taoism, pt. I, pp. 198-200; pt. II, pp. 100-102.
102 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
were all diversified. With spears and lances, drums and pipes, they
[seemed to] feint and thrust here and there, and an intermingling of
tapping and striking was almost audible. Things like falcons and dogs
were all completed with three to five strokes; yet for objects like bow-
strings and axe-handles, he could equally well take up the brush and
sketch them as accurately as if following a marking line. [The paint-
ings] had dragons clutching at dashing waters in a variety of attitudes
and with the appearance of moving in flight. In his pines and rocks
and bamboos in inks, the brushwork was refined and the ink-tones
subtle; none could record or transmit the heroic vigor of their bearing.
Unless Heaven grants such abilities-elevated feelings and an un-
trammeled quality-who will be able to equal him in these respects?
/CMHL, "Untrammeled Class."
16. Ssu-ma Ch'ien (145-<:a. 74 B.C.) wrote Shih-chi (Historical Records). Yang Hsiung
(53 B.C.-A.D. 18) was the author of Fa-yen (Canonical Sayings).
104 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Men are endowed with the luxuriance of the Five Elements and
are the quintessence of the myriad things. If noble, they are princes
and dukes; if base, they are commoners. The forms of their caps and
crowns, vehicles and garments, [or their surroundings of] mountains
and forests, hills and valleys, should be selected accordingly. There-
fore, figure painting is placed next.
In the time of high antiquity, [people] constructed holes or made
nests, and used them as dwellings. The sages of later eras established
the system of roof-beams above and eaves below as a provision against
wind and rain. Thus, in the variety of palaces and mansions, terraces
and pavilions, or in the crowds of common huts and village houses,
along with their relative skillfulness or extravagance, one can generally
see the customs of the time. Therefore, architectural subjects are next.
When the Son of Heaven possesses the Tao, [the empire] is pro-
tected from the four barbarians. Sometimes the passes are closed and
hostages declined; at other times tribute of precious objects is brought,
and all are on good terms. With [knowledge of] the Book of Songs,
their music can be used; coming with gifts and with princes they are
not despised as men. Therefore, we place barbarian tribes next.
Ascending and descending at will, they are never restrained. With
transformations that none can fathom, they forget each other in rivers
and lakes. Closely followed by clouds and mist, they find pleasure in
moats and dams. Dragons and fishes are thus next.
With the Five Peaks acting as guardians and the Four Rivers issuing
from their wellsprings, clouds gather densely and rain falls in torrents.
In raging billows and startling cascades, ten thousand miles are in the
space of a foot. With the gathering and expanding of clouds and mist,
the brightening and darkening of dawn and dusk, it is as if the heavens
were created and earth established. Therefore, landscape is next.
The ox carries heavy burdens traveling far, and the horse roams
the earth without limits. And as for the brilliant tiger and the elegant
leopard, or the sturdy dog and the crafty hare, although they have
been described in books, they may still be used. Thus, domestic and
wild animals are next.
As for the flowers and fruits of plants and trees or the flying and
singing of birds, the issuing forth of plants and animals has perfected
principles that are unspoken and run the course of the four seasons
without words. The poets [of the Book of Songs] have chosen from
them and created metaphors, allusions, and satires. Therefore, flow-
ers and birds are next.
It supports the snow, chilled by frost, as though that were its unique
Sung Art History 105
store only on pretty faces to captivate the eyes of the crowd. They do
not penetrate to the principles and meanings of painting. The ob-
server should bear this in mind ...
The theory is sometimes propounded that it is not proper to collect
Buddhist or Taoist icons, since it is difficult to unroll and enjoy them
from time to time for fear of their being treated irreverently or be-
coming polluted. My own opinion is the reverse. It is a general rule
that when scholars and gentlemen meet for the pleasure of seeing
and discussing calligraphy or paintings, the place must be quiet and
dean, and where there is only appreciation for skill and respect for
the images preserved from the past, how could any irreverence of
mind exist?
Further, the Buddhist or Taoist votive offerings executed by the
men of old required concentration of mind and strong determination
to wholly exhaust the wonderful ... [Of these painters] there was no
one who did not achieve merit through the Buddha or the Tao.
Without the grandeur and majesty of Indra and Brahma or the il-
lustrious transformations of the true Immortals, how would they have
had any way of displaying the boundlessness of their mastery or of
fulfilling the refinement and depth of their will to study?
It can thus be known that the opinion that it is improper to collect
[icons] is of no importance.
THCWC, Book I, "On the Styles and Methods of Ts'ao and Wu," "On
Master Wu's Use of Colors," "On Female Forms and Faces," and "On
Collecting Icons." CKHU.P, pp. 60-61, 451 (in part).
19. See also Chu Ching-hsuan, TCMHL; see chapter 2 at "Definition, Animation,
and Expression."
108 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
20. This well-known quotation is from the Lun-yu (Analects); see Legge, Chinese
Classics, I. 196.
2 L For these stories in Chuang-tzu, Books 13 and 19, see Legge, Sacred Books of
China: Texts of Taoi1m, pt. I, pp. 343-344; pt. II, pp. 22-23.
Sung Art llistory 109
ferent from those of the Chinese. The eyes are somewhat larger, and
the mouths and ears altogether strange. A cord [of the Brahmins]
runs over their right shoulders; they sit or stand [half-]naked. First,
the five mystic syllables are written on the back of the painting and
then the five colors [green, yellow, red, white, and blackl are daubed
on the front surface. Either gold or vermilion is used for the ground.
They say that ox-skin glue is offensive; therefore, they use a mixture
of peach resin and water in which willow branches have been soaked,
which is very strong and penetrating.
HC, Book iO, "Concerning the Recent Past." CKHLLP, p. 82.
Figure Painting
Kuo Jo-hsii (ca. 1080)
In general it is unquestionable that a painting's forcefulness and spirit
consonance involve suitability of characterization. The requirements
for each category cannot be left unstudied.
Those who paint secular figures must distinguish between the look
of rich and poor and the robes and headgear of the different dynas-
ties. In the case of Buddhist monks, the faces fshould tell of] good
works and practical expedients [to gain salvationj. In the case of Taoist
figures, the cultivation of purity and other-worldliness is the standard
that must be satisfied. In the case of monarchs. it is proper to honor
their appearance of supreme sanctity, like the very orb of heaven. In
the case of outer barbarians, one must catch their mood uf devotion
to the Chinese empire in respectful obedience. In the case of Con-
fucian worthies, one makes visible their reputation for loyalty and
faithfulness, correct condurt and sense of right. Warriors assuredly
will often have a look of fierce bravery and gallant impetuousness.
Recluses are instantly to be recognized by the signs of their retired
lives and elevation above the world. Persons of high birth will ob-
viously be admired for the brilliant gaiety and lavisJ1 extravagance of
their appearance. With [guardian kings like] Indra, one should display
a terrifying and auspicious, sternly imposing demeanor. With demon
divinities, one creates an effect of hideousness and swift motion. La-
dies should be richly endowed with blossoming loveliness and femi-
nine t:hann. Peasants will naturally possess Lhe very essence of
unsophistication and country simplicity. Respectfulness or obstina<:y,
and joy or sorrow should also be evident.
In the painting of drapery folds or trees and rocks, the use of the
110 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
TWCHC, Book I, "On the Models for Composing" and "On the Dif-
ferent Styles of Robes and Headgear." CKHLLP, pp. 57, 82.
Mountains," because in its depiction of the two men, [the Ch'an Buddhist
patriarchs] Hung-jen [602-675] and Hui-neng [637-712] the spirit
resonance (ch'i-yun) was divinely ordered, and everything was in ac-
cord with their characters as men. Reading of these two men's lives
and looking at this painting of them, one can imagine their persons.
AfCPT, Book 17, "Calligraphy and Painting." CKHLLP, p. 448.
Architectural Su~jects
22. These stories and remarks associated with Ku K'ai-chih (ca. 34!'.-GL 406) are
reponed in the Chin ,,hu (Chin Dynastic HiMory), Book 62; see Chen Shih-hsiang,
Hiography of Ku K'ai-chih, Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1961). pp, 14- !5.
112 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Barbarians
Kuo Jo-hsii (ca. 1080)
Under the T'ang, in the third year of Chen-kuan (629), the eastern
barbarian Hsieh Yiian-shen presented himself at court. His cap was
made of black bear-skin, with a gold fillet across the forehead; his
outer garments were of fur, and he wore leather leggings and shoes.
The Vice-President of the Grand Secretariat Yen Shih-ku (581-645)
introduced him with these words:
"In ancient times King Wu of the Chou governed [so as to] bring
about universal peace, and far-distant lands turned in love to him.
Such incidents were collected in the Chou History to form the chapter
on "Royal Audiences." Today the myriad realms to which the imperial
virtue has extended come to court in their garments of grass and
feather ornaments, to meet together in the barbarians' guest quarters.
Truly this should be represented pictorially for posterity, in order to
exhibit the far-reaching extent of that virtue."
The All-Highest agreed and hence ordered Yen Li-te and others
to make paintings of the subject.
TWCWC, Book 5, "Gleanings from History," on Hsieh Yiian-shen.
the present dynasty, there are five in all [to be noted]. In T'ang there
were Hu Kuei and Hu Ch'ien (lOth century] and in the Five Dynasties
there was Li Tsan-hua [lOth century], all of whose brushwork is wor-
thy of transmission. Since Tsan-hua (of the Liao imperial clan] was a
descendant of the northern peoples, he was enfeoffed as the Prince
of Tung-tan. Consequently, what he always painted were the ancient
customs of his native place, not the apparel of the Chinese.
HHHP, "A Discussion of Barbarian Tribes." CKHLLP, pp. 467-468.
23. Master Yeh, who had had dragons painted on his walls, fled in terror at the
sight of a real one, according to an anecdote by Liu Hsiang (77-6 B.c.) in the Hsin-hsu
(New Arrangement). For the dragon rearers of the Tso chuan, see Legge, Chinese Classics,
V, 731.
Sung Art History 115
Landscape
Liu Tao-shun (ca. 1059)
Kuan Tung [early lOth century]: it is not known where he came
from. 27 He first followed Ching Hao [ca. 870-ca. 930). In his study
of landscape painting, he was so determined and hardworking that
he forgot about sleeping and eating. His intention was to surpass
Ching Hao. Later on people commonly spoke of his work as "the
Kuan landscape." For some time he became the center of artistic
interest, as people vied for traces of his brushwork. The human and
animal figures in his mountains, however, he had added by Master
Hu [sometimes called Hu I] from An-ting [Shensi].
As for Tung's painting style, above protrude eminent peaks, below
one gazes into bottomless ravines, 28 of a majestic gravity and strength
that Tung was able to bring out with one brush stroke. Their prom-
inent forms burst forth as if gushing out. And furthermore, every-
thing was complete in the sombre vastness-the bluish green of peaks
and cliffs, soil and rocks in groves and foothills, as well as land areas
into the level distance and mountain paths remote and cut off, bridges
and planks, hamlets and villages-hence the praise and esteem of his
contemporaries.
Wu-tai ming-hua pu-i (A Supplement on the Famous Painters of the Five
Dynasties, WTMHPI), preface dated 1059, on the painter classified along
with Ching Hao in the Inspired Class of Landscapists.
27. In Kuo Jo-hsu's THCWC, Book l, entry on Kuan T'ung, he is said to have been
a native of Ch'ang-an (Sian), Shensi.
28. The SKCS text is followed here: also see Yil Chien-hua, Chung-kuo hui-hua shih
(Hong Kong: Shang-wu, 1962), p. 146.
Sung Art History 117
named him Fan K'uan [the Expansive]. He lived amid mountains and
forests, and often sat on high for a whole day, letting his eyes gaze
in all directions to seek out the best scenery. Even in snow or moon-
light, he would have to wander about staring intently in order to
stimulate inspiration. He studied the brushwork of Li Ch'eng [9 19-
967], but, despite attaining a refined subtlety, was still his inferior.
Then he created his own ideas confronting the scenery and did not
choose to ornament abundantly but sketched the very bones of the
mountains, forming his own style. Hence his aspect of hardy antiquity
was not wrested from predecessors. Therefore, he became the equal
of Li Ch'eng.
Only Fan Chung-cheng and Li Ch'eng may be called supreme among
those who created landscapes since the Sung Dynasty has reigned,
and up to modern times there have been no challengers. In the poet's
criticism: "Li Ch'eng's brushwork, when seen from nearby, seems a
thousand miles away; I Fan K'uan's brushwork, when seen from afar,
seems right before one's eyes." 29 This is what can be called "creating
from inspiration." However, Chung-cheng loved to paint effects of
struggle against snow or of clouds forming, and there had the most
spirit and structure.
Critique: Fan K'uan became famous through his landscapes, which
were admired by everyone. Their real rocks and old trees thrust up
alive under his brush. If one looks for their spirit resonance (ch'i-yun),
it goes beyond the surface of things. Furthermore, he did not rely on
ornamental beauty, and from antiquity there were no laws for him.
He invented ideas on his own, and his achievements exhausted cre-
ation. As for tree roots being on the surface or an excess of mountains
in the distance, these are minor flaws and do not detract from the
essential effect. He may also be placed in the Inspired Class.
SCMHP, on the painter classified along with Li Ch'eng in the Inspired
Class of Landscapists.
29. Note Wang Shen 's appraisal of these two artists in chapter 4 at "Connoisseurship
of Landscape Painting."
118 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
THCWC, Book l, "On Models for Composing" and ''On the Three
Schools of Landscape." CKHLLP, pp. 57, 627.
30. See the Chiu Tang shu (Old Tang History), Book 192, the biography of T'ien
Yu-yen (7th century).
31. For this quotation from Mencius, see Legge, Chinese Classics, II, 463.
Sung Art His tory 121
not so difficult. You should first look for a damaged wall, and then
stretch plain silk against it. Gaze at it day and night. When you have
looked for a sufficient length of time, you will see through the silk
the high and low parts, or curves and angles, on the surface of the
wall, which will take on the appearcmce oflandscape. As you hold this
in your mind and your eyes consider it, the high parts will become
mountains and the low parts, water; crevices will become valleys and
cracks, torrents; the prominent parts will seem to be the foreground
and the obscure, the distance. As your spirit leads and your imagi-
nation (i) constructs, you will see indistinctly the images of human
beings, birds, grasses, and trees, flying or moving about. Once they
are complete in your eyes, then follow your imagination to command
your brush. Silently, through your intuitive apprehension (shen-hui),
the natural scene will be spontaneously achieved, and [hence] it will
be unlike the work of men; this is called the 'live brush.'" After this,
Yung-chih made daily progress in his painting style.
MCPT, Book 17, "Calligraphy and Painting." CKHLLP, pp. 625-626.
32. Shen Kua distinguishes between the principle of reduction, "making the large
small," in this passage, and that of the overall view in broad perspective, "taking the
larger view of the small," in a following section; see "Architectural Subjects," above.
124 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
It has been said that scholars were often fond of painting horses,
because the horse served them as an analogy for every sort of career
that a scholar might have in the world, through having the qualities
Sung Art History 125
33. For these six poetic types, see Legge, Chinese Classics, IV, 341. The "six prin-
ciples" of the Shih ching are discussed in the Introduction.
128 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
or plants and trees. And in the four seasons of the calendar, their
periods of flowering or withering and singing or silence are also re-
corded in terms. Hence in the most subtle type of painting, men often
lodge their exhilaration in these subjects, just as the poets did.
Now the camellia and the peony among flowers, and the phoenix
and the peacock among birds, must be made to seem rich and aris-
tocratic; the pine and bamboo, plum and chrysanthemum, or the
seagull and egret, swallow and wild duck must be seen as reserved
and quiet. As for the lofty dignity of the crane, the attack of the hawk,
or the beauty of the spreading branches and leaves of the willow and
wu-t'ung tree, the hardiness of the stately pine and the generousness
of the ancient cypress, revealed in painting they possess the ability to
exhilarate men's thoughts. For the most part, [such works] are able
to capture creation and transmit quintessential spirit and let the imag-
ination roam as if it were viewing these things on the spot.
HHHP, Book 5, "A Discussion of Flowers and Birds." CKHLLP, p. 1037.
HHHP, Book 20, "A Discussion of Ink Bamboo (Including Small Scenes)."
The poets [of the Book of Songs] knew much aboullhc nature of grasses
and trees~ or insects and fish, and when painters~ by seizing creation
with their brushes, penetrate to wondrous subtleties with their thoughts~
it is also the act of poets. Such things as grasses and insects are fre-
quently seen in the metaphors and allusions of the poets, hence they
are included here.
Now from the Ch'en Dynasty [557-589] to the present reign, of
those whose names have been transmitted and whose paintings are
preserved~ we have sele<:ted only six men.
HHHP, Book 20, "A Discussion of Vegt'tables and Fruit (with the C-at-
egory of Herbs Including Grasses and Insects)." CKHLLP, p. 1036.
34. Excerpts are quoted from Kuo Jo-hsu, THCWC, Book I, "On the Impossibility
of Teaching Spirit Consonance"; see "Expressive Styie and Quality" in this chapter.
132 Ear~v Chinese Texts on Painting
Scholars' Painting
Kuo Jo-hsi.i (ca. 1080)
[There follow] two men, who "highmindedly esteeming their own
work" painted for their own pleasure ...
Li Ch'eng [9 19-967] was called Hsien-hsi. His forebears were of
the Tang imperial clan and went as refugees to Ying-ch'iu [Shantung],
which became the family seat. His grandfather and father were both
celebrated in their times for their classical learning and administration
of affairs. Ch'eng, however, by inclination esteemed peaceful solitude,
and loftily declined honors and advancement. In addition to being
widely versed in the classics and histories, he was a most excellent
painter of landscape with wintry forests. His inspired versatility was
Sung Art History 133
the quintessence of the spiritual and went far beyond normal capac-
ities. In the K'ai-pao era [968-976) nobles or wealthy men in the
capital [at K'ai-fcng) frequently sent him letters of invitation. Ch'eng
would usually not respond. His study was not for other men, but for
his own pleasure alone. Eventually he wandered off to Huai-yang
[Honan], where he fell ill and died in the fifth year of the Ch'ien-te
era [967) ... His paintings of such scenes as Hazy View at Dawn, Wind
and Rain, landscapes of the four seasons, pines and cypresses, and
winter forests are still in existence.
THCWC, Book 3, "Art Hiswry II," on the paimer classified with Sung
Hsieh in the special category of recluses.
35. The Temple of the Five Sacred Peaks, officially known as the Hui-ling-kuan,
was built from 10!2 on, as an offshoot of construction on the Taoist shrine, the Yu-
ch'ing-chao-ying-kung (at K'ai-feng) from 1009-1014. Murals of the Five Peaks in
mountain form and landscape screens filr the five halls were painted ca. l 0 !7 by a
certain Li Yin from the Kansu region in a style that must have resembled the landscape
backgrounds of later Tun-huang cave murals. See Soper, Kuo jo-hsu's Experiences in
Painting, pp. 59, 166 n. 467, !74 n. 510.
Sung Art His tory 13 5
One of the topics set for the examination was: "Deserted waters,
without men crossing;/ An empty boat, horizontal the whole day."
From the second best man on down, most attached an empty boat to
the side of a bank, with perhaps a perching heron on the edge of the
deck, or settling crows on top of the mat-roof. But the best candidate
did nothing of this sort. He painted a boatman lying at the stern of
the boat with a single flute placed "horizontally." His interpretation
(i) was that it did not mean "without a boatman," just "without trav-
elers." Therefore he showed the boatman in a state of total relaxation.
Another topic was: "Mountains in confusion, hiding an ancient mon-
astery." The winner painted barren mountains that filled the scroll,
with a Buddhist flag pole sticking out above to indicate the concept
of "hiding." The rest of the men revealed the top of a pagoda or the
eaves of a roof, and there were even those who showed temple hall
or shrine, in which case there was no longer any idea of "hiding."
After the period of confusion [on the fall of the Northern Sung
capital], there were a few former academicians who made their way
to Shu [Szechwan province]. They told me that, when they were in
the Academy, every ten days as a special privilege two boxes of scroll
paintings were brought out of the palace storehouses and, on the
Emperor's command, escorted to the Academy by important officials,
to be shown to the painting students. Usually there were written orders
charging the military to guard against loss or damage. Hence the
artists of the period all did their utmost to carry out the Emperor's
intentions. Later on [in 1116] for the completion of the Pao-Iu (Pre-
cious Insignia) Palace, painted murals were supplied by the Academy
of Painting. Occasionally the Emperor came to inspect the work, and
if anything was not to his liking he would have it plastered over and
specifically indicate his commands. Even with supervision of this sort,
the majority of artists, being limited by their personal characters, were
bogged down in rules and techniques in their work and could not rise
above the commonplace. Ultimately they perverted the aims (i) of the
sage-ruler's instruction ...
When the Lung-te (Dragon Virtue) Palace of Hui-tsung was com-
pleted, he ordered the painters-in-attendance to execute paintings on
the screens and walls of this palace. All [these men] were among the
best of their time. When the Emperor came to inspect [their work],
he praised none of it. All he did was to look at the Tea Rose on a
Slanting Bough on the entablature of the verandah of the Hu-chung
Hall. He then asked who the painter was. In fact, he was a youthful
newcomer. The Emperor was pleased and conferred upon him the
dark red silk [for the sixth grade and above], and rewarded him with
136 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
extreme favor. No one could determine the cause for this. Then an
intimate attendant requested an explanation from the Emperor, and
his reply was: "There are few who are skillful enough to paint the tea
rose, for its flowers, stamens and leaves all differ with the four seasons
and the time of day. Here, without the slightest error, he painted one
at noon on a spring day. That is why I rewarded him richly."
In front of the Hsilan-ho Hall was planted a lichee tree. When it
bore fruit, it brought a smile of pleasure to the Emperor's face. By
chance a peacock went beneath it. Quickly, the Emperor summoned
the members of the Painting Academy and ordered them to paint it.
Each one exerted his skills to the utmost so that splendid colors glit-
tered, but the peacock was about to mount a cane stool and was
[depicted] raising its right leg first. The Emperor said: "Unsatisfac-
tory!" The academicians were alarmed, for none understood. After
several days they were again summoned and questioned by the Em-
peror, but they did not know how to reply. Thereupon he announced:
"When the peacock ascends to a high place, it invariably raises its left
leg first." The academicians were abashed and apologetic ...
During the Cheng-ho era [1111-1118], whenever the Emperor
painted a fan, everyone in the Six Palaces and the residences of the
nobility vied to copy it. For a single design there were sometimes as
many as several hundred copies. Among those noblemen and close
associates, there were some who frequently sought the imperial seal
[as a signature].
During the days when my grandfather was in the Bureau of Military
Affairs, there was a decree granting him a mansion in the vicinity of
the Dragon Stream Bridge. My late father as a vice-minister served
as Director (of construction], and, as usual, he sent an Inner Bureau
Envoy to oversee repairs. When it came to refurbishing the wall paint-
ings, they were such things as birds and animals, flowers and bamboo,
as well as "Family Celebration" pictures, all done by academicians.
One day my father went to inspect them. He saw the mounter using
an old landscape painting on silk to wipe a table. Upon examination,
it was a Kuo Hsi [II th century] painting. tie asked from whence it
came, but the mounter said that he did not know. He also asked the
Inner Bureau Envoy who said: "This was discarded from the Inner
Storage. Formerly, Shen-tsung [r. l067-I085] loved Kuo Hsi's paint·
ings and had the walls of one hall covered solely with his works. But,
after the present Emperor [Hui-tsung) ascended the throne, he re·
placed them with ancient paintings. There were more besides this one
which were put into storage." My father said: "Please inform His
Majesty that if I could only receive this discarded painting, I should
Sung Art History 137
be satisfied." The next day a decree was issued awarding them all to
him and, moreover, ordering that they be delivered to the house.
Hence, on the walls of our house, there were nothing but Kuo Hsi
paintings. Truly, it was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity!
HC, Book I, "The Art of the Sage [Emperor Hui-tsung]"; Book 10,
"Concerning the Recent Past." CKHLLP, pp. 79, 80 (in part).
Music Academy and all the artisans such as the carvers of chess-pieces
or jade were ranked below. Moreover, in the Painting Academy those
with student status were permitted to study, and whenever anyone
who was registered committed a misdemeanor, he was allowed to
merely pay a fine [rather than submit to corporal punishment]. If the
crime was serious, he could appeal to the Emperor for a decision. In
addition, the daily compensation of artisans in the other departments
was called "food money," whereas only that of the two departments
[of Calligraphy and Painting] was called "salaries." If one compares
the monetary payments made elsewhere, [painters] were not treated
like the majority of artisans. At the Jui-ssu (Astute Thoughts) Hall,
there was a daily order that a versatile artist from the painters-in-
attendance lodge there for the night in order to be ready for any
unexpected imperial summons. In none of the other departments did
they do this.
In the Painting Academy, those summoned from all areas for ex-
amination came incessantly. Many of them were unsuitable and were
rejected. What was esteemed at that time was formal likeness alone.
If anyone had personal attainments and could not avoid being ex-
pressive or free, then it would be said that he was not in accordance
with the rules or that he lacked a master's instruction. Hence, what
he did would be merely the tasks of artisans, and he would not rise.
Generally, the selection of men for the Painting Academy was not
solely on the basis of brush technique. Often a man's personality was
the foremost consideration. If he was summoned to an audience un-
expectedly, he might fear being subjected to scrutiny and questions.
And thus Liu I, through being afflicted with the abnormality of tu-
mors, never obtained an audience, despite serving as His Majesty's
painter. He regretted it to the end of his life.
HC, Book 10, "Concerning the Recent Past." CKHLLP, p. 81.
ons and tigers, secular figures, rushes and geese, and paintings of
various other subjects. His desiccated and pallid rustic wildernesses
are certainly not for elegant diversion, but are suitable only for a
Buddhist's chamber or a Taoist's hut as a complement to the pure
and secluded atmosphere ...
Li Sung was from Ch'ien-t'ang [Hang-chou]. As a youth he was a
carpenter, but was rather put off by rules and restrictions; later he
became the adopted son of [the Academy painter] Li Ts'ung-hsun.
During the reigns of three emperors, Kuang-tsung, Ning-tsung, and
Li-tsung [1190-1264], he was a painter-in-attendance in the Painting
Academy, and recaptured Ts'ung-hsun's conceptions. Although he
was accomplished in various types of painting, he did not fulfill the
Six Laws. His "ruled-line" painting and secular figures, in particular,
are somewhat entertaining, but there is nothing worthwhile about the
other types ...
Li An-chung [active ca. 1110-ca. 1140], who lived in Ch'ien-t'ang,
was a painter-in-attendance in the Painting Academy at the same lime
as Li Ti [last half 12th century]. He also painted birds and animals,
flowers and bamboo, and was somewhat superior to Ti. He was par-
ticularly skilled in painting hunting scenes, capturing attitudes of
predatory fierceness and frightened escape.
Li Kung-mao was An-chung's son. He transmitted his father's [man-
ner] in painting birds and animals, flowers and bamboo, but fell far
short of his father ...
Ma Yuan, a descendant of Ma Hsing-tsu, was a painter-in-atten-
dance in the Painting Academy. Following the family tradition, he did
paintings of various subjects. His flowers and birds are rather well
done, but I would not venture to recommend his landscape and figure
painting ...
Ma Lin was the son of Ma Yuan. He was also skilled at doing
paintings of miscellaneous subjects. He was not as good as either his
father or uncle. Loving his son, Ma Yuan frequently signed "Ma Lin"
on his own paintings, hoping that his son would thereby gain a rep-
utation ...
Chia Shih-ku, who lived in Ch'ien-t'ang, was a painter-in-attendance
in the Painting Academy. He painted secular figures which are quite
well characterized, capturing their easy and relaxed attitudes. He was
not well-known for anything else.
Liang K'ai was the best of Chia Shih-ku's students, and he also was
a member of the Painting Academy. His free and easy drawing sur-
passed that of his teacher, and people of the day all praised him ...
Hsia Kuei, from Ch'ien-t'ang, was a painter-in-attendance in the
140 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
LANDSCAPE PAINTING was thought to have reached its high point early
in the 1\'orthern Sung, and a series of spe<:ialized works soon came to
be written on this subject. Three of them have quite distinctive styles
and represent different stages of development. The first is the Pi-fa
chi (A Note on the An of the Brush) by Ching Hao (ca. 870-ca. 930),
a Confucian scholar who painted pines and rocks as well as landscapes.
It is couched in the form of a Taoist fable hut presents Confucian
vie\vs, contrasting the complementary polarities of inner substance
and external ornament and emphasizing the moral education of the
artist to enable him to convey the essential charaCLer (spirit resonance)
of the pine tree. Certain features are typical of the landscape texts in
general: the imparting of technical secrets-here given as the Six
Essentials, a revision of the Six Laws in terms of monochrome paint-
ing-and the listing of definitions of landscape elements. More par-
ticular to Ching Han's interests are the discussion of brushwork in
the terminology of Tang calligraphy and the selective assessment of
earlier models for the new monochrome landscape style. This text
has been translated by Kiyohiko Munakata and is quoted with slight
modifications.
The second of these works is the Lin-ch'uan kao-chih(chi) (The Lofty
Message of Forests and Streams) by Kuo Hsi (after 1000-ca. 1090),
the most famous Academy landscapist (>f his time. Hsi's son, Kuo Ssu
(active ca. 1070-alter 1123), a scholar-official who served at Hui-
tsung's conn, was responsible for the (:ompilation and transmission
of this essay. lie states in the preface that from an early age he had
been accustomed to note down his father's opinions on art and com-
ments at. points in the text on Hsi's method of working. An:ording to
Ssu, Kuo Hsi used to wander about sketching the natural scenery and
142 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
had studied Taoism in his youth. This may account for the nearly
mystical appreciation of the actual landscape that characterizes the
essay, as well as for its spiritual definition of creativity. Kuo Hsi's
approach to earlier landscape traditions is quite sophisticated, and his
section called "The Secrets of Painting" presents a detailed description
of the monochrome technique. All these aspects combine to make this
text-the most important of its genre-tower above the other texts
like the main peak of a range. The translation is based on john Hay's
version. Selections from the Hua chi (Notes on Paintings), a section
recording Kuo Hsi's artistic career at court, are translated by Susan
Bush.
The third work is Shan-shui Ch'un-ch'uan chi (Ch'un-ch'iian's [Har-
monious and Complete] Compilation on Landscape) by Han Cho
(active ca. 1095-ca. 1125), who was a minor official at Hui-tsung's
court. Since the preface is dated to 1121, this text can be seen as an
illustration of the encyclopedic interests of the time. Landscape ele-
ments are now explained in dictionary definitions and, in addition to
the usual listing of mountain formations, there are sections on rocks,
water, clouds, and figures and accessories in landscapes. Han Cho
quotes from earlier writers like Ching Hao and Kuo Jo-hsii and dis-
cusses the oppositions between reality and ornament, or spirit reso-
nance and formal likeness, in connection with the faults to be avoided
in brushwork. Although Han Cho focuses mainly on painting tech-
nique, he also includes a section on connoisseurship, for which the
ideal standard was set by his patron, the Imperial Son-in-Law Wang
Shen (ca. 1048-1103). The concluding exhortations to study em-
phasize the academic tone of the work. Excerpts have been selected
from the text, which has been translated in its entirety by Robert
Maeda.
Besides these works, whose time and place or style can be pin-
pointed, there are several short landscape texts that range in date
from T'ang through Sung and may present some of the traditional
instructions that had been transmitted orally from master to pupil.
These are attributed, often interchangeably, to famous earlier artists
and writers like Wang Wei (701-761), Ching Hao, and Li Ch'eng (d.
967). Three of these are particularly noteworthy because they provide
the anonymous context or provincial counterpart of literary classics
of the genre, such as the Kuo Hsi text. Of an earlier affiliation, and
hence not included here, is the Shan-shui sung-shih ko (On the Cate-
gories of Landscapes and Pines and Rocks), attributed to Emperor
Yuan of the Liang (r. 552-554) but certainly not composed before
Tang times.' It described the painting of these specific subjects on
walls and screens in "broken ink" te<:hnique and <:olor and used the
early metaphor of a dragon to describe the parts of a mountain. This
text was in circulation during the Northern Sung, since phrases from
it were quoted by Han Cho as statements made by \Vang Wei. The
two works attributed to Wang Wei, however, exhibit a different char-
acter.
The first, Shan-shui dtiieh (Secrets of Landscape), begins by noting
the superiority of monochrome paintings (shui-mo) and goes on to
mention the principal and secondary, or "host" and "guest," moun-
tains that determine the layout of the composition. Literary docu-
mentation suggests that this essay \\o'as extant by the eleventh century.
A slightly abbreviated version, the "Kuang-chung Stone Text" ap-
peared in a mid-sixteenth-century edition of Wang's collected works,
where it is said to have been engraved on stone in 1057 along with a
supposed Wang Wei painting. The essay, like the painting, may have
been a contemporary fabrication, and cenain phrases have a con-
sciously literary tone.
A second text commonly attributed to Wang \Vei, and sometimes
printed together with the first, is often entitled Shan-shui lun (Discus-
sion of Landscape). It exists in slightly different versions as Hua shan-
shui fu (Prose-Poem on Painting LandscapeL \vhich is usually aurib-
uted to Ching Hao. The literary form is indeed that of afu, although
the rhyme scheme is not consistent. The first "stanza," which deals
with the relative proportioning of landscape elements, is quoted in
part by Kuo Hsi and appears to have been known to Han Cho under
the Wang Wei attribution. Although "guest" and "host" mountains
are mentioned, the term "monochrome" is not used, and there are
hints of the use of color in the descriptions of seasonal landscapes.
Aspects of landscape formations are distinguished in simple anthro-
pomorphic imagery, a possible indication of the popular origins of
such instructions to painters. Mountains, for example, have "heads"
and "waists"; in later texts they will also have "feet." And the character
"head" (t'ou) is preferred to "summit" (ling), which generally indicates
the tops of mountains in the more literary texts by Sung writers.
Definitions of different mountain types and a list of painting titles are
also included in this work.
The Prose Poem on Painting LanrLw:ape was om:e attributed to Li
I. See Shio Sakanishi, The Spirit of the Brush (London:John Murray, 1957), pp. 55-
57.
144 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Ch'eng, and it is his name that is associated with the last essay in this
series of landscape texts, once again entitled Shan-shui chileh (Secrets
of Landscape). This work does not appear to have been known to the
Northern Sung writers on landscapes. In a somewhat longer and more
coherent version it forms the main portion of Hua shan-shui chileh
(Secrets of Painting Landscape), which has an author's preface of 1221
by Li Ch'eng-sou (b. ca. 1150) of Hsiang-chung, Hunan, as well as a
concluding section of "General Comments." No other information is
available about this artist, whose shortened name is similar in sound
to that of Li Ch'eng. Since the earliest known publication of both texts
was in the late-sixteenth-century Wang-shih hua-yilan and its supple-
ment, questions of dating must be resolved, if possible, on the basis
of internal evidence.
The "Li Ch'eng" section is obviously in the tradition of the Wang
Wei texts. Apart from a discussion of the layout of landscape elements
and of the proper application of brushwork and ink wash, the essay
consists of a series of disjointed notes characterizing individual motifs
in concrete terms. Anthropomorphic imagery continues to be used,
as it will be even later in the Huang Kung-wang text of the Yuan
Dynasty. Although such aspects of the scenery as strangely shaped
stones and grasping tree roots, or the indications of spatial recession
and atmospheric effects, might seem to suggest the landscape style
associated with Li Ch'eng and Kuo Hsi, they could equally well be
found in other types of landscape painting practiced in the Southern
Sung.
Thus, there is no definite proof that the "Li Ch'eng" text preceded
the Li Ch'eng-sou version of 1221; instead, it is quite possible that the
former was an abbreviation of the latter. But if this is the t·ase, the
author may have been recording or revising traditional painting in-
structions. Li Ch'eng-sou concludes this section, after quoting the
standard ending of the Wang Wei Secrets of Landscape, with an editorial
phrase: "Respectfully arranged." His own tastes in scenery along the
Yangtze River and Academy landscape styles are given in the author's
preface and the final "General Comments." As a provincial artist, he
continued to revere the earlier founders of the Southern Sung Acad-
emy tradition rather than contemporary court painters; as a south-
erner in a divided China, ruled in the North by the Jurchen Chin
Dynasty (1115-1234), he looked down on the turgid compositions of
northerners. The distinction between the faults of northern and
southern painting styles, which is included in his remarks in "General
Comments," effectively gives this version of the text a point of view
The Landscape Texts 145
Fig. I. Hsi K'ang with His Lute and Juan Chi Whistling: Two of the "'Seveu Sages of the Bamboo
(~rove." Rubbing of a detail of a li!Ut-cetttury rnultiple:-hrick tomb mural f1 om llsi-shan-ch 'iao, :"Janking.
Six Dynasties Period. :"Janking Museum. Councsy of r\icholas Cahill.
These third-century literary figures arc typically repre~euteJ. as engaged in ndtural or Taoist pursuits
in a natural setting. The-it· portraits are kmm n to have been painted by such famous Six DrnaHies
artists as Lu Tan-wei and Ku K"ai-chih.
IMAGE REDACTED
Fig. 2. The Buddhist Layman Vimalaklrti, from the "Debate with Mar1jusrL" Detail
of an eighth-century mural in Cave I 03 at Tun-huang, Tang Dynasty. The illustration
from Ancient China by John Hay is reproduced by permission of The Bodley Head.
An ideal model of secular piety, Vimalaklrti is usually shown concluding the debate
with the Bodhisattva of Wisdom by a thunderous silence. The emphatic, modulated
brushline used in this mural to suggest three-dimensional form may derive from the
style of Wu Tao-tzu, then popular at the Tang capital, Ch'ang-an.
Fig. 3 (opposite). Ts'ui Po (active late lith century). "Magpies and Hare," dated to
1061, Northern Sung Dynasty. Hanging scroll, ink and colors on silk, 193.7 x 103.4
em. Courtesy of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.
A member of the Imperial Academy of Painting, Ts'ui Po specialized in flower and
bird paintings and created a new style that eventually influenced Emperor Hui-tsung.
The mood and concerns of autumn are effectively suggested in this signed and dated
masterpiece.
IMAGE REDACTED
IMAGE REDACTED
Fig. 4. Attributed to Li Ch'eng (lOth century). "Tall Pines in a Level View," Northern
Sung Dynasty. Hanging scrolL ink on silk, 205.6 x 126.1 em. Chokaido Bunko, Yok-
kaichi. Courtesv of ChCto Koran-sha.
Although att;·ibuted to a five Dynasties master, this painting is more likely to be by
a late eleventh-century follower. The view afar into a level distance through cloud-like
boulders and darkly inked pines is in the Li tradition, bm the ev()(:ation of poetic mood
in the monochrome ink technique is a Northern Sung development associated with
Kuo Hsi.
IMAGE REDACTED
Fig. 5. Kuo Hsi (ca. 1010-ca. 1090). "Early Spring," dated to 1072, Northern Sung
Dynasty. Hanging scroll, ink and light colors on silk, 158.3 x 108.1 em. Courtesy of
the National Palace Museum.
A follower of Li Ch'eng, Kuo Hsi was the most famous court artist of Shen-tsung's
reign (l 067 -I 085 ), and the Emperor commissioned innumerable landscape screens for
palace buildings. This landscape illustrates Kuo's concern with seasonal and atmos-
pheric effects as well as his interest in presenting the various angles of mountain ranges
and suggesting openings into depth to invite the viewer into the scene.
IMAGE REDACTED
IMAGE REDACTED
Fig. 6 (opposite). Attributed to Wen Tung (d. 1079). "Bamboo," Northern Sung. Hang-
ing scroll. ink on silk, I ~2.{) x I 0.~.4 em. Courtc~y of the J\ational Palace Mu~eum.
Wen Tung was a schola1·-official whose ink bamboo paintings were especially ap-
preciated by his cousin, the famous literary figure Su Shih. Conventionally associated
with the gemlcman, bamboo became a favo1 ite sul~ject ol the scholar-painter, ;md its
depiction in ink inevitably b10ugln to mim1 the expressive possibilities of calligraphy.
Fig. 7 (above). Chang Yen-fu (ist half 14th century). "Thoms. Bamboo, and Quiet
Binh," dated to 1343, Yiian Dynasty. Hanging scroll. ink on paper, 76.::! x ti3.[J em.
Courtf'sy of tht" Ncbon-Atkins :Yluscum of Art, Kansas City, \·lissouti (:"-lelson Fund).
A priest of the T'ai-i sect of Taoism active in Peking under the \longol regime.
Chang painted horses and landscapes a~ well as stut.lies ot bamboo and rocks, and old
trees. Chang's free brushwork was appteciateJ by contemporary literati critirs, many
ol whom wrote conmJents on his works.
IMAGE REDACTED
2. The two phrases said to be from Wang Wei's text actually appear in the Shan-
shui sung-sinh ko (On Categories of Landscapes, Pines and Rocks) attributed to the Liang
Emperor Yuan (r. 552-554), but generally considered to be of later date. The Ching
Hao passage cited above differs slightly from the text in the Pifa chi; it has also been
interpreted differently in translation; cf. at the beginning of this section.
The Landscape Texts 151
Yu, associated with] Mount Chi and the River Ying, or participate in
the lingering renown of [the Han Dynasty's] Four Old Men of Mount
Shang? 3 Their songs, such as the "Ode to the White Pony" and the
"Hymn to the Purple Fungus," 4 are of what has passed away and is
unattainable. But, are the longing for forests and streams, and the
companionship of mists and vapors, then to be experienced only in
dreams and denied to the waking senses?
It is now possible for subtle hands to reproduce them in all their
rich splendor. Without leaving your room you may sit to your heart's
content among streams and valleys. The voices of apes and the calls
of birds will fall on your ears faintly. The glow of the mountain and
the color of the waters will dazzle your eyes glitteringly. Could this
fail to quicken your interest and thoroughly capture your heart? This
is the ultimate meaning behind the honor which the world accords
to landscape painting. If this aim is not principal and the landscape
is approached with a trivial attitude, it is no different from desecrating
a divine vista and polluting the dear wind.
There is a proper way to paint a landscape. When spread out on
an ambitious scale it should still have nothing superfluous. Restricted
to a small view it should still lack nothing. There is also a proper way
to look at landscapes. Look with a heart in tune with forest and stream,
then you will value them highly. Approach with the eyes of arrogance
and extravagance, then you will value them but little. Landscapes are
vast things. You should look at them from a distance. Only then will
you see on one screen the sweep and atmosphere of mountain and
water. Figure paintings of gentlemen and ladies done on a miniature
scale, if held in the hand or put on the table, may be taken in at one
glance as soon as they are opened. These are the methods of looking
at paintings.
It is generally accepted opinion that in landscapes there are those
through which you may travel, those in which you may sightsee, those
through which you may wander, and those in which you may live.
3. Hsii Yu refused the throne when offered it by the mythical emperor Yao; see
Bernard Karlgren, Legends and Cults in Ancient China, BMFEA, 18 (1946), 292. The
"Four Old Men" or "Four Greybeards" retired from the world in protest against the
Ch'in Dynasty, but re-emerged to support the rightful Han heir. See Burton Watson,
Records of the Grand Historian of China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), I,
146-149.
4. For the "Ode to the White Pony of the Shih ching (Book of Poetry)," see James
Legge, The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960), IV. 299-
300. The "Hymn to the Purple Fungus" is said to have been composed by the "Four
Old Men" when in retirement.
152 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
ferries, and various bridges hint at human activity; fishing skiffs and
tackle hint at human interests.
A great mountain is dominating as chief over the assembled hills,
thereby ranking in an ordered arrangement the ridges and peaks,
forests and valleys as suzerains of varying degrees and distances. The
general appearance is of a great lord glorious on his throne and a
hundred princes hastening to pay him court, without any effect of
arrogance or withdrawal [on either part). A tall pine stands erect as
the mark of all other trees, thereby ranking in an ordered arrange-
ment the subsidiary trees and plants as numerous admiring assistants.
The general effect is of a nobleman dazzling in his prime with all
lesser mortals in his service, without insolent or oppressed attitudes
[on either part].
A mountain nearby has one aspect. Several miles away it has another
aspect, and some tens of miles away yet another. Each distance has
its particularity. This is called "the form of the mountain changing
with each step." The front face of a mountain has one appearance.
The side face has another appearance, and the rear face yet another.
Each angle has its particularity. This is called "the form of a mountain
viewed on every face." Thus can one mountain combine in itself the
forms of several thousand mountains. Should you not explore this?
Mountains look different in the spring and summer, the autumn and
winter. This is called "the scenery of the four seasons is not the same."
A mountain in the morning has a different appearance from in the
evening. Bright and dull days give further mutations. This is called
"the changing aspects of different times are not same." Thus can one
mountain combine in itself the significant aspects of several thousand
mountains. Should you not investigate this?
In spring mountains, mists and clouds stretch out unbroken and
people are full of joy. In summer mountains, fine trees offer profuse
shade and people are full of satisfaction. In autumn mountains, bright
and clear leaves flutter and fall, and men are full of melancholy. In
winter mountains, dark fogs dim and choke the scene, and men are
full of loneliness. To look at a particular painting puts you in the
corresponding mood. You seem in fact to be in those mountains. This
is the mood (i) of a painting beyond its mere scenery. You see a white
path disappearing into the blue and think of traveling on it. You see
the glow of setting sun over level waters and dream of gazing on it.
You see hermits and mountain dwellers, and think of lodging with
them. You see cliffs by lucid water or streams over rocks, and long
to wander there. To look at a particular painting puts you in the
corresponding frame of mind, as though you were really on the point
154 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Figures in Landscape
Kuo Ssu (d. after 1123)
I once saw my father paint a range of hills with a view of a pine, which
conveyed in one glance the idea of a continuity toward the top of the
scroll. An old man, who caressed the large pine before him with his
hand, was painted for the purpose of leading the viewer's eye into
the distance. This old man looked as if he had been placed there by
the God of Longevity ...
RIDERS IN THEW ESTERN HILLS. When my father was at Hsing-chou
[Hsing-t'ai-hsien, Hopei], he made this to give to me. Its mountains
were autumnal in feeling. Deep in the hills several men were galloping
on horses out of the mouth of a valley, and one of them was falling
off a horse. The men and horses were not large but their spirit-vitality
was lifelike. My father pointed to them and said: "Those who rush
forth hastily are like that." Below this point was a long plank bridge,
where several men with black banners [of the militia] were departing,
riding on slow horses. My father pointed them out and said: "Those
who withdraw quietly are like that." Also, in a cove near a cliff wall,
in the shade of a dark grove, a rustic skiff was partially revealed. On
the boat was a dilapidated cabin, within which was a simple wine
container and some books. In front of the cabin was a bare-headed,
half-dressed man with the appearance of one in deep communion,
as if looking up to view white clouds or bending down to listen to
flowing water. At the boat's side a man was managing a paddle. My
father pointed to indicate the significance, saying: "This is even more
lofty."
PINES IN A SINGLE VIEW. My father took over two feet of a narrow
piece of silk and made an old man leaning on a staff in front of a
precipice under a large pine. Behind this point he painted innumer-
able pines, large and small in relative sequence. In a gorge below a
twisting range there were several thousand pines in one uninterrupted
view. Throughout the past there never had been a composition of
this sort. This painting was made for the [60th or 80th?] birthday of
Wen Yen-po [1006-1097, a long-term minister, enfeoffed] Duke of
The Landscape Texts 155
Lu. The idea was to express the wish that his sons and grandsons be
dukes and ministers in unbroken succession. The Duke of Lu was
greatly pleased.
On Creativity
Kuo Hsi (after 1000-ca. 1090) and Kuo Ssu (d. after 1123)
There is a good discussion on the art of writing by [the Tang author]
Liu Tsung-yiian 5 that, in my opinion, does not only apply to writing.
Every task has its secret, a proper way of doing it, painting not least
of all. How can one express it? Each scene in a painting, regardless
of size or complexity, must be unified through attention to its essence.
If the essence is missed, the spirit will lose integrity. It must be com-
pleted with the spirit in every part, otherwise the essence will not be
clear. The artist must accord his work overriding respect, otherwise
the thought will have no depth. Fastidious attention must be given
throughout, otherwise the scene will seem incomplete.
If the creative energy that you gather is listless and you force it,
the results will be insipid and indecisive. The fault is that of not
attending to the essence. If your energy is dulled and you use it
distractedly, the appearance will be crude and lifeless. The fault is
that of not putting spirit in every part. If you heedlessly triAe with
the subject, its forms will be summary and inadequate. The fault is
that of not according overriding respect. If you abruptly disregard
the subject, its construction will be careless and not cohesive. The fault
is that of not paying fastidious attention.
If indecisive, a work will offend the canon of spa{:iousness. If life-
less, it will offend the canon of refreshing purity. If it is inadequate,
it \~·ill offend the canon of composition. It not cohesive, it will offend
the canon of alternating rhythm. These are the gravest failings of
artists, yet they can serve as a guide for the intelligent.
{In the past I saw my father working on several paintings. Some-
times he would put one aside and ignore it. For perhaps ten or twenty
days he would not give it a glance, then after thirty days he might
add to it. It was a case of losing interest in the work, and is this not
the listless energy he mentioned? When working at a peak of interest
5. Liu Tsung-yiian (773-819) noted the dangers of a "triAing mind," "an indolent
mind," "dulled energy," and "brash energy," in an essay on literature, "A Reply to \Vci
Chung-li Discussing the Tao of a Teacher."
The Land1·wpe Texts 157
6. See James Legge, The Sacred Book~ of !.hina: The Texts of Confucianism: Li Ki
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), IV, 125.
7. Ku ChUn-chih was the builder of the studio in Hsieh Ho's (Ku)hua-p'in(-lu). See
chapter I at "Social Status and Creative Activity."
158 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
tree on Mount I's south slope. 8 If he has manual skill, brilliant ideas,
and great inner clarity, while the material is yet growing in the ground,
the leaves and twigs yet unstripped, the instrument perfected by Lei
[the Tang Dynasty lutemaker) already exists in his mind's eye. If
someone has confused ideas and unresponsive hands, is clumsy and
uninspired, he will see only the sharp chisel and knife and will have
no idea where to begin. How would he ever attain the five tones of
[Ts'ai Yung's] Chiao-wei lute, whose sounds carried with the clear
wind and flowing water? 9
Again, as our predecessors said, "a poem is a painting without form
and a painting is a poem with form." Wise men often talked of this,
and it has been our guide. Hence on idle days I used to leaf through
poetry of various times and styles. Among them were beautiful lines
that gave full expression to the feelings that pass through men's hearts
and the scenes before their eyes.
If, however, you do not rest quietly at ease, sitting at a dean table
by a bright window, a stick of incense beside you and every anxiety
suppressed, then you will not perceive the beautiful lines and the fine
meanings. You will be unable to imagine the elusive feelings and the
flavor of beauty.
How can the primary significance of painting be easy to attain?
Circumstances must be ripe, and the mind and hand mutually re-
sponsive. Then, when you begin, you will freely achieve excellence,
taking from all sides and "penetrating to the source" [as Mencius
said). 10 When people of this generation go to work, they follow their
inclinations excited by feelings and only roughly achieve their ideas.
{I have recorded the lucid compositions and elegant phrases of
ancient poets that my father often recited. They are such as express
beautiful thought and are fit to be painted. Together with others that
my father said were usable, and some which I picked up along the
way, I record them below-}
LCKCC, "Advice on Landscape Painting" and "The Meaning of Paint-
ing," with comments by Kuo Hsi's son Kuo Ssu (within braces). CKHLLP,
pp. 633-634, 640-641.
8. This phrase from the Shu ching (Book of Documents) indicates high quality wood;
see Legge, Chinese Classics, III, 107.
9. Ts'ai Yung (132-192) was a Han official, calligrapher, and musician.
10. For this phrase in a different translation, see Legge, Chinese Classics. II, 323.
The Landscape Texts 159
1!. The painters Li and Hsiao of the text must refer to Li Tang and Hsiao Chao,
the master and pupil who founded the Southern Sung Academy landscape tradition.
Li Ch'eng-sou did not comment on the work of later academicians like Ma Yuan and
Hsia Kuei, who were presumably his contemporaries.
The Landscape Texts 163
Landscape Formations
Ching Hao (ca. 870-ca. 930)
[The old man said:] "The different appearances of mountains and
streams are produced by the combinations of vital energy (ch'i) and
dynamic configuration (shih). Thus, there are a 'peak' which has a
pointed top, a 'summit' which has a flat top, a 'hump' which has a
round top, 'ranges' which have connected peaks, a 'cavern' which has
a hole on the side, a 'cliff' which has a steep wall, a 'grotto' which is
a space between two cliffs or below a cliff, a 'gorge' which is a pass
going through mountains, a 'gully' which is a pass blocked at one end,
a 'ravine' which is a gully with running water, and a 'torrent' which
is a stream running through a gorge. Although the peaks and the
humps high above are separated, below them the hills and ranges run
together. [Further below] the forests and springs are seen here and
hidden there. The impressions of the far and the near are thus dearly
revealed. If you paint landscapes without distinguishing among these
different formations, you are wrong. There are some paintings of
running water whose brush strokes are in wild disorder, with wave
patterns like scattered threads and no differences of height among
individual waves. These paintings are also wrong. Fog, clouds, and
mist are heavy or light depending upon the time. Their states are
sometimes changed by wind, and they have no constant forms. In
The Landscape Texts 165
Shan-shui lun
When one paints landscapes,
Even slopes with pointed summits are "peaks";
Lofty heights connected together are "ranges";
Those having caves are "creviced peaks";
Sheer walls are "precipices";
Overhanging rocks are "cliffs";
Shapes which are rounded are "humps";
Courses which go through are "streams";
Passages coming between two mountains are called "ravines";
Waters coming between two mountains are called "torrents";
Those [hills] which are high and resemble a range are called
"mounds";
Those which are level as far as the eye reaches are called
"plateaus";
Whoever relies on this will know approximately what a
landscape is like.
Attributed to Wang Wei (701-761), Hua-hsiieh pi-chileh (Secrets of the
Study of Painting), excerpt. CKHLLP, p. 596.
is very high and full of water sources that are buried in the bulging
contours of the earth. Hence the soil is thick and the waters are deep.
The mountains have numerous piles of peaks, twisting through un-
broken ranges of a thousand miles or so. Great hills have summits
(ting) and wind along to eminent heights in every direction of the wild
terrain. The scarcity of mountains like the central Shao-shih peak of
Mount Sung [in Honan] is not due to the lack of exceptional heights.
But, even though there are peaks which thrust up to exceptional
heights, they mostly rise from the center of the earth and not from
its surface.
Mount Sung has many fine streams; Mount Hua has many fine
sharp peaks; Mount Heng has many fine creviced peaks; Mount Ch'ang
has many fine ranges; Mount T'ai has an especially fine central peak.
Among the famous mountains and magnificent districts of the empire
are T'ien-t'ai and Wu-i, Lu, [Heng,] and Yen-t'ang, Min, 0 [-mei] and
the Wu Gorge, T'ien-t'an and Wang-wu, Lin-Iii and Wu-t'ang. There
the earth shows her treasures and hides away the cave where sages
dwell. Strange and towering, god-like in their beauty, their essential
wonder cannot be fathomed.
If you wish to grasp their creation, there is no way more spiritual
than love, no way finer than diligence, no way greater than wandering
to your satiety or gazing to your fill. If all is ordered in detail in your
bosom, your eye will not see the silk and your hand will be unaware
of brush and ink, and through the immensity and vastness [of your
mind] everything will become your own painting. Thus did Huai-su
[8th century] hear the nighttime waters of the Chia-ling River, and
this sage of draft-writing achieved yet greater beauty. Thus did Chang
Hsu [8th century] see the sword dance of Lady Kung-sun and the
power of his brush became yet more noble 12 •••
A mountain has the significance of a major object. Its form may
rear up, may be arrogantly aloof. It may be lofty and broad, may
sprawl. It may spread vast and extensive, may be solid and bulky. It
may be heroic and martial, may be sacred or awe-inspiring. It may
glare down or hold court to its environment. It may be capped with
further peaks or ride upon lesser slopes. It may have others which
lean upon it in front or depend upon it in the rear. It may seem to
gaze down from its eminence and survey the ground below. It may
seem to wander down to direct its surroundings. Such are the major
formations of mountains.
12. Compare with the story of Wu Tao-tzu (8th century) and the general Pei Min
in chapter 2 at "Brushwork."
The Lan{L\Utfle Texts 16 7
Water has the significance of a living ohje<.:t. Its form may be deep
and peaceful, may be lithe and slippery. It may spread to the horizon
or circle back again. It may be fat and oily, may spray out in a screen,
or shoot out like an arrow. It may have many sources and may flow
far into the distance. It may fall piercing the heavens and may thunder
into the ground. It may bear anglers at their case, and may border
happily murmuring foliage. It may embrace mists and clouds, elegant
and enticing. It may shine in valleys and gorges, bright and splen-
dorous. Such are the living formations of water.
A mountain has water as blood, foliage as hair, haze and clouds as
its spirit and chara<:tcr. Thus, a mountain gains life through water,
its external beauty through vegetation and its elegant charm through
haze and clouds. Water has the mountain as its face, huts and pavilions
as eyes and eye-brows, anglers as its soul. Thus, water gains its charm
through the mountain, its vivacity through huts and pavilions, its
ranging freedom through the anglers. Such is the interaction of moun-
tain and water.
There are high mountains and low mountains. The arteries of the
high mountain run low. Its limhs spread wide and its base is powerful
and solid. Ridge lines of rounded crests or creviced peaks crowd
together and interweave in unbroken gleaming links. Such is a high
mountain. Thus, this type of mountain is called well supported and
unified. The arteries of a low mountain run high. Its head [summit]
comes halfway down, tnerging straight into its neck. The base is broad
spread, and earthen mounds erupt in profusion. It extends deep down
into the earth, none can measure hu\-v far. Such is a low mountain.
Thus, this type of mountain is called substantial and coherent. If a
high mountain is isolated, it is because its body is not unified. If a low
mountain is slight, it is because its aspects do not (~ohere. Such are
the configurations of mountain and water.
Rocks are nature's bones and, with bones value is placed on their
being strong and well covered, not poking through the surface. Water
is nature's blood and, with blood, value is placed on its circulating
and not congealing.
to bring out their firmness and solidity, and the depth or shallowness
of concavities and convexities. Brush in texture strokes in light and
dark tones, and add dots evenly with tones of high to low intensity.
Such are the effects of the "broken ink" technique.
Large, even rocks are called "boulders." Yet, rocks do not have
one appearance. Some are piled up in layers, refined and smooth;
some are rocky summits, sheer and dangerous. There are precipices
with irregular outlines and peculiarly shaped rocks which have
tumbled down from above. There are some which are immersed in
water and whose depth cannot be fathomed. Some have only their
bases submerged but they are supported by other rocks. As for
rocky crags that are precipitous and jagged, in myriad wondrous
ways they spread out horizontally and vertically; their shapes are
unlimited.
In addition, there are various kinds of texture strokes. There is the
"hemp fiber" stroke, the "ornamental dot" stroke, the "cutting moun-
tain" stroke, the "horizontal" stroke, the "uniform and connected
water" stroke. For each of these lines and dots there are ancient and
modern schools, a number of whose rules still exist.
The ancient said: "Not ten paces away, rocks seem real; ten miles
away, mountains are distant." Moreover, rocks being of the same
substance as mountains, one should value their quality of spirit res-
onance (ch'i-yun) 13 and not that of dry lifelessness (k'u-tsao). When
painting rocks, do not depart from these views.
SSCCC, "Concerning Rocks." CKHLLP, p. 667.
13. The Shuo-fu edition has "moist dampness" (jun-tse) instead of "spirit resonance."
The Landscape Texts 169
Technical Secrets
Ching Hao (ca. 870-ca. 930)
[The old man said:] "Here I will give you the detailed instructions of
the Essentials of painting. Spirit is obtained when your mind moves
along with the movement of the brush and does not hesitate in de-
lineating images. Resonance is obtained when you establish forms,
while hiding [obvious] traces of the brush, and perfect them by ob-
serving the proprieties and avoiding vulgarity. Thought is obtained
when you grasp essential forms, eliminating unnecessary details [in
your observation of nature), and let your ideas crystallize into the
forms to be represented. Scene is obtained when you study the laws
of nature and the different faces of time [different times of the day
or seasons of the year], look for the sublime, and recreate it with
reality. Brush is obtained when you handle the brush freely, applying
all the varieties of strokes in accordance with your purpose, although
you must follow certain basic rules of brushwork. Here you should
regard brushwork neither as substance nor as form but rather as a
movement, like flying or driving. Ink is obtained when you distinguish
between higher and lower parts of objects with a gradation of ink
tones and represent clearly shallowness and depth, thus making them
appear natural as if they had not been done with a brush."
He continued further: "There are the divine, the sublime, the dis-
tinctive, and the skillful classes of painting. Divine work is that in
which there are no artificial elements and the images are formulated
The Landscape Texts 171
Shan-shui chueh
Now, among the ways of painting, monochrome is by far superior. It
originates in the nature of the self-existent and perfects the efforts
of the creator. Thus, in the few inches of a painting, a hundred
thousand miles of scenery may be drawn. East, west, south, and north
seem to be before the eyes; spring, summer, autumn, and winter are
produced under the brush.
First, define the limits of the rivers and avoid making floating moun-
tains; then set out the roads and paths without making continuous
ways.
The "host" peak, as is most fitting, is tall and lofty; the "guest"
mountains should hasten toward it.
Monasteries may be placed in enclosed mountain sites; houses may
be set upon land by river margins.
In villages and farmsteads several trees are set out to form groves;
their branches should grow close to the trunks. On mountains and
precipices water gathers together and falls as cascades; water sources
should not flow at random.
It is only correct that ferrying places be quiet and peaceful, and
travelers should be few and scattered.
Bridges which let through large boats should be high and lofty; if
suitable for fisherman's skiffs, they can be low without there being
difficulties.
On overhanging cliffs and perilous heights, it is good to set strange-
shaped trees; in places with palisades and escarpments, there cannot
be pathways.
Distant peaks and clouds merge together in appearance, and colors
of faraway sky and water blend in the light.
From the midst of places where mountains interlock, streams flow
out most copiously; in spots on paths where one encounters peril,
cantilevered plank roads may be set.
On level land with towers and terraces, it is rather appropriate to
have tall willows shading the houses; on famous mountains with
Buddhist and Taoist temples, it is eminently suitable to have strange-
shaped fir trees enhancing the towers and pavilions.
Distant scenery is mist-wrapped; deep cliffs are cloud-locked.
Wineshop flags should be suspended high above a path; travelers'
sails should hang low on the horizon.
Distant mountains must necessarily incline in rows; only nearby
trees should rise to prominence.
In addition to practicing with brush and inkstone, occasionally play
The Landscape Texts 173
while lost in absorption. After many long months and years, one will
have fathomed the hidden secrets somewhat. For those who under-
stand intuitively, there is no need to say more; those good at studying
can still follow the standard methods.
Shan-shui lun
Shan-shui chueh
When painting landscapes, first establish the position of the "guest''
and "host" mountains; next decide the configurations of the back-
ground and foreground. Afterwards, precisely weave in the scenery
and arrange the relative heights.
The application of the brush should not be too heavy. If so, the
work will be muddy and unclear. Nor should it be too light. If so, the
work will be dry and lusterless. If the use of wash is excessive, there
will be no continuity; if the compositional plan is intricate and detailed,
it will lack spirit ...
Lofty mountains have mists obliterating their mid-sections [waists];
long mountain ranges have clouds obscuring their feet.
Although distant rivers twist and wind forward, still use douds and
mists to interrupt their courses. Although strange-shaped rocks stand
like steep cliffs, they still need earthen embankments to support their
bases.
Broad plains are boundless and unbroken; green hills adjoin tbeir
low, shallow places. 1 t
Rocks should be rounded out with the sharp edges multiangled on
all sides. Trees should be interlaced with their straight trunks bare
or leafy according to the season ...
The trees of misty groves should be spaced out. If they are crowded
together, it will be intricate and tedious.
Repeated cliffs must not be uniformly level; for clustered peaks it
is even more appropriate that there be variations in height.
Single peaks are placed far away: rivers in plains recede into the
distance.
Roads and paths are sometimes hidden, sometimes visible; bridges
can be used or not.
14. Here the version of the text given in Li Ch'eng-sou's Hua shan-shui chueh seems
preferable-"level valleys adjoin their flat, shallow places."
The Landscape Texts 177
Attributed to Li Ch'eng (d. 967). CKHLLP, pp. 616-617; cf. pp. 620-
622.
place below, and then with ideas in mind set up the scenery in between.
If you watch how most people learn to paint, you will find they pick
up a brush and put it to work as soon as they lean against the table.
They plan their ideas hastily excited by emotions and smear over the
entire painting. Your eyes clog up at the sight and your thoughts do
not quicken. What hope would there be of finding pleasure in pure
beauty, of seeing emotions on a lofty plane?
In landscape, first pay attention to the major mountain, called the
master peak. When this one is established you can turn to others,
near and far, large and small. We call it the master peak because, in
this manner, it is sovereign over the entire scene. It is like the hierarchy
of lord and ministers.
In scenes of rocks and trees, first pay attention to the largest pine,
called the venerated ancient. When it is established, you may proceed
in turn to various lesser flora and small rocks. We call it the venerated
ancient because, in this manner, it stands out among all other objects
on the mountain. It is like a noble gentleman among lesser mortals.
There are mountains covered in earth and mountains covered in
rocks. An earthen mountain is covered in rocks, and the trees rise tall
and gaunt. A rock mountain is covered in earth, and the trees are
thick and vigorous. There are trees on a mountainside, and trees by
the waterside. Where they grow in thick-soiled mountain areas, you
may find pines a thousand feet high. Where they grow in thin-soiled
areas by the water, you may find stumps only a few feet high. There
are flowing waters and great rocks. There are waterfalls and bizarre
rocks. Waterfalls come flying down from beyond the trees. Bizarre
rocks crouch tiger-like beside the path.
There is rain on the point of falling and snow on the point of
falling. There is heavy rain and heavy snow. There is rain clearing
and snow clearing. There is bustling wind and evening cloud. There
is strong wind and light cloud. Strong wind has the power to blow up
sand and send clouds rolling. Light cloud has the appearance of thin
gauze or stretched silk.
Shops and houses lie on small rivers and not on large watercourses.
They lie on small rivers to be near the water and not on large water-
courses because of the danger. If some happen to be by a large wa-
tercourse they will be in a spot where there is no danger from floods.
Villages lie in open ground and not on mountains. This is for the
convenience of cultivation. On mountains, arable land would be far
away. If there happen to be some on a mountain there will also be
arable land in the mountain.
A large pine or a large rock must be painted on a great cliff or on
The Landscape Texts 179
a great slope. You cannot depict them near a shallow bank or a level
mud-flat.
In all cases, you should master the brush and not be mastered by
it; you should use the ink and not be used by it. Brush and ink may
be trivial matters, but if you are unable to manage the two of them
you will never achieve the finest results. It is, moreover, not too dif-
ficult. You may approach the problem through calligraphy, which is
just the same. Thus, when people say that Wang Hsi-chih f309-ca.
365] loved geese, the point is that he thought their flexing necks were
like a calligrapher turning his wrist to form a character as he held a
br·ush. This is just like discussing the use of the brush in painting.
Hence it is commonly said that good calligraphers are often goo~l
painters. This is probably because, in using the brush, they are ex-
tremely fluent in their wrist movement.
When someone asks me what ink he should use, I answer: "Use
bumt ink, ink that has been kept overnight, receding ink, ink made
from fine dust. One is not sufficient. You cannot achieve the desired
effects through only one ink."
For rubbing the ink, use a stone, a tile, a porcelain bowl, or a piece
of earthenware. For the ink, simply make sure you use an excellent
ink. It is not necessary to use a famous brand. For the brush, use ones
that are poimed and rounded, thick and thin, like a needle and like
a broom.
In manipulating ink, sometimes you use light ink and sometimes
dark, sometimes scorched, kept or receding ink. At times you use ink
made with soot scraped from the stove and at times ink mixed with
blue in a diluted form. If you build the ink tone up with six m· seven
layers of light ink, then the color will be moist and rich, not harsh
and dry. Thick and scorched ink are used for emphasizing outlines
pmminently. Therefore, if they are not used the angles of pines and
the corners of stones will not stand out sharply. When you have thus
brought them out, go over them with watered blue color and the tones
of the ink will be distinct, as if emerging from mist or dew.
The repeated application of light ink in circling strokes is called
"circling with the light." Picking out an object with staccato strokes of
a sharp brush. held almost horizontal, is called "texture stroke scrub-
bing." To soak an area with three layers of wash is called "adding
washes." To moisten with a well-mixed wash is called "to cleanse." To
point with the brush head held straight out away from you is railed
"tu strike.'' To point with the brush head held downwards is called
"to pulL" To acccnr with the tip of the brush is called "to dot." Dotting
is suitable for figures and also for tree leaves. To draw the brush
180 Early Chinese Texts on PaintinK
15. For the type of lanrlscape painted by Wang T.~ai (late Rth-early 9th century),
see chapter2 at "Landscape: Comments."
ThP /Jmdscape Texts 181
did a picture on the classic theme "A Benevolent Man Takes Pleasure
in the ~~Iountains," which had one old man sitting with chin in hand
near a peak. In a picture on the companion theme "A VVise Man
Takes Pleasure in the VVatcr," 16 he made one old man inclining his
ear before a cliff. These suffered from the fault of not reaching
expansive fullness. The first theme should be depicted as in Po
Chu-i's famous picture of his "thatched lodge" retreat, whi<:h over-
flows with the mood of dwelling in the mountains. The second theme
should be as in the equally famous pi<:ture hy Wang Wei of his Wang
River estate which has the pleasure of dwelling by water t.o the full."
How could the pleasure of wise or benevolent men be seen in one
single figure?
VVhat is meant by examining to the point of thorough familiarity?
Artists of the present generation, when painting mountains depict no
more than four or five peaks. \Vhen painting water they depict no
more than four or five waves. These suffer from the fault of not
achieving thorough familiarity. In painting mountains, hig-h and low,
large and small, all should be appropriately harmonious or full to
front and rear; their heads [summitsj should bow in due order and
their limbs respond in perfect unison. The b~auty of the mountains
will then be satisfying. In painting water, be its surface regular or
disturbed, curling in furious Hight or drawn out in great stretches,
its form should be completely natural and sel!Csufficient. The aspects
of water will then be adequate.
V\lhat is meant by not having comprehensive experience? Painters
of recent generations, if horn in \-Vu or Yiieh, depict the protruding
gauntness of the southeast. If they live in the Hsien or Ch'in [districts
of Shensij, then they express the powerful breadth of the northwest.
Those who study Fan K'uan [ca. 9fi0-l 030] lack the elegant beauty
of Li Ch'eng [919-967]. Those who take Wang Wei [701-761] as a
teacher lack the structural power of Kuan Tung [lOth cemury ]. In
all these cases, their fault lies in not having comprehensive experience.
\\-'hat is meant by not discovering the quintessential? In a thousand
mile stretch of mountains it is impossible to appreciate all the wonders.
In ten thousand miles of \Vater how can one appreciate all the beauties?
The T'ai-hang mountain range is pillowed against the Hua-hsia region
16. These statements comf" from the Lun-yii (Analects); see Legge, Chinest< Clanin.
1, 192.
17. \'Vang \Vei's poems and versions of his painting of his Wang River estatf' arc-
welt known. The Tang poel Po Chii-i (772-R46) is not listed as a painter. A painting
illustrating the T'ang writer Lu Hung's compositiou ou his ''Thatched Lodg:e" is in the
1'\ational Palace Museum, Taipei.
182 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
while it faces Lin-Iii. Mount Tai bestrides the Ch'i and Lu districts
[of Shantung], while its most remarkable scenery is at Lung-yen. To
paint the whole extent in one would simply produce a map. All works
which do so suffer from the fault of not discovering the quintessential.
Concentrating on sloping banks leads to clumsiness. Concentrating
on secluded retreats leads to insignificance. Concentrating on figures
leads to vulgarity. Concentrating on lofty buildings leads to mun-
daneness. If you concentrate on stones, then the bones will show. If
you concentrate on earth, then it will be over-fleshy. If brushstrokes
are not blended together, they are called "coarse," and if coarse they
lack true significance. If ink tones are not moist and rich, they are
called "bone-dry," and if dry they do not come alive. Water that does
not flow is said to be dead water; clouds that are not natural. to be
frozen clouds. Mountains without light and dark areas are said to lack
light effects; mountains without hidden and visible parts, to lack at-
mospheric haze. Since, on a mountain, where the sun shines it is light
and where the sun does not shine it is dark, the constant form of a
mountain is defined through light effects. Hence, if light and dark
are not distinguished, it is said to lack light effects. Since, on a moun-
tain, places which have atmospheric haze are hidden and places which
do not are visible, the constant aspect of a mountain is defined by
atmospheric haze. Hence, if hidden and visible areas are not distin-
guished, it is said to lack atmospheric haze.
LCKCC, "Advice on Landscape Painting. CKHLLP. pp. 636-638.
How can such painters know about the principles of preserving reality
and eliminating showiness?
Furthermore, brushmanship is sometimes coarse, sometimes deli-
cate; sometimes uneven, sometimes even; sometimes heavy and some-
times light. If there is no clear distinction between each of these strokes
in the arrangement of far to near, then they will seem spiritually weak
and not make a painting.
If the brushwork is too coarse, this tveakcns the painting's sense of
order. If the brushwork is too delicate, this terminates the flow of
spirit resonance. Each texture stroke, dot, hook, and axe-chop, has a
traditional significance. If one does not follow the painting methods
of the ancients and merely copies an actual mountain without distin-
guishing nearness and farness, or shallowness and depth, the result
will be a geography book illustration. How can such a painter attain
standards and spirit resonance?
SSCCC, "Concerning Defects in the Cse of Brush and Ink, Standards
and Spirit Resonance." CKHLLP, pp. 671-673.
Painters nowadays tend to study but one school, and there are many
who do not understand the accomplishments of the various famous
traditions. While there are able men of wide acquaintance with the
various traditions, few are they who are deeply conversant with any
one of those masters. And artists' works are confused in spirit and
thought, mixed up in their models and rules, and, for these reasons,
extremely difficult to judge. As for elucidating the older masters'
methods it is only the gentlemen possessing deep comprehension who
can discuss their principles clearly. It is the man who has investigated
the stars thoroughly who then verifies geomantically the tomb siting.
Even though one's undertakings are numerous, if there is order to
them then there is no confusion; even though things are multitudi-
nous, if they are in sequence, then there is no disorder. In each of
these cases there is an indwelling sense of principle (li). As for the
principle of examining paintings, if one has not mellowed his heart
and mind, is not good at distinguishing painting materials, and is not
a connoisseur of depth and breadth, then he will be unable to attain
this principle.
Among paintings there are those that have purity of substance, and
are limpid and bland; that are rustic and simple, but possess an-
tique awkwardness; that are light and refined, and tersely beautiful;
that are loosely arranged, and graceful and airy; that are wild and
full of abandon, and endowed with aliveness; that have lonely dis-
tances that are deep and far-reaching; that are dark and dim, but
meaningful; that are realistic, but relaxed and easy in manner; that
are busy with detail but not confused; that are densely packed
but not muddled. All of these were the accomplishments of paint-
ers of the three periods of antiquity (that is, Southern Dynasties,
Tang, and Five Dynasties] who advanced to the famed ranks
of the "Inspired" and the "Excellent." Each was blessed with prin-
ciple.
If a painting on first observation appears quite fathomable, but on
careful study reveals marvelous effects and increasing profundity,
such a painting is superior. On the other hand, if there is a painting
which on first observation appears unfathomable and again does so
on second glance, but after exhaustive study proves eccentric in prin-
ciple and method, such a painting is inferior ...
If a painting has truth, it may be transmitted to posterity. For a
painting whose fame is not self-evident, there is the saying: "Where
there is substance, fame will come of itself." Even if such elevation is
not anticipated, the painting will of its own accord become famous.
However, should a painting falsely acquire a good reputation at one
time, it will in the end gradually diminish in fame. As the saying goes:
186 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
18. The "Hall of Conferred Books" was the name of a library owned by Sung Shou
(991-l 040).
The Landscape Texts I 87
K uo H si as Court Artist
Kuo Hsi (after 1000-ca. I 090)
{In my possession is a handwritten record of my father's [on events]
after Shen-tsung's ascension [in I 067].}
On the 15th of March, 1068, when the minister Fu Pi [ 1004-1 083]
was serving as a magistrate in Ho-yang [Honan provinceJ, on the
receipt of a rescript from the central government, I accompanied him
with due honors to the capital [K'ai-feng].
First of all, I was commissioned by the provincial administrator \Vu
Chung-fu [1011-1078] to do murals for the provincial office; then I
was summoned by the governor of K'ai-feng Shao K'ang [1014-1074]
Lo make a six-paneled screen of snow scenes in the prefectural hall;
next at the Municipal Water Affairs office, on the invitation of an old
friend Inspector Chang Chien-fu [?]. I painted a six-paneled screen
of pines and rocks; next Wu Ch'ung [1021-1080] 19 became an as-
sistant provincial official and summoned me to make screens of distant
views in wind and snow for the walls of the subprefectural hall; also
for the censor's hall, at his behest, I did a six-paneled screen of water
and rocks in wind and rain; also at the [Buddhist temple] Hsiang-
kuo-ssu, behind the spirits on Li Ylian-(:hi's west \\-'all mural, I did a
level distance view of a stream in a valley; next I was granted an
imperial dispensation to make a screen for the Tzu-ch'en Hall [in the
Imperial Palace] along with Ai Hsiian, Ts'ui Po, and Ko Shou-ch'ang;
next with Fu Tao-yin and Li Tsung-ch'eng I did a screen for the small
hall [near the inner F.ast Gate], 20 next I was gTaciously informed by
the Imperial Academy of Calligraphy attendant Sung Yung-ch'en [d.
ll 00], who transmitted the imperial decree, that I was summoned to
go to the Imperial Academy ol' Calligraphy to do screens and scrolls
for the Emperor [Shen-tsung]. both small and large, 1 can't remember
the number. There was a decree that I was to specially receive the
title of "artist-in-apprenticeship" at that Academy. At the time, since
my parents were old, I begged to return home but this was not allowed.
Again I begged to visit my parents, and it was ordered that it he as 1
requested. On imperial command, I made two paintings of "autumn
rain" and "winter snow" as a present for the Prince of Ch'i, and I also
19. Wu Ch'ung, who married Li Ch'cng's granddaughter. may haV(' been the patron
who introduced Kuo Hsi to the court.
20. Sec Ale-xander Soper, Kuo.fo-lniJ's Fxpnienres in Pninting(THCWC) (Washington,
D.C., ACI.S, 19.0 I). p. nO.
188 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
did a folding screen for the study[?], also the screen for the imperial
throne, also two autumn scenes with misty peaks as a present for the
Koreans, also two sets of landscapes of the four seasons, also paintings
and screens of "spring rain" and "clearing skies." The Emperor was
extremely pleased and favored me with a promotion to artist-in-
attendance. He also sent down an order to do a pair of screens, one
of trees and one of rocks, for two walls of the Jade Flower Hall; also
to do "colored spring mountains" and "hidden snow in winter depths."
Also I received an order in regard to the eleventh hall of the [Imperial
Shrine] Ching-ling Palace: on the screen in front a large boulder was
made in eleven pieces with fragments behind it, both large and small,
of an incalculable quantity. {There are separate entries below for some
of the works discussed here.}
LCKCC, excerpt from section 6, ''Notes on Paintings": Kuo Hsi's hand-
written record of his career at K'ai-feng, with comments in braces by
his son Kuo Ssu (d. after 1123).
I. See the entries on Wu Tao-tzu, Han Kan, and Wang Tsai from the TCMHL and
the LTMHC in chapter 2 at "Definition ... " and "Landscape."
192 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
2. For an excerpt from the Po Chii-i record, see the first entry in chapter 2 at
"Appreciation and Connoisseurship"; also Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Pmnting:
Su Shih (1037-1101) to Tung Ch'i-ch'ang (1555-1636) (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1978), pp. 65-66.
3. See the entry on Chang Tsao from the LTMHC in chapter 2 at "Landscape."
4. Fu Tsai's record is excerpted as the first entry in chapter 2 at "Social Status and
Creative Activity"; also see Michael Sullivan, Chinese Landscape Painting of the Sui and
T'ang Dynasties (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 66.
5. See below in this chapter under "Definition, Animation, and Expression."
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 193
6. See Kuo Jo-hsu's discussion of this topic in chapter 3 at "Expressive Style and
Quality."
7. See the passage from Hua-chi, Book 9, in chapter 3 at "Classification by Social
Status."'
194 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
group, two critics who were active in the early twelfth century show
no sign of being directly influenced by him. One of these men was
Huang Po-ssu (1079-1118), who wrote Tung-kuan yil-lun (Further
Discussions from the Eastern Tower), and the other, Tung Yu, whose
opinions on paintings appear in Kuang-ch'uan hua-pa (Tung Yu's
Colophons on Painting). Both these men were known as the foremost
connoisseurs of Hui-tsung's reign (1101-1126) and wrote on callig-
raphy as well as painting. Of the two writers, Tung Yu is the more
interesting and obscure. He evidently had contact with such literati
artists as Li Kung-lin (1049-ca. 1105) and Wang Shen (ca. 1048-
1103) around the turn of the century, though his life-span and official
service extended through the end of the Northern Sung ( 1127). As
a professional critic, he wrote many of his colophons as detailed ex-
planations of subject matter and could focus on minor points of ar-
gument. However, he rose to the height of lyricism when interpreting
the nature of artistic creativity. In these passages, replete with Taoist
references, Tung seems closest to the spiritual approach of Huang
T'ing-chien; the act of creation is described as the union of subject
and object in keeping with the Ch'an attitude toward nature. Because
of the transmission of Tung's text in manuscript form, some of its
obscurities may be the result of textual corruptions. However, there
can be no doubt that Tung drew on the classics of Taoist philosophy
for uses peculiarly his own when describing the main focus of his
interest, the artistic process and its appreciation by an understanding
critic.
Of a more practical nature were the writings of two thirteenth-
century connoisseurs, Chao Hsi-ku (active ca. 1195-ca. 1242) and
Chou Mi (1232-1298). Chao's Tung-t'ien ch'ing-lu chi (Compilation of
Pure Earnings in the Realm of the Immortals) is a handbook for
connoisseurs and collectors, dealing with the care and appreciation
of all sorts of art objects including lutes, ink-stones, and bronzes as
well as pieces of calligraphy and paintings. The preface, filled with
Taoist references, emphasizes the enduring and revitalizing pleasures
of connoisseurship, pleasures that are spontaneous and thus pure. A
scholarly point of view is quite evident in Chao's characterizations of
specific artists and their works, and he underlines the close connection
between calligraphy and painting. His technical observations on Mi
Fu's art are of particular interest, as well as his cautions about viewing
and mounting scrolls. Chou Mi's Yiln-yen kuo-yen lu (Record of What
Was Seen as Clouds and Mists) contains notes on the paintings that
he was able to observe in various collections and at times approaches
196 EarZ-v Chinese Texts on Painting
8. See chapter 2 at "Social Status and Creative Activity" for the details of this allusion.
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 199
10. llo Tsun-shih was not this painter's name, but an honorific, "The Reverend Ho."
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 201
Su Shih (1037-1101)
The bamboos that grew on the cliffs to the north of the Prefect of
Ling-yang's home were forked [?] bamboos. One, when it had not yet
shed its sheath, was harmed by tree grubs; the other was imprisoned
in a deep crevice. That is why they had these [strange] shapes ... [that
Wen Tung, 1019-1079, painted and Su Shih had engraved so that]
art lovers will be moved and startled by this extraordinary sight and,
moreover, will see in their imagination the noble character of my late
friend, bending but not yielding, just like the bamboos.
Bamboos chilled but preeminent,
Trees lean but enduring,
Rocks homely but distinctive,
These are "the three beneficial friends."
Their brilliance makes us befriend them;
Their independence forbids their being constrained.
I think of this man-
Alas, can I ever meet him again?
A colophon and a poem on paintings by Wen Tung; see Bush, pp. 34
and IOI: texts 52, 53, and 154.
202 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Su Shih (1037-1101)
When one savors Wang Wei's poems, there are paintings in
them;
When one looks at Wang Wei's pictures, there are poems ...
Tu Fu's writings are pictures without forms,
Han Kan's paintings, unspoken poems ...
When Master Han Kan painted horses, they really were
horses;
When I, Su, write a poem, it is like seeing a painting.
Po Lo [the legendary judge of horses] is no longer in the
world, nor is Han;
Who now is competent to judge this poem or this painting? ...
Though Master Wu Tao-tzu was supreme in art,
He can only be regarded as an artisan-painter,
Wang Wei soared beyond images,
Like an immortal crane released from the cage ...
From ancient times on, painters have not been common men,
Their subtle thoughts are produced substantially as in poetry.
Mount Sleeping Dragon's retired scholar is basically a poet;
Thus, he [Li Kung-lin) can cause thunderbolts to crash on the
Dragon Pond.
Excerpts from poems on paintings; see Bush, pp. 25, 27, 29, and 30:
texts 24, 25, 33, 39, 41.
204 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
emerging from water, natural and lovable; then [that of] the Director
of the Imperial Banqueting Court Yen Yen-c:hih [384-456) is like a
woven patterned brocade covered with embroidery, its chased designs
filling the eyes. Probably the distance between the natural and the
embroidered is so great that it cannot be spanned.
If one looks at the remaining works by Tang masters, Hsiieh Chi
[649-713] was famous for his bird painting but, though his style
reached far, his brush was weak; Hsiao Yi!eh [active early 9th century]
was famous for his bamboo painting and, though his brush was vig-
on)Us, it lacked harmony (yiln). Each of these two painters had only
one specialty in which he concentrated all his refinement, and so both
were incomplete. How then could prunus, bamboo, and birds all have
Jlowered from their brush-tips? The relaxed flavor (ch'ii) and far-
reaching tone (yiin) of this painting by Master Shih-ch'un can truly
be esteemed. Conceptualizing (i) these brush movements is like con-
ceptualizing in literature. How then can even the divine eminence of
the words issued by Hsieh Ling-yi.in be sufficient for envy?
Tung-kuan yil-lun (Further Discussions from the Eastern Towe1·), Book
B, a colophon on a bamboo painting scroll by a noble of the Imperial
House.
Mi Yu:jen (1075-1151)
Yang Hsiung (53 B.C.-A.D. 18) considered written characters to be
the depictions of the mind. If he had not comprehended basic prin-
206 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
ciples, he could not have reached this conclusion. As for the definition
of painting, it is also a depiction of the mind. In the past everyone
who was of an exceptional talent worked in this way, but how can the
common commercial artisan be expected to understand?
TTCLC; see Bush, pp. ll4-ll5: texts 183, 184; CKHLLP, pp. 86-87
(in part).
urally finding roads and paths as if they had seen them in a dream
or recognized them from a former life. They would see the streams
and rocks, the grasses and trees of the mountains, and know their
names without asking; they would meet the fishermen, woodcutters,
and hermits of the mountains and recognize each man without even
knowing his name. Is this not a powerful feat of unfailing memory!"
I say that it is not. If paintings of the sun often resemble ricecakes,
it is not because of forgetting about the sun. When drunk one doesn't
drink through the nose; in a dream one doesn't grasp things with the
toes; [one acts] according to instinct (t'ien-chi) without forcing oneself
to remember how. When the retired scholar was in the mountains,
he was not preoccupied with any single thing, and thus his spirit
communed with all things, and his knowledge encompassed all the
arts.
However, there is Tao and there. is skill. If one has Tao and not
skill, then, although things have been formed in one's mind, they will
not take shape through one's hands ...
When bamboo first comes into being, it is only an inch-long shoot,
but its joints and leaves are all there. It develops from [shoots like]
cicada chrysalises and snake scales to [stalks like] swords rising eighty
feet, because this development was immanent in it. Now when painters
do it joint by joint, and add to it leaf by leaf, will this be a bamboo?
Therefore, in painting bamboo one must first have the perfected
bamboo in mind. Then, when one takes up the brush and gazes
intently, one will see what one wants to paint and rise hurriedly to
pursue it, wielding the brush forthwith to capture what was seen. It
is like the hare's leaping up when the falcon swoops. If it hesitates in
the slightest, all will be lost. Wen T'ung [1019-1079] taught me.in
this way, and I could not achieve it, but understood the way it should
be done. Now if one knows how it should be done and cannot do it,
inner and outer are not one, and mind and hand are not in accord.
It is a fault stemming from lack of study. Thus, the reason why one
may see things in the mind, but be awkward in executing them, is
that what one sees dearly in everyday life is suddenly lost when it
comes to putting it into practice. Does this apply only to bamboo?
When Su Ch'e [my younger brother] composed the "Ink Bamboo
Prose Poem" for Wen Tung, he wrote: "The butcher merely cut up
oxen, but a nourisher of life learned from him; the wheelwright Pien
carved wheels, but the reader of books agreed with him. 11 Now, when
I L These allusions are to two stories in Chuang·lw, Books 3 and 13; see James
The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Taoism (New York: Dover, 1962). pt. I,
pp. 198-200, 343-344.
21!8 Early Chinese Texts on Painlzng
you make usc of these bamboos and I take you to be a man of the
Tao, is this wrong?" Ch'e had not yet painted, and so he grasped Wen
T'ung's ideas and nothing more. As for me, how can I just understand
his ideas? I also understand his method ...
Then can the Tao definitely not be sought? I say that the Tao can
be made to come (chih) but cannot be sought. What do I mean by
"made to come"? [The famous military strategist of the 6th century
B.C.] Sun Wu said: "A skilled fighter makes the opponent come to
him and is not made to go to the opponent." [Confucius' disciple]
Tzu-hsia said: "Mechanics dwell in their shops so as to an~omplish
their works. The superior man learns in order to make his Tao come."
When something comes (chih) by itself to us without any seeking for
it, this is what may be called "made w come." In the south there are
many divers who live in the water every day. At seven they wade, at
ten they can float, and at fifteen they are able to dive. Could the divers
be what they are without effort? They have grasped the Tao of the
water. If one lives in water every day, then at fifteen one will grasp
its Tao. If one has not known water from birth, then although full-
grown, one will be afraid at the sight of a boat. Thus, a hardy man
from the north, who questions the divers to seek their method
of diving and then tries out what they tell him but in the Yellow
River, will inevitably drown. Therefore, everyone who does not
study and insists on seeking the Tao is like a northerner learning
diving.
Excerpts from "On Li Kung*lin's 'Mountain Retreat' Picture," "Record
of Wen T'ung's Painting the Bent Bamboos of YUn-tang Valley" and
"Parable of the Blind Man and the Sun"; see CKHLLP, pp. 629, 1026-
1027, and Rush, pp. 36, 37 and 40: texts [,g (in part), 60, 65.
Su C:h'e (1039-1112)
Wen Tung ... [said]: "Now, what I love is the Tao which I release
in bamboo [painting]. At first, when I lived in retirement on the south
slope of Mount Ch'ung, I made my home in a grove of tall bamboo,
looking and listening without awareness so that they did not affect
my mind. In the morning the bamboo were my friends; in the evening
they were my companions. I drank and ate amongst them, and stopped
and rested in their shade. If one looks at the different aspects of
bamboo, there are many ... These are the ways in which bamboo is
bamboo. At first, I looked and enjoyed them. Now I enjoy them
without consciousness of doing so. Suddenly, forgetting the brush in
my hand and the paper in front of me, I rise up instantly and make
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 209
The meaning of this is, how can one even preserve loved things within
the mind? Moreover, it is far worse to fix on one thing unremit-
tingly." I answered him: "If one is only sincere and released within,
though things are manifold, when manifested in images and revealed
in forms, they cannot be considered encumbrances. If these are nour-
ished within oneself in profound stillness, since one sets up no target,
things cannot leave their barbs. How then can the scratchings of
other people be considered irritations to oneself? You should try
viewing them. If [someone] is said to be unable to forget scratch-
ings on the wall, yet able to forget the encumbrance of things,
one can indeed know that [painting] is not an irritation to the
mind" ...
Though artisans may claim a number of skills for themselves, suc-
cess is found only by focusing on one of these [skills], by which they
create with refinement. As for subtle understanding of a choice of
technique and essential immersion in the response to feeling, practical
function may be ignored yet the spirit will still be gained. One can
find this only in those [painters] who produce works without hesi-
tation ...
If through pursuing one of the arts a man can attain harmony with
the Tao, this is what the ancients called "approaching skill" ...
Those who look at paintings by Li Ch'eng [919-967] are ftrst im-
pressed by the forms and then suddenly seem to forget them. Most
people are astonished and think the works divinely inspired, but can
their experience [of the paintings} be a true view? Li was a first degree
graduate from Chi-hsia [Shantung]. His attitude toward mountains,
forests, streams and rocks, was that of one who lived in retirement
amidst peaks and valleys. He was born loving piled-up mountain ranges,
the density of gorges, and the height of peaks. He stored his love in
his mind and, with time, it became part of him. He concentrated on
it without relaxing, forgetting even objects themselves until an ex-
ceptional clarity was contained within his breast, and he could preserve
it without effort. Then, one day, he suddenly saw many mountains
spread out before him [in his mind's eye], emerging in close and
massed array. When, in a hazy glow of dearing mists, each part cor-
responded from below to above, he gradually released these [images],
unable to hold them back. For what has been transformed by the art
of the mind comes forth when it is time, making use of painting to
lodge what is released. Then cloud and mist, wind and rain, and the
transmutations of thunder follow in turn. When the time has come,
the painter suddenly forgets his physical self, and what he sees in-
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 211
Mi Yu-jen (1075-1151)
People know that I am good at painting and vie to obtain my works,
but few realize how I paint. Unless the eye of true perception is in
their foreheads, they cannot perceive it, and one cannot look for it
in the paintings of ancient and [other] modern artists. My condition
in the world is like that of one hair in the ocean, tranquil and colorless.
Often I sit in meditation in a quiet room, forgetting all the worries
of the mind and sharing my wanderings with the emptiness of the
blue void.
Naturalness in Painting
Su Shih (1037-1101)
When Wen Tung painted bamboo,
He saw bamboo and not himself.
Not simply unconscious of himself,
Trance-like, he left his body behind.
His body was transferred into bamboo,
Creating inexhaustible freshness.
Chuang-tzu is no longer in this world,
So who can understand such concentration?
A poem on a Wen T'ung painting; see Bush, p. 41 : text 66.
12. Besides the allusion to the Chuang·tzu, Book 3, referred to previously, there are
two references to Book 19; see Legge, Sacred Books of China: Texts of Taoism, pt. II, pp.
15-16,31-32.
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 213
Mi Fu (1052-1107)
Tung YOan flOth century] had much tranquility and naturalness (t'ien-
chen). The Tang Dynasty had nothing in this category. He is placed
above Pi Hung [active later 8th century]. In recent years there has
been no one to equal him in the lofty style of the "inspired class"
{shen-flm). His mountain peaks appear and disappear; his douds and
mists reveal and conceal; without the ornamentation of a cunning
flavor· (ch'ia(Hh'u), he captured their natural character. [His treesJ
dense and green in misty tones, with their trunks and branches thrust-
ing forth vigorously, all have a sense of life (sheng-i). There are creeks
with bridges, fishing reaches, and small islands in shifting light-a
very slice of Chiang-nan ...
fin Li Ch'eng's Pine and RocksJ the trunk thrusts upward in a m<~es
tic curve, and the branches cast shadows with their luxuriant growth.
Where the knotholes are indicated, he did not use circles of ink but
put down one big dab to run throughout the trunk, going over it
lightly with a palely inked brush. Thus it is like the work of nature.
On the opposite si<k, a textured boulder juts up, rounded and glis-
tening; at the crest of a bank the br·ushwork ends. The foot of the
rock is on a levd 1vith a rock in the water, and below that he used
light ink to indicate an appropriate amount of water. Hence this is a
ledge that goes straight down into the water. It is not like those of
common imitators that are done in vertical or slanting strokes and,
even worse, lack ground and water effects beneath, seeming to float
in midair. If brash critics claim that Li Ch'eng lacks "feet," no doubt
they have never seen a genuine work ...
Because Li Kung-lin [ l049-ca. 1105] modeled himself on Master
Wu Tao-tzu, he was never able to es<:ape his influence. I chose Ku
K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca. 4061 for his lofty antiquity instead and did not
let one brushstroke be in Master \'Vu's manner. Also, the tone of Li's
brushwork was not high. I make the eye-pupils, facial patterns, and
bone structure according to their own natural character (t'ien-h.sing).
This is not something one can do by following a model , , .
Sun Chih-wei's [I Oth century] painting of the planets are most oddly
different. They do not resemble [types] traditionally believed in by
people. He was an original person. However, his paintings were formed
by arriving at an "untrammeled" style of creation, tranquil yet with a
vital movement. Though his brush moved in light swoops, it never
curved about; students [of this technique] could never achieve it, for
he had his own full and vigorous air in emulation of the ancients .. ,
Fan K'uan's landscapes have the towering heights of Heng and T'ai
214 Ear(y Chinese Texts on Painting
[the sacred mountains of the North and East]. His far-distant moun-
tains are usually shown straight on and give the effect of being broken
off abruptly. Late in life he used a great deal of ink and did not
distinguish between rocks and earth. No man in the present dynasty
has surpassed him. His mountain streams spring from the depths of
nowhere; his waters seem to have a voice of their own.
Hua-shih (Painting History, HS), excerpt; see also Bush, pp. 72-73:
text 137; CKHLLP, pp. 653, 652, 459, 460.
Excerpt from a poem on a bamboo painting, see Bush, p. 47: text 85.
nature was in harmony with external nature. When Li Kuang [d. 125
B.c.] first shot at a rock [thinking that it was a tiger], his arrow buried
itself up to its feathers. Later he never triumphed over a rock. Having
seen it as a rock, he found it impenetrable. When his spirit (shen) was
fixed, one shot and he had succeeded. An even more subtle expla-
nation would be that man contains ability within himself (alone] ...
Those who discuss painting say that to be subtle in achieving a sense
of life (sheng-i) and to be capable of not deviating from the truth is
all there is to it. Through this one can reach perfect artistry. If one
asks what a sense of life consists in, they will answer that it might be
called naturalness (tzu-jan); if one asks about naturalness, they will
then say that whatever cannot differ from the truth has it [natural-
ness]. Moreover, if one looks at all living things on earth, they are
just the transformations of one vital energy (ch'i). Its functioning and
modifications are appropriate in each case; no one is conscious of the
process, and so it is achieved naturally. Nowadays painters believe in
subtlety (miao). But if, in outlining forms and setting forth colors, one
seeks for things to match and imitates what they resemble, completing
the work in a certain order, then all is human effort from start to
finish. How can it be in harmony with naturalness?
Now, if a painter reaches the point of forgetting that he is painting,
how can he be concerned with forms? Unless a man is enlightened,
he cannot attain this ...
If one is able to be unconscious of horses and without the hindrance
of looking at horses, forms will disappear abruptly as if extinguished
and nonexistent. When the completed image is prepared and lodged
in one's breast, it will suddenly emerge without one's knowing how it
did so. Then, prancing and soaring, it will enter the scene on the silk.
At first one will not be aware of it, but the horse that appears in front
of one will be a true horse. If one has released the image, it will be a
true horse. How will there ever be any other [kind of] horse?
Po Chii-i [772-846] said: "Painting is without a fixed [formula of]
skillfulness; resemblance is its skill." But, is what is valued in resem-
blance the same as formal resemblance? What is valued in resemblance
is achieved without planning ... How can it only be resemblance that
is valued? For we know that one who does not consciously try to paint
finds what is before created things. In general, the arrangement of
forms to produce images comes from a sense of life and is obtained
by naturalness. One waits for it to appear in one's breast. It is like the
unfolding and blooming of flowers and leaves. Only after this is it
externalized by making use of the hand and recording in colors. One
never seeks likeness first and then lodges one's conceptions in it ...
216 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
for nineteen years and kne'"' of no whole oxen in the world. Thus, I
know that, when Fan K'uan [active ca. 990-1030] released his brush,
nothing escaped him. Therefore, he could wield his brush as one with
his spirit., so that his divine invention moved of itself to encounter
things. Although he was unaware of the way [forms] were developing
and expanding, they came of themselves. Then, suddenly, the T'ai-
hang and \Vang-wu mountains would rise before him, joining together
so that they could not be concealed. In recording his success, one
should place him on a par with the Immortal K'ua-ngo ...
I would say that Yen Su's painting is first in naturalness (t'ien-jan).
His gaining of excellent insight was not managed through accumu-
lation of effort. One can imagine him loosening his clothes and ex-
panding his consciousness, his mind roaming and his spirit set free
in myriad mountains and forests, so that there would be feeling and
response in a state of concentration. Therefore thunderclaps, wind,
and rain, could be suddenly before him and he would not withdraw.
At such times, how could there be a [conscious] painter?
KCI!P, Book I, 3-6: colophons on four landscape paintings by Yen Su,
a peony painting by Hsti Hsi (d. before 975), a painting by Li Ch'eng
(919-967), a horse painting by Ts'ao Pa, a painting of flowering trees
by Li YUan-pen (unidentified), a hor.se painting by Li Kung-lin, and a
landscape painting by Fan K'uan; sec also Bush, pp. 54-61: texts 105,
97, 101, 103, 104, 106,98, 99, 108, 113, 110 in part.
Spontaneity in Painting
Su Shih (1037-1101)
Mi Fu (1052-1107)
Why is it necessary to recognize difficult characters?
We laugh at Yang Hsiung [53 B.C.-A.D. 18] for his troubles.
Sung Literati Theory and Connoi.murship 219
Then, fearing that their spirit was not complete, I went to look at
them in a grassy spot and from this first grasped their nature (t'ien).
When I start to paint, I don't know whether I am an insect, or whether
the insect is me. This is probably not any different from the workings
of Creation as it produces things. How could there be a transmittable
method?"
From Hao-lin yu-lu; see Bush, pp. 63-64: texts 116, 117; CKHLLP, p.
1030.
Mi Fu (1052-1107)
Generally, [in painting] animals and human figures, one does a sketch
and it resembles [the object], but in doing landscapes, reproduction
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 221
will not succeed. In landscape, the level at which the mind is satisfied
is high ...
When Su Shih paints bamboo in ink, they rise straight from the
ground to their tips. I asked him: "Why is it that you do not follow
their joints as divisions?" He answered: "When bamboo is born, does
it follow its joints for growth?"
HS; see also Bush, p. 68: text 120; CKHLLP, pp. 653, 1031.
Li Ch'eng and another by Fan K'uan; see also Bush, p. 60: text 111 (in
part); CKHLLP, p. 656.
13. Here the reference is probably to Hsieh K'un (280-322), who did his public
duty as an official but preferred the unconventional life of a recluse in "one hill and
one valley": see Bush, p. 45, n. 49. However, Hsieh An (320-385) was noted for his
extreme composure in difficult silUations: see Richard B. Mather, tr., Shih-shuo Hsin·
yti: A New Account of Tales of the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1976), pp. 189-190, 192-193,526-527.
224 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Su Shih (1037-1101)
If anyone discusses painting in terms of formal likeness,
His understanding is close to that of a child.
If someone composing a poem must have a certain poem,
Then he is definitely not a man who knows poetry.
There is one basic rule in poetry and painting;
Natural genius and originality ...
The older generation's Wen Tung [ l 0 19-1079] could truly
portray bamboo,
The younger generation's P'o [Su Shih's son Kuo, 1072-1123]
now transmits the spirit of rocks ...
Ancient and modern painters of water usually make level views
with fine strokes. The best of them are able to do no more than create
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 225
the waves' ups and downs in a way that demands our touching them,
which means that depression and elevation are taken to be excellence
in painting. But, this style, just like [a] woodblock print's use of wet
paper, strives for skill in trifles ...
When Huang Ch'uan [ca. 903-968] painted flying birds, their necks
and legs were both stretched out. Someone said: "If flying birds draw
in their necks, then they stretch out their legs; if they draw in their
legs, then they extend their necks. They don't have them both stretched
out." When I investigated the matter, it was indeed so. From this we
may conclude that, when it comes to people who look at things but
fail to see them correctly, even as painters they will be incompetent.
How much worse it would be with things of major importance! There-
fore, a gentleman must emphasize study and be fond of asking ques-
tions ...
The difficulty in transmitting the spirit [that is, portraiture] lies in
the eyes ... and then in the facial contours. Once, on seeing the shadow
of my own cheek bones appear by the light of a lamp, I asked someone
to trace it on the wall without defining eyebrows or eyes. Those who
saw the result all burst into laughter, recognizing that it was me. If
the eyes and cheek bones are like a person, but not the rest of the
face, one can add to or subtract from [the proportions of] eyebrows
and nostrils to gain a likeness. Portraiture and phrenology have the
same Tao. If one wishes to capture the nature (t'ien) of a person, the
method should be in secretly searching for it among a multitude [of
traits]. These days, the subject is made to dress himself up and sit
formally, to fix his eyes on one object and wear a pompous expression.
How, then, can [a painter] recreate the person's nature? Each of man's
ideas and thoughts has a place [of expression], either in the brows
and eyes, or in the nostrils ... I once saw the monk Wei-chen [un-
identified] doing a painting of Tseng the Duke of Lu, which at first
was not very much like him. One day the monk went to see the Duke
and, upon returning, said happily: "I have caught him." Then he
added three wrinkles at the outer edge of the eyes, which were only
faintly visible. He made him have a lowered head but an upward gaze,
the brow lifted and wrinkled. Consequently, there was a very close
likeness.
Excerpts from poems and colophons on painting; see Bush, pp. 26, 33-
34: texts 31, 51, 50; and the "Ch'uan-shen chi" (Record of Portraiture)
cited in CKHLLP, p. 454; also see pp. 628, 1028.
226 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Mi Fu (1052-1107)
When people talk of Meng Hsien of Shensi, they note that he is a
present-day follower of Wu Tao-tzu (8th century] and uses the brush
for painting murals on silk [instead of walls], with each of his strokes
like the cut of the knife. Tao-tzu used to leave as soon as he had
finished the outlines of a painting, and his disciples would embellish
it with colors, and then they probably used his own brush to add some
daubs to finish it. They no doubt feared losing fidelity [to the original
sketch], and so their brushwork was as regular as knife cuts. Thus it
follows that Meng Hsien has only seen the wall paintings and not the
original [conception]. As for his dotting in the pupils of eyes, he uses
thick ink, and the sharper it is the more its spiritual tone (shen-ts'ai)
is lifeless. Again, when he paints people's faces, their mouths, noses,
and eyes will be too close together in the breadth of expanse from
ear to ear. Wu Tsung-ytian [d. 1050] is the same. In Master Wu's
painting, the hands [of his figures] were all different, but not because
he made a deliberate point of this. Each one held an individual object,
hence the principle [in each case] was naturally dissimilar. Tsung-
yiian, however, made over twenty figures in The Heavenly Kings Cross-
ing the Sea, who were all raising their hands aloft, and it seemed as if
every hand was made in a distinct fashion. On unrolling it, one burst
into involuntary laughter: it was as if a troupe of demons and deities
were playing a gesturing game. Yet the vulgar take this to be skill! ...
I feel that in landscape painting, past and present masters learned
from each other, and few departed from vulgar styles. Thus, I wield
my brush without hesitation and make mostly hazy clouds to conceal
brilliant light and do not attempt any detailed conceptions in trees
and rocks. When any resemblance that pleases me is sought by a
connoisseur, I only make three-feet wide horizontal scrolls suspended
from a three-foot roller ... Still less do I make large paintings,
and I lack any trace of the vulgar spirit of Li Ch'eng and Kuan
Tung.
Ch'en Ch'ang from the Chiang-nan area [south of the Yangtze
River] uses the "flying white" brush [that is, a dry brush which will
leave open spaces between hairs] to make trees and rocks which have
a pure and untrammeled conception. He is not skilled in figure paint-
ing, but, in cut-off branches and blooms, he also uses an untrammeled
brush. One stroke will produce a branch, and a scattered dotting with
colors a flower, for he wishes to rival Creation itself.
HS, excerpts; see CKHLLP, p. 460 (in part).
Sung Literati Theory and Connois.1eurship 227
of pose are fully expressed. No one would have been capable of this
who did not naturally create marvels.
HP.
principles, all things have their own spirituality, but I fear it is merely
that few know how to explore this matter.
KCHP, Books l, 4, 6: colophons on scrolls of A Hundred Bullocks (anony-
mous), of horses by Chan Tzu-ch'ien, and of cicadas and sparrows by
Ts'ui Po (active later lith century). See CKHLLP, p. 1034 (in part).
Mood in Painting
Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-1072)
Loneliness and tranquility are qualities (i) difficult to paint and, if an
artist manages to achieve them, viewers are not always able to perceive
Sung Literati Theory and Connoisseurship 231
this. Thus, birds' or animals' rates of speed are easy to see, being
things of superficial perception (i), while relaxed harmony and awe-
some stillness are hard to shape, as feelings of far-reaching mood
(ch'u). As for the effects of height and depth, distance and recession,
these are only the skills of the artisan-painter and not the business of
refined connoisseurship.
Excerpt from a colophon, see Bush, p. 69: text 126; CKHLLP, p. 42.
Mi Fu (1052-1107)
Chu-jan followed Tung Yuan [both lOth century] and there are many
of his works current in this period. His atmospheric vitality is pure
and pleasing, and he achieved naturalness (t'ien-chen) in his compo-
sitions. When Chu-jan was young, he made many [forms like] lumps
of alum-crystal; when he was older, in his tranquility the flavor (ch'u)
was lofty ...
In the landscape of a cloudy scene by Tung Yuan in my collection,
when one unrolls the whole scroll, the structure of the mountains is
both hidden and revealed; the branches of trees emerge and disap-
pear. Its conception and flavor are lofty and antique.
Li Ch'eng's pale ink [landscapes] are like a dream; wrapped in mist,
his rocks are like douds in motion. There is much skill, but little sense
of truth. Even though Fan K'uan's effects are heroic, his deep shading
is like the darkness of night, and his earth and rocks are not distin-
guished. As for the reclusive aspects of profundity in material things,
his quality is superior to that of Li Ch'eng.
Kuan Tung's harsh mountains skillfully create the effect of the
Kuan River (Shensi province], but his peaks and rounded summits
are without much elegant atmosphere.
HS, excerpts; see also Bush, p. 68: texts 122 (in part), 123; CKHLLP,
pp. 652-653.
placed and never restricted, yet its vitality is bound up with the myriad
mountains used according to his conception and often is attained
beyond formal likeness. People frequently fear [such a] vision which
involves ties [with desires], and so it should never he indulged.
KCHP, Books 4 and 6, colophons on paintings of his native place by Li
Ch'eng and landscape by Kuo Chung-shu; see also Bush, p. 60: text
112.
Mi Yujen (1075-1151)
All my life I have known the exceptional sights of the Hsiao and
Hsiang region [Hunan]. Each time I climbed and reached beautiful
spots, I would always sketch their true flavor (ch'ii), making a long
scroll to delight the eyes.
Excerpt from a colophon recorded in SKTSHHK, II, Rook 13; see Bush,
pp. 68-69: text 125; CKHLLP, p. 684.
Connoisseunhip
Su Shih (1037-1101)
A gentleman should rest his thoughts on objects [in passing] but must
not fix his thoughts on them. If he [merely] rests his thoughts on
objects, even insignificant things are enough to pmducc joy and even
exceptional beauties arc nof. enough to create obsessions. But if he
fixes his thoughts on objects, even insignificant things are enough to
create obsessions and even exceptional beauties are not enough to
produce joy. Lao-tzu said: 'The five colors can blind men's eyes; the
five sounds can deafen men's ears; the ftve tastes can numb men's
mouths; riding and hunting can madden men's minds." 15 Yet, the
sages have never rejected these four [pleasures]; rather they have
merely lodged their thoughts in them ... How could these [experi-
ences] be simply of sound, color, scent, and taste? Moreover, such joys
never pall throughout a lifetime. Of all the things that may be enjoyed
enough to gladden one, yet not enough to affect one, none are better
than calligraphy and painting. But if anyone fixes his thoughts on
them unremittingly, his misfortune will defy description ... From my
youth on, I have loved these two [arts]. l only feared that what my
family had collected might be lost and only worried that what other
15. The Tao-te ch.mg; see Legge. Sacred Book; of China: Text1 ofTaai.>m, pt. I, p. 55.
234 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Mi Fu (1052-1107)
I have seen seven or eight examples of "Barbarian Horses" by Li
Tsan-hua, Prince of Tung-tan, and by Hu Kuei. However beautiful
they may be, they are not pure enjoyments fit for the [collector's]
study ...
As for paintings in general, if people of today see something un-
familiar, [they] compare it with the works of the higher ranks of
ancient painters; if there is some resemblance, then they compare it
with the standard terms [of critical evaluation). Those who are dilet-
tantes and those who are connoisseurs are of two different classes.
Connoisseurs talk about authenticity and quality, searching widely
through literary records [for information]; or again, they may capture
[the painting] within their minds, sometimes being able to paint them-
selves. Therefore, what they collect is always of the most refined qual-
ity. If people of recent times have the capital, their source [of selection]
is not within the standards set by their intense love [of the art), but
depends upon the eyes and ears of other folk. Those that can be
termed dilettantes place brocaded covers and jade rollers on what
they consider their precious treasures. If one should unroll [these
scrolls], one would fall down with laughter. [When this happens to
me] I abruptly sweep the table clear, shouting "This is shaming enough
to cause one to perish!" ...
Hsii Hsi's painting Peonies in the Wind has some thousands ofleaves,
but only three blossoms. One is right in front; another is on the right;
while the third is behind all the stems and a tangle of leaves. The
potholes of the rock are richly rounded; on top is a cat. I dislike
painted cats and have often wished that I could cut it off ...
In examining paintings, Buddhist subjects and narrative paintings
that offer exhortations and warnings are superior. Next comes land-
scape with its inexhaustible flavor, hazy scenes with mists and clouds
being especially fine. Next come bamboo, trees, water, and rocks, then
flowers and grasses. As for court ladies, birds, and beasts, the aris-
tocracy may enjoy viewing them, but they are not included among
the purer enjoyments.
HS, excerpts.
236 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
less like the circulation of flowing waters. When they paint continuous
flows, then wave heads bubble up, and they look even more like block-
printed wave patterns. How can one look for what is superior under
heaven within the masses? If one wishes to know how to paint water,
one must look at its source, then at its swellings, and finally at its flow.
KCHP, Book 2, a colophon on a painting of water by Sun Po. CKHLLP,
p. 654.
16. Ts'ao Chung-ta (late 6th century) should be substituted for Pu-hsing; see the
excerpt from Kuo Jo-hsii's THCWC, Book I, in chapter 3 at "Buddhist and Taoist
Subjects."
238 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
TTCLC, preface and text. CKHLLP, pp. 86, 1233-1234 (in part, in
different order).
By Yuan times landscape was said to head the list of subject categories,
and all artists of note made their mark in this genre. Hsieh shan-shui
chileh (Secrets of Describing Landscape) is a work attributed to Huang
Kung-wang ( 1269-1354) that follows the tradition of Sung landscape
texts in imagery and casual organization while focusing on the details
of technique with the precision of the Yuan. The references to the
styles of the tenth-century masters Tung Yuan and Li Ch'eng are
appropriate for the period and for the art of Huang Kung-wang.
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 243
3. Note that the Wu-yileh-kuan was actually constructed from 1012 on; see chapter
3 at "The Emperor as Connoisseur and Artist."
246 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
strolls, there are inexhaustible subtleties. Unless there are hills and
valleys in your heart as expansive as immeasurable waves, it will not
be easy to depict it.
Hence from the Six Dynasties through the beginning of the Tang,
although painters were numerous, in their brush technique and place-
ment they profoundly grasped the spirit of antiquity. When men like
Wang Wei [701-761], Chang Tsao, Pi Hung, and Cheng Ch'ien [all
8th century] appeared, they thoroughly instituted the principles [of
landscape]. In the Five Dynasties, Ching Hao [ca. 870-ca. 930] and
Kuan Tung [lOth century] also brought out new ideas and cleaned
out previous defects. During the Sung Dynasty, Tung Yuan [lOth
century], 4 Li Ch'eng [919-967] and Ian K'uan [active ca. 990-1030]
were the three painters who stood like the legs of a tripod. As no one
among the ancients preceded them and no one was to follow, the
method of landscape was perfected then. After these three masters,
there were indeed two or three well-advanced followers, but in the
end they never reached their level.
In discussing painting ordinary people will certainly say that it has
thirteen categories 5 with landscape at the top and ruled-line painting
at the bottom. For this reason people regard ruled-line painting as
the easiest to do. They are unaware that even wood engravers and
artisans are not able to exhaust the subtle aspects of high and low or
looking down and up, square and circular or crooked and straight,
distant and near or convex and concave, sharp and dull or refined and
rough. All the more so, then, is it extremely difficult to thus convey
one's thoughts onto silk or paper with brush and ink, compass and
ruler, while seeking to adhere to the rules and standards. Each of the
various categories of the ancients' paintings had its masters. There
was no one in ruled-line painting during the Tang. In the succeeding
Five Dynasties there was only one man, Kuo Chung-shu [d. 977], and
a few others such as Wang Shih-yiian, Chao Chung-i, and Tung Yiian.
As for Wei llsien and Kao K'o-ming [ llth century], they are still
lower than [Kuo, Wang, Chao, and Tung]. Recently, I have seen the
Han-lin Academician Chao Meng-fu [1254-1322] teach his son Yung
[b. 1289] to do ruled-line painting, while saying: "ln all other kinds
of painting it may be possible to fabricate to deceive people, but in
ruled-line painting there has never been anyone who did not apply
himself diligently in accord with the rules." This is the truth.
Excerpts from Hua-lun (A Discussion of Painting).
On Artists' Styles
Tang Hou [active ca. 1320-1330]
The painting of Ku K'ai-chih [ca. 345-ca. 406] is like the spring
silkworm emitting silken thread. \t\lhen first seen, it appears plain and
facile, and sometimes even deficient in formal likeness. But when one
examines it closely, the Six Laws are all complete, and there is that
vvhich language and writing cannot describe. I once saw his Huang
Ch'u-p'ing Raising Up [Sheep from] Rocks, Yii oj1lsia Regulating the Flood,
Ode to the Goddess of the Lo River, and a small Hea-oenly King. His brush
concepts were all produced naturally like spring clouds floating in the
sky or water flowing over the ground. In applying colors to the forms
of figures, he used thick color to add slight details but did not decorate
them gaudily. In his early years Wu Tao-tzu [8th century] imitated
Ku K'ai-chih's paintings, largely approximating his placement and
brush concepts. As a result, the Hsiian-ho and Shao-hsing rulers fHui-
tsung and Kao-tsung] wrote inscriptions certifying the genuineness
[of these copies]. Connoisseurs should be aware of this.
Hsieh Ho [active ca. 500-535] said of Ku K'ai-chih's paintings, "his
works did noL come up to his conceptions, and his fame goes beyond
the reality."" Recently, after I had seen these copies by Tang men, I
was able to understand that statement .. _
The hrush technique of Wu Tao-tzu was so superior and marvelous
that he was regarded as the painting sage for a hundred generations.
In his early years he handled his brush in a broad manner, wielding
it swiftly [in strokes]like water plants. His figures are fully rounded,
with a sense of vitality and a lively movement. In his calculation and
proportioning of square or round, level or upright, high or low, crooked
or straight, there was nothing that was not. as conceived. As for his
7. These opinions are paraphrased from the Hua-shih; see Bush, p. 72.
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 251
Figures often were painted in red and green clothing, and he used
white powder on their faces. Both types of works were beautifully
executed ...
Li Ch'eng [919-967] of Ying-ch'iu [Shantung] was from a family
of Confucian scholars. He was of noble character and had lofty as-
pirations, and he lodged his ideas in landscapes. He utterly exhausted
the subtleties of all the variations and shifts of mist and clouds, or the
quietude and restfulness of water and rocks; the precarious or easy
forms of the level distances, or the aspects of wind and rain or gloom
and brightness. The critics thus regarded him as the greatest master
of all times. Although many paintings have been traditionally attrib-
uted to him, those that are genuine are extremely rare. ln his whole
life Mi Fu saw only two that were authentic, so that he wanted to write
"A Discussion of the Nonexistem:c of Li." This was because through-
out his life Ch'eng painted only for his own pleasure. Since no force
could compel him [to paint] and since [his works] could not be ob-
tained with money, it is logical that few of his paintings have come
down to us. Among the one hundred fifty-nine scrolls in the Hsuan-
ho Imperial Collection, how could they really distinguish between the
genuine and the false?
Fan K'uan [ca. 960-1030] was originally named Chung-cheng. Be-
cause of his broad-mindedness and generosity, people called him K'uan
[the Expansive]. In the painting of landscapes he first learned from
Li Ch'eng, but later lamented: "It is better to learn from Nature than
to follow an individual." He then cast away his former methods and
visited all the exceptional scenery in the Shensi region. His brushwork
was vigorous, majestic, mature, and solid, and he truly captured the
bone structure of the landscape. The landscapists of the Sung dynasty
who surpassed those of the Tang numbered only thrce-l.i Ch'eng,
Tung Yuan, and Fan K'uan. I have often evaluated them. Tung Yuan
captured the spiritual essence (shen-ch'i) of the mountains, Li Ch'eng
grasped the body and appearance of the mountains, and Fan K'uan
obtained the bone structure of the mountains. Consequently, these
three masters' [achievements] shine throughout ancient and modern
times and can be consickred the teaching models for a hundred gen-
erations. K'uan was especially proficient in painting snowy mountains
which, when seen, make a person shiver with cold . ..
Kuo Hsi [after 1000-ca. 1090], from Ho-yang [Honan], followed
Li Ch'eng. He was good at depicting aspects of the appearing and
disappearing of mist and clouds and the hiding and revealing of peaks
and mountains. He once discussed the painting of mountains, saying:
"Spring mountains are gently seductive and seem to smile; summer
252 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Chao Meng-fu asked Ch'ien Hsuan [ca. 1235-ca. 1300]; "What is the
painting of the scholar gentry (shih-fu hua)?" I-lsuan answered: "It is
the painting of amateurs." Meng-fu said: "True, but I have seen
[works by] Wang Wei of the Tang, and Li Ch'eng, Kuo !-lsi, and Li
Kung-lin of the Sung, which were all painted by high-minded gentle-
men. Yet they transmit the spirit of things and exhaust their subtleties.
As for recent men who have done scholars' painting, how very mis-
guided they are!"
Recorded by Ts'ao Chao in Ko-ku yao-lun (EssenLial Information for the
judgment of Anti4uities), ca. 1387; sec Bush, p. 165: text 243.
8. See the "Record of the Scrolls in the Collection of the Emperor Kao-rsung," in
R. H. van Gulik, Chine~>e Pidurial Arl (Rome: IsM EO, 1958), pp. 205-212.
9. This paragraph follows two passages paraphrasing Mi Fu's con11nents on the
appreciation of painting; see chapter 5 at "Connoisseurship," the second and fourth
paragraphs in the Mi Fu section.
258 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Chin, the Six Dynasties, the Tang, and Five Dynasties, he also ac-
quired and enjoyed the famous works of the Sung. If one does not
look at a painting's quality, but considers how far away or near its
period is, he is not a true connoisseur ...
In collecting paintings, [subjects] like landscapes, flowers, and bam-
boo or water-eroded rocks should be on hanging scrolls so that they
can be hung in a scholar's study. Handscrolls are necessarily the best
for historical narratives or figure paintings ...
When looking at paintings from the Six Dynasties, one should first
look at the silk, then at the brush technique, and then at the spirit
resonance. Out of ten, probably one or two can be believed to be
genuine. Those that have inscriptions and seals of the imperial store-
house are all the more unlikely [to be so].
Old paintings were often cut up and rearranged randomly, then
patched up and made whole. These deceptive practices began with
[the mounter] Chuang Tsung-ku during Emperor Kao-tsung's reign.
Connoisseurship
Tang Hou (active ca. 1320-1330)
When the ancients painted, they all had profound concepts. As they
nurtured their ideas and manipulated their brushes, there was not
one who did not have a purpose. Since fame does not fall on false
scholars, the painters whose names have been passed down from age
to age must have their outstanding qualities. There are thus Six Laws
of painting, but those who grasp one or two are still able to achieve
fame in the world. Hence those who grasp all of them are indeed
noteworthy. In looking at paintings, modern men, who have neither
learned from teachers nor examined documents, merely consider those
that accord with their own ideas to be superior, and those that do not
to be bad. However, when asked why they consider them to be good,
they are bewildered and at a loss to answer. When I was seventeen
or eighteen, I began to have impractical notions. On looking at paint-
ings, I eftioyed them so much that I did not want them to leave my
hands. On meeting connoisseurs, I would request instruction. I bor-
rowed notes and documents everywhere, and savored their ideas in
detail until I could more or less recite them. Having examined many
well-known paintings and reflected upon the words of the ancients,
I am beginning to arrive at a certain awareness. If one is not careful,
Yitan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 259
10. This wording is slightly different from the version given in chapter 5 at "Def·
inition."
262 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Landscape
Huang Kung-wang (1269-1354)
Painters of recent times have generally followed the styles of Tung
Yuan and Li Ch'eng [lOth century]. However, their brush techniques
for trees and rocks differed. Students should pay careful attention to
this.
Trees should be surrounded by branches and twigs on all four
sides, so as to suggest their fullness and lushness. Trees must have
their positions, or what painters call the "nexus" (niu-tzu). They must
bend and interconnect properly, and each tree must have a sense of
living growth. On leafy trees the branches are softened, and both the
fronts and backs have branches that bend upward.
The method of painting rocks is to start with diluted ink, so that
there can be changes and corrections, and gradually add richer ink
over this. Only rocks within ten paces are real [in form]. Rocks must
reveal three surfaces. When using the method of rectangular and
circular shapes [together], the rectangular ones should outnumber
the circular ones.
At the feet of Tung Yuan's mountain slopes are many fragmented
boulders, as he painted the mountain formations of Chien-k'ang [the
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 263
Nanking area]. Tung's rocks are in the so-called "hemp fiber" texture
stroke. Starting at the foot of a slope with an inclined brush, he began
to paint the edges and texture strokes upwards and then would use
diluted ink in graded washes for the deeply recessed places. The
application of color is no different from this, but for rocks, the color
should be applied heavily.
Tung Yuan's small mountain boulders are called "alum-crystal tops";
his mountains are filled with douds and mist. They are all mountain
scenes of Chin-ling [Nanking]. The technique for texture strokes should
be saturated and soft. In the lower part there are sandy reaches, where
one should use diluted ink in sweeping strokes that bend and wind
and then again add diluted ink for gradation.
In mountains one speaks of three distances. What is called the "level
distance" runs continuously without interruption from below. What
is called the "broad" distance is [viewed] through separate openings
in alignment from nearby. What is called the "high distance" is the
remote scenery beyond [and above] the mountains.
The method of using the brush in landscape painting is called
"connecting the muscles and the bones." There is a distinction between
"having ink" and "having brush." When the brushwork within a de-
piction is blurred, this is called "having ink." When the technique of
depicting is not done with a saturated brush, this is called "having
brush." These are matters of utmost importance to the painter, since
mountains, rocks, and trees are all rendered in these ways.
Generally speaking, trees should fill empty areas. Whether they be
small or large trees, bending upward or downward, in front or back
with dark or pale tones, each should not encroach on the others. Dense
areas alternate with sparse areas, and one must achieve a balance. If
a painter attains complete proficiency, then his brush technique will
be accomplished effortlessly.
The subtle point of painting rocks is to blend some rattan yellow
pigment into the ink so that it enriches the color naturally. Do not
use too much of it, for too much will obstruct the brushwork. It is
also subtle to add some shell-blue pigment to the ink occasionally.
Such "Wu decoration" is easy on one's eyes and gives a scholarly air
to the ink.
One should always have some sketching brushes in a leather bag.
Then when one happens in a beautiful spot to see trees that are strange
and rare, one can sketch and record them immediately, so that there
will be an extraordinary sense of growing life. One should ascend
towers and look at the "spirit resonance" of the vast firmament, study-
264 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
ing the variety of clouds. These will become scenes of mountain peaks.
Li Ch'eng and Kuo Hsi both practiced this method. Kuo Hsi painted
rocks like clouds, and the ancients called these "pictures originating
from heaven."
In landscapes the water sources are the most difficult to paint.
"Distant water has no waves; distant people have no eyes." Water
comes from springs high up and moves ever downward; one must
not break off its arteries, but should convey the source of its lively
flow.
The tops of the mountains must bend and droop, twist and inter-
change, and the mountain ridges must all respond [to these move-
ments]. This is the way of animating them. The multitudinous peaks
seem to bow respectfully to each other, and the myriad trees all follow
together, as if great generals were leading their troops in a dignified
manner, with an unconquerable air. This will depict the forms of the
actual mountains.
Buildings can be placed on the slopes of mountains and small boats
in the water. By this means one achieves an air of life. In the mid-
sections of mountains use clouds and mists in order to give the moun-
tains an appearance of immeasurable height.
Most essential in the method of painting rocks is that their formal
appearance not be distorted. Rocks have three surfaces; both the tops
and the sides may be considered as surfaces. On picking up the brush
one must decide on which to use.
At the foot of mountains are pools called water-shallows. If one
paints these, there will be a great sense of life. They should be sur-
rounded on all sides by trees.
Each boulder or rock should be painted freely and spontaneously
with the style of a noble scholar, if one should add too much detail
then one will become like an artisan painter.
In doing a landscape composition, one must first establish the theme
before proceeding with the brushwork. If there is no theme, then the
painting will never be complete. It is most important to record the
scenic atmosphere of the four seasons. In spring a thousand things
burst into life; in summer trees are luxuriant and variegated. In au-
tumn the many forms are majestic in their decline; in winter the mists
and fogs are somber and thin, and the appearance of the sky is blurred
and dim. Anyone who can paint this is truly superior.
In painting the bases of slopes, Li Ch'eng always did them in several
layers to make them look wet and thick. Mi Fu [I 052-11 07], in dis-
cussing Li Ch'eng's descendants, said that his sons and grandsons
Yiian Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 265
and dark when near, the farther away the lighter. This is an unchang-
ing proposition.
The third [fault to be avoided] is mountains without "vital veins"
(ch'i-mo). In painting mountains in the middle of a painting, first
establish one mountain to serve as the "host," and thereafter follow
it when distributing the risings and failings [of other mountains]. All
of these should be linked by their "vital veins," thus having a contin-
uous formal appearance. If the mountain tops rise in several layers,
below there must be multilayered bases in order to support them.
Depicting many mountain tops without bases is a great error. This is
the general conception of a whole scene. If only the corner [of a
mountain] appears [between other mountains], it need not follow this
rule.
The fourth [fault to be avoided] is waters without sources. When
painting a spring, it is necessary that it should flow from out of a
mountain gorge, and above it there should be several layers of moun-
tains, then its source will be lofty and distant. In level streams
and small creeks, one must see the water's outlet. Cold sandbanks
and shallow fords must show running ripples, so that the water
seems alive. There are some who paint a waterfall for each fold of
mountain, as if they were hanging towels on a rack. This is absolutely
ridiculous.
The fifth [fault to be avoided] is scenes without levels and risings.
The ancients did not distribute landscapes in one manner alone. Some
were lofty and sharp; some were level and distant; some, turning and
winding; some, empty and vast; and some rose in layers. Again, some
had more groves, trees, and buildings; others had more figures and
boats. Whenever they wanted to paint a picture, they had to establish
an idea first. Whether a large screen or a great scroll, all had to accord
with this.
The sixth [fault to be avoided] is paths without beginnings and
ends. In a landscape, the effect of distance between the far and the
near is entirely dependent on the clear separation of paths or roads.
They must emerge and disappear. Some penetrate into forests and
reappear at the water's edge; some are screened and cut off by large
rocks, gradually becoming visible in mountain hollows; some are hid-
den by slopes and marked out by figures; others lead up to buildings
yet are concealed by bamboo and trees. All of these create an inex-
haustible range of landscapes.
The seventh [fault to be avoided] is rocks with only one face. Each
painter of rocks has his own technique for their texture strokes (ts'un-
fa). You ought to take the technique of the master you studied as your
268 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
own. [In all techniques] the best rocks must have tops and bases, and
their faces must be divided in sharp angles.
The eighth [fault to be avoided] is trees lacking branches on all
four sides. Painters of former dynasties had [special] techniques for
painting trees. Generally, those that grow along precipices have mostly
tangled and intertwined branches; those growing on slopes are lofty
and straight. Trunks that reach the clouds have more [branches] on
top, while those near water have more roots. Branches and trunks
cannot only be divided between their left and right sides, they must
also be represented as to front and back, using either single or partial
branches. Foliage may be painted with single or multiple brush strokes.
The distinction between flourishing and withering foliage must be
done according to the four seasons. Then [the painting] will be entirely
excellent.
The ninth [fault to be avoided] is figures [fixed) in stooped positions
[of reverent attitude). Figures in landscapes all follow their own schools.
In a minutely executed figure, eyes and eyebrows should be clearly
distinguished; for one rendered in dots and chisel strokes, the brush-
work must be dynamic and antique. All figures must be dignified in
their dress, and relaxed and elegant in deportment. You can study
the techniques of the ancients and not make all of the figures which
[variously] walk, look, carry burdens, or ride, in the single manner of
stooped figures. (If you do this], then your faults will be many. Should
one not be careful of such wild and loose practices?
The tenth [fault to be avoided) is buildings and pavilions in con-
fusion. Although ruled-line painting ranks as the last specialty, storied
buildings and multilayered pavilions must, in the space of a square
inch, have their fronts and backs clearly distinguished. Their corners
must be properly joined and their brackets must fit without confusion,
in accordance with the rules and regulations of construction. This is
the most difficult to do. Whether painting a riverside village or moun-
tain cottages, their buildings should face in every direction and, even
though you do not use a ruler, their construction should be in accord
with the techniques of ruled-line painting.
The eleventh [fault to be avoided] is inappropriate atmospheric
effect. No matter whether a painting is done with water and ink, or
colors, or gold and jade-blue, the atmosphere must be rendered with
ink and have proper lightness and depth. Thus, clear scenes should
have an empty and bright sky; rainy and night scenes must be dusky
and dark; snow scenes must be slightly brighter, not resembling those
scenes of rain, clouds, fog, or mist. Green mountains and white douds
should be depicted only in summer and autumn landscapes.
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 269
Ni Tsan (1301-1374)
Among painters of landscape, trees, and rocks in this dynasty, there
are the Minister Kao K'o-kung [1248-ca. 1310] with his subtle and
far-reaching spirit consonance (ch'i-yiin); Chao Meng-fu [1254-1322]
with his lofty and outstanding brush and ink; Huang Kung-wang with
his all-surpassing, untrammeled and secluded spirit; and Wang Meng
[ca. 1308-1385] with his pure and fresh elegance. While there may
be differences between them in relative merit, I bow before all of
them without complaint. Other than these [painters] I do not know.
Even though this scroll is not one of Huang's greatest ideas, it has a
noble spirit (feng-ch'i) of its own.
270 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
The Minister Kao K'o-kung, as one who set his goal on living a pure
and noble life, retreating from the dust of this world yet uniting the
glorious and the sullied in harmony, was a man for a thousand years.
Living in Hang-chou, he walked out with a staff one day at leisure,
taking along a bottle of wine and a book of poems. He sat on the
banks of the Ch'ien-t'ang River and looked toward all the mountains
of Yueh [Chekiang]. With their rising and falling of hills and peaks,
their douds and mists appearing and disappearing, he seemed to have
attained his goal. Devoting his spare time from governmental affairs
and official writing to painting, he was one of those who tried to
express themselves with complete freedom in their paintings.
What I call painting does not exceed the joy of careless sketching with
the brush. I do not seek formal likeness but do it simply for my own
amusement. Recently I was rambling about and came to a town. The
people asked for my pictures, but wanted them exactly according to
their own desires and to represent a specific occasion. [When I could
not satisfy them,) they went away insulting, scolding, and cursing in
every possible way. What a shame! But, how can one scold a eunuch
for not growing a beard?
Miscellaneous colophons and comments cited in the CKHLLP, p. 702
(in different order).
Figu.re Painting
Liu Yin ( 1249-1293)
T'ien Ching-yen of Ch'ing-yiian [now in Hopei Province] excels in
painting true to life portraits. They not only achieve the ultimate in
formal likeness, but also attain what Su Shih [1037-1101] called
"expression" (i-ssu) and what Chu Hsi [1130-1200] called the "divine
endowment" of noble style and spirit resonance (feng-shen ch'i-yun).
Though formal likeness in painting is attainable by strenuous effort,
expression and the divine endowment can only be fully understood
by the mind after formal likeness has already reached the ultimate.
There is no such thing as expression or the divine endowment outside
of formal likeness. This is also something that can be learned by
posterity yet continues what came from predecessors.
I once wrote a poem on a scroll painting saying,
In smoke and shadow, on the edge of Divine Creation's
annihilation,
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 27 I
Who brings out clarity and beauty from the tip of his brush?
Painters also have those who share the weakness for pure
converse,
And everywhere there is talk about nothing but the Chuang-
tzu.12
12. This reference to the Taoist philosopher (late 4th-early 3rd century B.c.) and
to Taoist metaphysical discourses is evidently derogatory.
272 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
conversation will they show their original and true character. Then I
remain quiet and try to seek it, silently noting it in my mind. Even
with my eyes closed, it is as if I had [the features] before my eyes and,
when I release my brush, it is as if [the face] were already beneath
the brush's tip. After that, I fix it down with pale ink and build it up
in successive layers.
I begin with the left side of the nose (lan-t'ai), and then go to its
right side (t'ing-wei). Then follows the tip of the nose. When it is
finished, it becomes the center [of the composition]. If the bridge of
the nose (shan-ken) is high, I start from its point of concentration (yin-
t'ang) and go downward in one stroke; if it is low, I start from the
side of the eye (yen-t'ang) and go downward in one stroke. If it is
neither high nor low, then I start from a point eight-tenths or nine-
tenths in distance [from the tip] and go downward in one stroke at
each side.
Then follow the part between nose and mouth (jen-chung), the
mouth, the sides of the eyes, the eyes, the brows, the forehead, the
cheeks, the hairline, the ears, the hair, and the head. After that, I
paint the contours of the face (ta ch'uan), that is, the face [as a whole].
It is necessary to proceed like this from one part to another so that
not even a hair will be omitted or incorrect.
The artisans of modern times are like people who want to play the
zither with pegs glued down and are ignorant of the Tao of change
and movement. They ask [their subjects] to sit stiffly erect, with gar-
ments neatly arranged, like clay statues, then they begin to describe
them. This is why they do not succeed even once in ten thousand
attempts. How can one wonder at this? I cannot, in any case.
Hsieh-hsiang pi-chiieh (Secrets of Portrait Painting), cited in CKHLLP, p.
485.
Bamboo
Chang Tui-kung (active later 13th century?)
Now, ink bamboo painters began during the time of the Tang Em-
peror Hsiian-tsung [r. 713-756] and later [their techniques] were
transmitted to Hsiao Yiieh [active early 9th century]. They obtained
inspiration (le-i) from looking at the bamboo's shadow. For this reason
they painted ink bamboo for their associates.
Leaves should show light and dark. Branches and roots should
exhibit front and back. Claw-like twigs should be well related to each
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 273
other; if one, isolate it, if two, form a pair, if three, bring them to-
gether; or five, group them. Bamboo of spring and summer grow in
soft gentleness; bamboo of autumn and winter are born harshly split.
When Heaven sends clear skies, leaves and twigs stretch upwards;
when clouds bring rain, twigs and leaves droop. When they follow a
wind, do not spread them out like the character for "one" (i); when
they bear rain drops, do not align them as for the character "man"
(jen). Transmit the rules from previous generations and make them
the standards for later ones. Generally, in bamboos, one looks for
layering of leaves, as in trees one sees the growth of branches. In
brushing on their leaves, the points should not resemble rushes and
their thinness should not look like willows. Three leaves must not look
like the character for "stream" (ch'uan), nor should five resemble the
hand. In sketching branches, tender ones should not stand upright;
old ones should not move diagonally. Trunks should not be like drum
stands, nor should joints resemble a crane's knees.
Bamboos should not be painted too quickly. If they are done too
rapidly, they will be hurried, and when they are like this they will
appear weak. They should not be done too slowly. If they are executed
too slowly, they will be dragged out, and when they are like this, then
their bones are thin. Yet they must not be fat, for then their body
will be muddy. They must also not be too thin, for then the form will
seem withered. Again, they should not be made long, for then they
will be unstable. Also, they should not be short, for then they will be
restrained and uneasy. Their leaves must be well divided between the
light and the heavy, and the branches ought to have a contrast of the
high and the low. When this is obtained in one's mind and responded
to through the hand, mind and hand being mutually responsive, then
all will be excellent. Works such as these will move the elegant scholar
to poetic expression and inspire the poet to singing lines. However,
if they do not recognize this inspiration, then they will not be able to
capture the ideas of bamboo.
The joints of a bamboo should be like [those of] a crane about to
rise, their forms resembling spoon handles. To obtain an effect of
richness of conception, layer the leaves as if they were stacked lances.
Follow the weather of the four seasons in sketching branches like
crouching dragons. Joints cannot have enough loftiness, for they must
be as [noble] as Su Wu [2nd-1st century B.c.] in exile on the steppes;
twigs cannot be too cluttered, for they should resemble Chang Hsii's
drunken [cursive) script. The body of a bamboo in repose should
resemble a jade dragon; the form of a bamboo with a dancing ap-
pearance should look like a golden phoenix turning its body. Tender
274 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
leaves and soft branches will not carry rain but will sway in the wind;
mature branches and old joints must withstand frost and stand up in
snow. When a bamboo is immature, it will have variations of dry and
wet stems and branches. During wind and rain, its branches and leaves
will rise or droop. When six, seven, eight, or ten bamboo grow to-
gether, they form a group or grove. When one, two, three, or five
bamboo grow together, they will lean against a bank or huddle on
dikes. Whether piled up or layered, their leaves are like neatly ar-
ranged birds' wings. Whether crooked or straight, their joints resem-
ble dragon spines one atop another. Twigs may be fixed on the top
sections and leaves may be attached to their tips. Twigs are excellent
when they are healthy and lively; leaves are excellent when they are
few and clear. Do not mix the bamboo of spring, summer, autumn,
and winter, for they must follow the moods of snow, clear weather,
wind, and rain. If twigs and leaves scatter and dance about, with an
antique oddness and pure rarity, these will have reached the ultimate
refinement of the excellent class.
Li K'an (1245-1320)
From the beginning of the Sung Dynasty onward, ink bamboo was
very popular. Wen T'ung rJOI9-1079] was the last master. He was
like a bright sun ascending in the hall and outshining the torch fire,
or the sound of a great bell which overwhelms the smaller sounds of
pots and kettles. One so majestic as Su Shih [1037-1 101] yielded a
lifelong allegiance to him. Are there men in the world, wishing to
enjoy the field of this wonderful art, who are still ignorant of their
standard and guide?
For color bamboo I take Li P'o [lOth century} as my master, and
for ink bamboo I follow Wen T'ung. Yet, when I was carving a swan,
it became more like a duck. I knew that I should be ashamed, because
I was only an unworthy follower of the great masters. Fortunately, I
13. For these phrases from the Lun-yii (Confucian Analects), see Legge, Chinese
Classics, I. 196.
276 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
Wu Chen (1280-1354)
When I begin to paint I am not conscious of myself,
And suddenly forget about the brush in my hand.
If the butcher or wheelwright were to return,
Would they not recognize this feeling again? ...
When Wen Tung painted bamboo, he did not see bamboo;
When Su Shih wrote poetry, he was not aware of that poem;
The old Korean silk-floss paper has the chill of ice and snow,
So I playfully sketch a scene of wintry cold in cliffs and
valleys ...
The feelings in my heart cannot be stilled;
I lodge them in the criss-crossing of some bamboo
branches ...
How unyielding its joints [virtue] in the frost;
How preeminent its silhouette in moonlight;
If one knows the principle of the Void,
What cares can one harbor in the mind? ...
I took ink to be a plaything,
And, on the contrary, through it became a slave.
If I had been careless [and not studied] at that time,
How could I now slave in obscurity? ...
The truth of depicting bamboo lies first in ink play. Nevertheless,
to amuse oneself is more meaningful than any other activity. Now,
K'o-hsing [?] asks for my works. Though I, an old and useless man,
have been deeply involved [in bamboo] for fifty years, I have never
succeeded in achieving one perfectly satisfactory stroke. This is only
because of an inability to improve. You must work hard and long
until you can forget that you are using brush and ink, then you will
believe that my words are true.
Excerpts from Mei-tao-jen i-mo (Ink Remains from the Plum Taoist);
see Bush, pp. 132-133: texts 210, 211, 212, 209, 214.
280 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
All who paint "kicking" branches ought to use the methods of the
"running" script. Anwng the ancient experts, only the two masters
Wen Tung and Su Shih could do this. Wang T'ing-yiin [1151-1202]
from the North attained their manner and, in the present dynasty,
Kao K'o-kung [ 1248-after 1310], Wang Wan-ch'ing [the son of T'ing-
yiin], and Chao Meng-fu, were not far from them. Those of the older
generation have gone, and I alone seem to understand their interests.
Colophons on bamboo painting; cited in CKHLLP, p. 1064.
Ni Tsan (1301-1374)
Chang 1-chung [?] always likes my bamboo paintings. I do bamboo
simply to express the untrammeled spirit (i-ch'i) in my breast. Then
how can I judge whether it is like something or not; whether its leaves
are luxuriant or sparse, its branches slanting or straight? Often when
I have daubed and rubbed awhile, others seeing this take it to be
hemp or rushes. Since I cannot bring myself to argue that it is truly
bamboo, then what of the onlookers? I simply do not know what sort
of thing 1-chung is seeing.
Colophon dated to 1368, quoted in the f'WCSHf', Book 16; also see
Bush, p. 134: text 216.
Prunus
Hua-kuang mei-p'u
A plum tree assun1es its shape from the functioning of material force
(ch'i). Its flowers of positive material force (yang) symbolize heaven;
its trunk of negative material force (yin) symbolizes the earth. As a
result, each of these has five representative numbers by which they
are distinguished into odd and even to form all variations.
A stem, from which a flower comes, is symbolized by the Absolute
(t'ai-chi) and is represented by a nail stroke. An ovary, from which a
Yilan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 281
Nature. From this those who know the process can carry it further ...
A GENERAL DiscussiON ON PAINTING PLUM BLOSSOMS. When the
trunks are clear, then the blossoms should be thin; when twigs are
delicate, then the flowers should be rich. On intertwined branches the
flowers are abundantly strung together; on separated twigs the calyx,
stamens, and pistils, are scattered.
First draw the tree [trunk], next the body [branches], and, lastly,
the twigs. Make the long [branches] like arrows and the short like
lances. When their "universe" is high, they intertwine to the top. If
their space is narrow, they must not fill it.
In making several branches by the side of a precipice, with unusual
branches and dispersed flowers, one needs only to show the plums
half in bloom. In making them spread out by a breeze and washed
by rain, with relaxed branches and elegant flowers, one needs to show
only their separate brilliance. In making them veiled in mist and
surrounded by fog, with tender branches and elegant blossoms, one
needs only to show their smiling flowers overflowing the branches. In
making those close to the wind and wrapped in snow, with old trunks
and few branches, one must only spread the ink [to make] a light
wash for limp blossoms. In making them frozen by frost and reflecting
the sun, with deep voids and steep verticality, one only needs to show
tiny flowers and a soothing fragrance. Students must know this.
There are various types of expression (ko) in plum blossoms. Some
are sparse but graceful; some abundant but unyielding; some aged
but fascinating; some clear but robust. How could they be of one
kind? There are those that grow on mountain peaks; others in moun-
tain valleys; those along fences; those along rivers and lakes. Their
branches differ in density and in length. One must look into this.
Hua-kuang mei-p'u (Hua-kuang's Manual on the Prunus). traditionally
attributed to Yang Wu-chiu (1096-1171) or the monk Chung:ien (active
late lith-early 12th century); cited in CKHLLP, pp. 1041-45.
of Yang-chou (as did the poet Ho Hsiin, d. ca. 534), so that not a
single day passes without their seeing plum blossoms and throughout
their lives they will never forget these flowers.
I do not paint ink plum blossoms here for the sake of establishing
them [as models], since we already have Chung-jen and Yang Wu-
chiu with individual styles that are beyond my ability.
A friend said with a laugh: "This type of flower preserves 'whiteness'
and collects 'fragrance.' Their yellow and red fruits can relieve the
thirst of three armies [as they did in the campaign of Ts'ao Ts'ao,
155-220] and serve as a ["critical"] ingredient for the 'golden tripod
soup.' The writing of this book should, thus, inspire people to be loyal
to their rulers and patriotic to their country, so that those who go out
to serve as generals in the field or enter the court to serve as ministers
of the land can straighten their girdles and hold erect their tablets in
order to make the world as peaceful as Mount T'ai. Now, you are
only interested in such scenes as half of a tree showing in the garden
grove after snow or a diagonal branch thrusting out suddenly over
the garden fence by the water. These are only themes composed in
the cold. Why do you take the insignificant for the essential?" I rose
and thanked him, saying: "I have the same idea, which is expressed
on the last page of my book, entitled 'The Shang tripod waiting for
its soup.' " 14 The friend clapped his hands and said joyfully: "Indeed,
the printing of this album is not in vain. It is not a worthless effort
for a worthless cause, without benefit for mankind. It should be pub-
licized far and wide." I thus noted down these words for posterity.
Mei-hua hsi-shen p'u (Album of the Appearances of Plum Blossoms),
preface.
14. This refers to the "golden [bronze] tripod soup," or pottage, above, and rein-
forces the patriotic themes of loyalty to a dynasty and desire to be of service. The
tripod (ling) is a bronze sacrificial vessel, emblematic of dynastic rule because of its
importance in the time of the Shang Dynasty (16th to 12th centuries B.c.). A Shang
ruler once compared his minister's criticisms to the plum, like salt in soup, an essential
ingredient in governing. For this and other references to plum lore, see William John
Hoar, "Wang Mien and the Confucian Factor in Chinese Plum Painting," Ph.D. diss.,
University of Iowa, 1983, p. 91 ff.
Yuan Criticism and Writings on Special Subjects 285
Wu Chen (1280-1354)
The making of ink plays is done by scholar-officials in the time left
over from their literary occupations when they indulge in their in-
terests of the moment. They are extremely unconventional in com-
parison with "professionals." In sketching plum blossoms and drafting
bamboo, Wen Tung [ 1019-1 079] and the monk Chung-jen displayed
excellent techniques, and at the time there were many who followed
them. Only Yang Wu-chiu changed black into white and made a new
departure. Although his followers [such as Tang Cheng-chung, early
13th century] were supposed to have modeled themselves after him,
their skills were in formal likeness, and they forgot to return [to their
286 Early Chinese Texts on Painting
well, who take this as an excuse. This is really laughable. Now, if one
studies without seeking likeness, can this be called studying? Hence,
I have written this simply in hopes of having other painters' opinions
on it.
Sung-chai mei-p 'u (Manual of Plums from the Pine Studio), excerpts from
the preface and Books I and II; see Bush, pp. 142-145: texts 230,233,
232, 236, 235, 234, 231.
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
Glossary of Chinese Terms
Glossary of Chinese Names and Titles
Annotated Bibliography
Index
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
and Hsiang Rivers)." Before his return, the Northern Sung capital (K'ai-feng)
fell to the Jurchen. THPC, 3; TSHCJA11T, p. 252.
CHANG CHIH (ACTIVE CA. 150), TZU (T.) Po-YING, HAO (H.) Yu-TAO. A callig-
rapher credited by later critics with the invention of the "modern cursive"
script noted for its fluid interconnections, he was known in his time as Ts'ao-
sheng, the Sage of Grass (or Cursive ) Script. He is reported to have written
at home on the silk that was to be used for making clothes and to have
practiced daily by a pond that eventually turned into ink from the washings
of his ink stone. CKJA1TT, p. 941; also LTMHC, Acker tr. I, lv, 177.
CHANG HENG (78-139), T. P'ING-TZU. From Nan-yang (in Honan province).
Best known as an astronomer and mathematician, he is also a distinguished
writer. He graduated from the university at Lo-yang and was employed as a
keeper of records in Nan-yang. In 107 he finished the Liang-ching fu. (Prose
Poem on the Two Capitals) which describes life under the Han Dynasty at
Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang. He then entered imperial service and was mainly
concerned with astronomical and meteorological records. There is a legendary
story about his sketching a monster with his toes. Hou-Han shu [ESSS], 89.
LTMHC, 4, Acker tr., II, 12-14. Also J. Needham, Science and Civilization in
China, III; E. R. Hughes, Two Chinese Poets.
CHANG Hsu (ACT!VE CA. 700-750), T. Po-KAO. From Wu (or Kiangsu prov-
ince). A noted calligrapher, he and his follower Huai-su created the "wild
cursive" style of rapid writing in which forms are exaggerated and strokes
and characters are frequently connected. He served as chief of Civil Servants
at Ch'ang-shu (in Kiangsu province). His calligraphy was often done while
he was intoxicated, and then he would even use his hair dipped in ink as a
brush. He claimed that his brush technique was inspired by the music of
drums and flutes or the jostling rhythm of palanquin bearers, and that its
spirit derived from Kung-sun Ta-Iiang's sword dancing. He was popularly
called Tien, the Madman, or Ts'ao-sheng, the Sage of Grass (or Cursive)
Script. Hsin T'ang shu [ESSSJ, 202. CKJMTTT, p. 931.
CHANG HsOAN (ACTIVE FIRST HALF 8TH CENTURY). From Ch'ang-an (in Shensi
province). He was considered the foremost painter of court scenes in his time.
His favorite subjects were palaces and gardens, saddle horses, gentlewomen,
and young nobles. He is said to have liked to paint women and babies, and
his recorded pictures included A Wet-Nurse Holding an Infant, A Rope Swing,
and The Lady Kuo-kuo (Sister of the Imperial Concubine Yang) Setting Forth on an
Excursion. TCMHL; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 248-249. Cahill Index, l.
TSHCJMTT, pp. 241-242.
CHANG HUAI-KUAN (ACTIVE FIRST HALF 8TH CENTURY). From Hai-ling (in
Kwangtung province). Between 713 and 742, he served as an official in the
Han-lin Academy. He is the author of extant works on calligraphy and of
Hua-(p'in) tuan (judgments on Paintings), which is no longer extant as a whole
but is evidently quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. TCMHL, pref.; LTMHC,
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 293
Acker tr., II, 53-54 n. 44. THCWC, Soper tr., pp. I, 114 n. 34. CKJMTTT,
p. 975.
CHANG Mo (3RD CENTURY). Known as a "Sage of Painting," he is said to have
excelled in figure subjects. By the 9th century the following works were
attributed to him: a screen, an image of Vimalakirti (a legendary Buddhist
layman), miscellaneous "plain" (ink monochrome) drawings, and a scroll of
"Beating the Silk." KHPL; LTMHC, Acker tr., II, 30-31. TCHCJMTT, p. 28.
CHANG NAN-PEN (LATE 9TH CENTURY). Active in Ch'eng-tu (in Szechwan prov-
ince). He was a painter of Buddhist temple murals, who was particularly
noted for his mastery of fire in the flaming aureoles oftantric images.ICMHL;
HHHP, 2; HP; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 25, 135 n. 246. TSHCJMTT, pp. 254-
2.15.
CHANG SENG-YU (ACTIVE LATE 5TH-MID 6TH CF.NTURY). From Wu-(hsien in
Kiangsu province). The most prominent painter of dragons and Buddhist
and Taoist subjects under the Southern Ch'i and Liang dynasties, he held
several posts at the Liang court that may have been largely titular, including
the post of keeper of paintings in the Chih~pi Pavilion. Around 495, on
imperial command, he worked at the T'ien-huangTernple, where in addition
to an image of the Vairocana Buddha he painted murals of Confucius and
his ten disciples, which effectively protected the temple in the time of Buddhist
persecutions. He executed many murals in the Buddhist temples constructed
by Emperor Wu of the Liang (r. .102-550) and also did portraits from life
of members of the imperial family and high officials. He has no individual
biography in the dynastic histories, but there are two references to his paint~
ings of specific subjects; one, a Buddhist image; the other, a portrait of a
prince. His style remained inftuential through the 7th century. HHP; LTMHC,
7, Acker tr., II, 173-179. Also see Liang shu [f:SSSJ, 54; Nan shih [ESSS], 53.
TCHCJMTT, pp. 29-33.
CHANG SHAN~KUO (FIRST HALl' fiTH CENTURY, UNDF.R THE LIANG DYNASTY).
Chang Seng~yu's son. He imitated his father's art but did not equal it. In
T'ang times scrolls of Buddhist subjects under his name were still extant, as
well as temple murals done jointly with his brother. CKKSHS; L'JMHC, 7,
Acker tr., 11, 179. TSHCJMTT, p. 32.
CHANG (SUN, T.) T'UI~KUNG (H. CHUNG~MIN, Cn'I~YON). YU Chien~hua sug-
gests that Chang T'ui~kung, the unidentified author of lWo-chu chi (Record
of Ink Bamboo), is Chang Sun (late 13th to early 14th century?), from Wu-
chiin (in Kiangsu province). A contemporary of Li K'an, he was known for
his ink bamboos done in the outlined method; his landscapes after Chiijan
were less successful. THPC, 5; Yu, CKHLLP, II, 1062; Yuan Index, p. 1089.
CHANG TSAO (MID TO LATE 8TH CENTURY), T. WEN~T'UNG. From Wu~(hsien
in Kiangsu province). A literary tigure who excelled at painting pines and
rocks, and landscapes, he used the "broken ink" (p'o-mo) technique presumably
to define his subjects in a series of initial washes or strokes. His paintings
294 Biographies of Paintm, Critics, and Calligraphers
were widely acclaimed in the capital, Ch'ang-an. Certain high officials rec-
ommended him to the positions of Acting Auxiliary Secretary in the Bureau
of Sacrifices and Assistant Functionary for the Salt and Iron Monopoly. He
was later demoted to Sub-Prefect of Heng-chou (in Hunan province) and
then transferred to Chung-chou (in Szechwan province). Most of his paintings
were destroyed in contemporary uprisings, and his treatise on art, Hui-ching
(Realm of Painting), is no longer extant. TCMHL; LTMHC, IO, Acker tr., II,
283-285. TSHC}MTT, p. 243.
CHANG TsE (5TH CENTURY UNDER THE LIU-SUNG DYNASTY, 420-478). Noth-
ing is known of him except that he was considered an original painter by
Hsieh Ho. KHPL; LTMHC, 6, Acker tr., II, 146.
CHANG TuN-CHIEN (ACTIVE EARLY 9T:P CENTURY). From Ch'ing-ho (in Hopei
province). As a young painter at the Tang capital, Ch'ang-an, in 803, he
showed the poet Po Chii-i some ten scrolls of landscape and trees, atmospheric
views, birds and animals, barbarians and amusements, and flowers and insects.
He was also a connoisseur and collector. TSHC}MTT, p. 244; see Bush, pp.
65-66. Also LTA1HC, 3, Acker tr., I, 238.
CHANG TuN-LI (ACTIVE CA. 1068-cA. 1102). From Pien-liang (K'ai-feng, Honan
province). A military official, he married the daughter of the former emperor
Ying-tsung in I 068 and held posts at court. Around 1102 he became Regional
Military Commissioner for the Pacification of Remote Territories; he died in
service and was rewarded with a posthumous title. According to the 14th
century critic Tang Hou, he excelled at painting historical figures in the style
of Ku K'ai-chih and Lu Tan-wei. Later writers confused him with the 12th
century Li Tang follower, Chang Hsiin-li. Sung shih [ESSS], 464; Sung Index,
pp. 2410-2411. TSHCJMTT, pp. 250-251. Compare Sung Index, p. 2401;
TSHCJMTT, p. 255; Cahill Index, 4.
CHANG YEN-YUAN (cA. 815-AFTER 875), T. AI-PIN. From Ho-tung (in Shansi
province). The best-known Tang writer on art, he was the editor of the Li-
tai ming-hua chi (Record of Famous Painters of All the Dynasties) which is
dated to 847 in a section of the first chapter. From a family of high officials,
he was educated in calligraphy and painting through studying the collection
of his grandfather, Hung-ching. Around 947 he was promoted to Auxiliary
Secretary in the Ministry of Sacrifices, and, after 874, became a Minister in
the Grand Court of Appeals. Sometime after 847 he compiled the Fa-shu yao-
lu (Essential Records of Calligraphy Exemplars), a collection of writings on
calligraphy from Later Han through Tang that is still extant. Chiu T'ang shu
[ESSS], 129; Hsin T'ang shu, 127; CKJMTTT. p. 943. Also LTMHC, l & 9,
Acker tr., I, 132, 136 ff.; II, 239. TSHCJMTT, p. 242.
CHAO CHUNG-I (FIRST HALF lOTH CENTURY). Toward the end of Tang his
family fled from the capital, Ch'ang-an, to the state of Shu (Szechwan prov-
ince), where he served as painter-in-attendance in the Academy at Ch'eng-
tu and painted temple murals. In the family tradition, he specialized in Buddhist
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 295
peror and a cousin of Chao Meng-chien, he became the most famous callig-
rapher and painter of the early Yuan dynasty. He received a classical education
in the imperial college at Hang-chou and held a minor post under the Sung
dynasty before retiring on its fall to Wu-hsing where he s!Udied, wrote, and
painted. In 1286 he was invited by Khubilai Khan to serve at the Mongol
court and was initially attached to the Board of War. In 1295 he returned to
Wu-hsing with a collection of old paintings, and thereafter was in and out of
office, eventually becoming Governor of the regions of Kiangsi and Chekiang
and serving in the Han-lin Academy. He was awarded posthumous titles.
During his life he played the role of a patron of the arts as well as their chief
practitioner. In his calligraphy, he was influenced by Wang Hsi-chih and the
styles of Six Dynasties steles carved in the north. In painting, he also synthe-
sized earlier modes and stressed the essential "sense of antiquity" as the key
to scholars' art. His animal and figure paintings look back to the Tang dynasty,
and after I295 his landscapes and pines and rocks reflect the influences of
both the Li Ch'eng-Kuo Hsi and the Tung Yuan-Chu-jan traditions. His
brilliance as a calligrapher is particularly evident in paintings of bamboos and
rocks. A wife and son were both accomplished painters. Yuan shih [ESSS],
I72. THPC, 5. Cahill Index, 6. See Li, Autumn Colors, pp. I I n. l, I8-20, 22.
CHAO Po-cHO (CA. I I20-cA. 1162), T. CHtEN-LI. A seventh-generation de-
scendant of the founder of the Sung dynasty. He followed the court to Hang-
chou on the fall of Northern Sung in I 127. There, as related by a friend of
his great-grandson (Chuang Su in HCPI), an official happened to present
one of Chao's paintings to Emperor Kao-tsung, who then summoned the
artist and treated him as a relative who had undergone hardship, giving him
the military post of Director of Soldiers and Horses for East Chekiang. Chao
died in office, and hence left few works behind. He was particularly known
for his "green and blue" landscapes with elegant figures in courtly settings,
but he also did Hower and bird paintings as well as a scroll of junipers and
garden rocks. His paintings were usually small in scale, but Kao-tsung once
ordered him to paint a screen for a palace hall and richly rewarded him.
Chao's style was perpetuated for a while by his brothers and a few followers.
HC, 2; HCPI, I (see Bush, p. 96). Sung Biog., 2; Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTf,
pp. 324-326.
CHAO YON-TZU (LATE 10TH CENTURY). Active in Shu (Szechwan province).
Known only by his nickname "Cloud-like," which indicates a boisterous tem-
perament, he was a Taoist recluse noted for his figure paintings of Taoist
Immortals done in a broad, sketchy manner. THCWC, Soper tr., p. 48.
TSHCJMTT, pp. 310-31 L
CHAO YuNG (CA. 1289-cA. 1362), T. Cm:NG-MU. Son of Chao Meng-fu. He
held office as an attendant in the (library of the) Hall for Assembling the
Sages and as a Co-Administrator in the Administration of Hu-chou Prefec-
ture. In the family tradition, he followed Tung Yuan in landscape painting
and also did bamboo and rocks. He was especially good at figures and horses
Biographies uf Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 297
and noted for his calligraphy in regular and seal scripts. TH PC, 5; CKJ-ICJIWTIT,
p. 614. Cahill Index, 6.
CH'Ao Pu-cm1-1 (1053-11 10), T. WL'-CHIU, H. CHING-cH'rEN, KuEI-LAI-TZu.
From Chti-yeh (in Shantung province). From a literary family, he was noted
as a poet and a disciple of Su Shih, the great Sung writer. Su praised his
poetic descriptions, written at the age of sixteen or seventeen, of the scenery
near Hang-chou. In 1079 Ch'ao placed first in the chin-shih examination and
in examinations for the various boards held at the capital, K'ai-feng, and
became a friend of the prominent poets of rhe time. He had a long official
career, serving in different provincial posts as well as working at the capital
as a Slaff Author in the Imperial Archives for some fifteen years. Taking the
poet Tao Ch'ien as a model, he eventually retired and constructed a Kuei-
lai (Returning Home) garden, where he studied and wrore and pairned. His
sketch of the concept ( i) for a White Lotu.~ S'nriety handscroll, which was finished
in color by the professional artist Meng Chung-ning, was much copied. In it
Buddhist images, figures and pavilions, trees and landscapes, and animals
were painted in the styles of specific Tang and Sung masters. He died when
he was on the way to take up office again. Sung shih, 144; Sung Index, pp.
1953-54; Sung Biog., I. HC, 3. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 166-167.
Cn'Ao YOEJI-r.IIIH (1059-1129), T. I-TAO, H. CHI:"iG-YO. From Ch'ing-feng
(in Hopei province). A cousin of Ch'ao Pu-chih, he received the chin-shih
degree in 1082, and was recommended by Su Shih on the basis of his writings,
but between I 086 and l 093 he was removed from a provincial post because
of tax registering policies. Toward the end of his life he was employed in the
Imperial Archives and appointed to the Han-lin Academy. He was well read,
versed in calligraphy, and good at paiming ami poetry. His paintings were
of small landscapes and birds, and in particular of autumnal scenes with geese
such as that described in Huang T'ing-chicn's poem on his Snow Gerse. He is
said to have caught the realistic aspect of these scenes as well as rheir mood.
Sung Index, pp. 1954-55; CKWHCITT, #2197. HC, 3. Cahill Index, 4.
TSHCJMTT, p. 167.
Cn'E:.J Cn'ANG (II Til CF.NTURY). From Chiang-nan (the area south of the
Yangtze). He did trees and rocks in the "flying white" calligraphic technique
and cut, flowering branches in ink and colors. The only record of his work
is Mi Fu's appreciation in HS, #144, Vandier-Nicolas tr., pp. 122-123.
CH'F.N Hul\·c (8TH CEKTURY). From Kuai-chi (in Chekiang province). A court
painter who excelled in portraits, he was summoned to the palace by Hsllan-
tsung (r. 713-756). In 727 he worked on the collaborative picture of the
imperial troops lined up at the Golden Bridge in Lu-chou (Shansi province)
on the Emperor's rerum from sacrifit·ing at Mount T'ai, and depicted the
Emperor on his favorite horse, \1\'hite Shining Night. Ch'en carried on Ts'ao
Pa's tradition of horse painting and also did scenes of hunting and court
dancing. In portraiture he followed Yen Li-pen and painted Hsiian-tsung
and his family in a procession of \\'orshippers in a Taoist mural in the Hsien-i
298 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
CH'EN YO (o. 1275), T. CHUNG-WEN, 1-1. Ts'ANG-1. From Ch'ungjen (in Kiangsi
province). Cnder a special imperial decree for commoners, around 1253 hr
expounded on texts at the Lecwre Hall of the Eastern Palace and was attached
to the Ch'i-hsi Hall LO compose verses on imperial command. A collection of
his writings is extant. Sung Index, p. 2458; CK~VliCTTT #2977.
CH'EN YuNC-CHIH (EARLY 11TH CENTL'RY). A native of Yen-ch'eng in Ying-
ch'uan (in Honan province). Made a painter-in-attendance in the Northern
Sung Academy in the era 1023-1032, he is said to have resigned from a
collaborative project of temple murals in I 034 and returned home, where he
was much sought after for paintings but only produced a few at his own
pleasure. He was a skillful painter of Buddhist and Taoist subjects, men and
horses, landscapes and trees, unsurpassed in fineness of details if overly com-
prehensive and meticulous. SCMHP; HffffP, II; TffCWC, Soper tr., 1'1'· 53,
168 n. 475. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, p. 232.
CHENG CH'a:N (o. cA. 7fi I), T. Jo-e HI. A native of Cheng-chou (in Honan
province). He was a great scholar, knowledgeable in rhe fields of geography,
astronomy, pharmacology, and military history, as well as a noted practitioner
of calligraphy, poetry, painting, and lute-playing. He wrote and illustrated
some of his poems as a present for Hstian-tsung, who praised this combination
of the arts as the "Three Perfe<.:tions of Cheng Ch'ien." In 750 he became a
Scholar of the Hall of Literary Expansion, a literary academy that the Emperor
established especially for him. Around this time, when poverty led him to
practice writing on persimmon leaves, he was a drinking companion of the
poets Tu Fu and Li Po. During the rebellion of 756 he was forced to accept
office, and hence was later sent into exile where he died. He is said to have
been good at landscape painting. Hsin Tang shu, 202; William Hung, Tu Fu,
p. 66. TCMHI-; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 258-2c>9; THCWC, Soper tr., p. 80.
Cahill Index,!. TSHCJMTT, p. 341.
CHENG FA-SHIH (LATE 6TH-EARLY 7TH CENTURY). Active in Ch'ang-an (in
Shensi province). Toward the end of Northern Chou (557-581), he held
the posts of Grand Governor-General, Auxiliary Ministerial Vice-President
of the Left, and Model General, and was also enfeoffed as a viscount. Under
the Sui he had the rank of Honorary Grandee. In the style of Chang Seng-
yu, he did portraits of scholars and nobles, and painted beautiful women in
gardens and court settings. He was responsible for several murals in Ch'ang-
an temples, and his followers inducted Ch'en Shan-chien and Yen Li-pen.
LTMHC, 8, Acker tr., II, 196-197. Cahill Index, I. TCHC)MTT, pp. 41-42.
CHENG KANG-cHUNG (1088-1154), T. HENG-cHUNG, 11. PEl-SHAN. From Chin-
hua (in Che-kiang province). He gained a chin-shih degree in 1132 and held
an administrative post as an Imperial Vice-Commissioner in the frontier re-
gion of Shu (Szechwan province). His drastic measures fOr governing were
approved, but eventually he was dismissed because of the severity of his
administration. He was shifted to other provincial posts and then exiled to
Feng-chou (in Kwangtung province) where he died after many years. Several
300 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
works of his collected writings are extant. Sung shih, 370; Sung Index, pp.
3702-04; CKWHCTIT, #2347.
CHI CHEN (liTH CENTURY). He was a very close follower of the great early
Sung landscapist Fan K'uan. THCWC, Soper tr., p. 59.
CHIA SHIH-KU (ACTIVE CA. 1130-1160). From K'ai-feng (in Honan province).
A figure painter, who served as painter-in-attendance in the Southern Sung
Painting Academy at Hang-chou, he studied Li Kung-lin's pai-miao technique
of using outlining alone for definition and painted Buddhist images and
secular recluses. THPC, 4. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 284-285.
CHIANG SHAO-YU (D. 50 l ). From Po-ch'ang (Po-hsing, in Shantung province).
A versatile technician known for his skill in drawing and stone engraving, he
was rewarded with official posts despite a lack of scholarly education and is
one of the few recorded painters of the Northern Wei dynasty (368-534).
He first served at Ta-t'ung (Shansi province) as a soldier and then became a
professional scribe, gaining a post in the Imperial Grand Secretariat. Ulti-
mately he held four offices concurrently: Grand Engineer in Charge of the
Supervisorate of Works, Vice-President of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices,
General of the Front (Guard), and Commissioner in Charge of Control of
Waters; he was rewarded with posthumous titles. His achievements included
establishing the style of court costumes, designing and remodeling palace
halls, and planning the new capital and the imperial water-ways at Lo-yang
(in Honan province). Hou-Wei shu [ESSS], 91; BMFEA, 32 (1960), 59-60.
LTMHC, 8, Acker tr., II, 187-188. TCHCJMTT, pp. 42-43.
CHIANG SHEN (CA. 1090-1138), T. KuAN-TAO. From Ch'u-chou (in Chekiang
province). Classified as a recluse in Hua-chi 3, he is said to have been just on
the point of being presented at court when he died. He was known for his
pale landscapes in the manner of Tung Yuan and Chu-jan and also for
paintings of water buffaloes. HC, 3; THPC, 4. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT,
p. 57. Sung Index, p. 524.
CH'IEN HsiiAN (B. CA. 1235-D. AFTER 1301), T. SHuN-CHii, H. Yii-T'AN. From
Wu-hsing (in Chekiang province). One of the "Eight Taleats of Wu-hsing"
and an associate of the younger Chao Meng-fu, Ch'ien was a chin-shih degree
graduate of 1262 known for his classical learning but did not hold office
under the Mongols. He evidently painted under the influence of drink and
frequently changed his artistic names to guard against imitations being passed
off as his works. His figure paintings were after Li Kung-lin; his landscapes
in the "blue and green" style, after Chao Po-chti; and his flowers and birds,
after Chao Ch'ang but in a new manner. THPC, 5. Cahill Index, 6; J. Cahill,
"Ch'ien Hsuan and His Figure Paintings," ACASA 12 (1958), 11-29.
CH'IEN Kuo-YANG (ACTIVE 713-742). He was a well-known portrait painter
who was also noted for doing flowering trees. TCMHL; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr.,
II, 231. TSHCJMTT, p. 371.
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 301
CHIN MING·TI (THF. CHIN EMPEROR MING, SSU·MA SHAO) (299-325), T. TAO-
em; TITLE: Su-TSUNC (R. 323-324). The eldest son of the Emperor YOan (r.
317-322) by a concubine, he was noted for his precocious intelligence, his
interest in literary and martial studies, his love of metaphysical discussions,
and his skill in technical matters. He studied <.:alligraphy with Wang I, whom
he treated with great respect. He also was particularly good ar painting Buddhist
icons and was knowledgeable about connoisseurship. Among the paintings
attributed to him in T'ang texts were illustrations to the Mao text of the Book
of Songs, to texts on Famous Women, to the "Prose Poem on the Nymph of the
Lo River," and "Excursion on the Pure Lake" (of the Shang-lin Park of the
late 3rd century B.c. capital). Chin shu [ESSS], 6~ also see 77. SSHY, Mather
tr., p. 568. KHI'L; LTMHC 5, Acker tr., II, 24-28. TCHCJM1T, p. 7.
CHou FANG (B. cA. 730-n. cA. 800), T. CHUNG-LANG, CHING-YL'AN. From
Ch'ang-an (in Shensi province). Known as the best portrait painter of his
time, he was of noble birth and reached the rank of Administrator-in~Chief
in the prefecture of Hsiian-chou (in Anhui province). He started painting
human figures and Buddhist subjects for the aristocracy, initially following
Chang Hslian but soon developing his own style. He was famous for doing
beautiful women of high rank but also painterl Buddhist murals at Ch'ang-
an such as the new type of "Water and Moon Kuan-yin" executed for the
Sheng-kuang Temple. TCMHL; LTMHC, 10, Acker tr., II, 290-292. Cahill
Index, I. TSHCJMTT, pp. 136-138.
302 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
CHou TSENG (EARLY I 2TH CENTURY). A Northern Sung academy painter who
is said to have been somewhat better than his contemporary Ma Fen. Besides
doing small scenes with autumn birds, Chou painted long landscape scrolls.
HC, 7; TSHCJMTT, p. 143.
CHu SHEN (LATER 8TH CF.NTURY). From \Vu-hsing (in Chekiang province).
\Veil-known around 780 as a landscape painter, he also did the su~jects of
bamboos and trees, pines and rocks, and eminem Buddhist monks. He painted
un scrolls and temple walls and had a reputation in the south and at the
capital, Ch'ang-an. TCMHL; !JMHC, 10, Acker tr., II, 277. TSHCJMTT.
p. 58.
CHu TlTN-JU (I 081-1159), T. Hsi-CHEN, II. Yv.N-HO. From Lo-yang (in Honan
province). He moved south at the end of I\orthern Sung, was granted a chin-
shih deg-ree in 1135, and served in the judicial system in the region of Eastern
Chekiang. He was a skilled poet and song writer and a ~ood landscape painter.
His paintings became known in high circles and were presented to Kao-tsung-,
who was appreciative. But Chu denied the authorship of these works in order
not to have to paint, for advancement as it were, before the Emperor along
with Mi Yu-jen. Sungshih, 445; Sung Index, pp. 615-616. HC, 3; TSHCJMTT,
p. 60.
CHO-JAN (ACTIVE CA. 960-980). From Chiang-ning (I'\anking). He was a
Buddhist monk-painter in the K'ai-yUan Temple. After the fall of Southern
Tang in 975 he followed the deposed ruler to the Northern Sung capital
(K'ai-feng) and lived there in the K'ai-pao Temple, where he painted a notable
set of murals in the Scholars' Hall. His hazy landscapes in the southern manner
were modeled after his teacher Tung- YUan. At first Ch\i-jan piled small stones
on roc:ky peaks of a rugg-ed character, but ultimately he preferred simpler
effects. His style was praised by Mi Fu and became inHucntial by the end of
the Sung dynasty. SCMHP; HHHP, 12; HS; THCWC, Soper tr .. pp. 61, 175
n. 518. Sung Biog., 2, C-ahill Index, 2. TSHCJMTT, pp. 37-3R.
Cu'O TAO-YITN (LATE 5TH Ct:NTL"RY, UNDER n-m SouTHER-'1 CH'I, 479-502).
He studied painting with the muralist and fan painter Chang Chi-po but
surpassed him. Their style continued to be influential in the early sixth cen-
tury. KHPL; LTMHC, 7, Acker tr., II, 153, 182. TCHCjMJ'T, p. 54.
Cu'O T'TNG (ACTIVE CA. 841-846). He specialit:ed in landscape painting. His
work, described as "painstaking and ingenious," was not highly praised by
contemporary critics. TCiHHf,; l.JMl/C, 10, Acker tr., II, 296. TSHCJMTT,
p. 387. PFC, Munabta tr., pp. 44-45.
CHUANG Su (LATF. 13TH CE-'ITL:RY ), T. KuNG-SHU, 11. L!AO-T'ANG. From Ch'ing-
lung-chen (Shang-hai). He was a minor official in the Imperial Archives but
left this position on the fall of Sung and returned to Shanghai, where he
collected eight thousand scrolls of calligraphy as well as many paintings. His
writing·s include Hua-chi pu-i completed in I 298, a selection of short, critical
biographies of Southern Sung artists in two parts. Sung Index, p. 27~8.
CHUANG-TZU (cA. 36:)-cA. 290 n.c.) (CHUANG CHou), T. Tzv-Hsru. From
Mcng (or Anhui province). l.iule is known of his life, excert that he held a
minor clerkship at Ch'i-ylian (in southeastern Honan province) in his native
state of Sung for a 'vhile. His reputation as the most inHucntial follower of
304 Biographies of Painten, Critics, and Calligmphen
Taoism rests on the text attributed to him of which Books 1-7 are considered
likely to be his, and the ren-.ainder added by disciples into the Han dynasty.
See Feng Yu-lan, A Histmy of Chiw:w: Philosoph)', tr. D. Bolide, p. 172 et passim.
CHUNG-JEK (D. 1123), H. HL'A-KUA!\G CHANG-LAO. From K'uai-chi (in Chek-
iang province). A Buddhist monk who painted blossoming plum, he lived in
the Hua-kuang Temple in Heng-chou (in Hunan province). He was a close
friend of Huang 'r'ing-chien, who wrote comments on some of his paintings.
The Hua-kuang mei-p'u, a treatise on the prunus, was attrihured to him but
is actually a fabrication of a later period largely based on the fourteenth-
century Sung-dtai mei-p'u by \Vu T'ai-su. See Shimada, "ShOsai baifu teiyo,"
Hunka 20 (1956), 96-llH; Cahill Index, 4. Also Sung- Index, p. 4379. HC, !).
TSHCJMTT, pp, 53-54,
CHUNG YIN (lOTH CF.NTURY), T. Ht:i-SHU. From (Mount) Ticn-t'ai (in Chek-
iang province). As his name indicates, he was a recluse, and his paintings
were highly appreciated at the Southern T'angcourt. He was e:o.pecially known
for his birds of prey and bamboo and trees, done with an eye for three-
dimensional effects with graded tones of ink and color. He also painted
landscapes and secular figures. Seventy-one of his paintings in the Hsi.ian-ho
imperial collection were destroyed at the fall of Northern Sung. WTMHPJ;
HHHP, 16; HP; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 30, 90, 143 n. 317. TSHCJMTT, pp.
375-376.
CHUNG Yu (151-230). A native of Ch'ang-she (in Anhui province). He was
a famous calligrapher, particularly noted for his li or "official" script ultimately
modeled on Ts'ai Yung's writing. Toward the end of the Han dynasty he
arranged the escape of the last emperor from Ch'ang-an and was thereafter
employed by the powerful Ts'ao Ts'ao in a successful campaign against the
Hsiung-nu barbarians, which eventually led to his enfeoffment as a marquis
under the following ·wei dynasty. Wei shu lESSSJ, 13; Hou-Han shu, 66, p.
2050. Jl[J, #521.
FA-cH'ANG, better known as Mu-cu'1 (11.) (cA. 1200-cA. 1270). From Shu
(Szechwan province)? He :o.rudied Ch'an Buddhism and painting \Vith abbot
\Vu-chun (d. 1239) at the Ching-shan Temple in Hang-chou and later estab-
lished the Liu-t'tmg Temple nearby. His works were appreciated by contem~
porary Japanese monks, and ink paintings of Buddhist figures, landscapes,
animals, birds, fruits, and flowers have been preserved in Japan. There is
some confusion about the facts of his life because of a twelfth-century Chinese
monk with the name Mu-ch'i. A visiting Japanese monk of the later thirteenth
century is said to have painted at Hang-chou in Mu-ch'i's style using his seaL
HCPI; THPC, 4; TSHCJMTT, pp. 127-129. Cahill Index, 4; Loehr, Great
Painters, pp. 219-221.
FAN CH'AKG-SHOU (ACTIVl': MID 7TH CENTL'RY-CA. 664). A well-known early
Tang painter of Buddhist subjects and f1gures in landscape settings, he was
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 305
a Director of the Cavalry, rising to the rank of captain under the Director of
Instruction. A follower of the sixth-century muralist Chang Seng-yu, he painted
temple murals at the capitals of Buddhist assemblies or Paradises, including
illustrations of the prescribed stages of meditation in which landscape ele-
ments figure. He was also particularly noted for his genre subjects of country
village scenes and customs on handscrolls or folding screens with believable
landscape backgrounds. He did a version of Yen Li-pen's Drunken Taoist Priest.
TCMHL; LTlvlHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 223-224. TSHCJMTT, pp. 152-153. Also
Alexander Soper, Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China, p. 28.
FAN CH'IUNG (MID 9TH CENTURY). Active in Ch'eng-tu (in Szechwan prov-
ince). A specialist in Buddhist imagery such as Bodhisattvas, Guardian Kings,
and disciples, he painted temple murals in the late 830s and was again par-
ticularly active after 847, when Buddhism regained favor. ICMHL; HHHP,
2; HC; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 23, 133 n. 234. Cahill Index, l. TSHCJMTT,
p. 153.
FAN K'uAN (CA. 960-cA. 1030) (FAN CHUNG-CHENG), T. CHUNG-LI. From Hua-
yiian (in Shensi province). Little is known of the life of the greatest landscapist
of the early Northern Sung, but his preferred nickname, K"uan, indicates the
broadness of his outlook. He wandered in the landscape near Lo-yang (in
Honan province) and spent the end of his life at Mounts Chung-nan and
Tai-hua (in Shensi province). He is said to have first followed Li Ch'eng, or
alternatively Ching Hao in dry brushwork, but then to have learned from
nature, meditating in the landscape and studying both objects and their inner
meaning. His paintings were noted for their strong effects of snow storms
or shifting clouds, as well as for close views of rock faces with dense foliage
on top, large boulders protruding at the water's edge, and dark-toned earth
and tinted architecture. The texturing of his rock surfaces was later described
as "rain-drop" or "sesame-seed" strokes. No contemporary follower came close
to him, but his style was revived to some extent by Li ·r·ang in the 12th cen-
tury. SCMHP; HHHP, 11; HS; SSCCC; KCHP; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 57,
171-172 n. 498. Sung Biog., 2 (2); Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 153-155.
FAN Tzu-MIN (ACTIVE CA. 1130-1160). A Taoist priest known for his paint-
ings of water buffaloes, he also did flowers and fruits in ink. There were
murals by him of water buffaloes as well as flocking birds and fruit in a Taoist
monastery, the T'ien-ch'ing Temple in T'ai-chou (in Chekiang province).
Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 155-156.
306 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
II, 100; Cahill Index, 4. CKHCJMTTT, pp. 699-700; TSHCJMTT, pp. 382-
383.
HsiAO YOEH (EARLY 9TH CENTURY). From Hang-chou (in Chekiang province).
In the early 820s he was an Official in Charge of Tuning Pitchpipes, who
was noted for his character. He painted monochrome bamboos, which were
appreciated by the poet Po Chii-i, and he also did flowers and birds. TCMHL;
LTMHC, 10, Ackertr., II, 296.HHHP, 15; CKHCJMTTT, p. 699; TSHCJMTT,
p. 382.
HsO Hsi (10TH CENTURY, D. BEFORE 975). From Chung-ling (near Nanking).
From a Chiang-nan family of scholar-officials, he chose to live in retirement;
he became a famous painter of flowers and birds whose work was appreciated
by the last ruler of Southern Tang. Hsii's individual manner of "sketching
ideas" was contrasted to that of his rival, Huang Ch'iian. Hsii's subjects of
cut branches, animals and birds, fishes and insects, vegetables and fruits were
taken from country gardens or streams, and his technique was to sketch
simply, often on paper, first using ink broadly and then adding slight col-
oring. He had no true successors. SCMHP; HHHP, 17; HP; HS; MCPT;
THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 62-63, 102, 176-177 n. 522. Sung Biog., 2; Cahill
Index, 2. TSHCJMTT, pp. 190-193.
#I 147; BD, #726. TClVIHL; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 245-247. TSHCjiVITT,
pp. 373-374.
Hsi.iN Hsi.i (cA. 218-289), T. KUNG-TSENG. From Ying-ch'uan (in Honan
province). From a family of scholars and officials, he rose to high office under
the Wei and Western Chin dynasties and is chiefly noted as an authority on
music who revised the laws of harmony. There is an anecdote in the SSHY
about his skill in portraiture. In Tang times handscroll illustrations of
"Famous Women" were recorded as being by him. Chin shu [ESSS], 39;
SSHY, Mather tr., p. 532. KHPL; LTMHC, 5, Acker tr., II, 28-30. TCHCJMTT,
p. 14.
Hu CH'IEN (lOTH CENTURY). Son of Hu Kuei. He painted nomadic scenes
and horses but did not equal his father. HHHP, 8; TSHCJMTT, p. 158.
Hu I (EARLY lOTH CENTURY), T. P'ENG-Yi.iN. From An-ting (Yen-an, in Shensi
province). He was a painter of Taoist and Buddhist subjects and secular
figures, and of architectural subjects and horses and carriages or wagons in
particular. An associate of the painter-connoisseur Chao Yen, an Imperial
Son-in-Law of the Later Liang (907-922), Hu did tracing copies of master-
works and painted figures for other artists occasionally. HHHP, 7; THCWC,
Soper tr., pp. 27, 28, 86-87, 139 n. 288. TSHCJMTT, p. 157.
Hu KuEI (lOTH CENTURY). Lived at Fan-yang (in Hopei province). A Khitan
by origin, he was a noted animal painter active during the Later Tang Dynasty
(923-935), who specialized in crowded nomadic scenes done with clear brush-
work and fine shading. WTMHPI; HHHP, 8; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 25-26,
136 n. 257. Cahill Index, 2. TSHCJMTT, pp. 157-158.
HuAJ-su (737-AITER 798), T. Ts'ANG-CHEN; FAMILY NAME C~i'IEN. From Ch'ang-
sha (in Hunan province). A Buddhist monk, he devoted himself to calligraphy
in his later years, piling up worn brushes in a "tomb of brushes" and often
practicing on banana leaves instead of paper. He was a specialist in draft
script, writing in a "wild cursive" manner modeled on that of Chang Hsii.
The poet Li Po admired Huai-su's writing. He has been confused with a
seventh-century monk-painter also named Huai-su. CK]AfTTT, p. 1745; Ecke,
Chinese Calligraphy, # 17.
HuANG CHC-PAO (lOTH CENTURY), T. Tzu-Yi.i. Second son of Huang Ch'uan.
He served with his father as a painter-in-attendance at the Han-lin Academy
in Ch'eng-tu (in Szechwan province) and advanced to a post in the Board of
Waterworks, but died before the age of forty. He was skilled at flowers and
birds and pines and rocks as well as at a form of the squared official script.
His painted garden rocks were exceptional in shape and texturing. lCAfHL;
HHHP, 16; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 34, 147 n. 357. TSHCJM'IT, p. 275.
HuANG Cui.i-SHIH (10TH CENTURY). Huang Ch'tian's son? According to TH PC,
Ch'uan had five sons, and Chti-shih was the signature inscribed on a bird
painting in Sung Kao-tsung's collection. THPC, 2.
3/0 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and CalligrajJhers
later withdrew first to Hang-chou and then to the nearby Fu-ch'un Mountains,
the subject of his most famous painting, done between 1347 and 1350. Al-
though by temperament a recluse, he had disciples and associated with several
well-known poets and artists. His notes on painting technique, Hsieh shan-shui
chileh (Secrets of Describing Landscape), were published in T'ao Tsung-i's
Cho-keng lu of 1366 and describe his own style, in which the Tung Yuan
tradition predominates but there are traces of Li Ch'eng motifs and com-
positions. THPC, 5; CKHCJMTTT, p. 541; Yiian A1asters, pp. 11-20. Cahill
Index, 6; Cahill, Hills, pp. 85-88.
HUANG Po-ssu (l079-lll8), T. CH'AKG-JUI. From Shao-wu (in Fukien prov-
ince). A writer and connoisseur, he received a chin-shih degree in 1100 and
served as President of the Board of Revenue and Population in the region
of Honan. In the era llll to 1117 he was a Secretary of the Imperial Archives.
An able writer of poetry and prose, he was well educated and could decipher
bronze inscriptions. He was an accomplished calligrapher in a variety of styles
and is reported to have copied ancient paintings such as Yen Li-pen's Literary
Society, featuring unconventional figtne types. His opinions on art are re-
corded in Tung-kuan yu-lun (Further Discussions from the Eastern Tower).
Sung shih, 443; Sung Index, p. 2898. TSHCJA·lTT, p. 277.
jAO TZU·JAN (MID 14TH CENTURY), T. T'AI-HSU, H. YO·SSU SHAN-JEN. (No place
of origin is known, but Mount Yu-ssu is in Hsia-chiang in Kiangsi province.)
According to one source, he painted in Ma Yuan's style of landscape. He is
the author of llui-lsung ehT-shih chi, a text on landscape painting technique
in one scroll. CKHLLP, II, p. 694.
312 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
KAo HstiN (EARLY 12TH CENTURY). From K'ai-feng (in Honan province). He
first imitated Kao K'o-ming in landscape painting and produced excellent
garden rocks, but in his old age, when this style was popular among academy
painters, he began to study Fan K'uan's manner. He also did flower and bird
paintings. HC; THPC, 3; TSHCJMTT, p. 176.
KAo I (LATE I OTH CENTURY). A Khitan who moved to Cho-chun (in Hopei
province). A noted painter of Buddhist and Taoist demons and divinities and
of nomadic scenes and horses, he started out at the capital (K'ai-feng) as a
peddler of drugs who drew pictures on his wrappers. Then, after 976,·a wine-
shop owner presented one of his paintings of demons to the founder of the
Sung dynasty, hence Kao became a painter-in-attendance at the Han-lin Acad-
emy and received commissions to do Buddhist temple murals. SCMHP; THCWC,
Soper tr., pp. 47-48, 162 n. 422. TSHCJMTT, pp. 173-174.
KAo K'o-KUNG (ORIGINAL NAME SHIH-AN) ( 1248-1310), T. YEN-CHING, H. FANG-
SHAN. Lived at Fang-shan (near Peking, Hopei province). From a Uighur(?)
family originally from Ta-t'ung (in Shansi province), he received a classical
education and became a successful official from the Western Regions and a
notable landscapist of the early Yuan dynasty. He served at court from 1288
on in the Boards of Works, of Civil Service, and of Justice, and also governed
two provinces, living for a time in Hang-chou. When he died he was President
of the Board of Justice. He may have been active as an artist only toward the
end of his life. In landscape painting, he is said to have first studied Mi Fu
and his son, and then Tung Yiian and Li Ch'eng, and indeed his style is a
synthesis of these manners. His ink bamboos were after Wang T'ing-yun.
Yuan Index, pp. 1013-15. THPC, 5. Cahill Index, 6. CKHCJMTTT, pp. 331-
332.
KAO K'o-MING (FIRST HALF liTH CENTURY). From Chiang-chou (in Shensi
province). In 1008 he entered the Han-lin painting bureau, and because his
wall paintings won imperial favor he was made a painter-in-attendance and
allowed to wear purple robes without a gold fish pendant. His range was wide:
he was praised in 1034 for completing large-scale landscape murals of the
four seasons for palace apartments and around 1050 for a narrative hand-
scroll of auspicious dynastic events which had small figures in imperial trap-
pings placed in architectural or landscape settings. His best work was said to
be small views in round fans or couch screens, done with a great deal of
ingenuity but a certain lack of freedom. SCMHP; HHHP, II; THCWC, Soper
tr., pp. 59, 94,174 n. 512. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, p. 175.
for the Tzu-ch'en Hall. HHHP, 18; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 67, 182 n. 549.
I.CKCC, "Hua chi." TSHCJMTT, pp. 285-286.
KuAN TUNG (EARLY lOTH CENTURY). There are different characters for his
given name. Active in Ch'ang-an and Lo-yang under the Later Liang (907-
923). He is said to have studied painting in the Tai-hang Mountains (of
Honan province) with Ching Hao but to have eventually formed his own
manner, becoming one of a triad of influential landscapists in early Northern
Sung times. The harsh rockiness of his mountains and the dense grouping
of his trees may have derived in part from the Tang artist Pi Hung. The
figures in his paintings are said to have been provided by Hu I. WTA1.HPI;
HHHP, 10; HP; HS; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 19,29-30, 141-142 n. 307. Sung
Biog., 2; Cahill Index, 2. TSHCJMTT, pp. 388-390.
HHHP, 8; HP; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 44-45, 155-156 n. 421. Cahill Index,
2. TSHCJMTT, pp. 217-218.
Kuo Hs1 (AFTER 1000-cA. 1090), T. SHUN-FlJ. From Wen-hsien in Ho-yang
(Honan province). In his youth he painted in a detailed fashion and com-
pletely captured Li Ch'eng's manner, particularly in wintry forests with trees
done in "crab-claw" strokes. His brushwork became increasingly strong as he
grew older, and he did large-scale screens or murals. He served as an artist-
in-apprenticeship in the Academy of Calligraphy under Shen-tsung (r. 1067-
1085) and was appointed artist-in-attendance. His scenes of pines and rocks
or seasonal landscapes commissioned for various palace halls were highly
appreciated by the Emperor, and the landscape screen done for the Jade Hall
of the Han-lin Academy was praised in Su Shih's verse. Kuo considered his
best work to be four scrolls of landscape with weathered rocks presented to
the Confucian temple at Wen-hsien after his son Ssu had passed his middle-
level examinations. Around 1085 he painted twelve large screens of landscape
subjects for the Taoist Hsien-sheng Temple. A Taoist approach to nature is
evident in the Lin-ch'ilan kao-chih (The Lofty Message of Forests and Streams),
his notes on painting edited by Kuo Ssu by 1117. Sung Index, p. 2124. Suzuki
Kei, "Kuo Hsi and the Hua-chi in the Lin-ch'ilan kao-chih chi," Bijutsushi, 30
(1981), I-ll. HHHP, 11; THCWC, Sopertr., pp. 60,174-175 n. 516. Cahill
Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 219-220.
Kuo jo-HSU (ACTIVE LAST HALF liTH CENTURY). A grandnephew of Chen-
tsung's empress. His family was originally from Tai-ytian (in Shansi province).
From a family of high officials with imperial connections, he served as a minor
official at the Northern Sung court and in 1074 went in an embassy to bear
New Year's greetings to the Liao, after which he was degraded and became
an assistant commissioner in a palace workshop, the Wen-ssu yuan, that man-
ufactured the court insignia. He is best known as the author of the T'u-hua
chien-wen chih (Record [of Things] Seen and Heard in [connection with] Paint-
ings) which records incidents and biographies of artists active from 841 through
1074 but may have been completed in the period 1080-1085. THCWC, Soper
tr., pp. 102, 105-109. Sung Index, p. 2143; CKHLLP, p. 62.
Kvo Ssu (o. AFTER I 123), T. TE-CHIH. From Wen-hsien (in Honan province).
Hsi's son. He is said to have elevated his family through his studies, and after
taking his chin-shih degree in 1082 he served as an official in such posts as
provincial administrator in the region of Shensi province, and in 1117 was
appointed Scholar attached to the Lung-t'u Pavilion in the Imperial Archives.
Hui-tsung once ordered him to illustrate the Shan-hai ching (Classic of Hills
and Seas), and one of these paintings, the auspicious horse, was thought to
be much in the manner ofTs'ao Pa and Han Kan. Nonetheless, in the opinion
of his contemporaries, although he had a deep understanding of painting he
could not make a name by it. On becoming an official, he began to collect
his father's works, and he also edited and supplemented Kuo Hsi's painting
manual, Lin-ch 'ilan kao-chih (chi). Ssu's sons, active in Shu (Szechwan province),
316 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
also did paintings of horses and trees. Sung Index, p. 2114. HHHP, ll; THPC,
3. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 220-221.
connoisseur of all types of art objects, including bronzes and jades. He painted
in the company of Su Shih and members of his circle, although he was also
friendly with Su's chief political opponent Wang An-shih (1021-1086). For
copies of ancient paintings Li used colors on silk, but for his own characteristic
pai-miao or "plain outlined" style he used fine brush lines on close-textured
"Pure Heart Hall" paper. He is best known for horses, or horses from the
imperial stable with their grooms, but his secular figure paintings included a
vivid scene of gamblers. His interests in Ch'an Buddhism may have led to his
invention of three new iconographic types of Kuan-yin images. He also did
an imaginative illustration of the poet Tao Ch'ien's famous poem on return·
ing home to retirement, as well as scenes of his own country villa in the Lung-
mien Mountain. Sung shih, 444; Sung Index, pp. 959-961; Sung Biog., 2.
HHHP, 7. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJA1TT, pp. 103-107.
LI KvNG·MAO (ACTIVE CA. 1130-1160). Li An-chung's son. Active at Hang-
chou. In the family tradition he painted landscapes, flowers, and animals but
lacked his father's skill. THPC, 4; TSHCJMTT, p. 117.
LI LING-SHENG (ACTIVE EARLY 9TH CENTURY). A Tang individualist painter,
he did landscapes and trees in a quick fashion "with a dot and a stroke." A
modern scholarly opinion is that his manner influenced thirteenth-century
Ch'an masters such as Liang K'ai, who used "abbreviated brushwork." TCMHL;
TSHC}MTT, p. 90.
LI P'o (ACTIVE cA. 937-975, UNDER THE SouTHERN TANG). His given name
is variously written. From Nan-ch'ang (in Kiangsi province). He was a bamboo
painter, who was praised for his fine spirit and lack of overly detailed skill
in such themes as wind-blown bamboos or sparse bamboos braving the snow.
HHHP, 20; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 31, 143 n. 319. Cahill Index, 2. TSHCJA1TT,
p. 95.
LI SHENG (ACTIVE LATE 9TH-EARLY lOTH CENTURY). With the family nick-
name Chin-nu. From Ch'eng-tu (in Szechwan province). A precocious talent,
he became the most influential landscapist of the Former Shu (908-925),
painting in colors in meticulous detail. His style was first based on Chang
Tsao's, but then developed from observation of the level distances and piled-
up peaks of Shu scenery. He was popularly known in Shu as the "Lesser
General Li" in a comparison with Li Ssu-hsun, yet his work was later confused
with that of Wang Wei. His murals for a Buddhist temple in Ch'eng-tu were
of famous mountains and scenic sites, but he also did Taoist subjects and
secular figures. ICMHL; HHHP, 3; HS; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 32, 145 n.
335. Loehr, Great Paintm, pp. 84-85. TSHC]lv1TT, pp. 96-97.
LI Ssu-CHEN (o. 696), T. CH'ENG-CHOU. From K'uang-ch'eng in Hua-chou
(Hopei province). A Tang scholar-official and connoisseur, he served in the
Hung-wen Kuan before requesting a prefectural post in the Chekiang region
in the early 670s. He later returned to court and by 698 became Vice-President
of the Right for the Tribunal of Censors until he was banished by the Empress
Biographies of Painlen, Critio, and Calligraphers 319
LI TANG (n. CA. 1050-D. AFTER 1130), T. 1-lsi-KU. From Ho·yang (in Honan
province). By 1103 he was already known as a tigure painter and in the 1111
to 1117 era he successfully competed to enter Hui-tsung's Bureau of Painting
with a poetically suggestive landscape. He was good at all kinds of subjects.
At the end of Northern Sung he Aed to the south, accosted along the way in
the T'ai-hang Mountains of Honan by the bandit Hsiao Chao who was to
turn painter. After a time in Hang-chou as a professional without imperial
patronage, Li T'ang was recommended to the court around 1130 and again
became a painter-in-attendance, honored as well by a military title and the
award of the golden belt. Kao-tsung wittily compared his art to that of Li
(Ssu-hstin of the) T'ang, a comment that underlines rhe archaism in Li T'ang's
colored landscape style. His angular forms and "small axe-chip" brush strokes
greatly influenced later Academy landscapists, and his work may also be the
source of the balanced asymmetrical composition consistently employed by
320 Biographies of Pmnters, Critics, and Calligraphers
Taoist images, secular figures, and flowers and birds with exceptional place-
ment and coloring. His adopted son Li Sung carried on his style of figure
painting. THPC, 4; TSHC)MTT, p. 117.
LI YDAN-CHI (ACTIVE CA. 1068-1078). From T'ai-yiian (Shansi province). A
Wu Tao-tzu follower who specialized in Buddhist and Taoist su~jects and
secular figures, he restored the murals at the Hsiang-kuo-ssu Temple after
they were damaged by water in I 065. In a competition with Ts'ui Po for this
project, Li's work was judged superior since it retained his master's rules.
THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 54, 97-98. TSHC)MTT, p. 103.
LIANG K'AI (LATE 12TH-EARLY 13TH CENTURY), T. Po-LIANG. His family was
originally from Tung-p'ing (in Shantung province). As painter-in-attendance
at the Painting Academy in the era 1201 to 1204, when awarded the golden
belt he is said to have simply hung it up and left. (An alternative interpretation
is that he never hung it up, literally reveling in it.) He was unrestrained by
nature, and when drunk he thought himself the social equal of anyone, hence
his nickname "Crazy Liang." He painted figures and landscapes, Taoist and
Buddhist subjects, and demons and divinities, surpassing his model Chia Shih-
ku in refinement and freedom. Works in this style were appreciated by Liang's
fellow academy painters, but he also painted in a sketchy manner with "ab-
breviated brushwork" as in certain Ch'an Buddhist subjects preserved in
Japan. THPC, 4. Cahill Index, 4. TSHC)MTT, pp. 213-214.
LIANG YuAN-TI (HSIAO I) (508-554), T. SHIH-cH'ENG. Seventh son of the
founder of the Liang dynasty and its fourth emperor (r. 552-554). Blind in
one eye, he nevertheless gained considerable distinction as a military leader
and met his end in combat with the Western Wei invaders. A scholar inclined
towards Taoism, he also evidently had ability as a calligrapher, painter, and
sculptor and is recorded as doing a painting of Confucius and carving a
sandalwood image, presumably of a Buddhist icon. He seems to have intro-
duced two pictorial subjects drawn from court life that were later to become
famous in Tang versions by Yen Li-pen and Yen Li-te: "Foreign Guests at
Court" and 'Tribute Offering." An essay sometimes attributed to him, Shan-
shui sung-shih ko (On the Categories of Landscapes and Pines and Rocks), is
now generally considered to be an early twelfth-century forgery. Liang shu,
5; Nan shih, 8. HHP; LTMHC, 7, Acker tr., II, 169-170; also see I, 120-123.
TCHC}AITT, pp. 47-48.
Lm AN (D. 122 B.c.). Grandson of the founder of the Han dynasty and
Prince of Huai-nan. His father, the first Prince of Huai-nan, was executed
for treason. He also was accused of plotting against the throne and took his
own life. Esteemed for his musical and literary talents, he played an important
role as an alchemist and a sustainer of Taoist thought during this time. He
is best known for the compilation of the Huai-nan-tzu, which treats such topics
as metaphysics, astronomy, and miltary strategy. Shih-chi, 118; Ch'ien-Han shu
[ESSS], 44. See .Joseph Needham et al., Science and Civilization in China, II,
V, pt. 3. BD, # 1269.
322 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
LIU I (ACTIVE FIRST HALF 12TH CENTURY), T. 1-CHIH. From K'ai-feng (in Honan
province). In the Hsiian-ho period (1119-1126) he was a painter on call in
the inner palace but never got to see the Emperor. His specialty was flowers
and birds studied from nature. He painted the precious objects and imported
creatures in the palace gardens and was good at small scenes such as a lotus
pond in autumn. After the fall of Northern Sung, he traveled in South China,
sketching the exotic flora and fauna of the Ling-nan region. HC, 6; THPC,
3; TSHC]MTT, p. 352.
sAu, 165; Hsin T'ang shu, 163. CKWHCITT, #1506. THCWC, Soper tr., pp.
82-83, 195: n. 647.
LILT TAo-snuN (-cH'F.NG) (ACTIVE MID 1 ITH CENTURY). From Ta-liang (K'ai-
feng, in Honan province). Early bibliographies list him as the author of the
Sheng (Shen/Sung)-ch'ao ming-hua p'ing and the Wu-tai ming-hua pu-i (chi), col-
lections of biographies of Sung and Five Dynasties artists respectively, with
critical evaluations. The former text is mentioned in the preface to the latter
which is dated 1059. CKJMTIT, p. 1476; SHSLCT, 4.4b-5b.
LIL' T'TEN (ACTIVE LATE 5TH CENTURY, UNDER THE SOUTHERN CH'I, 479-502),
T. SHIH-WEN. From P'eng-ch'ang (in Kiangsu province). From a wealthy and
powerful family of officials, his own rank only reached that of Secretary in
the Board of Civil Appointments. His skill in literary composition and his
calligraphy in the seal and clerical scripts were thought to be noteworthy, and
his paintings of court ladies were consider~d the best of the period. Nan shih,
39. KHPL; LTMHC, 7, Acker tr., II, 164-165. TSHCJMTT, p. 44.
Lw YIN (1249-1293), T. MENG-cm, II. CmNG-HSTU. From Yung-ch'eng (in
Pao-ting, Hopei province). A writer and Confucian philosopher, he was a
man of many talents, who served his stepmother filially after his father's early
death. In 1282 he was recommended to the Mongol court on the basis of his
learning and appointed Right Critic Advisor to the Heir Apparent, but he
resigned and returned home when his stepmother became ill. When he was
summoned again in 1291 to a high position, he firmly refused. Living quietly
in retirement he wrote and edited a sel~ction of his poems; his collected poetry
and prose were compiled by friends and disciples after his death. Yt:ian shih,
171; CKWHCTIT, #3180. Cahill index, 6.
Lm YuNG (EARLY 11TH CENTURY). A native of K'ai-feng (in Honan province).
He was the chief follower of Kuan T'ung in landscape painting, but his
brushwork was a bit finer. His works included landscapes of the four seasons
and a waterfall screen. SCMHP; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 19, 57, 172 n. 500.
TSHCJMTT, pp. 347-348.
Lo TA-CHING (ACTIVE CA. 1224), T. CHING-LLTN. From Lu-ling (in Kiangsi
province). After receiving a degree he was employed in the Judicial Service
at Yung~chou (in Kwangsi province). His discussions of literary styles and his
critical opinions are presented in llau-lin yii-lu (The Autumn Dew of the Crane
Grove). Sung Index, p. 4277. CKWHCTTT, #2833.
Lou KuAN (MID 13TH CENTL"RY). Active at Hang-chou (in Chekiang province).
A painter-in-waiting at the Painting Academy around 1265-1275 or earlier,
he studied Ma Yilan's brush technique and was good aL painting landscapes
and figures. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, p. 334.
Lu CHI (261-303), T. SHIH-HENG. From Hua-t'ing (in Kiangsu province).
Both his grandfather and father were important officials in the Three King·
doms' Wu Dynasty (222-280). On the death of his father the Grand Marshal
324 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
in 274, Chi and his four brothers succeeded to the command of the Wu army.
After the Wu defeat, he withdrew into seclusion, devoting himself to study
and to the composition of the Piert-wang lun (Discussions of the Fall of States).
In 290 he went to Lo-yang (in Honan province) and was eventually appointed
to a number of high posts but finally met his death through implication in
the plots of the Chin princes. He remains important as a leading figure in
the development of Chinese literature and literary criticism, being the author
of the "Wen fu" (Prose-Poem on Literature). Chin shu, 54; SSHY, Mather tr.,
p. 554. CKWHCTTT, #0391. SeeM. G. Knoerle, "The Poetic Theories of Lu
Chi,'' journal of Aesthetics arul Art Criticism, 25 (1966), 137-143.
Lu T'AN-WEI (ACTIVE 460S-EARLY 6TH CENTURY). From Wu (-hsien?, in Kiangsu
province). One of the most celebrated pre-Tang painters, he was in constant
attendance at the Liu-Sung court (in modern Nanking). He is said to have
learned from Ku K'ai-chih but to have adapted the "single stroke" method
of calligraphy to painting. He achieved renown in his own time for his skill
in doing colored pictures. Primarily a portraitist, he is recorded as producing
a likeness of Hsi K'ang (223-262) on imperial command. Paintings of his-
torical figures like this poet and the other "Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove,"
or of Confucius and his disciples, and portraits of officials or members of the
Liu-Sung imperial family make up the bulk of the titles of extant works
recorded for Lu in Tang times. He also was credited with paintings of horses
and monkeys, birds and insects, and poetic illustrations. His Buddhist murals
in the Kan-lu Temple near modern Chen-chiang (in Kiangsu province) were
described by such Sung writers as Su Shih and Mi Fu. KHPL; TCMHL;
LTMHC, 6, Acker tr., II, 103-112; also I, 162, 372, 380-382. Also see Liang
shu, 48. TCHCJMTT, pp. 23-25.
MA FEN (PEN?) (LATE liTH-EARLY 12TH CENTURY). From Ho-chung (in Shensi
province). In the era from 1086 to 1097 he gained a reputation for his
paintings of Buddhist images in the family tradition. He also did figures,
flowers and birds, and landscapes, and was particularly good at small scenes.
Sketching from life, he produced a series of handscrolls of 100 geese, 100
apes, 100 oxen, 100 sheep, 100 deer. According to THPC, in the era 1119
to 1125, he became a painter-in-attendance at the Bureau of Painting. HC,
7; THPC, 3. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, p. 177.
MA HSING·TSU (ACTIVE CA. 1130-1160). Ma Fen's son (or descendant). Moved
to Hang-chou (in Chekiang province). A painter-in-attendance in the South-
ern Sung Painting Academy, he did a portrait of Kao-tsung's favorite con-
cubine and served as the Emperor's artistic advisor. He also painted flowers
and birds and nomadic scenes. HCPI; THPC, 4. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT,
p. 179.
MA LIN (ACTIVE FIRST HALF 13TH CENTURY). Ma Yuan's son. A painter-in-
waiting at the Painting Academy under Ning-tsung (r. 1195-1224), he is
judged not to have reached his father's status in art as in rank, and Yuan is
said to have signed with Lin's name on occasion in order to help his son. Lin
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 325
painted landscapes and flowers and birds in the family tradition but may have
followed Chia Shih-ku in the style of his figures. HCPI. Sung Biog., 2; Cahill
Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, p. 183.
MA YuAN (ACTIVE 1190-AITER 1225), T. CH'I:--1-SHAN. Son of Ma Hsing-tsu
or Shihjung. Lived at Hang-chou (Chekiang province). A painter-in-
attendance in the Southern Sung Painting Academy, he is the most famous
artist of his family, the co-founder with Hsia Kuei of the so-called Ma-Hsia
style of Academy landscape painting. He evidently used both centralized and
asymmetrical compositions, but later became known as "one-corner" Ma from
the minimal character of certain designs. His foreground rocks were textured
with "large axe-chip" strokes and given volume by dark ink washes, and he
used staccato lines in the garments of his figures. He also painted flowers and
birds. HCPI; THPC, 4. Sung Biog., 2; Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 180-
182.
MAO HUI-YUAN (LATE 5TH CENTURY). Originally from Yang-wu (-hsien, Honan
province). Under the Southern Ch'i Emperor Wu (r. 483-493), he held the
post of Supervisor of the Imperial Ateliers. Erroneously charged with fixing
the price of the mineral blue and green colors bought for use in painting for
the Emperor, he was executed for this offense. He is said to have been a
follower of Ku K'ai-chih and thus skilled at painting figures and demonic
divinities. Although he evidently did various subjects, he was considered to
be the best horse painter of his time and is listed as the author of the Chuang-
rna p'u (Treatise on Caparisoned Horses), which is no longer extant. KHPL;
LTMHC, 7, Ackertr., 165-177; also I, 163. THCWC, Sopertr., p. 5. TCHC]lHTT,
P· 3.
MEI YAO-CHEN (1002-1060), T. SHENG-YO. From Hsiian-ch'eng (in Hsiian-
chou, Anhwei province). A famous Northern Sung poet, he developed and
perfected a style of poetry in tandem with Ou-yang Hsiu. From a family of
scholar-officials, he entered the civil service through privilege. However, his
literary talent was soon recognized, and he received an opportunity to take
the chin-shih examination. Thereafter he served at court in a series of modest
posts, ending as a staff member for the compilation of the Tang history, but
his real role was that of court writer, composing celebratory poems or doc-
uments on official oe<:asions. His broad scholarship and his knowledge of
classical poems underlay his own poetry, which explicitly aimed at vivid de-
scriptions and indefinite meanings that were conveyed by a relatively plain
diction. The patronage of influential figures and his own sociable personality
contributed to the success of these poems, described as having an "archaic
flavor" or a certain "blandness" by his friend Ou-yang Hsiu. Sung shih, 443;
Sung Index, pp. 2683-84. Sung Biog., 1; Liu and Lo, Sunjlowe1· Splendor, pp.
584-585.
MENG HsiEN (EARLY 11TH CENTURY), T. T'AN-CHIH. From Hua-chih in An-
hua (in Kansu province). Usually known as "Little Meng," he was a figure
specialist who formed his own style. According to Mi Fu, he worked on silk
326 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphen
and it was said that he painted only for the Emperor. He also authenticated
the scrolls in Kao-tsung's collection. Sung shih, 444; Sung Index, pp. 545-
546. Sung Biog., 2; Cahill Index, 4. HC, 3. TSHCJMTT, pp. 51-52.
NI TsAN (1301?-1374), T. YOAN-CHEN, H. YON-LIN, Yu. From Wu-hsi (in
Kiangsu province). One of the four great Yuan landscapists, he was the
youngest of three sons but inherited the family wealth in 1328. Well educated
with artistic inclinations, he designed a famous garden and collected books
and antiquities. Anecdotes stress his aloof and fastidious nature and his in-
sistence on cleanliness parallels that of Mi Fu. Around 1335 to 1340 he took
to a wandering life to dodge tax collectors, and by 1354 had given away his
property to relatives and friends. He stayed with friends or at Taoist and
Buddhist temples and lived on a house boat on Lake T'ai. In 1366 he went
into hiding to escape persecution, but soon thereafter was able to return
home, where he lived in retirement under the Ming regime. His poems and
writings were collected during his lifetime, and numerous paintings done in
his "inimitable" style are attributed to him. His empty river views are done
with silvery ink, and in them shimmering rock masses are outlined with
sideways strokes. He claimed that his ink bamboos were painted in a careless
fashion. Ming shih [ESSSJ, 298; Yuan Index, pp. 837-839. DMB, II, 1090-
93; Yiian ,\1asters, pp. 25-33. Cahill Index, 6.
Ou-YANG CHIUNG (896-971). From Hua-yang (Ch'eng-tu, Szechwan prov-
ince). A poet with musical gifts, he served as an official under several different
regimes in the unsettled Five Dynasties period. A drafting official in the
Secretariat of the Former Shu, he followed his defeated ruler to Lo-yang (in
Honan province) in 925. Eventually he regained his position under the Later
Shu regime, then became a Han-lin Academician in 939 and finally Executive
of the Chancellery in 961. After 965 he continued to hold high posts under
the Sung Dynasty for a short while, and he played his flute in the company
of the Sung founder. He aimed at refined craftsmanship and freshness in
his poetry and once did a set of fifty didactic ballads after Po Chu-i. Sung
shih, 479; Sung Index, p. 3747; Sung Biog., I.
Ou-YANG Hsm (1007-1072), T. YuNG-sHu, H. TsUI-WENG, Lm-1 cH'O-
SHIH. Born at Mien-chou (in Szechwan province); lived at Ying-chou (Fu-yang,
Anwei province). A noted Sung writer, he memorized Han Yti's writings as
a youth in Sui-chou (in Hupei province) where he was brought up in humble
circumstances after his father's death. In I 030 he received the d~in-shih degree
and was assigned to secretarial duties at Lo-yang, the cultural center, where
he became friends with the poet Mei Yao-chen. Involved in political faction-
alism in the capital, K'ai-feng, in 1036 and again in 1043, he was banished
to a series of provincial posts, where he wrote his new account of the Five
Dynasties period and composed his essay on "The Pavilion of the 'Old Drunk-
ard,'" using this designation as a pen name. In 1057, again on the career
ladder, he insisted that ancient-style prose after Han Yti be the standard for
the doctoral examinations, which he was in charge of. The stars of this oc-
328 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
casion, Su Shih and his brother Ch'e, became his proteges. A political con-
servative, Ou-yang was in power only from 1060 to 1067, becoming an assistant
councillor. Unsympathetic to Wang An-shih's reform policy, he nonetheless
remained friends with him after resigning from office. A master of literature
in all forms, Ou-yang also produced one of the earliest critical treatises on
poetry. Sung shih, 319; Sung Index, pp. 3748-53. Sung Biog., I; Liu and Lo,
Sunflower Splendor, pp. 586-587.
OU-YANG HsuN (557-641), T. HslN-PEN. From Lin-hsiang (in Hunan prov-
ince). An able scholar, he became one of the four great Tang calligraphers.
He took office under the Sui dynasty, and at the beginning of the Tang he
was promoted to Supervising Censor because of his acquaintance with the
founding emperor. His calligraphy was first based on Wang Hsi-chih's but
soon surpassed it. His form of the running standard script was known beyond
the borders of China in his lifetime and became a classic model for fourteenth-
century practitioners. CKWHCTTT, #1019. BD, #1594.
PAo T!NG (FIRST HALF 11TH CENTURY). From Hsilan-ch'eng (in Anhwei prov-
ince). Son of "Old Pao," a well-known tiger painter, he continued the family
tradition but was not as able. SCMHP; HP; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 68, 183-
184 n. 562. TSHCJA1TT, p. 41.
P'EI HSIAO-YUAN (ACTIVE IN THE CHEN-KUAN ERA, 627-650). He was the au-
thor of the Chen-kuan kung-ssu hua-lu (Record of Paintings in Public and Private
Collections in the Chen-kuan Era). In its preface his title is given as Drafting
Official of the Secretariat. The text, written for an imperial patron, the Prince
of Han, is said to be a list of 290 paintings that P'ei had seen, ranging from
the 3rd century to 639 in date. However, the description in the preface does
not exactly correspond to the present text, which may have been amended.
P'ei may also have written a separate work on Tang painters, since a few
passages quoted by Chang Yen-yuan in the Tang chapters of LIMHC are
not in the text. CKJMTTT, p. 1379. CKHLLP, 1, 17-18.
PI HuNG (ACTIVE MID 8TH CENTURY). From Yen-shih (in Honan province).
Said to be the best painter of pines and rocks in his time, he was a censor
around 750 and became First Secretary in the Imperial Chancellery in 767.
He did a mural of pines and rocks in 743 in the Left Department Hall that
were highly praised, and later when President of the Heir Apparent's Sec-
retariat he did a section of a collaborative mural with Wang Wei and Cheng
Ch'ien in the eastern courtyard of the Tzu-en Temple. TCMHL; LTMHC,
10. Acker tr. II, 278-279. TSHCJMTT, pp. 205-206. Also see HS, Vandier-
Nicolas tr., p. 157, #184.
PI LIANG-SHIH (o. 1150), T. SHAO·TUNG. ·From Shang-tsan (in Honan prov-
ince). He was good at painting such literati subjects as bare trees, bamboos,
and rocks. A scholar who wrote on the Confucian classics and copied T'ang
calligraphy in the standard script, he gained a chin-shih degree ca. 1131. When
young he frequented dealers and collectors, and in office he sought out
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 329
governorships and in 1097 banished for several years. His rank was upgraded
at the beginning of Hui-tsung's reign for a few years but then again lowered.
He spent the end of his life writing in seclusion. His syncretic interests were
reflected in his scholarly works, commentaries on Confucian classics and the
Taoist Lao-tzu text as well as an historical study of amiquity. Sung shih, 339;
Sung Index, pp. 433I-33. Sung Biog., I.
Su SHIH (1037-1101). T. Tze-CHAN, H. TuNG-P'o CHD·SHIH. From Mei-shan
(in Szechwan province). Considered the greatest Sung poet, he is also one of
the "Four Great Calligraphers of Sung" along with Huang T'ing-chien, Mi
Fu, and the earlier master, Ts'ai Hsiang (1012-1067). He passed the chin-
shih examination in 1057 and was sponsored by Ou-yang Hsiu. After a period
of mourning for his father Su Hsiln, he returned to court in 1069, but
alignment with the conservatives soon led to his banishment to a series of
provincial posts and even to a short imprisonment. Confined to Huang-chou
(in Hupei province) from 1081 to 1084, he bought land to farm and con-
structed a study, his "Hall of Snow," on the "eastern slope," from which he
took his literary name. There he wrote the famous prose-poems describing
his journey to the Red Cliff on the Yangtze River. After Wang An-shih's
death in I 086, he was recalled to court, became a Han-lin Academician, and
was appointed to various posts. In 1089 he served as Governor of Hang-chou
and in I 092 became President of the Board of Rites, but was banished shortly
thereafter to a series of provincial posts further and further south, reaching
the island of Hainan in 1097. After four years he was pardoned, but his
health had broken and he died on his way north. Noted for his exuberant
personality and his philosophical deta<.:hment, he became a literary model for
later generations. His friendship with his cousin Wen T'ung, a specialist in
ink bamboos, ultimately raised this genre of painting to a literati art with the
status of poetry and calligraphy. His own sketches of trees and rocks or
bamboos are described in his writings and those of Mi Fu. Sung shih, 338;
Sung Index, pp. 43I2-24. Sung Biog., I; Liu and Lo, Sunflower Splendor, pp.
5R9-590. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 392-395.
SL'N CHIH-WEI (EARLY liTH CENTURY), T. T'AI-KU. From Mei-chou (in Sze-
chwan province). A Taoist adept of peasant stock, he was a noted painter of
Taoist and Buddhist subjects, such as the star gods or the Buddhist assembly
painted as a mural in a Taoist lemple at Ch'eng-tu. There are Sung descrip-
tions of his paintings of a demon queller and of water scenes with hshes and
dragons, as well as of animal subjects like tigers and oxen. SCMHP; HP;
HHHP, 4; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 48-49, I63 n. 447. TSHCJMTT, pp. I86-
I87.
SuN SHANG-Tzu (LATE 6TH-EARLY 7TH CENTURY, UNDER THE Sm DYNASTY,
589-617). From Wu (or Kiangsu province). A known follower of Ku K'ai-
chih and Lu ·ran-wei, he was once a Chief Clerk in a subprefecture in Mu-
chou (Chin-hua, Chekiang province). He was particularly noted for his paint-
ings of demons and divinities done in rhe "trembling line" brush technique.
332 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
kuo Temple (at K'ai-fcng) was so famom in its time that it was inscribed by
numerous ofhcials and notables. He also painted scrolls of these suhjens in
which "spirit consonance \Vas clear and untrammeled." THCWC, Soper tr.,
p. 3R. TSHCJMTT, p. 337.
TI<.NG CH'u:-~ (12TH CENTURY), T. KLNG-SHOU. His family was originally from
Ch'eng-tu (in Szechwan province). Both his grandfather and his father had
chin-shih degrees and were promoted in office because of their contacts with
ministers in the progressive party, \Vang An-shih and Ts'ai Ching. His grand-
father became a Privy Council Commissioner. Ch'un served as prefect of a
cornrnandary before returning to Shuai-lin (Ch'cng-tu) on the f~11l of Northern
Sung. He is the author of Hua chi in ten scrolls, a continuation of Kuo Jo-
hsil's history of painting, containing the biographies of artists active from
1074 ro 1107 as well as anecrlotes about the past state uf the art. Sung shih,
329; Sung Index, p. 3735. lhw-chi; 11-ua-chi pu-i pref., pp. 4-6.
T'!F'.J\" SF.NG-I.IANG (LATE GTH CF.r,:TURY, UNDER THE NORTHERN CHOU, 557-
5tll). From Ch'ang-an (in Shen~i province). A painter who was a Comman-
dant of the Guard for the Three Dukes under the :'\Jorthern Ch'i Dynasty.
around 577, on its surrender, he became a Regular Attendant at the Northern
Chou court. He is said to have excelled in paiming genre scenes of fanning
villages, and he collaborated with Yang Ch'i-tan and Ch'eng Fa-shih on murals
in the small pagoda of the Kuang-ming Temple at Ch'ang-an. LTAIHC, 8,
Acker tr., II, 191-192; also I, 164, 167, 299, 300. TCHCJMTT, p. 7.
Ts'Ao CHUNG-TA (ACTIVE UNDER THE NORTHERN CH'I, 550-577). From the
"Kingdom of Ts'ao" (either Sogdiana, or Ts'ao-chou, in Shantung province).
He was a court painter, who is said to have excelled at Buddhist icons which
had spiritual efficacy and presumably were painted in an Indian "transparent
drapery" style. However, in the ninth century his extant paintings were all
portraits of Northern Ch'i personages or scenes with horses. CKKSHS; LTMJJC,
8, Acker tr., II, 193; also I, 164. TCHCJMTT, p. 23. THCWC, Soper tr., pp.
17, 129 n. 194.
Ts'Ao PA (ACTIVE MID 8TH CENTURY). From Ch'iao-chiin (in Honan province).
A descendant of the Three Kingdoms Ts'ao family, he was good at calligraphy
and painting and reached the rank of General of the Left Warrior Guards.
He was particularly noted for his likenesses of imperial horses and portraits
of ministers, done circa 755 on imperial summons. The poet Tu Fu empha-
sized that General Ts'ao caught the "spirit" in his paintings of horses in
contrast to his pupil Han Kan, who only achieved formal likeness. LTMJJC,
9, Acker tr., II, 260; Hung, Tu Fu, pp. 211-212. TSHCJM1T, pp. 222-223.
Ts'ao style of Buddhist drapery. KHPL; LTMHC, 4, Acker tr., II, 19-20.
THCWC, Soper tr., p. 17. See Wu shu [ESSS], I R.
TsE-JEN (EARLY 11TH CENTURY). From Yung-chia (\'\len-chou, in Chekiang
province). A monk-painter, he specialized in pines with a dragonish cast and
apparently worked in ink alone. He studied the best points of earlier paintings
of trees and rocks before forming his own expressive style. TJ-/CWC, Soper
tr., p. 61. TSHCJMTT, pp. 357-358.
Ts'w Po (ACTIVE CA. 1050-1080), T. Tzu-IISI. From llao-liang (Feng-yang
hsien, in Anhwei province). Noted as a painter of birds, Rowers, and bamboo,
he became a painter-in-apprenticeship in the Painting Academy after his
performance, ca. 1068, collaborating on an imperial audience screen with
cranes and bamboo. However, because of his free and easy nature, he re-
:o.igned, and then painted only for the Emperor on special request. He did
figure paintings and murals of Buddhist su~jects for temples at the capital
and elsewhere. But he was best known for his bird paintings, particularly his
geese, and set a new fashion among Academy painters with his free yet
thorough technique. One extant pain ring, Two Ja.'Ys and a Hare, is dated I 061.
HHHP, 18; THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 54, 65-66, 181 n. 541. Sung Riog., 2;
Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 208-210.
Ts'm YiiAN (77-142), T. Tzu-vD. From An-p'ing, Cho-c.hiin (in Hopei prov-
ince). A noted Han calligrapher, he wrote epitaphs and inscriptions for tablets
and stcles as well as prose-poems, admonitions, and eulogies. Orphaned at
an early age, he was a good student and traveled to the capital to seek moral
instruction from the Grand Chancellor. After his elder brother '"''aS murdered,
he set out to avenge his death and then Hee from justice. However, he was
pardoned and returned home. Later he became a district magistrate for seven
years, winning the people's praise. Around 142 he was transferred to the post
of Minister of State for Northern Chi and, when implicated in taking bribes,
was forced to bring evidence to vindicate himself at this time. Various pieces
of his prose are extanl. Hou-Jian shu, .52; CKWHCTTT, #0 148.
TsuNG PING (375-443), T. SHAO-WEN. From a family from Nan-yang (in
Honan province); lived at Chiang-ling (in Hupei province). Son and grandson
of distinguished officials, he was educated by a mother of exceptional bril-
liance and is classified as a recluse because he refused summons to office. He
traveled to the famous mountains of central China and studied briefly on
Mount Lu (in Kiang.si province) under Lhe eminent Buddhist monk Hui-yiian
(334-416) before family affairs required his return home. Later he became
one of the foremost lay defenders of the Buddhist faith in contemporary
controversies and wrote the A1ing Fo lun (Discussion on Understanding the
Buddha), which has a preface dated to 433. Toward the end of his life he is
reported to have painted land:o.capes to be viewed in his room as a sub:o.titute
for roaming in natural scenery. His Hua.shan-~·hui hsU (Introduction to Painting
Landscape) is hest preserved in Li-tai ming-hua chi, 6, where mosl of the
painting titles recorded for him are of figural subjects, including likenesses
338 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
of the Honorary Grandee Hsi K'ang (223-262) and the Monk Hui-ch'ih (337-
412). Sung shu, 93; Kao-seng chuan, 5; see E. Zurcher, The Buddhist Conquest
of China (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1959), pp. 240-253 and passim. Also W. Lieben·
thai, "The Immortality of the Soul in Chinese Thought," Monumenta Nippon-
ica, 8 (1952), 378-394. KHPL; LTMHC, Acker tr., II, 115-129. TCHGJMTT,
pp. 10-12.
Tv Fv (712-770), T. Tzu-MEI. Born at Kung-hsien (in Honan province).
From a distinguished literary family from the region of Ch'ang-an, he was
nonetheless unable to pass the imperial examinations but was finally granted
a post in 755 just before the major mid-Tang revolt. Rewarded in 757 for
his loyalty to the Emperor, he became Commissioner to the Left in the Chan-
cellery for a brief time before being exiled to a minor post in Shensi province.
Thereafter he travelled to Ch'eng-tu (in Szechwan province) and ended his
life on a voyage down the Yangtze River. He is famous for his poetry, which
is written in a meticulous style and covers a wide variety of themes, including
certain paintings. Chiu Tang shu, 190; Hsin Tang shu, 201. Hung, Tu Fu; Liu
and Lo, Sunflower Splendor, pp. 555-558.
Tu Tu (ACTIVE 76-89), T. Po-Tu. A calligrapher of the Later Han, he was
one of the originators of the draft or "grass" script, and along with Ts'ui
Yuan one of the models for Chang Chih. CKJMTTT, p. 464. LTMHC, 2,
Acker tr., I, lv-lvi, 177.
teacher and held various minor posts in the area. His fame rests on two works,
the Lun-heng in eighty-five chapters written around 82, and the Yang-hsing
shu (Book of Character Cultivation) in sixteen chapters in around 96. Hou-
Han shu 49; see Needham, Science and Civilization ·in China, II, 369 ff.
WANG Hsi-CHIH (309~cA. 365), T. 1-SHAO. His family was originally from
Lang-yeh (in Shantung province). Taught by his uncle Wang I, Hsi-chih
ultimately surpassed his mentor in fame and became the best-known Chinese
calligrapher. He held a number of important civil and military posts, and was
noted for his intellectual prowess, especially for his skills in debate. Much of
his official life was spent in the Chekiang region, which he found particularly
congenial because of its beautiful scenery and its eminent scholars. In 353
he composed an essay commetnorating a meeting of literati at the Lan t'ing
(Orchid Pavilion) in Shao-hsing, which has since been illustrated by many
painters. His calligraphy was praised as "floating like douds and erect as
startled dragons." An essay on calligraphic brush technique, the Pi-chen t'u
(Plan of Brush Strategy), which was attributed to him, is now considered a
late sixth-early seventh-century forgery. Titles of paintings by him formerly
extant are given in Tang records: depictions of wild beasts, a self-portrait
from a mirror image, and a fan with small figures. Chin shu, 80. SSHY, Mather
tr., p. 586. LTMHC, 5, Acker tr., II, 40-41. TCHC]lv1TT, pp. 4-5. See R.
Barnhart, "Wei Fu-jen's Pi Chen T'u ... ," ACASA, 17 (1964), 13-25.
WANG HsiEN-CHIH (344-388), T. Tzu-cHING. Wang Hsi-chih's son. Some-
what undisciplined, he never equaled his father in calligraphy but is still
known for his draft and official scripts. He married a princess and fathered
an empress and was President of the Central Secretariat at the time of his
death. He was also said to be a skillful painter, able to transform spattered
ink into a piebald cow. In Sung times a Taoist painting of magical amulets
and deities with written incantations went under his name. Chin shu, 80; SSHY,
Mather tr., p. 586. LTMHC, 5, Acker tr., II, 41. TCHCJMTT, p. 5. HS,
Vandier-Nicolas tr., # ll8.
shu, 76. SSHY, Mather tr., p. 589. CKKSHS; LTMHC, 5, Acker tr., II, 37-40.
TCHC]MTT, p. 4.
WANG I (CA. 1333-cA. 1368), T. Ssu-SHAN, H. CH'IH-CHUEH-SHENG. Lived in
Hang-chou (in Chekiang province). A precocious painter, he studied with the
Su-chou landscapist and portraitist Ku K'uei. Wang is particularly noted for
his small-scale portraits and is the author of Hsieh-hsiang pi-chilelt (Secrets of
Portrait Painting) recorded by 1366 in the Cho-keng lu. Yuan Index, pp. 114-
145. THPC, 5. Cahill Index, 6.
WANG MENG (cA. 130l/8-l385), T. SHU·MING, H. HuANG-HAO SHAN-cH'IAO,
HsiANG·KUANG CHU·SHIH. Born in Hu-chou (in Chekiang province). Grand-
son of Chao Meng-fu. From a literary and artistic family, he was skilled in
writing and calligraphy and painted in his grandfather's tradition. He served
in a minor provincial post, but in the 1340s became a recluse at the Yellow
Crane Mountain near Hang-chou. There he came to know other famous
landscapists of the period, Huang Kung-wang and Ni Tsan. After 1368 he
was one of the first to be appointed to office under the Ming Dynasty, and
served for about ten years as Prefect of T'ai-an (in Shantung province). In
1380, because of a casual association with an official later condemned as a
traitor, Wang was put into prison where he remained until his death. He was
one of the Four Masters of late Yuan landscape. His early paintings of the
1340s were open river views in the Chao manner, but by the 1360s he had
shifted to close-up scenes of vertical mountain ranges in the Tung Yiian/Chii-
jan tradition. He also did ink bamboos. Ming shih, 285; Yuan Index, pp. 129-
130; DMB II, 1392-95; Yuan Masters, pp. 33-38. Cahill Index 6.
WANG Mo (HsiA) (D. CA. 805). In the mid eighth century he traveled through-
out the Chiang-nan region (south of the Yangtze) painting landscapes and
trees and rocks. He is said to have studied painting with both Cheng Ch'ien
and Hsiang Jung and to have volunteered for service in the Coastal Patrol
in order to see the scenery along the coast. Known by one nickname as Wang
of the Ink, he produced his works when inebriated by splashing ink on silk
and then transforming the spots into landscape motifs. TCMHL; LTMHC,
10, Acker tr., II, 299-302. HHHP, 10. TSHC}MTT, p. 17.
WA:-~G SHEN (HSIEN) (CA. 1048-cA. 1103), T. CHIN-cH'ING. His family was
from T'ai-yiian (in Shansi province) but lived at K'ai-feng (in Honan prov-
ince). A poet, calligrapher, musician, and painter, he became in 1069 the
consort of a younger sister of Shen-tsung and hence is known by the title of
Imperial Son-in-Law. He was a friend and patron of Su Shih, who shared
his interest in collecting paintings. The Precious Paintings Hall was established
in 1077 for Wang's collection. Because of his association with Su, Wang was
dismissed from office in 1079, and in the following year on account of his
treatment of his wife before her death, he was banished to Chiin-chou (in
Hupei province). There he observed the scenery and began to practice land-
scape painting. Both he and Su were recalled to the capital in 1085, and
Wang's Western Garden was the setting of a famous literary gathering that
342 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and CalligrapheTS
included the painter Li Kung-lin and Mi Fu, who advised Wang on collecting
calligraphy. Toward the end of his life Wang was an associate of Chao Chi,
the prince who became Emperor Hui-tsung, and recommended the painter
Han Cho to him. Wang's colored landscapes were said to be painted in the
gold-and-green (or blue-and-green) manner of Li Ssu-hsiin, but for small
scenes with distant views in ink he followed Li Ch'eng's brush technique. He
also did ink bamboos after Wen Tung. Sung Shih, 255; Sung Index, pp. 190-
191. Sung Biog., 2. HHHP, 12; HC, 2; HS, Vandier-Nicolas tr., #81. Cahill
Index, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 27-29.
WANG SHIH-YUAN (LATE lOTH CENTURY). Originally from Wan-ch'iu in Ju-
nan (Honan province). His father was a muralist in the Wu Tao-tzu tradition.
He himself evidently held office as an inspector and competed in architectural
painting with the eccentric scholar Kuo Chung-shu, who served as his model
in this genre. Although known as a specialist in architectural subjects, Wang
also did secular figures after Chou Fang and landscapes after Kuan Tung,
as well as a large-scale painting of wintry trees./CA1HL; SCA1HP; HHHP, II;
THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 45, 156-157 n. 428. TSHCJMTT, p. 20.
WANG TING (ACTIVE CA. 627). He held the office of President of the Imperial
Grand Secretariat with honorific titles and painted bodhisattvas, eminent
monks, and men and women in his free time. Around 627 he was commanded
to paint an "Illustrated Herbal with Instructions and Warnings." Buddhist
murals by him were in the Sheng-kuan temple in Ch'ang-an. TCMHL; LTMHC,
9, Acker tr., II, 226; also I, 293. TSHCJMTT, p. 12.
WA:>~G TING-YON ( 115 I -1202), T. Tzu-TUAN, H. H UANG-HUA SHAN-JEN. From
Liao-tung (in Liaoning province). A precocious writer and a chin-shih degree
graduate in 1 I 76, he served in the Han-lin Academy at Peking, reaching the
rank of Compiler. He was good at poetry and skilled at calligraphy in the
manner of Mi Fu's draft script. In painting he did landscapes, bare trees and
rocks, and ink bamboos. One of his paintings is extant and was much ap-
preciated by Yuan critics. He was the best-known artist of the Chin dynasty.
Chin shih [ESSS], 126. THPC, 4. Cahill Index, 4. TSHCJA1TT, p. 35.
WANG TSAI (ACTIVE CA. 760-cA. 805). From Western Shu (Szechwan prov-
ince). In the last decades of the eighth century he lived at Ch'eng-tu and
painted excellent screens of landscapes of the four seasons and of evergreens
and rocks. He is best known from Tu Fu's poem on a landscape painting.
TCMHL; LTMHC, 10, Acker tr., II, 277-278. TSHC]MTT, pp. 16-17. See
Hung, Tu Fu, I, 169, 170.
WANG WAN-cH'ING (LATE 12TH-EARLY 13TH CENTURY), T. Hst-Po, H. TAN-
YL'. WangTing-yiin's nephew, adopted as a son. C..ood at poetry, calligraphy,
and painting in the family tradition, he reached the post of a Provincial
Secretary of the Bureau of the Right. His ink bamboos and trees and rocks
were excellent; his landscapes were less good. THPC, 4. TSHCJMTT, pp. 35-
36. Bush," 'Clearing After Snow ... ,'" OA, I l (1965), 169 n. 27.
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 343
WANG WEI (415-443), T. CHING·HSUAN. His family was originally from Lin-
i, Lang-yeh (in Shantung province). From the illustrious Wang dan that
produced so many literary figures and officials at the southern court, he
passed the imperial examinations at the age of fifteen or so, but declined
office initially, having inherited a title and post under the Director of In-
struction. He later held several appointments at court briefly, rising to become
Vice-President of the Imperial Grand Secretariat, after which he declined all
further office and devoted his time to study. He was famous for his talents
in literary composition, music, medicine, geomancy, and mathematics, and
also noted for his calligraphy and painting. In the latter he followed Hsun
Hsu and Wei Hsieh. The official biography quotes several of his letters, and
the Hsu hua (Discussion of Painting) is extant in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. Sung
shu, 62. KHPL; LTMHC, 6, Acker tr., II, 129-137. TCHCJMTT, pp. 5-6.
WANG WEI (701-761), T. Mo-CHIEH. From T'ai-yuan (in Shansi province).
Admired as a poet, musician, and painter from an early age, he received the
chin-shih degree around 721 and became an Associate Secretary of Music but
was later demoted to a provincial post in the Shantung region. After the death
of his wife around 730 he remained single and became a devout Buddhist:
his tzu derived from the transliteration of the Buddhist layman Vimalakirti
(Wei-mo-chieh). Before he was thirty he had briefly lived as a recluse on
Mount Sung near Lo-yang, the Eastern Capital, and later on he withdrew to
a scenic villa at Wang-ch'uan in the Chung-nan Mountains near Ch'ang-an.
In 734 he returned to court as Advisor on the Right and rose steadily through
the ranks in censorate positions, becoming a Policy Reviewer in 754. Forced
to serve an illegitimate regime at the time of the An Lu-shan rebellion in 756,
he was pardoned through the intervention of his brother Chin and eventually
regained his former position; in 759 he was appointed to the high-ranking
sinecure of Under-Secretary of State, all on the basis of his poetry. His villa
at Wang-ch'uan was the subject of a series of poems written in a poetic
dialogue; it also was the theme of a mural said to have been done by Wang
at the Ch'ing-yuan Temple near T'ai-ytian as well as in a version on a screen
at a Ch'ang-an temple. He was known for landscape painting in "broken ink"
or ink wash, and he also did portraits, pines and rocks, and trees. It is sug-
gested that artisans working under his direction produced much of his oeuvre,
adding colors and details. Chiu Tang shu, 190; Hsi:n Tang shu, 202. Liu and
Lo, SunfloweT SplendoT, pp. 550-552. TCMHL; LTMHC, 10, Acker tr., II, 265-
268; I, 260, 276. THCWC, Soper tr., p. 80. Cahill Index, I. TSHCJ1HTT, pp.
13-16.
WANG YEN-SHOU (cA. 124-CA. 148), T. WEN·K'Ao, Tzu-sHAN. From I-ch'eng
in Nan-chun (Hupei province). Son of I, the famous compiler and annotator
of the Ch'u tz'u (Songs of the South), Yen-shou had traveled in the Lu area
(Shantung province) as a child. He visited the palace built there by Prince
Kung, a son of the Han Emperor Ching (r. 156-140 B.c.), and wrote a prose-
poem on his impressions. His other famous literary work, the "Meng fu"
(Prose Poem on a Dream), is said to have been written after a nightmare,
344 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligrapher·s
which was considered inauspicious. His early death came by drowning while
crossing the Hsiang River. Hou-Han shu, 80A. CKWHCTTT, #0173.
WEI-cH'IH (Yi!-cH'IH) l-SENG (7TH CENTURY). A native of Khotan who worked
at Ch'ang-an (in Shensi province). Son of the Khotanese painter Po-chih-na
active under the Sui dynasty, he was also sent to China as an artist before the
middle of the seventh century. He served at the Tang court as an officer of
the Imperial Night Bodyguard and inherited the feudal rank of Prefectural
Duke. He excelled at painting foreigners and Buddhist images, using the
non-Chinese technique of a firm brush stroke "like bent iron and coiled wire.''
His votive icons, secular figures, and flowers and birds were all after foreign
prototypes. Among his best-known murals were a thousand-armed Kuan-yin
image against a background of flowers done as if in relief, and a Subjugation
(by the Buddha) of ,\clara (the Buddhist devil). TCMHL; LTA1HC, 9, Acker tr., II,
224-225; also I, 259, 262, 266, 272, 290. Cahill Index, l. TSHCJA1TT, pp.
199-200.
WEI HsiEH (MID 3RD CENTURY-MID 4TH CENTURY). One of the most valued
painters in the early history of art, he was the subject of critical debate, but
nothing is known of his life. He is said to have followed Ts'ao Pu-hsing, and
like Chang Mo was called a "Sage of Painting." Recorded titles indicate that
he painted illustrations of poetry (the "North Wind Ode") and of historical
figures and didactic themes such as "Virtuous Women," as well as Buddhist
images. KHPL; LTlHHC, 5, Acker tr., II, 31-37; also I, 162. TCHCJMTT, pp.
45-46.
WEI HsiEN (lOTH CENTURY). His family came from the region of Ch'ang-an
(in Shensi province). The most famous pre-Sung painter of architectural
subjects, he served the last ruler of Southern Tang at Nanking and had the
title of painter-in-waiting to the Inner Palace (Nei-kung feng). He was skilled
at painting secular figures and palace architecture and had studied Wu Tao-
tzu's style. A painting, Lofty Scholars, attributed to him by Emperor Hui-tsung,
is extant in Peking. WTMHPJ; HHHP, 8; THCWC, Soper tr., 37, 150 n. 380.
Cahill Index, 2. TSHCJMTT, p. 362.
WE! Wu-T'IEN (ACTIVE FIRST HALF 8TH CENTURY). From Ch'ang-an (in Shensi
province). An animal specialist, he excelled at painting saddle horses and
birds, and various kinds of wild and domestic beasts. He attained the rank
of General of the Left Imperial Warrior Guards. In the era 713 to 742, he
made frighteningly accurate images of the lions presented as tribute from a
foreign country. His paintings of strange beasts circulated widely, and he also
did murals in Buddhist and Taoist temples at Ch'ang-an. On the Hsuan-wu
Gate he depicted the occasion when Hsiian-tsung transfixed two boars with
one arrow, and he did the animals in the collaborative painting the Golden
Bridge, portraying the pageantry on the Emperor's return from sacrificing at
Mount T'ai. TCMHL; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 250-251. THCWC, Soper tr.,
p. 76. TSHCJMTT, pp. 148-149.
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 345
WEI YEN (8TH CENTURY). From Ch'ang-an (in Shensi province). From a fam-
ily of painters, he lived for a while in Shu (Szechwan province) and painted
figures and horses, eminent monks, trees and rocks, and landscapes. He was
particularly noted for his horses and for his pines and rocks, and both of
these subjects were celebrated by the poet Tu Fu. TC1\r1HL; LTl'vfHC, I 0, Acker
tr. II, 281-282. See Hung, Tu Fu, I, 169. TSHCJMTT, pp. 149-150.
mei-p'u (Prunus Manual from the Pine Studio), a manual on the painting of
blossoming plums. Otherwise little is recorded of his life. He is known as a
painter of the prunus, sometimes in combination with the pine, and he also
did rue and narcissus in ink. Yuan Index, p. 388. Cahill Index, 6.
Wu TAO-TZU (Wu TAO-HSUAN) (ACTIVE CA. 710-cA. 760). From Yang-chai
(near Lo-yang, Honan province). The most famous muralist of the Tang
dynasty, he was particularly noted for his calligraphic treatment of Buddhist
and Taoist subjects and founded an enduring tradition of religious art. An
orphan from an impoverished family, through his natural talent he already
excelled in painting in his teens. His calligraphy was like that of Hsiieh Chi;
when he could not equal the style of one of his masters, Chang Hsii, he is
said to have turned to painting. He served as Chief of Civil Servants in a
subprefectural post in Yen-chou (in Shantung province) and then was sum-
moned to court by Hsiian-tsung and given the title of Doctor of Instruction
within the Palace, which meant that he could only paint on imperial command.
At that time he changed his name to Tao-hsiian. He was promoted to in-
structor of the Crown Prince and obtained the rank of Companion to Prince
Ning (d. 731), the Emperor's elder brother. Inspired by wine or by a sword
dance, Wu was able to paint large-scale murals with bravura, yet he could
also do finely detailed handscrolls. The subjects treated in the murals he
painted for Buddhist and Taoist temples at the capitals, Ch'ang-an and Lo-
yang, were Buddhist and Taoist icons, landscapes, dragons, figures, demonic
divinities, animals and birds, architecture, trees and plants, and Hell scenes.
In the "Wu style" of mural painting, striking three-dimensional effects were
suggested by the repetition of loose, modulated brush strokes, and colors
were lightly applied within ink contours. Artisans or restorers who laid on
colors heavily were said to have ruined the conception. There was also a Wu
style of swiftly executed landscape painting, which he did from his memory
of the scenery of Shu (Szechwan province). In the collaborative painting, the
Golden Bridge, done about 727, he worked on the bridge and the landscape,
carriages and human beings, plants and trees, hawks, utensils, weapons, and
tents. TCMHL; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 232-237; also I, 151, 156, 177 ff.,
257 ff. THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 75, 76. Cahill Index, !. TSHCJMTT, pp. 74-
79.
Wu TsuNG-YUAN (-TAO) (ACTIVE CA. !008 ON, o. 1050), T. TsuNG-CHIH. From
the Po River region (Sung-hsien, in Honan province). A civil official who
painted Taoist and Buddhist subjects, he reached the position of Vice-Pres-
ident of the Department of Parks, Lakes, and Mountains. He was from a
family of Confucians, and through his connections at the age of sixteen he
became Master of Sacrifices at a Confucian Temple; around this time he was
also asked to paint murals at the Lao-tzu Shrine near Lo-yang. This is perhaps
the temple at which he painted a famous mural of thirty-six rulers of Heaven
and included a portrait of Chen-tsung's father. He worked in the local Wu
Tao-tzu tradition of Lo-yang and is later said to have copied two of Wu's
murals at K'ai-feng on small scrolls, mastering the moving quality of Wu's
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers 347
YANG HUI-CHIH (ACTIVE CA. 713-742). A native ofWu (or Kiangsu province).
He first painted Buddhist and Taoist images following Chang Seng-yu's
manner but then began to model them in clay after Wu Tao-tzu's painting
became popular. Thus he gained equal fame with Wu as Chang's inheritor,
but in a different branch of art. His sculptures were widespread throughout
China from Kiangsu to Shensi province and were to be found in Buddhist
and Taoist temples at the Sung capitals, K'ai-feng and Lo-yang. LTMHC,
Acker tr., I, 280-281; II, 233. WTMHPI; TSHCJMTT, p. 293.
of Ming, after which he pled illness and returned home. He was known locally
for his calligraphy and painting. Ming shih, 285. DMB, II, 1547-53.
YANG Wu-CHIU (1097-1171), T. Pu-cHIH, H. TAO-CHAN LAO~JEN, CH'tNG·I
CHANG·CHE. From Ch'ing-chiang, moved to Nan-ch'ang (in Kiangsu prov-
ince). A descendant of the Han writer Yang Hsiung, he excelled at calligraphy
and painting and was also a skillful poet and song writer. Because of his
opposition to the peace policies of Kao-tsung's court, he did not rise in office.
In calligraphy he followed Ou-yang Hsiu, and he used Li Kung-lin's light ink
outlining with an easy touch for ink paintings of prunus and bamboo, pines
and rocks, and narcissus. He is said to have been the first to simply outline
plum blossoms rather than depict them with color or ink wash, and he founded
a school followed by his nephews. Although his name is given as an editor
and co-author of the Hua-kuang mei-p'u (Hua-kuang's Manual on the Prunus),
this text is a later fabrication based largely on the fourteenth-century Sung-
chai rnei-p'u by Wu Tai-su. Sung Index, p. 2942. THPC, 4. Cahill Index, 4.
TSHCJMTF, pp. 278-280.
only one title, Liang hou lileh (Later Sketch of the Liang dynasty) in ten
chapters. (Pei-) Chou shu [ESSS], 47.
YEN CHEN-CH'ING (709-785), T. CH'ING-cH'EN. From Wan-nien (-hsien, Shensi
province). One of the best calligraphers at the court of Hsiian-tsung, Yen
gained a chin-shih degree in the 720s and served under three emperors. His
posts included those of Censor, President of the Ministry of Justice, and
Assistant of the Right in the Department of State Affairs, as well as Grand
Tutor to the Crown Prince. He was famous for his integrity and was awarded
a posthumous rank and title. In his midthirties, he studied with Chang Hsu
and then wrote a treatise on calligraphy. Yen was best known for his regular
script, but he also excelled in the cursive form of the draft script. His callig-
raphy was thought to express a direct "awkwardness," according to the Sung
poet, calligrapher, and critic Su Shih. Chiu T'ang shu, 128; Hsin T'ang shu,
153. BD, #2461; Ecke, Chinese Calligraphy, #16.
YEN CHIH-T'ur (531-AFTER 591). His family was originally from Lin-i, Lang-
yeh (in Shantung province). From a distinguished family of scholar-officials,
he began studying Taoism under the tutelage of Hsiao I, the Liang Emperor
Yuan. Later, while serving the Emperor, he was captured by Western Wei
troops but escaped and found his way to his family's homeland in the Shan-
tung region then ruled by the Northern Ch'i. He held a number of posts
under the Northern Ch'i, then under the Northern Chou, and finally under
the Sui dynasty before the unification of China in 589. He was famous for
his scholarship, courage, and informal behavior, the latter brought on by his
love of drink. His literary works include a prose-poem on his view of his life
and the Yen-shih chia-hsiin (Family Instruction for the Yen Clan). Pei-Ch'i shu
[ESSS], 45; Pei shih [ESSS], 83. CKWHCTTT, #0977.
YEN LI-PE:>~ (o. 673). From Wan-nien (-hsien, Shensi province). Younger son
of P'i, a painter, carver, and carriage designer at the Sui court, he was the
leading figure painter of the early Tang Dynasty. Yen served the Crown
Prince who became Emperor T'ai-tsung (r. 627-649) as an Auxiliary Func-
tionary for Military Stores. In 626 he was ordered to paint the "Eighteen
Scholars" of the Prince's court, and in 643 again summoned to do the portraits
of the twenty-four "Meritorious Officials of the Lin-yen Pavilion," a painting
for which the Emperor wrote the eulogy. Yen also painted the scene of the
hunt in which the Emperor's younger brother killed a dangerous tiger with
one arrow and collaborated with his brother Li-te on depictions of foreign
tribute bearers and on the designing of imperial insignia and the like. Between
656 and 660 he was Chief Engineer in the Department of Works; then he
succeeded Li-te as President of the Ministry of Public Works. In 668 Yen
became President of the Imperial Grand Secretariat and was enfeoffed as a
baron. Designated at court as "Divine Transmuter through the Reds and
Blues," he studied the art of Chang Seng-yu and painted various subjects
such as figures and horses, flowers and birds, and Buddhist icons. However,
he was chiefly known for portraits of T'ai-tsung. Chiu T'ang shu, 77; Hsin
350 Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligraphers
T'ang shu, 100. TCMHL; LTMHC, 9, Acker tr., II, 210-222; also I, 165.
THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 74-75, 187 n. 586. Cahill Index, I. TSHCJMTT, pp.
363-366.
YEN LI-TE (ORIGINAL NAME jANG) (o. 656). From Wan-nien (-hsien, Shensi
province). An artist in the family tradition, he was said to be unsurpassed in
painting foreigners and was also known for his architectural studies. In 618
at the beginning of Tang, as Chief of Service of the Imperial Wardrobe he
designed costumes and accoutrements. After 627, under T'ai-tsung, he served
in the Department of Public Works reaching the position of Chief Engineer,
and was in charge of the construction of the imperial tombs. He supervised
the construction of 500 battleships at Nan-ch'ang (in Kiangsi province) for
the Korean campaign of 641 and accompanied the troops to design roads
and bridges in the northeast. Later he was asked to build two imperial palaces
and was promoted to President of the Ministry of Works. As Director of
Works he oversaw the construction of T'ai-tsung's tomb, was enfeoffed as a
duke, and received posthumous titles. His paintings, extant in Sung times,
of an eastern barbarian and the Feng and Shan sacrifice were evidently done
with assistants. Chiu T'ang shu, 77; Hsin T'ang shu, 100. TCMHL; LTMHC, 9,
Acker tr., II, 209-210. THCWC, Soper tr., pp. 9, 74. TSHCJMTT, p. 363.
YEN Su (961-1040), T. Mu-cmH. His family were originally from Chi-chou
(in Hopei province); he was from I-tu (in Shantung province). An accom-
plished scholar-official, he was an inventor as well as a noted landscape painter.
A chin-shih degree graduate, he served at court before being banished to
provincial posts because of factionalism. Under Chen-tsung (r. 998-1023) he
was an under secretary in the Lung-t'u Pavilion, and he ultimately became
President of the Board of Rites and was posthumously honored with a title.
His inventions included an ingenious water clock. As a landscapist he followed
Li Ch'eng, and painted legendary scenery and wintry groves, excelling in old
trees and broken bamboo. His murals and screen paintings were to be seen
in various official halls at the capital, K'ai-feng, and in Buddhist temples in
the Honan region. Sung shih, 298; Sung Index, pp. 4008-09. HHHP, 11;
KCHP; THC.VC, Soper tr., pp. 42-43, 153-154 n. 409. Cahill Index, 4.
TSHCJA1TT, pp. 359-360.
YEN-rs'uNG (ACTIVE MID 7TH CENTURY). Active at Ch'ang-an (in Shensi prov-
ince). The monk of this name quoted in LTMHC is presumably the author
of the Hou hua-lu, identified as a T'ang monk in THCWC. He is taken to be
the monk who went to the western capital, Ch'ang-an, to study at the Tz'u-
en Monastery in 649. But whether, with the ts'ung in his name written with
the jade radical, he is the author of sutra titles listed in the 660s is not provable.
In any case, he is not the Sui monk with this version of the name, active as
a translator in Lo-yang in the late sixth to early seventh century. The current
Hou hua-lu is thought to have been reconstructed from different sources,
principally the LTMHC, and has a preface added that is dated in accordance
with 635 although the text treats a painter said to have been active three
Biographies of Painters, Critics, and Calligmphers 351
B. Texts Translated
Arranged chronologically, annotated, and with reference to editions currently
available (Bibliography A referred to in abbreviations), as well as to published
translations consulted.
Lun-yii ~liiiJlt (Confucian Analects). 20 bks. A record of Confucius's activities and
conversations compiled by his disciples. See J. Legge, tr., The Chinese Classics,
vol. 1, 1960 reprint, Bibliography C.
I ching ~~(Book of Changes). 10 bks. A text on divination with interpretations of
364 Bibliography
the 3rd to 1st century B.C. See R. Wilhelm, tr., I Ching, 1976 reprint,
Bibliography C.
Tao-te ching :!Ei:tli~ (Book of the Tao). 2 bks. The philosophical text forming the
chief canonical work of Taoism. See J. J. Duyvendak, tr., Tao-te ching, 1954.
Bibliography C.
Chuang-tzu lt:t'f (4th-3rd century B.C.). 10 bks. Essays by the Taoist philosopher,
his disciples, and imitators. See H. A. Giles, tr., Chuang-tzu, 1961 reprint.
Bibliography C.
Han Fei-tzu \i!t;Jp'f (ca. 280-233 B.C.). 20 bks. A compilation of writings attributed
to the Legalist philosopher by later followers. See Burton Watson, tr., Han Fei-
lzu, 1964. Bibliography C.
Huai-nan-tzu itl¥l'f, compiled at the court of Liu An 'li1J'9::, the Prince of Huai-nan
(d. 122 B.C.). 21 sections. A syncretic text with elements of Confucianism and
Taoism predominating, but also including aspects of Legalism and the yin-yang
wu·hsing school. Taipei: Chung·kuo tzu-hsiieh ming-chu chi-ch'eng pien-yin
chi-ching hui, 1977.
Wang Ch'ung ±1E (A.D. 27-97?), Lun-heng ~:f!ii. 30 bks. A philosophical work ex-
amining ideas and beliefs of the past. See Alfred Forke, tr., Philosophical Essays of
Wang Ch'ung, 1962 reprint. Bibliography C.
Ts'ao Chih l!ll11! (193-232), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. See the introduction
to chapter 1.
Lu Chi~¥!!~ (261-303), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. See the introduction to
chapter 1.
Wang I ±!R (264-322), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. See the introduction to
chapter 1.
Ku K'ai-chih lillHr!Z. (ca. 345-ca. 406), Lun-hua ~!ilij[ (Essay on Painting), quoted in
the Li-tai ming-hua chi. Fragments of an essay on painting techniques, dealing
mainly with figural or narrative subjects; possibly confused and mixed in
transmission with another text attributed to the same author, the Wei-Chin sheng-
liu hua-tsan ft~Jiii'J[j[~ (Eulogies on Famous Paintings of the Wei and Chin
Dynasties); the original essay was supposedly on copying only. Yii Chien-hua il\i
~~]~ and Lo Shu-tzu liU~'f. et a!., eds. Ku K'ai-chih yen-chiu tzu-liao. Peking:
Jen-min mei-shu, 1962. Bibliography E. See Alexander Soper, "Some
Technical Terms," 1948 article, in Bibliography D, for some translations.
--Hua Yii.n-t'ai-shan chi -~~W~c (Record on Painting the Cloud Terrace
Mountain), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. See Michael Sullivan, The Birth of
Landscape painting in China, in Bibliography E for translation and discussion.
Tsung Ping *IR (373-443), Hua shan-shui hsii. l[il.J#!f (Introduction to Painting
Landscape), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. See Leon Hurvitz, "Tsung Ping's
Comments on Landscape Painting," 1970 article, in Bibliography C for transla-
tion and comments. Compare with the translation and commentary given in
Bush, "Tsung Ping's Essay on Painting Landscape," 1983 essay, in Biblio-
graphy D.
Wang Wei ±1!&: (415-443), Hsii. hua &Rm (Discussion of Painting), quoted in the Li-
tai ming-hua chi. See Michael Sullivan, The Birth of Landscape Painting, in
Bibliography E for translation and discussion.
Bibliography 365
Hsieh Ho ~:lil (active ca. 500-535?), (Ku.) hua-p 'in ( -lu) ""i!:l~&'rSffi: (Classification of
Painters), quoted in the !.i-tai m.ing-hua (hi. Its earliest known independent ver-
sion in one book appears in a collection printed in the :\1ing Dynasty's Chia-
ching reign ( 1522-1567). Early references to the text cite it as the llua-p 'in only;
the Sung dynastic history names a Ku-chin ~- 6;- hua-p 'in; its present title was
already recorded in the 3rd quarter of the 12th century. Wang Po-min ~16/W. ed.
Ku hua-p'in iu,· Hsi.i. hua-p'in. Peking: .Jen-min mci-shu, 1959. See E. ZUrcher,
"Recent Studies on Chinese painting," in Bibliography D for the dating of its
writing to the second quarter of the 6th century.
Yen Chih-t'ui 151'1._.:::__;~ (531-after 591), Yen-shih chia-hsiin ljfi[ft'*~ll (Family Instruc-
tion for the Yen Clan). For the relevant excerpt, see CKHLLP, p. 15. Sec Tcng
Ssu-yli, tr., Family Instruclion, 1968. Bibliography C.
Yao Tsui Wh:t'R (535-602), Hsii hua-p 'in t',ri~~~ (Contim1arion of the Classification of
Painters), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. lts earliest independent version in
one book appears also in the Chia-ching collection. References to it also give the
titles Hj·ii hua.-p'in lu or the Hou lti: hua-p'in lu. Now in one book, its preface in-
dicates that two books were originally intended. Tt includes discussions of twenty
painters from 501 to 552, arranged chronologically, since its author had some
doubts about Hsieh Ho's system of classification, although he intended his work
as a sequel to Hsieh's. Wang Po-min, ed., l!JU. huo.-p 'in (sec above, published
with KHPL), Peking, 1959. See E. Ziircher, "Recent Studies," in Bibliography
D for dating of the work.
P'ei Hsiao-yii.an ¥$:WR (active ca. 627-660), Chen.-kuan kun.g-ssu hua-lu .t:'tWiHLm:J.f:
(Record of Paintings in Public and Private Collections in the 627-650 Chen-
kuan Era), quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. Preface dated to 639 when the
author was Grand Secretary at Court. Chang Yen-yiian also quoted from
another text by the same author variously known as the Hua-p'in. iu or Hou hua-
p'in, now otherwise lost. Citations tend to confuse the two works. See E. ZUr-
cher, "Recent Studies," in Bibliography D for discussion of the two.
Yen-ts'ung i:¥.:"1";}; (active ca. 650), Hou hua-lu l&:illJTi. (Later Record of Painting),
quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. Preface dated to 635; its author identified as a
Buddhist monk. Two monks of similar name are known, a Yen-ts'ung r!fffi.
(557-610) who catalogued siitras at Lo-yang and another of the same name who
was active in Ch'ang-an around 649-660. Doubts have been cast on the atlthen-
ticity of the independent version, but arguments can be made that it derives
from another work by Yen-ts'ung, cited as the llua-p'ing -*-~'¥by the Hsiian-ho
hua-p'u. SeeP. Pelliot, "Les Fre;,ques de Touen-IIouang," in Bibliography D,
for the discussion in Appendix 2.
Li Ssu-chen "¥~~~(d. 696), H11a hou-p'in 111&~~ (Later Classification of Painters),
quoted in the Li-tai ming-hua chi. Referred to in a preface to the Hou slw-p 'in I&~
~ by the same author, of circa 690, as a Hua-p 'ing S:~f with classification of
painters, including four in an i-p 'in :lfr:AA (untrammeled class). This work was
known in the 12th century as a sequel to Hsieh Ho's and Yao Tsui's texts. Addi-
tional quotations from it app~::ar in Tseng Ts'ao 1~1!-li~, Lei shuo AA.iR, bk. 58, and
the Kuang-ch'uart hua-pa, bks. 1 & 3.
---Hsii ltua-p'in iu #r=~~H Currently attributed to the same author, it may be
366 Bibliography
shan-shui lu JltlUlJ(if, or Shan-shui shou pija WJt.~~i$;. The work was probably
put together in the Northern Sung Dynasty, that is, in the 11th century, and was
already known to painters if not literati ofHui-tsung's period (1101-1126). See
Kiyohiko Munakata, tr. Ching Hao's Pija chi, 1974. Bibliography C.
- - - Hua shan-shuifu :!:W;;tbt (Prose-Poem on Painting Landscape). 1 bk. An im-
itation of Wang Wei's Shan-shui Lun. Included in the WSSHY.
Liu Tao-shun jl]:fi!W, Sheng-ch'ao ming-hua p'ing ~iM.friU¥ (Critique of Famous
Painters of the Present Dynasty). 3 bks. One hundred and ten entries for the
Northern Sung Dynasty, divided into six Gl:tegories of subject matter and three
classifications, each with three grades. Included in the WSSHY and CKHLLP.
Another text is found in Wang Yiin-wu ~~ li., ed., Ssu-k 'u chiian-shu chen-pen [?:9
l!lH~:t!JtFJ;:;$:, 5th ser. (reprint; Taipei, 1977), vol. 203; also included in MSTS, 6th
ser. (Taipei: 1-wen, 1975).
- - - Wu-tai ming-hua pu-i fi ft. 15-~JI (A Supplement on the Famous Painters of
the Five Dynasties). 1 bk. Preface by Ch'en Hsiin-chih ~i~R of 1059. Includes
twenty-four painters divided into seven categories of subject matter. Included in
the WSSHY and CKHLLP. Another version of the text is found in the SKCS and
in the MSTS, 6th ser. (see references in entry above).
Kuo Hsi W~ (after 1000-ca. 1090), Lin-chii.an kao-chih (ch1) f*-$_~ft (Jt) (The
Lofty Message of Forests and Streams). 1 bk. Written ca. 1080? Compiled by
Kuo Hsi's son Ssu .fl.~, (active ca. 1080-ca. 1125), ca. 1110-1117. On landscape
and painting techniques in six sections: the second and fourth with Ssu's com-
ments; the fifth and sixth added by Ssu and including a summary of his father's
career in Hua chi iiUC (Notes on Paintings). The first section, Shan-shui hsU.n ll.J;rj(
ri!ll (Advice on Landscape Painting), was already in print by 1110 under the title
of Shan-shui chiieh tsuan ll.J7l\.~Ji (Compendium on the Secrets of Landscape Paint-
ing). Included in the HSTS and MSTS. Also Chang An-chih 1k~?S ed. Kuo 1 1
Hsz·. Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu, 1963. Sec Shio Sakanishi, tr., An Essay on Land-
scape Painting, 1959. Bibliography C. For the SKCS text with the sixth section
(Hua-chi) and a post face dated to 1117, see Kuo Hsi "Trao-ch 'un t'u" :1&!m If-~~
(Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1978). Also see the articles by Pao Sung-nien
and Ch'en Shao-feng and by Suzuki Kei in Bibliography D.
Kuo Jo-hsii $"&-lilt, T'u-hua chien-wen chih ~iH~Iitliit (An Account of My Ex-
periences in Painting). 6 bks. Completed ca. 1080 or earlier. Huang Miao-tzu A
#if, cd., T'u-hua chien-wen chih, Shanghai: Jen-min mei-shu, 1963. Sec Alex-
ander Soper, tr., Kuo Jo-hsU. 's Experiences in Painting, 1951 (text included).
Bibliography C.
Shen Kua (or K'uo) ittii (1031-1095), Meng-ch'i pi-t'an ~~}i;Ji: (Casual Writings
from the Garden of the Stream of Dreams). 26 bks. from original30. Written be-
tween 1086 and 1093; the title refers to the garden of this scholar's retreat. The
book covers seventeen subjects including archaeology and history, the arts,
literature, science and technology. Hu Tao-ching i\l'j.@ij$, ed. (with annotation),
Hsin chiao-ch 'eng :Wifi li Meng-ch 'i pi-t 'an, Peking: Chung·hua, 1959. 2 vols., 609
entries. See Donald Holzman article "Shen Kua and His Meng-ch 'i pi-t'an," in
Bibliography D.
Shan-J·hui sung-shih ko !lPtf'1Ulli (On the Categories of Landscape and Pines and
368 Bibliography
Rocks), formerly attributed to the Liang Emperor Yiian X: 'iff (r. 552-554). 1 bk.
The Liang Emperor Yuan specialized in figure painting, and this title is first
recorded in the Sung dynastic history. Part of the text is quoted by Han Cho in
the Shan-shui Ch 'un-ch 'iian chi, but without identification of the title. A Sung at-
tribution for its authorship seems likely. Included in the MSTS.
Shan-shui chiieh W#.l!R: (Secrets of Landscape), formerly attributed to Li Ch'eng *h'l!.
(d. 967). 1 bk. Internal evidence belies attribution of this text to the famous land-
scape painter; the contents are similar to the Hua shan shui chii.eh by Li Ch'eng-
sou. The present text's preface is a later addition to what is now considered an
anonymous work of the 11th century. Included in the MSTS.
Mi Fu *ffi (1052-1107), Hua-shih :fi':t:: (Painting History). 1 bk. Preface indicates
completion around 1103. What remains to us of the original work is fragmentary
and disordered, with anecdotes about painters and notes on various aspects of
connoisseurship. Included in the MSTS. Reprint Taipei: I-wen, 1963. See N.
Vandier-Nicolas, tr., Le Houa-che de Mi Fou, 1964. Bibliography C.
Li Ch'ih *~ (1059-1109), Hua-p'in IE&~ (Evaluation of Painting). l bk. Also
called Te-yii. chai f.tii!MII!f hua-p'in after the collector's study at Hsiang-yang in
Hupei province. Neither a classification nor an evaluation of the twenty-two
painters mentioned, but a catalogue of the collection of Chao Ling-chih ~4\-m;'f
whose postscript follows. Probably written in 1098 when the author was an of-
ficial in Hsiang-yang. See Alexander Soper, tr., "A Northern Sung Descriptive
catalogue," 1949. Bibliography C.
Huang Pa-ssu jl:f8,~. (1079-1118), Tung-kuan yii.-lun 1ltlilll.~~ (Further Discussions
from the Eastern Tower). 2 bks. Originally ten books (chii.an), the present text
was compiled by the author's son Jen Jii1l in 1147. It deals mainly with
calligraphy. Included in the MSTS.
Tung Yu I~, Kuang-ch'uan hua-pa )j(JII:fi!W (Tung Yu's Colophons on Painting).
6 bks. A manuscript of this text, dated to 1365, had a note that a Shu~ -pa (Col-
ophons of Calligraphy) had been printed earlier. The author was active in the
first quarter of the 12th century, and shared the enthusiams of Su Shih and
Huang Pa-ssu. The colophons deal mainly with the subject matter of figural and
narrative paintings, and less with landscape painting and flowers and birds. The
best edition was included in the Shih-yiian ts 'ung-shu :ii?itilll'~ compiled by Chang
Chiin-heng '*il:Ji~L Hu-chou, 1916.
Hua-kuang mei-p'u "')'(;flli~ (Hua-kuang's Manual on the Prunus), attributed to
either Chung-jen f<Pt: (active second half of 1 lth century), or Yang Wu-chiu m
1!\!i~ (1096-1169). 1 bk. Chung-jen is recorded in Teng Ch'un's Hua-chi as living
on Hua-kuang Mountain; Yang Wu-chiu added and signed an essay at the end
of the text. It is now considered a forgery, possibly after Sung Po-jen' s Mei-hua
hsi-shen p 'u, but it had already been recorded in the Y iian Dynasty. Included in
the MSTS.
Hsii.an-ho hua-p'u ]i'.fllll~ (Catalogue of Paintings in the Hsiian-ho Collection). 20
bks. Preface, supposedly by the Sung Emperor Hui-tsung j~')j~ (r. 1101-1126),
dated to 1120. The text was probably composed by officials of his painting
academy about works in the imperial collection. Two hundred thirty-one
painters are recorded in ten sections on different genres of painting, with social
Bibliography 369
Plum Taoist). 1 bk. Preface by countryman Ch'ien Fen it~ in the Ming Dynas·
ty. Written in colophon form. Included in the MSTS. Reprint Taipei: 1-wen,
1963.
Jao Tzu-jan ill !3 ~(active ca. 1340), Hui-tsung shih-erh chi 1<t*-t .::.:.,\!!;(The Twelve
Faults in Painting Tradition). 1 bk. On landscape painting technique. The
PWCSHP attributes this title to anonymous Sung Dynasty authorship. Included
in the HLTK. Also Teng I-chih mi!:J.'IIt ed., Hui-tsung shih-erh chi, Peking: Jen·
min mei-shu, 1959.
Wu T'ai-su l!'tt:~, Sung-chai mei-p'u t:::«lfl.Hf(Manual on Plums from the Pine
Studio). 15 bks. Known in a 15th-century manuscript copy in the Municipal
Asano Library, Hiroshima, Japan (one of several copies in Japan). Referred to
by Li E K!J ~ ( 1692-17 52) in Nan Sung yiian-hua lu m<;t,;et;EiiH~, as the Hua·mei
ch'iian-p'u :l:!!i:i:~ (Complete Manual on Plum Blossom Painting). Probable
date circa 1350. See Shimada Shiijiro, "Shosai baifu teiyii," 1956 article in
Bibliography D.
Wang I :=E*' (active ca. 1360), Hsieh-hsiang pi-chiieh ~~®!~~~ (Secrets of Portrait
Painting). 1 bk. Quoted in T'ao Tsung-i's Cho-keng lu. Earlier texts on portrait
painting are lost; this work is therefore a rare source. Included in the HL TK
together with the Ts'ai-hui lu jf;*f!i~ (Record on Color Painting). See Herbert
Franke, tr., "Two Yiian Treatises," 1950. Bibliography C.
T'ao Tsung-i l!fi!J*~ (active 1360-1368), Cho-keng lu (Notes ofT'ao Tsung-i) UWI
}*. 30 bks. First edition in 1366. Miscellaneous essays on law, current events,
calligraphy, and painting; particularly important for its many quotations. See
Centre Franco-Chinois d'Etudes sinologiques, Index du Tcho Keng lou, Taipei:
Ch'eng-wen, 1968 reprint of Peking edition.
Hsia Wen-yen ~:l'l::~ (1296-1370), T'u-hui pao-chien lil~lf~ (Precious Mirror for
Examining Painting). 5 bks. with an additional book and supplement by Han
Ang ~til in 1519. Preface of 1365. Compiled from earlier writings on paintings,
with the addition of information on contemporary painters; arranged by
dynasties but not chronologically within each. Included in the HSTS.
T'ang H.ou ~f<i. (active ca. 1322-1329), Ku-chin hua-chien tJ-4-il~ (Criticism of
Past and Present Painting). l bk. Completed by Chang Yii '*ffi (1277.:.after
1329). A random survey of painters from the Three Kingdoms period to the
Yiian Dynasty. Included in the MSTS.
--Hua-lun :1:8~ (A Discussion of Painting). 1 bk. Twenty-three entries on
miscellaneous matters of connoisseurship. Included in the MSTS. With Ku-chin
hua-chien in Ma Ts'ai et aL, eds. Hua-chien. Peking: Jen-min mei-shu, 1959.
Chang T'ui-kung '*il&:l.;', Mo-chu chi I',+'J~c (Record oflnk Bamboo). 1 bk. Written
in the form of a prose poem. Included in the MSTS.
Ts'ao Chao tfllB, Ko-kuyao-lun mtr~8ilii (Essential Information for the judgment of
Antiquities). 3 bks. in an early Ming Dynasty edition. Preface of 1387. 13 bks.
as enlarged by Wang Tso ::Et.£ in 1462 edition. An "art enchiridion." Shanghai:
Shang-wu, 1940. See Sir Percival David, tr., Chinese Connoisseurship, 1971.
Bibliography C.
Bibliography 371
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An asterisk indicates more than a single text included.
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---Biography of Ku K'ai-chih, Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations, no. 2.
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Reprint of 2nd ed.; New York: Paragon, 1962.
Franke, Herbert. "Two YUan Treatises on the Techniques of Portrait Painting,"
&i,.lal A,l, n.s., 3 (1950), 27-32.
Giles, H. A. Chuang-tzu. Reprint of 1926 cd.; London: Allen & Unwin, 1961.
Graham, A. C. The Book of Lieh Tzu. London: John Murray, 1960.
*Gulik, Robert H. van. Chinese Pictorial Art. Rome: IsMEO, 1958.
Hawkes, David. Ch 'u tz 'u: The Songs of the South. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1959.
Hurvitz, Leon. "Tsung Ping's Comments on Landscape Painting. "Artibus A.riae,
32 (1970), 146-156
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Kong University Press, 1960. Original texts included.
---The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism, Pts. 3-4: The Li Ki. The
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- - - The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Taoism. The Sacred Books of the East.
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New York: Putnam, 1967.
*Maeda, Robert J. Two Twelfth-Century Texts on Chinese Painting. Michigan Papers
in Chinese Studies, no. 8. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1973.
---Two Sung TexL5 on Chinese Painting and the Landscape Styles of the lith and 12th
Centuries. New York: Garland, 1978. Original texts included.
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*Sakanishi, Shio. The Spirit of the Brush. 4th ed. London: John Murray, 1957.
---Lin ch'Uan kao chih. An Essay on Landscape Painting. London: John Murray,
1959.
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Chung Hung ~~ (active ca. 502-509). Shih-p 'in ~'J® (Classification of Poets).
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Index
bone energy (ku-ch'i), 15, 54, 79, 84 Chang Huai-kuan, 47, 55, 72, 76. 78,
bone (or structural} method (ku-ja), 12, 79-80, 292-293
40, 53, 93, 261; in physiognomy and Chang l-chung, 280
calligraphy, II Chang Lei. 131
boneless paintings (rno-ku t'u), 127, 159 Chang Mo, 29, 41, 293
Book of Changes (I ching}, 2, II, 18, 22, Chang Nan-pen, 227, 293
38, 91' 93, 115, 124, 171' 363 Chang Seng-yu, 23, 32, 43, 47, 55, 60,
Book of Songs (Shih citing), 6, 91, 104, 61, 62, 75, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84,94,
I 15, 127, 129 159,293
Brock, Karen, 245 Chang Shan-kuo, 75, 83, 84, 293
brush (pi}, 15, 146, 170. See also brush- Chang Tao-ling, 20-21, 34, 35n
work Chang Tsao, 48, 65, 66-67, 70, 85, 159,
brush conception (pi-i), 261 192, 209, 248, 293-294; and creative
brushwork, 15, 30, 31, 33, 60-66, 67, process, 192
97, 147, 171 Chang Tse, 30, 294
brushwork faults, 97; in landscape Chang T'ui-kung (or Sun?), 243, 272, 293
painting, I 82-184 Chang Tun-chien, 48, 71, 294
brushwork techniques, 61, 63, 68, 118, Chang Tun-li, 194, 197, 294
179-180. See aLm texture strokes Chang Yen-yuan, 14, 15, 20, 45, 46, 47,
Buddha, !07, 108; disciples of, 105 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60, 66, 71,
Buddhist subjects, 56, 103, I 05-109, 76, 78, 80, 81, 83, 86, 91, 97, 100,
129-130, 197, 232, 246, 252; wood- 106, 194, 199, 229, 294
block printing of, 130 Chao Chung-i, 248, 249, 294-295
Bush, Susan, 48, 142, 196 Chao Hsi-ku, I 95, 196, 200, 206, 211,
217,237,295
Cahill, James, 12 Chao Ling-jang, 269, 295
calligraphy: and art theory, 11; and Chao Meng-chien, 245, 255, 284-285,
hexagrams, 41-42, 51 295
calligraphy and painting, 15, 32, 38, 54, Chao Yleng-fu, 196, 241, 242, 244, 249,
60-61, 64-65, 72-73, 80, 94, 96, 100, 254, 255, 257, 269, 271, 278-279,
160, 179, 193, 195, 205-206, 243, 280, 295-296; biography of, 255
245, 246, 259-260; study of, 146, Chao Po-chu, 200, 250, 296
160, 161-162,259-260 Chao Sheng, 34, 35n
cat painting, 123, 235, 246 Chao Yiin-tzu, 102, 296
catalogues, 194, 195-196 Chao Yung, 249, 296-297
cattle painting, 94, 123--124, 229 Ch'ao Pu-chih, 131, 204, 214,297
Chai Yiian-shen, 118, 120,291 Ch'ao Yueh-chih, 131, 231,297
Chan Tzu-ch'ien, 52, 59, 66, 81, 82, 83, Chen-kuan kung-ssu hua-lu, 46, 48, 49-50,
229,291 75,365
Ch'an Buddhism, influence on art, 16, Ch'en Ch'ang, 226, 297
195 Ch'en Hung, 56-57, 59, 297-298
Ch'an meditation (ch'an), 16, 194, 211, Ch'en Shan, 198, 298
234 Ch'en Shan-chien, 75, 298
Ch'an patriarchs, 110-111 Ch'en Shih-tao, 131, 193, 194,219,227,
Chang Chi-po, 30, 291 260.298
Chang Chien, 163,291-292 Ch'en Shu, 94, 95, 298
Chang Ch'ien, 252 Ch'en Tan, 70-71,298
Chang Chih, 60, 80, 292 Ch'en Yu, 230, 299
Chang Heng, 24, 292 Ch'en Yu-i, 261, 286
Chang Hsu,61, 218,273,292 Ch'en Yung-chih, 121-122,299
Index 381
Cheng Ch'ien, 197, 247, 2413. 299 91-H2, 129-132; priuciples of, 39-40.
Cheng Fa-shih, 52, 60, 75, 81, 82, 83, 41. 42, 72, 75-7H; by quality in
84,299 classes, 4 7, 76, 89-90, 91, 9fi, 99,
Cheng Kang-chung, 197, 299-300 I 00-103, 170-171, 242, 246; br sub-
Chi Cl~t,n. 118, 300 jeu categories, 90-91, 1{)3-1 05
Chia Shih-ku, 139, 300 classification systems, •17, 89-92; outside
Chia Ssu-tao, 257 of, 86. See alm subject rcHo>cuu··~···
Chiang Shao-yu, 86, 300 three dasses of painting
Chiang Shen, 2.'i4, 300 collecting, 73-74; at Sung court, 256--
Chieh-tzu-Jiiwt lrua-clman, 2'13 258
Ch'icn Hsiian, 255, 3()0 collections: care of, 19:i, 2:{8-239. 2·10
Ch'ien Kno-yang, RR, Wf) co1ming. 3.3, 3S, 40, 62-63, 159, 2.01.
Chin Ming-ti, 31, 301 SPe also landscape painting, coloring
Ch'in Kuan. 131 in: Wu decoration
Ching Hao, 12, 15, 116, 118, 120. 141. Competent Class, 101
142, 145, 149, 159, 164, 170, 192. compositional arrangement (wei-dtih),
248,301 4!1, 55, 247. Ser also landscape compo-
Ching K'o, 29 sit.ion
Chiu-fang Kao, 221, 261, 287 wncentration, 48. 72, 156, 157, 194; as
Clw-keng lu, 243, 370 absolute idemi!icatiun (ju-shen), 16,
Chou Chao, 200 . .301 205, 211:)
Chou Fang, 57-58,59, 76, 94, 30! Confucian disciples, 32, Y3, 208
Glum l.i, fi, 51 Confucian texts, 103
Chou Mi. 195. 196, 223, 239, 302 Confucius, 202
Chou Tseng, 254, 302 connoisseurship, 39-42. 46, 71-74, 98-
Chu Ching-hsuan, 47, 48, 55. 59, 75. 85, 100, 194, 238-240, 258-262
102,302 consciousness, 4, 5
Chu Hsi, 4, 194, 202, 270, 302 copying, 11, :~2 -33, 40, 55, 71, 205, 23\l
Chu Hsiang-hsien, 19fi, 102 creative activity, 42-44, 48,61-62, 71,
Chu-p'u, 243-244, 274-27.'>. 275-278, 85-1!6, J 56-I .')H
369 creative prucess. in art and nature. 7-H,
Chu Shen, 68-69, 303 10. 16
Chu Tun-ju, 254, 303 creativity: Taoist anecdotes on, 18; con-
Chil~jan, 119, 250, 256, W3, styk oL ditions for, 157, IS8
231
Ch'ii Tau-min, 30, 303 demon paintin!;, 24, 21>, 54-55, 82, R3,
Ch'li 159, 303 84, 224
Chuang Su, 92, 138, 303 didactic subject matter, 19. 25-28, 49,
Chuang Tsung-ku, 25M 50, 51-52, 93
Chuang-tzu (Chou). 42, 202, 212, }OJ- disti'lnce;;: thn:-c types of, 168-169, 263;
301 six types of, 170
Clwang-tw, 18, 42, 115, 271, 364 dragon: in landscape composition, 34,
Chuang·t7u's painter, 42, 157, 266 14:~; in pines, 145, 147, 148, 149
Chung Hung, 23 dragon paiming, 28, 29, 114-115
Chnngjen, 206, 244, 2R2, 284, 28;"), dragons and fishes, 104
287.304 dynamic con!igunllion (s/til1}, 21, 34,
Chung Yin, 228, ."JU4 lti4. 171
Chung Yu, 80, 99, 160, 304
dassificat ion of paimers: in numerical Fcke, Tseng Yu-ho, 92
grades, 23. 4.'1-46; hy social status, 23. Excellent Cli'iss, I0 I
382 Index
Jlua r:hi (of Po Chii-i), 71 ideas (i), or m("aning, 122, 135, I :}2,
Hua chi (of Kuo Ssu), 142, l.S7-!90, 367 IS3, 192,230,231, 286; before bmsh-
Hua chi, 92, 102-103, IOH-109, 122, work, 97, 182, 287; b('yond forms,
130-132, 133-138,369 203,204
Hua-chi pu-i, 92, 138-HO, 369 illusion, 25
llua-chien, 197,241,254,271,370. See images (h~ianf{), 2-3, 3G, 38, 49, 93
also Ku-chin hun-chien ink (mo), 15, 14fi, 170. Sn: a&u iuk tech-
Hua lwu-p'in, 77, 365 ni~ue
Hua-IBiielt pi-chiieh, 172- I 76, .166 ink bamboo . .'!n: bamhoo painting
Hua-lmanK mri-p'u, 244, 280-282, 368 "Ink llamhoo Prose Poem," 207, 20~J
Hua-lun, 241, 247-249, 256-258, 258- iuk play(s), 194,217, 218-·219, 279, 28.~.
262,370 286,287
Hun-p'in, 194, 196, 197,202,214,227- ink prunus. St•e plum blossom painting
229,232,368 ink technique, 68, 118, 179, 1RO, 182,
Hua-p'in lu, 75 20!'i. SN al.5o landscape, inking in
1/ua .1lum-slmi child!, 144, 162-IG4, 369 innate naturt> (t'ien), 220, 225, 229
Hua ~luw-shui.fu, 143, }67 inner hills and valleys, 119-120, 211,
Hua ,1/um-sltui hsii, 21,:16-38,364 212,214,248
Hua-shih, 194,213-214,220-221,226, insect paintin~, 129. 219-220
211' 235, 368 impiration: from sword dancing, 64-65,
/lua shih-i lu, 4 7, 366 166; from dreams, 105, 121: from
llua-tuan, 47, 76,366 douds, 121, 263-264; from plastererl
llua Yiin-t'ai-shan chi, 20, 34-36, 364 walls, 122; from poetry, 158: from
Huai-rum-tzu, 3, 4, 19, 28, 364 shadows, 272
Huai-su, 166, 309 Inspired Class, 102, 117,213
Huang Chti-pao, 127, 309
Huang Chli-shih, 127, 309 Jao T7u~jan, 243, 266. 311
Huang- Chii-ts'ai, 94, 125, 310 Japanese painting, 269
lluang Ch'Uan, 94, 125, 126-127, joint work, 243
200,225, 310; school of, 125-126,
127 Kao, Anhur Mu-sen, 245
Huang Hsiu-fu, 89, 98, 100, 102, 105, Kao Hsiin, 16:3, 312
JJO Kao I, 110. 312
Huang Kung-wang, 144, 242, 262, 269. Kao K'o-kung, 269, 270, 280, 312; as
310-311; biography of, 255-256; on amateur painl('r, 270
lambt:ape, 262-266 Kao K'u-ming, 120,249,312
Huang Po-ssu, 195,204,221,260. 3JJ knowledge, Chinese theories of, 4
Huang T'ing-chien, 131, 132, 193, 194, Ko-l!u 'lao-lun, 370
1%,204,205,206,212,218,219, Ko Shou-ch'ang. 187, 312-313
22~. 234-235,278,311 K'o Ch'ien, 244, 272,313
Huang \Vei-liang, 127, 311 K'o Chiu-ssu, 241,244,280, 3}}; on
H ui-neng, Ill bamboo painting. 280
Hui-tomg shilr.erh chi. 213, 266-269, 370 KIL-chin hua-chien, 241, 242, 249-254,
IIui-yUan (334-416), 21, 22, 37n 370
Hung-jen, Ill Ku Chi.in-chih, ~0, 43, 313
(Ku) lma.-p'in(-lu), 23, 29-31, 39-40, 43,
I dting. See Book of Changes 77,364-365
/-dum mi-ng-hua lu, 89, 98, 100-102, Ku K'ai-chih, 10. 11, 20, 23. 24, 28-29,
105-106,224,366 30, 32, 39, 41, 47, 48, 52, 53, 54, !'i.,,
iwns, collecting of, I 07 58, 60, 61, 62, 72, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79.
384 Index
painting texts: transmission of, I; and proportion, 30, 33, 35, 37; in land-
visual evidence, 9-10; and corrup- scapes, 169, 173, 264, 266-267
tions, 20, 45; and literary criticism,
23; of Tang, 45; of Sung, 89. See also
reality in painting. See substance (shih);
bamboo painting texts; landscape
truth
texts; plum blossom painting texts;
representation, 9, 18-19; and expres-
portraiture texts
sion, 9-10; problems of, 24-25, 192,
Pao Ting, 219,328
193, 199, 221-222
Pei-shan wen-chi, 197-198
resonance (viin), or harmony, 12, 13, 15,
P'ei Hsiao-yiian, 46, 48, 49-50, 75, 83,
Ill, 127, 146, 170, 171, 194
328
rocks, significance of, 20 I, 202
P'ei K'ai, Ill
"ruled-line" painting, Ill, 137, 248-
perception, 4, 5, 38
249. See also architectural subjects
physiognomy, II; and portraiture, 243,
rustic subjects, 81
271-272
Pi-fa chi, 12, 141, 145-148, 159-160,
164-165, 170-171,366-367 sages: and paragons, 19, 26-27, 28-29,
Pi Hung, 65, 213, 248, 250,328 80, 134; in painting, 21, 26, 28, 32,
Pi Liang-shih, 254, 328-329 41, 72; and painting, 27, 93; and
Pien Luan, 57, 94, 95, 329 mountains, 36, 38, 166
pine painting, 70, 85, 141, 209 scene (ching), 15,146,170
pines: significance of, 145-150, 154- scholar-gentry painting (shihfu hua), 255
155, 265; Confucian values in, 147- scholars' painting (shih-jen hua), 196; also
148, 149-150, 178 161, 193, 197, 199, 200, 201, 222,
plum (prunus): significance of, 244, 243, 254-255, 270
280-282, 283, 284; Neo-Confucian screen painting, 67, 68, 69, 70, 86, 129;
symbolism in, 280-282 of Kuo Hsi, 187-190
plum blossom painting, 206, 282-288; sculpture and painting, 86
texts, 244-245; calligraphic technique sensation, 4, 5
in, 284-285; traditions of, 285-286 Shan-hai ching, 236
pneuma (ch'i), 3, 4 Shan-shui chiieh, attributed to Wang Wei,
Po Ch'ii-i, 48, 71, 181, 191-192,215, 143, 172-173, 366
329 Shan-shui chiieh, attributed to Li Ch'eng,
Po-i, 36, 283 144, 176-177,368
PoLo, 203, 216 Shan-shui Ch'un-ch'iian chi, 148-150,
poetics, 6-9 155-156, 160-162, 167-168, 170,
poetry: on paintings, 48, 92, 131, 189, 182-184, 184-186,369
191; and painting, 68, 127-128, 129, Shan-shui lun, 143, 165, 173-176, 366
158, 191, 193, 196, 203-205, 286- Shan-shui sung-shih ko, 142, 367-368
287; as painting topics, 134-135, Shao K'ang, 187
198 Shen Kua, 92, 99, 107, 110, 112, 119,
portraiture, 19, 20, 31, 55, 56, 57-58, 121, 123, 126,329-330
80,81, Ill, 134,194,225,227,230, Sheng-ch'ao rning-hua p'ing, 98-99, 103,
270-271, 271-272; Neo-Confucian 116-117, 120, 367
view of, 243; and physiognomy, 271- Shih-chi, 4
272 Shih ching. See Book of Songs
portraiture texts, 243 Shih, Hsio-yen, 24, 48, 196
Price, Nancy, 92, 196 Shih K'o, 102, 202, 238, 330
principle (ii), 3, 4, 5, 10, 16, 185, 193, Shih p'in, 23
209, 265, 281 Shih Tao-shih, 58, 330
388 Index
Shih Ts'an, 58, 330 spirit vitality (shen-ch'i), 14, 31. 57, 60,
Shu-ch'i, 36, 283 78, 79, 93. 127, 183, 251
Shu ching, 6 spiritual communion (shcn-hui), or intui-
Shu hou-p'in, 47 tive appreciation, 16, 71, 95, 98, 100.
Shu-tuan, 4 7 122, 204
Six Elements (liufa), of painting, 29, 31, splashed ink technique, 63, 65-68
40, 53~54, 55, 77, 78, 79, 224. See aLw spontaneity (tzu-jan ), 78, 98, I 0 I
Six Laws Ssu-ma Ch'eng-chen, 159, 330
Six Essentials (liu-yao), of Ching Hao, Ssu-ma Ch'ien, 103
14, 141' 145~ 146, 159, 170 stimulus and response, 4, 7, 8, 10, 22,
Six Essentials, of Liu Tao-shun, 90, 98, 37-38
99, 103 Su Ch'e, 131, 207, 208, 330-331
Six Laws (liufa), of painting. 10~ 15, 23, Su Chi, 260
90, 95, 141, 242, 249, 258; origin of, Su Hsun, 131, 227
II, 12; grammar of, 11~12, 13; inter- Su Kuo, 224
pretations of, 13~ 15. See also Six Ele- Su Shih, 16. 92, 131, 132, 190, 192, 193,
ments; Six Methods; Six Principles 194, 196, 20 I, 202, 203, 204, 206,
"six limbs" of Indian painting, II 212,217,218,220,221,224-225,
Six Methods (liufa) of connoisseurship, 233, 239, 242, 243, 253, 260, 270,
261, 262 275, 277, 279, 280, 331; and his cir-
Six Merits (liu-ch'ang), 90, 98-99, 103 cle, 192-193; on connoisseurship,
Six Principles (liufa): of poetry, 6; of 193-194, 233-234; style of, 253
painting, 134. See also Six Laws Su Wu, 273
sketches: preparatory (jen-pen), 256; subject categories, 90-91, 247-249;
preliminary (h5iao lo-pi}, 266 ranking of, 24, 76, 221, 235; signifi-
sketching: of ideas (hsieh-i), 16, 253, 261; cance of, 103-105. See also thirteen
of life (hsieh-sheng), 127, 286; of na- categories
ture, 145, 147, 263-264 substance (chih), or material, 4, 5, 48
skill in art. 38, 42, 71 substance (shih), or reality: versus orna-
Soper, Alexander, 11, 15, 48, 92, 196 ment (hua), or showiness, 146, 183,
soul (ling), or quintessence, 10, 22, 38, 192
49 subtlety (miao), 154, 215
spatial recession, 37, 70, 168-170 Sullivan, Michael, II, 48
specialized painting texts, 242-245 Sun Chih-wei, 102, 206, 212,331
spirit (shen}, divine or human, 3, 4, 10, Sun Po, 236
19, 22, 38, 48, 49, 198, 215; transmit- Sun Shang-tzu, 63. 82, 83, 331-332
ting of (ch'uan shen), 14, 33-3•!, 132, Sun Wu, 208
194, 225, 230 Sung-chai mei-p'u, 245, 286-288, 370
spirit (ch'i), or vitality, 3, 4, 5, 8, 12, 13, Sung Ching, 282
15, 23, 127, 146, 164, 170, 171,200, Sung Hui-tsung, 90, 92, 102. 134-137,
215, 222, 280 190, 195, 249, 252, 257, 332; style of,
spirit consonance (ch'i-yiin), II, 12, 15, 134, 136, 252; art instruction of, 134-
53, 95-96, 97. See also spirit resonance 136, 252; connoisseurship of, 135-
spirit of antiquity (ku-i), 16, 241, 248, 254 136
spirit resonance (ch'i-y'iin), 12, 13, 14, 15. Sungjen-tsung, 129-130,332
23, 31, 40, 55, 81, 91, 95, 98, Ill, Sung Kao-tsung, 138, 249, 256, 257,
117, 119, 141, 168, 182, 183, 184, 258,332-333
192, 224, 227, 246, 260, 261, 264, Sung Kuang-tsung, 139
269, 270; and quality, 245-246 Sung Li·tsung, 139, 140
spirit resonance (shen-yiin), 15, 54, 247 Sung Ning-tsung, 139
Index 389
untrammeled (i), or free, 47, 76 Wei Hsieh, 29, 40, 41, 78, 80,344
Untrammeled Class (i-p'in, i-k'o), 47, 76, Wei Hsien, 112, 249, 344
100-101, 102 Wei Hung, 6
untrammeled quality, 102, 280 Wei Tan, 87
Wei Wu-t'ien, 58, 344
vegetable and fruit subjects, 105, 125, Wei Yen, 57, 64, 65, 70, 345
129 Wenfu, 8
verisimilitude (hsing-ssu), 15, 3 7. See also Wen-h>in tiao-lung, 7, 23
formal likeness Wen-hsiian, 26, 27
viewing of scenery, 22, 112, 117, 120, Wen Tung, 128, 194, 196, 201, 207,
163 208, 209, 212, 214, 220, 224, 243,
visualization, 22, 191, 192 244. 253, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279,
280, 285, 345; style of, 253
Wang Ch'ang, 34, 35n Wen Yen-po, 154-155
Wang Ch'iang, 110 Weng-yu hsien-p'ing, 230
Wang Chih-shen, 75, 110, 339 Whitfield, Roderick, 92
Wang Chin-ch'en, 110, 209, 339 "wind" (/eng) and "bone" (ku), 7-8
Wang Ch'ung, 19, 25, 399-400 writing, invention of, 50-51. See also lit-
Wang Hsi-chih, 32, 61n, 72, 80, 99, 160, erature and painting
179,255,340 Wu Chen, 244, 245, 256, 279, 285, 345;
Wang Hsien-chih, 60, 87, 97,255,340 biography of. 256; on bamboo paint-
Wang Hsiung, 94-95, 340 ing, 279; on ink plum blossoms, 285-
Wang I (276-322), 22, 32, 340-341 286
Wang I (ca. 1333-ca. 1368), 243, 271, Wu Chien, 30, 105, 345
341 Wu Chung-fu, 187
Wang Ling, 223 Wu Ch'ung, 187
Wang Meng, 269, 341 Wu decoration, 106, 250, 263
Wang Mo, 65-66, 341 Wn Huai, 222-223, 345
Wang River estate, 68, 181 Wu Jung, 265
Wang Shen, 142, 161, 186, 193, 195, Wu-tai ming-hua pu-i, 90, 116, 367
247, 269, 341-342; as connoisseur, Wu T'ai-su, 245, 286, 345-346
186 Wu Tao-tzu, 45, 48, 55-56, 60, 61-62,
Wang Shih-yiian, Ill, 248, 249, 342 64-65, 66, 67-68, 76, 94, 106, 107,
Wang Ting, 84, 342 115, 122, 131, 133, 159, 199,201,
Wang T'ing-yiin, 257, 276, 280, 342 203, 213,214,218,221, 226,234,
Wang Tsai, 69-70, 94-95, 180. 342 237, 247, 249-250, 252, 260, 346;
Wang Wan-ch'ing, 276, 280, 342 and Six Elements, 55; and creative
Wang Wei (415-443), 10, 21, 22, 38-39, process, 61-62; and landscape paint-
343 ing, 66, 67-68; style of, 159-160,
Wang Wei (701-761), 68, 94-95, 100, 166,234, 249-250; school of, 226
110, 118, 131, 142, 143, 144, 149, Wu Tsung-yilan, 226, 346-347
159, 165, 169, 173, 176, 181, 191, Wu Yil, 123
193,203,221,247, 250,255,343; Wu-yileh-kuan (Temple of Five Sacred
style of, 250 Peaks), 134, 245
Wang Yen-shou, 25-26, 343-344
warrior subjects, 28, 29 yang, 3, 4, 39, 62, 79, 119, 127, 222, 280
water painting, 114, 224-225, 227, 236- Yang Ch'i-tan, 60, 66, 75, 83, 347
237 Yang Chu, 96
Wei-ch'ih (Yii-ch'ih) 1-seng, 84, 344 Yang Hsiung, 96, 103, 205, 218
Wei-Chin sheng-liu hua tsan, 34, 364 Yang Hui-chih, 122. 347
Index 391
Y<mg Kuei-fei, 198 Yen Li-te, 66, 75, 83, 84, 94, I 13, 350
Y::mg Tzu-hua, 81, 82, 83, 8'1, 347 l"en-.1hih rhia-h~lin, 4:1--14, 365
Yang: Wei-rhen, 242, 245, 347-348 Yen Shih-ku, I 13
'Y<mg Wu-chiu, 206, 244, 282, 284, 2H5, Yen Su, 161,216,217,350
287, 348; style of, 2R!l Yen-ts\mg, 46, 58, 63, HI, 8:1,84,350-
Yang Yen, 70, 348 351
_)'Ill, 2, 4, 39, 62, 79, 119, 127,205,222, Yen Yen-chib, 22, 38, 51,205,351
224, 280; and yang, 2, 90 Yin Chung-k'an, ill
Yao Tsui, 23, 31-32, 40 42, 43, -17. 77, Yii Chien-hua, 24
80,318-319 Yii Shih-nan, 160. 351
Yen Chen-ch'ing, 184, 234, 2RO, 349 Yiian Ch'ien, 75. 351
Yen Chih-l'ui, 20, 24, 13-44, 319 Yii.an Chih, 75. 351
Yen Li-pen, 46, 66, 75, 81, 83-tH, 86- YUan Wen, 230, 351
88,94, 105, 110, 197, 198,271,319- Yiln-)en k1w-yen lu, 195-196,223,239-
350 210, 369