Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Julia Liss - Du Bois and Boas
Julia Liss - Du Bois and Boas
s, 1894-1919
: Julia E. Liss, W. E. B. Du Bois and Franz Boas
ultural Anthropology, Vol. 13, No. 2 (May, 1998), pp. 127-166
by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
L: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656548
28-06-2016 16:44 UTC
JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
r.org/terms
-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in
We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more inf
contact [email protected].
Wiley, American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve
extend access to Cultural Anthropology
Diasporic Identities:
The Science and Politics of Race in the
Work of Franz Boas and
W. E. B. Du Bois, 1894-1919
Julia E. Liss
Department of History
Scripps College
127
128 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Figure 1
W. E. B. Du Bois in his office at Atlanta University, 1909, shortly before he moved
to New York to edit The Crisis. Photo courtesy of the Special Collections and
Archives, W. E. B. Du Bois Library, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Figure 2
Franz Boas in his study at his home in Grantwood, New Jersey, 1915. Photo
courtesy of the American Philosophical Society.
we must bear in mind that none of these civilizations was the product of the genius
of a single people. Ideas and inventions were carried from one to the other; and,
although intercommunication was slow, each people which participated in the
ancient civilization added to the culture of the others. Proofs without number have
been forthcoming which show that ideas have been disseminated as long as people
have come in contact with each other and that neither race nor language nor
distance limits their diffusion. As all have worked together in the development of
the ancient civilizations, we must bow to the genius of all, whatever race they may
represent: Hamitic, Semitic, Aryan or Mongol. [1974b:223]
We are Americans, not only by birth and by citizenship, but by our political ideals,
our language, our religion. Further than that, our Americanism does not go. At
that point, we are Negroes, members of a vast historic race that from the very
dawn of creation has slept, but half awakening in the dark forests of its African
fatherland. [1986b:822]
Du Bois was moving toward a more fully articulated argument of the effects of
"such incessant self-questioning" and the place of race identity in modern
society, ideas that he developed in 1903 in The Souls of Black Folk (1986c).
all honorable men of the twentieth century to see that in the future competition of
races the survival of the fittest shall mean the triumph of the good, the beautiful,
and the true; that we may be able to serve for future civilization all that is really
fine and noble and strong.... To bring this hope to fruition, we are compelled
daily to turn more and more to a conscientious study of the phenomena of
race-contact,-a study frank and fair, and not falsified and colored by our wishes
or our fears. [1986c:475-476]
Figure 3
Atlanta University Staff and Faculty, 1906, the year that Boas delivered his
commencement address. Du Bois is standing at rear, third from the right; his wife,
Nina Gomer Du Bois, stands in the second to last row a little left of center. Their
daughter, Yolande, is seated in the front, second from right. Photo courtesy of the
Special Collections and Archives, W. E. B. Du Bois Library, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst.
about race. Sharing an antiracist agenda, Boas and Du Bois were struggling to
institutionalize their arguments by furthering research to counter scientific ra-
cism and by participating in public discussions to promote their ideas. Du Bois
was mobilizing the Niagara Movement, an organization of African American in-
tellectuals and public leaders that championed civil and political rights. At the
same time, he was frustrated by the lack of interest in the Atlanta Conferences
and in his sociological studies of African Americans in the United States, as well
as by the Atlanta race riots that also occurred in 1906 (Du Bois 1986e:615-618).
In 1904, he had complained that
If the Negroes were still lost in the forests of central Africa we could have a
government commission to go and measure their heads, but with 10 millions of
them here under your noses I have in the past besought the Universities almost in
vain to spend a single cent in a rational study of their characteristics and conditions.
We can go to the South Sea Islands half way around the world and beat and shoot
a weak people longing for freedom into the slavery of American prejudice at the
cost of hundreds of millions, and yet at Atlanta University we beg annually and
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 137
beg in vain for the paltry sum of $500 simply to aid us in replacing gross and
vindictive ignorance of race conditions with enlightening knowledge and system-
atic observation. [1904:86]13
For Boas, on the other hand, this period solidified his older work on physical
anthropology with newer questions of social policy, but he was stymied in his
efforts to institutionalize the study of American race relations to include African
Americans and European immigrants (Stocking 1992:101). The 1906 meeting
in Atlanta therefore signaled the degree to which their work converged and
prompted an association, although sporadic, that continued until Boas died in
1942.14 Boas's remarks at Atlanta University, delivered as the commencement
address for 1906, played an important role in these contributions because they
made an enormous impression on Du Bois, even as they substantiated concerns that
Du Bois was already developing. Many years later, Du Bois remembered his
own rather sudden awakening from the paralysis of this judgment [that the "Negro
has no history"] taught me in high school and in two of the world's great
universities. Franz Boas came to Atlanta University where I was teaching history
in 1906 and said to a graduating class: You need not be ashamed of your African
past; and then he recounted the history of the black kingdoms south of the Sahara
for a thousand years. I was too astonished to speak. All of this I had never heard
and I came then and afterwards to realize how the silence and neglect of science
can let truth utterly disappear or even be unconsciously distorted. [Du Bois
1939:vii]15
In his remarks, Boas drew clearly the connections between his challenge to
racial essentialism, the history of cultural contact, and the importance of both
for his African American audience. It is striking, for instance, that he moved eas-
ily among these issues of contemporary and historical importance. Boas began
by providing what he called an anthropological view of race and its relation to
"our own everyday problems." He then turned to the demands of "moder life,"
particularly "our capacity as well as our duty," which involved both a knowl-
edge of the history of "cultures different from ours" and the demands placed on
members of "communities where diverse elements live side by side ..."
(1974c:310-31 1). After establishing this context of modernity, Boas addressed
the particular concerns of his audience: "You have the full right to view your la-
bor in an entirely different light" than the usual emphasis on charity and uplift,
he began (1974c: 311 ). In words that struck Du Bois for the silence they broke on
the African American past, Boas then embarked on a discussion of the history of
the contribution of African peoples to the "development of human culture," enu-
merating advances in iron smelting, agriculture, military and political organiza-
tion, economic and judicial systems, and the arts (1974c:311-313). To counter
claims of moral, psychological, or mental inferiority, Boas said, "You may con-
fidently look to the home of your ancestors and say, that you have set out to re-
cover for the colored people the strength that was their own before they set foot
on the shores of this continent" (1974c:313). "Material inferiority," Boas also
138 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
claimed, was not supported by the evidence of history. Here, like Du Bois, he
carefully separated arguments on inequality from those on differences:
The physical inferiority of the Negro race, if it exists at all, is insignificant when
compared to the wide range of individual variability in each race.... That there
may be slightly different hereditary traits seems plausible, but it is entirely
arbitrary to assume that those of the Negro, because perhaps slightly different,
must be of an inferior type. [1974c:313-314]
Boas's visit to Atlanta signified the degree to which his work and Du Bois's
converged, presenting by the early decades of the 20th century some of the most
forceful statements on race, science, and politics. It also signified a turning
point, solidifying Boas's influence on public antiracist arguments and on Du
Bois's own changing views on the meanings of race.17 Looking forward to the
Universal Races Congress scheduled for the summer of 1911, Du Bois wrote
that "the chief outcome of the Congress will be human contact-the meeting of
men; not simply the physical meeting, eye to eye and hand to hand of those ac-
tually present, but the resultant spiritual contact which will run round the world"
(1910:17; see also 1911d:207, 208; 1986e:743-744). Unlike other meetings
with high-minded purposes, moreover, the Races Congress would be inclusive:
"Only the man himself can speak for himself .... The voice of the oppressed
alone can tell the real meaning of oppression and, though the voice be tremu-
lous, excited and even incoherent, it must be listened to if the world would learn
and know" (1910:17; see also 191 ld:200). When in 1911 Boas and Du Bois con-
tributed to the Universal Races Congress in London-Du Bois and Felix Adler,
the leader of the Ethical Culture Society of New York, were co-Secretaries rep-
resenting the United States-they also played central roles in an emerging dis-
course on race that itself transcended national boundaries.'8 Because the confer-
ence focused on "inter-racial problems" and included papers by such renowned
scholars as the German anthropologist Felix von Luschan, the sociologist Fer-
dinand T6nnies, and the writer Israel Zangwill, author of The Melting Pot
(1909), Du Bois thought that it "would have marked an epoch in the cultural his-
tory of the world, if it had not been followed so quickly by the World War"
(1986e:722). The self-proclaimed object of the gathering was
to discuss, in the light of science and the modern conscience, the general relations
subsisting between the peoples of the West and those of the East, between
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 139
In keeping with this questioning of criteria of color, Boas wrote a paper entitled
"The Instability of Human Types" (191 b), material he expanded upon in
Changes in Bodily Forms of Descendants of Immigrants for the U.S. Immigra-
tion Commission (191 la). Du Bois's paper "The Negro Race in the United
States of America" (191 lb) traced the history and condition of African Ameri-
cans. Because of its "special value," Du Bois's unusually long paper was
published in its entirety in smaller type to accommodate its "great length"
(Spiller 1911:348, note 1).19 In the broadest sense, both Boas's and Du Bois's
papers addressed the Congress's mandate to reexamine and reform contempo-
rary race relations, Boas's by challenging assumptions of physical anthropology
and the orthodoxy of race, and Du Bois's, perhaps acting on the epiphany caused
by Boas's Atlanta remarks, by reconstructing a history of African Americans.
More particularly, the papers demonstrated the state of Boas's and Du Bois's
current thinking on the meaning of race, the question of race relations, and how
scientific knowledge might illuminate them both.
Boas's paper continued the line of reasoning he had developed earlier in
"Human Faculty as Determined by Race" (1974b). This time, however, he chal-
lenged views on racial superiority by stressing the "plasticity" of bodily charac-
teristics under the pressure of environment. "The assumption of an absolute sta-
bility of human types is not plausible," Boas proclaimed, undercutting views of
human physical anthropology and heredity as permanent and hierarchical meas-
ures of type and the social policies and practices that they supported (191 lb:99).
Suggesting the possibility that "concomitant changes of the mind may be ex-
pected" in new conditions as well, Boas went further to state that "the old idea
of absolute stability of human types must . . evidently be given up, and with it
the belief of the hereditary superiority of certain types over others" (1911 b: 102,
103). The implications of these findings-an antideterminist view of difference
that, combined with Boas's own assimilationist leanings, suggested a new basis
for coexistence-were as ignored at the time as they were revolutionary.20
Du Bois's essay, more empirically detailed and more explicit in its imme-
diate social and political pointedness, documented the history, growth, phy-
sique, social condition, and religious and cultural worlds of the "so-called 'Ne-
gro' population of the United States" (191 lb:349). Anticipating his 1915
publication The Negro (1970), Du Bois stressed the historical meeting and mix-
ing of peoples in the African diaspora as well as the severity of the "Negro prob-
lem" in the United States. Describing what he had earlier called life "within the
veil" (1986c:359), Du Bois stressed the persistence of "discrimination ... based
primarily on race" and concluded with the high stakes at hand: "Whether at last
the Negro will gain full recognition as a man, or be utterly crushed by prejudice
and superior numbers, is the present Negro problem of America" (1911 b: 362-364).
The "problem" had shifted from the internalized one of self-perception and self-
hatred to the larger societal one of racial justice and survival. Although these
140 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
sociological concerns were not new, Du Bois now had begun to question the ef-
ficacy of science as a means to social action and, at the same time, to doubt the
usefulness of "Negro" identity in favor of Pan-Africanism. This shift-a differ-
entiation of color from culture, separating physical from mental characteristics
and innate capacity from civilization (Appiah 1985:30; 1992:34)-paralleled
closely, if it did not derive from, Boas's arguments concerning the meanings of
race. It also marked a significant departure in Du Bois's own thinking about the
relative meanings of race, individual consciousness, and history. In the wake of
challenges to the meaning of race, for instance, his very focus was a slippery one:
"the so-called 'Negro' population." The uncertainty was not so much one of iden-
tity-the older equivocation of consciousness-but one of the social and historical
realities and opportunities that defined American life.
The First World War and the Conflict of Races and Nations
Both Du Bois's and Boas's notions of race, nation, culture, and power were
put to the test during World War I. In typical fashion, Boas applied anthropolog-
ical arguments and perspectives to the problem of war. Although he saw the con-
flict as a realization of the irrational impulses of cultural loyalties, he still
thought that emboldened scientific reason would explain and thereby resolve
these dangerous and misguided ideas. In other words, for Boas, social problems
primarily devolved from ignorance and emotion. Similarly, Du Bois saw the war
as an opportunity to address the changes he had envisioned for society in the
United States. In his disillusionment following the conflict, however, Du Bois
shifted his faith from science to politics, by which he meant the distribution of
economic and social power and a reconfiguration of cultural identity through
Pan-Africanism. In other words, for Du Bois social problems arose primarily
from exploitation. Initially, both men saw the problem of war as a mirror of their
social agendas, although they used these understandings at first to take opposite
positions on the conflict itself. Subsequently, however, they used their shared
disillusionment with the war effort to formulate social analyses that took ac-
count of the impediments to progress and social change. For Boas, this involved
greater attention to the problem of racism and to the formulation of what has be-
come known as the concept of culture.21 For Du Bois, this involved a recourse
to nationalism and Pan-Africanism against a failed American promise of equal-
ity and opportunity.
Boas swiftly met the challenge of wartime rhetoric. In "Race and Nation-
ality" (1915b), an article published by the American Association for Interna-
tional Conciliation which had appeared in shortened form in Everybody's
Magazine in 1914, Boas connected his earlier arguments about race to the press-
ing issues of the war. These publications are important precisely because they
gave Boas a more popular venue to articulate his ideas. Against the view that
"the struggle that is now devastating Europe ... [was] ... an unavoidable war
of races,... an outcome of the innate hostility between Teutonic, Slav, and Latin
peoples" rooted in a permanent " 'racial instinct' " (1915b:3), Boas argued that
there was no "scientific proof' (191 5b:4) of the identity of local types with races
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 141
(1912:7, 8). From the vantage point of 1912, the future promised greater peace
and cooperation between peoples.
Boas's social evolutionism is striking here, but it also had significant limits
and reflected his argumentative strategy as much as it did his theoretical out-
look. On the one hand, Boas related a story of progress from primitive to civi-
lized, with movement from irrational conflict to reasoned cooperation and with
exceptions marked as survivals of the past. On the other hand, Boas also stressed
a nonlinear path of development: survivals were not only exceptions, they were
also the primary burden against which humans, who in general were unenlight-
ened, always struggled. This meant that the modern age was deeply connected
with its primitive roots and not exemplary of the high point of civilization: "The
modem enthusiasm for the superiority of the so-called 'Aryan race,' of the 'Teu-
tonic Race,' the Pan-German and Pan-Slavish ideals" was merely "the old feel-
ing of specific differences between social groups in a new disguise" (1912:10).
In addition, despite the universalizing of his narrative, Boas went to great
lengths to elucidate the wide variations in human experience that characterized
the ways in which people had organized their lives.
Thus the study of all types of people, primitive as well as advanced, shows two
peculiar traits: the one the constant increase in size of the social units that believe
in the same ideal; the other the constant variation of these ideals. Thus we are led
to the important conclusion that neither the belief is justified that the modern
nations represent the largest attainable social units, nor the other, that the ideals
of the present groups-and with them the groups-will be permanent.
[1912:13-14]
In the context of war, Boas was pressed to strike a new balance between what
he saw as the universals that humans shared, that brought them together and
connected them, and what he also emphasized as the particulars that distin-
guished peoples from one another and often drove them apart. By the end of the
conflict, moreover, the "modem primitive tribes" seemed to include as many
Americans and Europeans as they did subject peoples (1919c:232).
The example of linguistic solidarity illustrated Boas's argument about the
importance of emotional bases while it also demonstrated his insistence on the
variations of historical contexts that resisted absolutist reasoning. Earlier, Boas
had stated that commonality of language might encourage close emotional ties
and feelings of "comradeship" and "solidarity," although this was "more an
ideal than a real bond," due to differences of dialects and social classes
(1912:12-13). In "Kinship of Language a Vital Factor in War" (1915a), a full-
page article in the Sunday New York Times, Boas outlined the history of linguis-
tic distributions and the reasonings behind their appeals. Boas thought that
unlike "race"-an unstable set of distinctions-language did often form the
basis for the solidarity of the group and, because of this, found "a ready re-
sponse in our hearts" (1915a:8; see also 1915b:9).23 In this argument, Boas
applied the same logic that he had used earlier to describe the distribution of ra-
cial types-that historical diffusion had led to differentiation and variation, not
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 143
As I grant that the patriot who cannot free himself from the prejudices of exalting
his own environment may be morally as righteous as the cosmopolitan, so I grant
to each nation that in a conflict of opinions we have no right to interpret their
mode of thought that differs from our own, as due to moral depravity, but that we
must try to understand it from the point of view of their national life and the
exigencies of their situation. [ 1945c: 159]
144 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Nationality was, in short, a test case for the theoretical orientation of Boasian
anthropology.
In making these distinctions between "nationality" and "nationalism,"
Boas separated what he saw as an unavoidable and valuable form of particularity
from one that was exploitative and against the common good. In particular,
Modern nationalism is based on the dogma that political power and national
individuality are inseparable; that a people that is politically weak cannot develop
a strong national individuality; that a people that is politically strong must also
be a strong nationality. The history of civilization proves this belief to be entirely
erroneous. [1919c:235]
his own allegiance to science. Whereas earlier he had warned that "American-
ism is but one form of nationalism," he had also held up "American" ideals-
especially equal rights and social justice-as fundamental to "progressive
Americanism" and its potential contribution to the world, in distinction to Euro-
pean traditionalism (1945a: 165). For nations, as for individuals, the right to ex-
ist had to be balanced against the rights of the international community or of hu-
manity as a whole. In this larger arena,
These essentially liberal principles included the right of a nation "to develop in
its domain according to its own ideals," with limitation "to its own affairs, ...
restraint from any attempts to interfere in the affairs of others [and] resistance
against interference by others" (1945a:167, see also 1916a). In this way, Boas
defined "Americanism" as a particular form of national identity that also had
potentially much wider applications and, in cultural terms, as a set of shared
ideals and values. Consistent with this, Boas's searing criticism of Woodrow
Wilson focused on his selective use of international law (1916c) and his
imposition of "American" standards as absolute (1916b, 1945a). While Boas
called himself "an American of German birth" (1919a), thereby reasserting his
right to speak as well as his dual allegiance, this multiple identity deferred to and
enabled his position as a scientist, transcending all boundaries and particularities.
Boas's views on colonialism, which he articulated in an article in The Na-
tion (1919b), demonstrated how at war's end he combined an increasing radical-
ism with scientific internationalism and a particularist politics. Concerned with
the possibility that the peace settlement would institute a new form of annexation of
146 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
colonies and that Germany was unfairly singled out for criticism, Boas cited the
gains to science from German colonialism-including Germany's ethnographic
and natural history museums-and the larger "difficulties that... are inherent
in the system [of colonialism], and are not peculiar to any one nation"
(1919b:247,248). Boas endorsed a proposal to preserve the "economic basis of
the life of the natives" in order to prevent the destruction of natural resources
and the annihilation of the "natives." As he concluded, "The only solution lies
in the most radical application of the programme of the English Labour Party:
international protection of the colonies of all countries against exploitation, and
their government in the interest of the natives and of humanity" (1919b:249;
Stocking 1992:104).
In contrast to Boas's responses to the war, Du Bois was fast giving up his
faith in science as the basis for social change, and he applied his developing
ideas on diaspora politics to argue in favor of the war and "Americanism" in
ways that greatly differed from Boas's views. In distinction to Boas's dismay at
war rationales, Du Bois stressed the potential for African American citizenship
in a war combining racial conflict and imperialist struggle. Du Bois's support
for the war indicated his optimism that social movements, without scientific un-
derpinnings, could reconcile conflicts of national, group, and "racial" identities
and could challenge the "red ray" of racial violence that "calm, cool, detached"
science could not (1986e:602-603).28 By the end of the conflict, however,
amidst both the persistence of racism at home and the promise of decolonization
abroad, Du Bois reformulated his ideas on race, politics, and internationalism to
include support for African nationalism and Pan-Africanism for Negroes in the
United States.29
Du Bois's support for the war effort mirrored Boas's dissent. When Du Bois
asked, "Where should our sympathy lie?", he answered, even before the United
States entered the conflict, "Undoubtedly, with the Allies" (1914:28). Although
he thought all European powers guilty of imperialism, Du Bois never wavered
in his charge that Germany posed a particular threat to world peace and racial
justice: "The triumph of Germany means the triumph of every force calculated
to subordinate darker peoples. It would mean triumphant militarism, autocratic
and centralized government, and a studied theory of contempt for everything ex-
cept Germany ..." (1914:29; see also 1918b; 1918d:164; 1919d:13). Unlike
Boas, who held in abeyance all U.S. arguments for the war, including charges
against German militarism and imperialism, Du Bois maintained a position con-
sistent with wartime propaganda while mounting additional arguments to sub-
vert the racial status quo.
Consistently, Du Bois thought the war an opportunity for and a reaffirma-
tion of African American loyalty to the United States. "This is Our Country," he
declared in "A Philosophy in Time of War" (1918d), and added, "If this is OUR
country, then, this is OUR war. We must fight it with every ounce of blood and
treasure" (1918d: 164). Much later, even after many years of doubt and rethink-
ing, Du Bois remembered that "I felt for a moment during the war that I could
be without reservation a patriotic American" (1986e:739). Such statements of
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 147
allegiance-so striking in their contrast to Boas's strong support for U.S. neutrality
and the right to dissent-came not just from Du Bois's patriotism but also from
his grasp of the war as a special opportunity to achieve national and international
social change. In this he was no different from other Progressives, like John
Dewey (1918), who also thought the war would serve their reform agendas.30
Even Du Bois's infamous editorial, "Close Ranks" (1918b), where he called on
African Americans to set aside their "grievances" and join with white Ameri-
cans in the war effort, now appears to have been written to earn Du Bois an of-
ficer's commission (Ellis 1992; Lewis 1993:555-557). Despite the duplic-
ity-amidst an onslaught of criticism, he never admitted his manipulations-Du
Bois thought that his appointment would provide leadership and equal opportu-
nities for African Americans.
This involvement in the war effort was important precisely because Du
Bois hoped that the war would force a revolution in U.S. race relations. Along
with his championing of the U.S. cause, Du Bois also challenged the degree to
which the United States fell short of its ideals. This strategy, not unlike Boas's
tactic of showing the faults in the ideology of American exceptionalism, made
Du Bois's endorsement of the war strategic and allowed him to point, from
within, to the contradictions of American life. This was particularly important
when the United States entered the war officially in 1917. In "Awake America,"
he wrote,
Let us enter this war for Liberty with clean hands.... The New Freedom cannot
survive if it means Waco, Memphis, and East St. Louis. We cannot lynch 2,867
untried black men and women in thirty-one years and pose successfully as leaders
of civilization.... No land that loves to lynch "niggers" can lead the hosts of
Almighty God. [1917a:216-217]
The goals of racial justice and the aims of the war were therefore mutually
dependent. Consequently, after the armistice, Du Bois articulated his frustration
with continued and increased racism, transforming the rhetoric of war by
interjecting lyrical phrasing into an editorial:
We return.
We return from fighting.
We return fighting.
Make way for Democracy! We saved it in France, and by the Great Jehovah,
we will save it in the United States of America, or know the reason why.
[1919d:14, emphasis in original]
or the so-called 'race' rivalry of Slav, Teuton, and Latin, that is the larger cause
of the war" (1914:28). Yet Du Bois drew more broadly on the arguments he had
been developing as early as The Souls of Black Folk (1986c) to proclaim that "It
is rather the wild quest for Imperial expansion among colored races" by the
European powers that explained the war and its worldwide scope (1914:28). In
dismissing the use of fallacious racial particularism in favor of a broader racial-
ism of color, Du Bois refocused the arguments about the war's origins while re-
inforcing the rhetoric of its larger purpose. As he wrote in "The African Roots
of War,"
[I]n a very real sense Africa is a prime cause of this terrible overturning of
civilization which we have lived to see; and these words seek to show how in the
Dark Continent are hidden the roots, not simply of war to-day but of the menace
of wars to-morrow.
Always Africa is giving us something new or some metempsychosis of a
world-old thing. On its black bosom arose one of the earliest, if not the earliest,
of self-protecting civilizations. .... Out of its darker and more remote forest
fastnesses, came, if we may credit many recent scientists, the first welding of iron,
and we know that agriculture and trade flourished there when Europe was a
wilderness. [ 1915:707]
Unlike Boas, however, Du Bois admired aspirations in the name of the "nation,"
although he never fully explained what the basis for unity on the continent of
Africa might be.34
More than on any specific and particularist idea of an African nation-state
or of a politics of cultural or linguistic nationality, such as Boas described, Du
Bois focused on the idea of racial unity that underlay a more general idea of Af-
rican independence. "The Black Soldier," for instance, appeared in The Crisis
the month before "Close Ranks," in an issue that Du Bois dedicated to the "men
of Negro descent who are today called to arms for the United States. It is dedi-
cated, also, to the million dark men of Africa and India" (1918a:60) fighting for
Great Britain, France, and the other Allies:
You are not fighting simply for Europe; you are fighting for the world, and you
and your people are a part of the world .... Out of this war will rise, soon or late,
an independent China; a self-governing India, and Egypt with representative
institutions; an Africa for the Africans, and not merely for business exploitation.
Out of this war will rise, too, an American Negro, with the right to vote and the
right to work and the right to live without insult. [1918a:60]
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 151
In part, Du Bois argued that the war provided an opportunity for subjugated
peoples to claim a world historic role that had been ignored and brutalized
throughout modem history. In part, he also argued that the struggle of Americans
of African descent was one with the struggle of peoples of color throughout the
world. "It is the question of the reapportionment of this vast number of human
beings [from former European colonies] which has started the Pan-African
movement. Colored America is indeed involved," Du Bois wrote at the close of
the war (1919a:165). This history, however, also meant that the claim to unity
was based on a shared experience of exploitation, preserved, as he had argued
earlier, by the "Color Line" as well as by a shared future of liberation: "The
sympathy of Black America must of necessity go out to colored India and
colored Egypt. Their forefathers were ancient friends, cousins, blood-brothers,
in the hoary ages of antiquity ... But we are all one-we the Despised and
Oppressed, the 'niggers' of England and America" (1919b:62; see also 1986e:
640). This hatefulness, like the burdens of double-consciousness, was now
imbued with a new force. The doubleness was not so much psychological and
debilitating as full of political possibilities. With the racial diaspora providing
a basis of unity and social change, moreover, the idea of doubleness never
disclaimed "Americanism"-quite the contrary, "There is nothing so indige-
nous, so completely 'made in America' as we" (1919a:166). Instead, Du Bois
proclaimed what might be called now a double allegiance:
The African movement means to us what the Zionist movement must mean to the
Jews, the centralization of race effort and the recognition of a racial fount. To
help bear the burden of Africa does not mean any lessening of effort in our own
problem at home. Rather it means increased interest. [1919a: 166]35
The power of diasporic identity, therefore, lay in its potential for organized
movement from these multiple connections, loyalties, and homes.
Du Bois's conceptions of nation, race, and politics, as they emerged out of
the context of World War I, were full of the possibilities to sustain multiple iden-
tities as U.S. citizens, African Americans, and people of the diaspora joined with
others dispersed throughout the world. In the years that followed, especially in
the context of the Depression's erosion of hope of economic equality in the
United States, Du Bois increasingly focused on African Americans as segre-
gated from the rest of society, "A Negro Nation within the Nation" (1935; see
also 1933a:200). Because of this segregation, he saw the necessity of "deliberate
propaganda for race pride" (1933a:200), including the organization of "intelli-
gent and earnest people of Negro descent for their preservation and advance-
ment in America, in the West Indies and in Africa" (1933a:200). This interna-
tional unity and racial pride had to arise from necessity-economic need and the
unfulfilled promises that U.S. patriotism would contribute to "the day of the In-
ter-nation, of Humanity, and the disappearance of 'race' from our vocabulary"
(1933a:199). If racism and class distinctions made equality impossible, he ar-
gued a short time later, then these problems "can and must be seen not against
any narrow, provincial or even national background, but in relation to the great
152 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
problem of the colored races of the world and particularly those of African de-
scent" (1933b:247). Even though "most of our racial distinctions" are "idiotic"
(1933b:247), and the American black was American, "there are interests which
draw him nearer to the dark people outside of America than to his white fellow
citizens" (1933b:247). The more quickly the call to "Pan-Africa" for "the indus-
trial and spiritual emancipation of the Negro peoples" was heeded, Du Bois
thought, "the sooner we shall find ourselves citizens of the world and not its
slaves and pensioners" (1933b:247, 262). By 1940, when Du Bois published
Dusk of Dawn, the nationalist component of his argument, still present in fleet-
ing ways in 1919, was gone: "Negroes have no Zion" (1986e:777). Pan-African
unity had become a claim for racial and economic justice and survival based on
a cosmopolitan view of diaspora politics.
The war years, then, were a formative moment in which Boas's and Du
Bois's larger concern with problems of race diverged, not only over their posi-
tions on the conflict itself, but also over the possibilities for scientific and politi-
cal resolutions of racism and over how they positioned their own roles in these
solutions. Du Bois and Boas had ended up in similar territory by circuitous
routes over a divergent path during the war. Both men looked increasingly to
transnational forms of identity while recognizing the persistent appeals of unity.
In the years that followed, their ideas were sufficiently linked that in a letter
dated March 19, 1920, William Rose Benet asked Boas to review Du Bois's
autobiography, Darkwater (1920)-composed in part from earlier writ-
ings-for the New York Evening Post.36 However, in a response dated March 22,
1920, Boas declined because the "book is so much an emotional literary prod-
uct" (Franz Boas Papers).37 Characteristic of Boas's scruples as a scientist, his
refusal to engage arguments he perceived as nonscientific drove a wedge be-
tween his social reform aims and Du Bois's self-proclaimed propagandizing.
Boas's decision also signifies the extent to which they formulated their identi-
ties in different, even opposite ways.
For Du Bois's identity as "black," it became important to challenge the aca-
demic social scientific view on race. In his 1939 introduction to Black Folk:
Then and Now, a reworking of the 1915 publication The Negro (1970), Du Bois
defended his complicity in his subject matter:
I do not for a moment doubt that my Negro descent and narrow group culture
have in many cases predisposed me to interpret my facts too favorably for my
race; but there is little danger of long misleading here, for the champions of white
folk are legion. The Negro has long been the clown of history; the football of
anthropology; and the slave of industry. I am trying to show here why these
attitudes can no longer be maintained. I realize that the truth of history lies not
in the mouths of partisans but rather in the calm Science that sits between. Her
cause I seek to serve, and wherever I fail, I am at least paying Truth the respect
of earnest effort. [1939:ix]
Consequently, Du Bois identified the history of U.S. racial violence with his
own reconceptualization of the "Negro problem," with his disillusionment with
the promise of the United States, and ultimately with his sense of the global
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 153
nature of the issues. He ended Black Folk: Then and Now with words echoing
his own of almost 40 years earlier: "The problem of the twentieth century is the
problem of the color line" (1939:383).38
In contrast, Boas's primary self-definition as a scientist came in response to
being Jewish, not to being "white." As David Hollinger has argued for a some-
what later time period, Jews transformed the academy, particularly the sciences,
with their "cosmopolitan, enlightenment inspired" outlook and refusal "to be
Jewish parochials" (1996:19). Similarly, in his time, Boas also persisted in the
belief that science could offer a cosmopolitan answer to the particularism of
prejudice. This different self-concept encouraged Boas to continue his faith in
science by separating the cultural self from the intellectual problems he ad-
dressed, to evade, in effect, a racialized view of self-quite the opposite of Du
Bois's strategy.39 What frustration Boas did feel, especially in the wake of the
First World War, he saw more as a failure of communication than as a shortcom-
ing of the medium of science itself.
Conclusion
powerful. At the very least, appeals to alternative forms of identity that are
rooted in conceptions of fluidity, multiplicity, and antiessentialism have appeared
to have a much harder row to hoe. Despite their sense of the power of emotions,
Boas's and Du Bois's abiding faith in reasoned argument did not ultimately end
even the most egregious evidence of prejudice and ethnocentrism. Boas, his stu-
dents, and the subsequent reception and uses of their work may, ironically, have
contributed to essentialism by formulating a holistic concept of culture to under-
stand the intransigence of nationalism and cultural-centrism. Similarly, Du
Bois's mystical Pan-Africanism easily appealed to many forms of racial chau-
vinism less tolerant than his. The adaptability of the culture concept and the ne-
glect of Boas's and Du Bois's ideas of diffusion and historical interconnections,
for instance, aided and abetted the national character studies during the Second
World War, just as they may also contribute to a search for folkloric origins in
invented cultures in the new European ethnic nationalisms.
We as intellectuals should ask if part of the difficulty in resolving these
problems lies in the way that we have framed the issues, and if we might do
things differently. Despite their genuine concern to put theories into action, nei-
ther Boas nor Du Bois acknowledged how their elitism-their ideas on differ-
ence and "distinction" (Posnock 1995)-made it more difficult to disseminate
their messages or to anticipate the limits of their appeal. In a sense, this chasm
exemplifies the great void that exists between academic discourse (in the United
States, on the Left in particular) and the broader public. That the politics of the
Right seem to be able to engage at least a certain spectrum of political debate,
even while silencing a larger political discourse, makes it extremely difficult for
the political insights of intellectuals on the Left to work along with a broader
agenda of political and social change. When such change does occur, as in the
case of the civil rights movement, it is not usually intellectuals who lead the
way, but other activists whose political and legal struggles extend earlier intel-
lectual work (see Baker 1994:200). This is not to say, however, that Boas's and
Du Bois's arguments were not worth making. In actuality, it begs the question
of reestablishing the connections between intellectual work and public life. Du
Bois's own disaffection with scientific solutions and affirmation of politics
helped enable the translation of these concerns over the course of his very long life.
By taking into account a broader range of difference, intellectual debate
can be enlivened and more effectual. Du Bois's emerging class analysis, for in-
stance, adds to current discussions that tend to privilege differences marked by
race, ethnicity, and gender without comparable attention to political economy.
In this respect, the materialism of his arguments on diasporic connections, along
with Boas's discussion of the vast history of the diffusion of peoples and cul-
tures, can help sharpen our own understandings of racialism in a global perspec-
tive. Marginalization of African American intellectuals like Du Bois also meant
that those most positioned to offer arguments against the depoliticized nature of
social science often went unheard (Harrison and Nonini 1992:231). This is an
especially significant loss, because as problematic, conflicted, and ambivalent
as Du Bois's views may have been, they still offered some of the most important,
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 155
Notes
There is no question before the scientific world in regard to which there is more guess work
and wild theorizing than in regard to causes and characteristics of the diverse human species.
And yet here in America we have not only the opportunity to observe and measure nearly all
the world's great races in juxta-position, but more than that to watch a long and intricate process
of amalgamation carried out on hundreds of years and resulting in millions of men of mixed
blood. And yet because the subject of amalgamation with black races is a sore point with us,
we have hitherto utterly neglected and thrown away every opportunity to study and know this
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 157
vast mulatto population and have deliberately and doggedly based our statements and conclu-
sions concerning this class upon pure fiction or unvarnished lies. [1904:86]
14. Boas published "The Real Race Problem" (1910) in the first volume of The
Crisis, the official publication of the NAACP; and in a letter dated February 13, 1929,
Du Bois solicited an article from Boas for The Crisis on one of a range of topics: "Is
there a new American Negro race being developed? What has intelligence testing proven
concerning Negro ability? What recent studies or investigations throw light upon the
African Negro?" Boas responded on February 14 that he was working on a study of "the
significance of intelligence testing among Negroes" in order "to investigate a commu-
nity in detail in regard to its social background and to prepare tests accordingly, so as
to be able to correlate social environment and, what psychologists please to call,
intelligence" (Franz Boas Papers). Zora Neale Hurston worked on this study with Boas.
Apparently nothing came of Du Bois's request. On September 10, 1935, Du Bois also
asked Boas to contribute to an Encyclopaedia of the Negro that he was organizing.
Although Boas wrote on October 7 that he supported the idea, he declined because he was
too busy to take on new projects at his age. He was then 77 years old (Franz Boas Papers).
15. See Hutchinson 1995:63; Rampersad 1976:229; Lewis 1993:251-252; Geiss
1974:114. For Boas's influence on Du Bois see also The Negro (Du Bois 1970) and
"Race Friction between Blacks and Whites" (Du Bois 1908:836), in which he quoted
Boas's "dictum" against racial inferiority from "The Negro and the Demands of Modern
Life" (Boas 1905:87). Du Bois also repeatedly cites the volume from the 1911 Universal
Races Congress (Spiller 1911). The question of Du Bois's influence on Boas remains
an open one. At the very least, Du Bois was more scrupulous in citing Boas as an
authority than Boas was in return. This was characteristic of Boas's tendency to stress
European over American influences. In "The History of Anthropology" (1904), for
instance, Boas gave a selective list of the history of the discipline, emphasizing those
Europeans who were his intellectual ancestors but leaving out American scholars. As
Harrison and Nonini (1992:244) address, the question of Boas's neglect of Du Boisian
influences contributed to an incomplete and imbalanced recognition of those contribu-
tions and a failure to incorporate their critical insights.
16. His other example was of Jews (1974c:314).
17. On Boas's influence on the shift from the 19th-century racialist nationalism
of Alexander Crummell and Du Bois to 20th-century culturalist understandings of
national and other group identities, see Hutchinson 1995:65 and Appiah 1992:28-46.
On the influence of Boasian anthropology more broadly on the cultural agenda of the
Harlem Renaissance, see Hutchinson 1995:62-77. The Boasian nature of the Races
Congress conclusions, as summarized in The Crisis, is striking (Du Bois
1911 a:402-403; 191 lc:157-158). It also illustrates the extent to which Boas's argu-
ments were part of a larger, international community of antiracial science (see also Du
Bois 1911a; 1911d:202).
18. According to Du Bois (1911 la:401), Boas did not attend.
19. The Manchester Guardian said that Du Bois' s paper was the best one presented
(Green and Driver 1987:22-23).
20. Boas's alone among the Dillingham Commission reports argued to keep
immigration open. The reports were used as evidence for the national quota laws of 1921
and 1924. Boas's assimilationism was expressed both as science and as social policy:
first, in his view, racial types would merge and approach a middle ground ("The Real
Race Problem" [1910] and Changes in Bodily Forms [ 1911 a]) and, second, the only way
158 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
to solve the problem of racialized conflict was to reach a society of complete mixture
("The Problem of the American Negro" [1921:384-395]).
21. As George W. Stocking suggests in "Franz Boas and the Culture Concept in
Historical Perspective" (1982b), Boas was a transitional figure in the formulation of this
central idea in anthropology. Although Boas began to articulate a recognizable culture
concept that was historicist, plural, behaviorist, integrated, and relativistic in the first
decade of the 20th century, primarily through the work of the first generation of his
students, he did not formulate it in publications until about 1930 (1982b:202-203,
219-220, 222-223, 230-231). I would argue, however, that the First World War was
an important turning point in his consideration of culture that was most fully articulated
in the postwar period in the work of his second generation of students, such as Ruth
Benedict and Margaret Mead. Boas's own rather new emphasis on racism as opposed
to racialism also reflected this interest in the influence of irrational, cultural determi-
nants. See also note 39 below.
22. That Boas repeated himself on these and other issues connected to the war
suggests that he was consolidating an argument on the interrelationships of race,
language, and nation, specifically within the context of wartime. By doing this, he also
developed a public position on these issues which, to the extent that they were resisted
or ignored, encouraged him to redouble his efforts. By the end of the war, Boas's letters
to the editors of various newspapers were no longer being published.
23. In Race and Nationality Boas wrote, "It touches the most sympathetic chords
of our hearts" (1915b:9).
24. Boas first composed the passage quoted here as part of a letter he sent to the
editor of the New York Evening Post. However, this passage, like most of Boas's
argument about internationalism in the context of war, was omitted from the version
published in the Post (1919c).
25. Boas concluded with this phrase: "If it were for no other reasons, it would be
for this reason, that I should want to see maintained the individuality of nations"
(1945b: 182).
26. Boas's argument about intellectuals' greater attachment to tradition is surpris-
ing. On the one hand, it is consistent with his earlier criticism of education for teaching
official beliefs and imparting tradition rather than critical thinking (1915c:5). On the
other hand, Boas sharpened his view against intellectuals "as a segregated class"
(1918:146), stemming from his frustration with those who failed, in his view, to
sufficiently criticize the war effort.
27. Boas began his comments on the question "Will Socialism Help to Overcome
Race Antagonisms?" (1915c) at a Socialist Press Club dinner in March, 1915, with the
disclaimer "I am a scientist; I am not in politics, and as a scientist I am naturally and
essentially an individualist" (1915c:5).
28. Du Bois was referring to his awakening after the lynching of Sam Hose. He
went on to elaborate on the impossibility of scientific neutrality
while Negroes were lynched, murdered and starved; and secondly, there was no such definite
demand for scientific work of the sort that I was doing, as I had confidently assumed would be
easily forthcoming. I regarded it as axiomatic that the world wanted to learn the truth and if the
truth was sought with even approximate accuracy and painstaking devotion, the world would
gladly support the effort. This was, of course, but a young man's idealism, not by any means
false, but also never universally true. [1 986e:603]
Du Bois goes on to discuss the lack of financial support for the Atlanta studies and the ill
effects of his battles with Booker T. Washington between 1903 and 1908 (1986e:603).
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 159
Although he was unclear about the exact chronology in his autobiography, Dusk of Dawn
(1986e), Lewis places the events in April 1899 (1993:226). As Du Bois remembered it, this
event marked a conscious departure from his earlier attempt to face "the facts of my own
social situation and racial world" by putting "science into sociology through a study of the
condition and problems of my own group" (1986e:590). It is interesting that while Du Bois
singled this moment out as a turning point, he was quite broad in his discussion, combining
these particular events with the lasting soreness of his conflicts with Washington and how
they marginalized him. Later, in Dusk of Dawn, Du Bois describes the shift that occurred
between the time he left Atlanta in 1910 to after the First World War:
These days were the climacteric of my pilgrimage. I had come to the place where I was
convinced that science, the careful social study of the Negro problems, was not sufficient to
settle them; that they were not basically, as I had assumed, difficulties due to ignorance but
rather difficulties due to the determination of certain people to suppress and mistreat the darker
races. I believed that this evil group formed a minority and a small minority of the nation and
of all civilized peoples, and that once the majority of well-meaning folk realized their evil
machinations, we would be able to secure justice. [1986e:716]
There is an interesting shift here in his self-presentation, with his "autobiography of race"
a "digressive illustration" (1986e:716) of these issues, in contrast to his subtitle "Autobiog-
raphy of a Race Concept." Perhaps the alienating effects of race and scientific neutrality
were being resolved in a story of "race" in the context of this shift to political objectives and
means.
29. I use the term Negro because it is the one Du Bois himself used and because
African American confuses the very issues I am discussing-the relative and connected
importance of American and African identities. Similarly, black confuses the issue of
color with which Du Bois was also so concerned.
30. Looking back on his civil rights work during the Great War, particularly
considering his suspicion of war in general, his belief in the centrality of Africa in the
conflict, and his ultimate endorsement of the war effort, Du Bois later found that "I have
difficulty in thinking clearly" (1986e:739). When he speculated on what might have
occurred had he dissented, he said in an uncharacteristic tone of confusion, "I do not
know. I am puzzled" (1986e:741). Lewis 1995:555-556 and Ellis 1992 have explained
Du Bois's uncharacteristic confusion as a sign of his inability to come to terms with his
duplicity in obtaining a wartime commission, but it is just as likely that Du Bois was
more honest about his loyalty to Joel Spingarn (a founding member of the NAACP),
who had suggested the plan, and about the shortsightedness of his wartime reformism:
"I am less sure now than then of the soundness of this war attitude. I did not realize the
full horror of war and its wide impotence as a method of social reform. Perhaps, despite
words, I was thinking narrowly of the interest of my group and was willing to let the
world go to hell, if the black man went free" (1986e:740-741).
31. The general terms of the title, "The African Roots of War," indicate the
coexistence of broad historical and transhistorical or mythical elements in Du Bois's
writings. This orientation is lost in the Lewis anthology, which erroneously reprints the
article as "The African Roots of the War" (1995:642-651).
32. See also "World War and the Color Line" on the "essential equality of all men"
(Du Bois 1914:29).
33. The nationalist and Pan-African arguments that Du Bois made during the
post-World War I period once again show him as a transitional figure, this time between
what Lively has called "traditional" black nationalism, a movement of the "vanguard of
the race ... in the black diaspora" which would carry the benefits of civilization to
160 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Africans, and modem black nationalism, a critique of these very values which emphasized
instead the liberatory struggles against Euro-American imperialism and its "ethnocen-
tricity" (1984:207-208). Both Moses (1978:17, 23-25) and Fredrickson (1995:143-144,
149-152) emphasize Du Bois's position as an example of a nationalism based on racial
but not geographical or linguistic unity. Although these are accurate depictions of Du
Bois's Pan-Africanism, they neglect a fuller discussion of just what conception of
"nation" and "race" Du Bois was using.
34. Characteristically, Du Bois used himself as an example of how Africa figured as
a contingent but no less affecting source of identity, understood in anthropological ways:
Living with my mother's people I absorbed their culture patterns and these were not African
so much as Dutch and New England. ... My African racial feeling was then purely a matter of
my own later learning and reaction, my recoil from the assumptions of the whites; my
experience in the South at Fisk. But it was none the less real and a large determinant of my life
and character. I felt myself African by "race" and by that token that was African and an integral
member of the group of dark Americans who were called Negroes.
At the same time I was firm in asserting that these Negroes were Americans. [1986e:638]
35. An interesting comparison might be made here with Randolph Bourne's "The
Jew and Trans-National America" (1916), also a wartime commentary on the meanings
of nationalism and cosmopolitanism.
36. "The African Roots of War" (Du Bois 1915) appeared in revised form as
chapter 3, "The Hands of Ethiopia," of Darkwater (1920), and "A Hymn to the Peoples,"
which he had written and read before the Universal Races Congress (1911d:209),
concluded the book.
37. Boas did agree to review the second book Benet requested, Leo Wiener's
Africa and the Discovery of America (1920-1922), "an examination into the influence
of the negroes upon American Civilization" (Franz Boas Papers).
38. Du Bois preceded this notable phrase with the following, an argument that
demonstrates his insights for his own time and ours:
The proletariat of the world consists not simply of white European and American workers but
overwhelmingly of the dark workers of Asia, Africa, the islands of the sea, and South and
Central America. These are the ones who are supporting a superstructure of wealth, luxury, and
extravagance. It is the rise of these people that is the rise of the world. [1939:383]
39. When Boas was nominated to be an honorary fellow of the Jewish Academy
of Arts and Sciences, "from among the most distinguished American Jews," in a letter
from Abraham Burstein on October 16, 1934 (Franz Boas Papers), he accepted because
he was a member of "various European Academies," but he also qualified it by saying
on October 30, "As a scientist I do not feel any attachment to any particular group," and
asked that there be no public ceremonies (Franz Boas Papers). See also note 27, above.
Boas's and Du Bois's approaches to the problem of racism also reveal their different
orientations and the analyses that derived from them. In "The Problem of the American
Negro" (1921), Boas differentiated between ideas on racial hierarchies and differences,
on the one hand, and "sources of race antagonism" (1921:384), or racism, on the other.
This latter problem, a new area of analysis for Boas after the war, he saw as a result of
the tendency of the human mind to merge the individual in the class to which he belongs, and
to ascribe to him all the characteristics of his class. .. . We find this spirit [also] at work in
anti-Semitism as well as in American nativism, and in the conflict between labor and capitalism.
We have recently seen it at its height in the emotions called forth by the world war. [1921:392]
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 161
It is not by any means the class consciousness of the segregated group that determines this
feeling [of exclusion and prejudice]. It is rather the consciousness of the outsider who combines
a large number of individuals in a group and thus assigns to each the same character. The less
feeling of unity the heterogeneous members of the group possess, the harder it is for them to
bear the discrimination under which they suffer. [1921:392]
40. See also Gilroy 1993:2, 15, 31 on theories of "creolisation, metissage, mestizaje,
and hybridity" that resonate with Boasian and Du Boisian ideas on the fluidity of race.
References Cited
Appiah, Anthony
1985 The Uncompleted Argument: Du Bois and the Illusion of Race. Critical
Inquiry 12 (Autumn):21-37.
1992 In My Father's House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Baker, Lee D.
1994 The Location of Franz Boas within the African-American Struggle. Critique
of Anthropology 14:199-217.
Bell, Bernard W.
1996 Genealogical Shifts in Du Bois's Discourse on Double Consciousness as the
Sign of African American Difference. In W. E. B. Du Bois on Race and Culture.
Bernard W. Bell, Emily R. Grosholz, and James B Stewart, eds. Pp. 87-108. New
York: Routledge.
Bell, Bernard W., Emily R. Grosholz, and James B. Stewart, eds.
1996 W. E. B. Du Bois on Race and Culture. New York: Routledge.
Boas, Franz
1904 The History of Anthropology. Science 20 (October 21):513-524.
1905 The Negro and the Demands of Modern Life. Charities 15 (October 7):85-88.
1910 The Real Race Problem. The Crisis 1 (December):22-25.
1911 a Changes in Bodily Forms of Descendants of Immigrants. 61 st Cong., 2d sess.
Senate Doc. 208. Reports of the U.S. Immigration Commission, vol. 64. Washing-
ton, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
1911 b The Instability of Human Types. In Papers on Inter-Racial Problems Com-
municated to the First Universal Races Congress Held at the University of London,
July 26-29, 1911. G. Spiller, ed. Pp. 99-103. London: P. S. King and Son; Boston:
The World's Peace Foundation.
191 Ic The Mind of Primitive Man. New York: Macmillan.
1912 An Anthropologist's View of War. International Conciliation, March, No. 52.
New York: American Association for International Conciliation.
1914 The Race-War Myth. Everybody's Magazine, November: 671-674.
1915a Kinship of Language a Vital Factor in War. New York Times, January 3: 8.
1915b Race and Nationality. Special Bulletin, January. New York: American As-
sociation for International Conciliation.
1915c Will Socialism Help to Overcome Race Antagonisms? The New York Call,
April 4: 5.
1916a Dr. Eliot's Advocacy of Entente Disputed. Letter to the Editor. New York
Evening Mail, April 3: 8.
162 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
1916b Our National Ideals. Letter to the Editor. Springfield Daily Republican,
February 2: 6.
1916c Why He Will Vote for Hughes. Letter to the Editor. New York Evening Mail,
November 6: 12.
1918 The Mental Attitude of the Educated Classes. The Dial 65 (September
5):145-148.
1919a As an American of German Birth ... I Protest. Viereck's 10:185.
1919b Colonies and the Peace Conference. The Nation 108 (February 15):247-249.
1919c Democracy and Electoral Reform. Letter to the Editor. New York Evening
Post, November 6.
1919d Nationalism. The Dial 66 (March 8):232-237.
1921 The Problem of the American Negro. The Yale Review 10 (January):384-395.
1945a[1916] Social Justice-Nations. In Race and Democratic Society. Pp.
165-167. New York: J. J. Augustin. Originally published as "Americanism!" in
Illinois Staatszeitung.
1945b[1917] Freedom of Thought. Lecture before Barnard College class in anthro-
pology, November 17. In Race and Democratic Society. Pp. 178-184. New York:
J. J. Augustin.
1945c[1917] Patriotism. In Race and Democratic Society. Pp. 156-159. New York:
J. J. Augustin. Originally presented as Preserving our Ideals, Columbia University,
March 7.
1945d[1917] Solidarity. In Race and Democratic Society. Pp. 125-132. New York:
J. J. Augustin. Originally presented as The Primitive Mind and the Present Hour,
St. Clark's Church, Thanksgiving Sunday.
1945e[ 1919] The International State. In Race and Democratic Society. Pp. 141-152.
New York: J. J. Augustin.
1974a[1889] On Alternating Sounds. In A Franz Boas Reader: The Shaping of
American Anthropology, 1883-1911. George W. Stocking Jr., ed. Pp. 72-77.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1974b[ 1894] Human Faculty as Determined by Race. In A Franz Boas Reader: The
Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883-1911. George W. Stocking Jr., ed. Pp.
221-242. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1974c[1906] The Outlook for the American Negro. In A Franz Boas Reader: The
Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883-1911. George W. Stocking Jr., ed. Pp.
310-316. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1986[1928] Anthropology and Modem Life. New York: Dover Publications.
Bourne, Randolph
1916 The Jew and Trans-National America. The Menorah Joumal 2 (Decem-
ber):277-284.
Bruce, Dickson D. Jr.
1992 W. E. B. Du Bois and the Idea of Double Consciousness. American Literature
64 (June):299-309.
Calinescu, Matei
1977 Faces of Modernity: Avant Garde, Decadence, Kitsch. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press.
Chandler, Nahum
1997 "This Common Ground": W. E. B. Du Bois and the Reformulation of the
Question of the Negro. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American
Ethnological Society, Seattle, WA, March.
DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: BOAS AND DU BOIS 163
Degler, Carl
1991 In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in
American Social Thought. New York: Oxford University Press.
Dewey, John
1918 The Social Possibilities of War. In Characters and Events: Popular Essays in
Social and Political Philosophy. Joseph Ratner, ed. Pp. 551-560. New York: Henry
Holt and Company.
di Leonardo, Micaela
1996 Patterns of Culture Wars: The Right's Attack on "Cultural Relativism" as
Synecdoche for All that Ails Us. The Nation 262 (April 8):25-29.
D'Souza, Dinesh
1995 The End of Racism. Revised edition. New York: The Free Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B.
1904 The Atlanta Conferences. Voice of the Negro 1 (March):85-90.
1908 Race Friction between Blacks and Whites. American Journal of Sociology 13
(May):834-838.
1910 The Races in Conference. Editorial. The Crisis 1 (December): 17, 20.
1911 a The First Universal Races Congress. The Independent 71 (August 24):401-403.
191 lb The Negro Race in the United States of America. In Papers on Inter-Racial
Problems Communicated to the First Universal Races Congress Held at the Uni-
versity of London, July 26-29, 1911. G. Spiller, ed. Pp. 348-364. London: P. S.
King and Son; Boston: The World's Peace Foundation.
191 lc Races. Editorial. The Crisis 2 (August):157-158.
191 Id The Races Congress. The Crisis 2 (September):200-209.
1914 World War and the Color Line. Editorial. The Crisis 9 (November):28-30.
1915 The African Roots of War. The Atlantic Monthly 115, May: 707-714.
1916 "The Battle of Europe." Editorial. The Crisis 12 (September):216-217.
1917a Awake America. Editorial. The Crisis 14 (September):216-217.
1917b The Negro's Fatherland. The Survey 39 (November 10): 141.
1918a The Black Soldier. Editorial. The Crisis 16 (June):60.
1918b Close Ranks. Editorial. The Crisis 16 (July): 111.
1918c The Future of Africa. Editorial. The Crisis 15 (January): 114.
1918d A Philosophy in Time of War. Editorial. The Crisis 16 (August): 164-165.
1919a Africa-Reconstruction and Africa-Not "Separatism." Editorials. The Cri-
sis 17 (February): 164-166.
1919b Egypt and India. Opinion. The Crisis 18 (June):62.
1919c My Mission. Opinion. The Crisis 18 (May):7-9.
1919d Returning Soldiers. Opinion. The Crisis 18 (May): 13-14.
1920 Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil. New York: Harcourt, Brace and
Howe.
1921 A Second Journey to Pan-Africa. The New Republic 29, December 7: 39-42.
1933a On Being Ashamed of Oneself: An Essay on Race Pride. The Crisis 40
(September): 199-200.
1933b Pan-Africa and New Racial Philosophy. The Crisis 40 (November):247,262.
1935 A Negro Nation within the Nation. Current History 42 (June):265-270.
1939 Black Folk: Then and Now: An Essay in the History and Sociology of the
Negro Race. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
1970[1915] The Negro. London: Oxford University Press.
1986a W. E. B. Du Bois: Writings. New York: Library of America.
164 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Holt, Thomas
1990 The Political Uses of Alienation: W. E. B. Du Bois on Politics, Race, and
Culture, 1903-1940. American Quarterly 42 (June):301-323.
Hotz, Robert Lee
1995a Is Concept of Race a Relic? Los Angeles Times, April 15: A1, A14.
1995b Scientists Say Race Has No Biological Basis. Los Angeles Times, February
20: A1, A10.
Hutchinson, George
1995 The Harlem Renaissance in Black and White. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Hyatt, Marshall
1990 Franz Boas, Social Activist: The Dynamics of Ethnicity. New York: Green-
wood Press.
Lange, Werner J.
1983 W. E. B. Du Bois and the First Scientific Study of Afro-America. Phylon 44
(Summer): 135-146.
Lewis, David Levering
1993 W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919. New York: Henry Holt.
Lewis, David Levering, ed.
1995 W. E. B. Du Bois: A Reader. New York: Henry Holt and Company.
Liss, Julia E.
1995 Patterns of Strangeness: Franz Boas, Modernism, and the Origins of Anthro-
pology. In Prehistories of the Future: The Primitivist Project and the Culture of
Modernism. Elazar Barkan and Ronald Bush, eds. Pp. 114-130. Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press.
1996 German Culture and German Science in the Bildung of Franz Boas. In
Volksgeist as Method and Ethic: Essays on Boasian Ethnography and the German
Anthropological Tradition. History of Anthropology, vol. 8. George W. Stocking
Jr., ed. Pp. 155-184. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Lively, Adam
1984 Continuity and Radicalism in American Black Nationalist Thought,
1914-1929. Journal of American Studies 18 (August):207-235.
Massiah, Louis, dir.
1995 W. E. B. Du Bois: A Biography in Four Voices. 116 minutes. Videocassette.
Distributed by California Newsreel, San Francisco.
Moses, Wilson Jeremiah
1978 The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850-1925. Oxford: Oxford Univer-
sity Press.
Omi, Michael, and Howard Winant
1994 Racial Formation in the United States, from the 1960s to the 1990s. 2nd
edition. New York: Routledge.
Outlaw, Lucius
1996 "Conserve" Races? In Defense of W. E. B. Du Bois. In W. E. B. Du Bois on
Race and Culture. Bernard W. Bell, Emily R. Grosholz, and James B. Stewart, eds.
Pp. 15-37. New York: Routledge.
Posnock, Ross
1995 The Distinction of Du Bois: Aesthetics, Pragmatism, Politics. American
Literary History 7 (Fall):500-524.
166 CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Rampersad, Arnold
1976 The Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Rath, Richard Cullen
1997 Echo and Narcissus: The Afrocentric Pragmatism of W. E. B. Du Bois. Journal
of American History 84 (September):461-495.
Reed, Adolph L. Jr.
1997 W. E. B. Du Bois and American Political Thought: Fabianism and the Color
Line. New York: Oxford University Press.
Spiller, G.
1911 Papers on Inter-Racial Problems Communicated to the First Universal Races
Congress Held at the University of London, July 26-29, 1911. London: P. S. King
and Son.
Stocking, George W. Jr.
1982a[1968] The Critique of Racial Formalism. In Race, Culture, and Evolution.
Pp. 161-194. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1982b[1968] Franz Boas and the Culture Concept in Historical Perspective. In Race,
Culture, and Evolution. Pp. 195-233. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1992[1979] Anthropology as Kulturkampf. Science and Politics in the Career of
Franz Boas. In The Ethnographer's Magic and Other Essays in the History of
Anthropology. Pp. 92-113. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
1994 The Turn-of-the Century Concept of Race. Modernism/Modernity 1 (Janu-
ary):4-16.
Stocking, George W., Jr., ed.
1996 Volksgeist as Method and Ethic: Essays on Boasian Ethnography and the
German Anthropological Tradition, vol. 8. History of Anthropology. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press.
Sundquist, Eric J.
1993 To Wake the Nations: Race in the Making of American Literature. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press.
1996 W. E. B. Du Bois and the Autobiography of Race. Introduction. In The Oxford
W. E. B. Du Bois Reader. Pp. 3-36. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Tucker, William H.
1994 The Science and Politics of Racial Research. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
White, Morton
1957[1949] Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism. Boston:
Beacon Press.
Wiener, Leo
1920-1922 Africa and the Discovery of America. Philadelphia: Innes and Sons.
Williams, Vernon J., Jr.
1996 Rethinking Race: Franz Boas and His Contemporaries. Lexington: University
of Kentucky Press.
Zamir, Shamoon
1995 Dark Voices: W. E. B. Du Bois and American Thought, 1888-1903. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Zangwill, Israel
1909 The Melting-Pot, Drama in Four Acts. New York: Macmillan.