Discourse Analysis As Social Critique - Discursive and Non-Discursive Realities in Critical Social Research (PDFDrive)
Discourse Analysis As Social Critique - Discursive and Non-Discursive Realities in Critical Social Research (PDFDrive)
Discourse
Analysis as
POSTDISCIPLINARY
Social Critique
Discursive and Non-Discursive
Realities in Critical Social Research
Benno Herzog
Postdisciplinary Studies in Discourse
Series Editors
Johannes Angermuller
University of Warwick
Coventry, United Kingdom
Judith Baxter
Halescombe House
Minehead, United Kingdom
Postdisciplinary Studies in Discourse engages in the exchange between
discourse theory and analysis while putting emphasis on the intel-
lectual challenges in discourse research. Moving beyond disciplinary
divisions in today’s social sciences, the contributions deal with critical
issues at the intersections between language and society.
Discourse Analysis
as Social Critique
Discursive and Non-Discursive Realities
in Critical Social Research
Benno Herzog
Dept of Sociology & Social Anthropology
University of Valencia
Spain
This book aims to bridge the gap between normative theories and empiri-
cal research.
In social science and humanities, we can distinguish roughly three posi-
tions towards normativity. Especially in social and political philosophy,
we are quite accustomed to scholars who adopt a clear, normative stance,
offering compelling arguments for or against certain social and politi-
cal institutions and ethical behaviour. The main problem is that we can
find several, even contradictory, reasonable positions. Although the debate
between these positions can lead to common views, it does not necessarily
do so, and often, there remain reasonable but opposing viewpoints. This
may lead to the suspicion that, ultimately, the scholars engaged in these
debates are not following universal norms but a particular worldview.
In social science, however, we are quite accustomed to the claim of
more or less objective, value-free, or impartial research. Scholars who fol-
low this view often attempt either to describe reality or to encounter causal
relations and underlying structures. We can find this approach in both
quantitative and qualitative social research. The aim of this approach is
to provide the most accurate information about social reality. Normative
stances are outside the scope of the descriptions offered by these research-
ers. The information is provided to political institutions so that they can
make informed decisions based on research outcomes and to the civil soci-
ety that should be empowered through scientific knowledge. Although
vii
viii Introduction
Chapter 1
The chapter addresses theoretical approaches to social critique and leads
to the logics of immanent critique as present in the tradition of post-
Marxism, especially in the Frankfurt School. However, whenever possi-
ble, it attempts to bring this tradition into fruitful contact with Foucault
and other post-structuralist authors. The aim of this part is to show the
strand of the development of immanent critique and its connection
points and controversies with post-structuralist approaches. The chapter
shows that there is an important “empirical deficit” in the nonetheless
promising philosophical tradition of post-Marxism.
Chapter 2
The second chapter develops the analytical tools to overcome the “empir-
ical deficit” of current social critique. Although this chapter primarily
draws on qualitative sociological discourse analysis in a post-structuralist
tradition, its tools are discussed in relation to the previously presented
theoretical approach so that they can be made to fit into a coherent
approach. This approach, which is called Discourse Analysis as Social
Critique, aims at social critique in the tradition of the Frankfurt School
but does so with the help of analytical insights from discourse studies.
Chapter 3
The third chapter is dedicated to the presentation of concrete empiri-
cal examples. Each example will shed light on a specific aspect of the
approach presented.
This last chapter is roughly divided into two parts. Whereas the first
part presents examples directly related to the first two chapters, the sec-
ond part gives an outlook on alternative methods of application. It does
so by theoretical reflection and practical examples on how aesthetic anal-
ysis could be used to perceive the injustices done to muted and therefore
socially excluded subjects.
Acknowledgements
Research processes often have no real start and only a provisional end. The
thoughts presented here are the results of more than ten years of dedication
to two strands of research: Critical Theory and Discourse Studies. These
two poles also mark the writing process. This book was first conceived
during a stay at the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt in 2014
and was finished at the Centre for Applied Linguistics at the University
of Warwick in 2016. I would like to warmly thank the Institute for Social
Research, especially Sidonia Blättler and Axel Honneth, for giving me the
ability to pursue my research in an intellectually challenging atmosphere.
I also would like to thank the Centre for Applied Linguistics at the
University of Warwick, especially Johannes Angermuller, Johannes Beetz,
Ronny Scholz, Veit Schwab, and the rest of the astonishingly friendly
DISCONEX team, for the uncomplicated manner in which they pro-
vided me with excellent work conditions. Furthermore, I want to express
my gratitude to the University of Valencia, which financially supported
both research stays.
I am also deeply in debt to Francesc Hernàndez, who has intellectually
accompanied me in my research enquiries for more than ten years. He
was and still is an inspiring teacher, an altruistic colleague, and a critical
friend.
A special thanks to all of the students in my sociology of language
courses and in my critical theory reading group. They showed an enormous
xi
xii Acknowledgements
interest in the topics treated here and forced me to order, explain, and
reshape the arguments presented in this book.
I also want to thank Susana and Clara for their emotional support.
The work leading to this publication is part of the research project
entitled “Validity, productivity and challenges of immanent critique in
contemporary social philosophy”, which is led by José Manuel Romero
and financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness
(FFI2013-47230-P).
Contents
2 Analytical Tools 67
4 Conclusions 195
Index 199
xiii
List of Figures and Tables
xv
1
Theoretical Approaches to Critique
critique as the “art of not being governed or better, the art of not being
governed like that” (Foucault 2007: 44). Later, he describes this position
as “insubordination” or “desubjugation” (ibid.: 47).
It seems that at the beginning of critique, Foucault envisions an act
of will. Where, however, does this act of will come from? Why does
Foucault not want to be governed in that manner? These questions
ultimately refer to the normative basis of Foucault’s notion of critique.
All critique refers to some type of prescriptive statement. Something
should or should not be like this. My daughter should tidy up her
room, my neighbour should turn his music lower, or the government
should reduce taxes. When making these kinds of critical statements,
we always refer to some norms—such as order, in the case of my daugh-
ter’s room, or consideration in the case of my neighbour’s music. In the
case of tax reduction, the underlying normative basis perhaps is less
obvious. Depending on why and which taxes we want to be lowered
and for whom, the normative basis of this argument probably is related
to equality, distributive justice, or liberty.
So let us have a look at the normative basis of Foucault’s argument.
Throughout his work, Foucault was quite critical of norms in general
and hegemonic norms in particular. He was quite aware that norms are
used as techniques of subjugation. Even unsuspicious norms, such as
autonomy, liberty, or solidarity can turn into impositions. So, for exam-
ple, the imperative of autonomy can be used to justify cuts in the welfare
state to foster individuals’ autonomy and responsibility. The same could
even be said of solidarity. Reductions in social care for the needy can
be justified by appealing to individual solidarity and solidarity through
charity.1 David Harvey resumes the contradiction that for Foucault (and
for other thinkers) is inherent in the notion of freedom and liberty:
For what classical liberal political economy proposes was not only some
sort of utopian model for a universalized capitalism but a certain vision of
individual liberty and freedom that ultimately came to underpin, as the
French philosopher Michel Foucault acutely notes, a self-regulatory struc-
ture of governance that placed limits on the arbitrariness of stat power at
1
Indeed, this was the argument of the German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk against the “tax State”.
Regarding his argument and the contestation, see also Herzog and Hernàndez (2009).
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 3
the same time as it led and enabled individuals to regulate their own con-
duct according to the rules of a market society. (Harvey 2014: 204)
However, even though Foucault was critical of all of the norms that
he analysed, there is still a normative basis in both his writings and his
political activities. In Foucault’s work, we can find many reasons for his
attitudes that could serve as a normative basis. Foucault discussed the con-
sequences of a very wide range of techniques of power or governmentality
as the dispositif of sexuality (Foucault 1979), techniques of surveillance
and punishment in the judicial system, educational system and factory
(Foucault 1975), and in treating mental “illnesses” (Foucault 2006).
Although Foucault does not list the positive bundle of norms to which
he refers, we can deduce these norms from his work. In all of Foucault’s
writings, he shows how social order, power relations, and subjugation are
produced by humans’ social actions and transformed into a relatively sta-
ble social structure. Individuals are usually unaware of the whole range of
actions described by Foucault. When engaging in practices of discourse
production, surveillance, or punishment, people think of those practices
as “normal” or “natural” and do not acknowledge the violence present
in the fact that specific discourses or practices are predominant in our
society. Foucault himself described a series of these mechanisms in his
inaugural lecture (Foucault 1981), showing the diverse mechanisms of
exclusion necessary to create the existing order of discourse. From his series
of writings, we can understand that Foucault implicitly defends norms
related to autonomy or liberty, especially those related to the possibility
of making free and conscious decisions. Ultimately, these are the norms
of illustration. No wonder Foucault’s definition of critique was first pub-
lished in response to Emanuel Kant’s question, “What is Enlightenment?”
We can say that there are plenty of reasons to criticize society, for “not
being governed like that”. All of these reasons ultimately refer to some
norms. However, we must ask whether these reasons or norms are exclu-
sive to Foucault and some of his followers. Perhaps other people have
other reasons and other norms for why they refuse a specific type of gov-
ernment. And probably, there are many people who are quite happy with
the existing social order. Now, if there are different stances towards the
existing social order and even a different critical stance, which criteria
4 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
according to its own laws. Here, we could name the multiple processes of
social differentiation in social systems, for example, the growing amount
of laws, amendments, and law-like rules created to react in the logic of
the juridical system to the challenges of reality. Nevertheless, critique is
one very important method of change. It is important insofar as it is not
only practical but also conscious. Critique is a conscious, self-reflexive
method of change.
These considerations lead directly to questions related to critique as a
method. What exactly is this critical method? What differentiates the spe-
cific practice of critique from other practices? We probably would avoid
saying that a mechanic who changes the tires of my car is engaging in a
critical practice, although undoubtedly, he is performing a conscious prac-
tical and material act aimed at changing the object of his acts. Or, if we
prefer to remain with social objects of practice, traffic policemen whose
practices aim at changing the flows of people at rush hour are engaged in a
practice based on social reality and aim consciously at its change. Perhaps
a short glance at the text of Max Horkheimer, the German post-Marxist,
director of the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, and author of the
famous 1937 essay “Traditional and Critical Theory”, could help us fur-
ther understand the difference between critical and non-critical activities.
In the above-mentioned essay, Horkheimer states “that there is a human
activity which has society itself for its object” (Horkheimer 1975: 206).
In a footnote, he clarifies that he is referring to critique: “In the following
pages this activity is called ‘critical’ activity. The term is used here less in
the sense it has in the idealist critique of pure reason than in the sense it
has in the dialectical critique of political economy. It points to an essen-
tial aspect of the dialectical theory of society” (ibid.; footnote 14). With
the expression “dialectical critique of political economy”, Horkheimer is
referring directly to Karl Marx, although not mentioning him too openly.
Horkheimer published the text from exile in the USA; thus, he only refers
to Marx directly in a footnote, to avoid getting into too much trouble.
However, how exactly is this activity to which he is referring a critical
activity? Horkheimer goes on, “The aim of this activity is not simply to
eliminate one or other abuse, for it regards such abuses as necessarily con-
nected with the way in which the social structure is organized. Although
it itself emerges from the social structure, its purpose is not, either in its
8 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
question that the social sciences and humanities must address. Here,
Hegel again gives us a first hint, stating that the essence must appear,
otherwise it would not be the essence. Perhaps a practical example can
help us disentangle this question, leading us directly from philosophy to
the social sciences. When we ask, for example, what it is that characterizes
a human being (avoiding the unwieldy term essence), we have no other
choice than to begin our search with appearance, with real persons, with
Peter and Mary, with my neighbour, my parents, and my colleagues. All
of these real persons are appearances of what it means to be a person.
As noted above, these considerations lead us directly to the need for
empirical research. When we want to know about the underlying reality
or essence or structure of society, we have no other choice but to con-
duct research beginning with what we can grasp at first glance with our
senses. Remember that the contradiction between essence and appear-
ance also means that we cannot stop by just describing the surface. We
must attempt to continue further. The very idea of contradictions as that
term is used by Hegel (and in the tradition of Hegel until now) is that
contradictions are not logical incompatibilities. Contradictions are the
expression of certain tensions that usually do not have a solution but
that are pushing and advancing an issue. In our case, it is the search for
scientific knowledge that is pushed further by the contradiction between
appearance and reality. Critique is pushed forward by the dialectical rela-
tion between reality and surface phenomenon and—remembering the
second thesis on Feuerbach—must prove its truth in reality.
However, examining the relationship between surface and reality, which
requires research to begin with the former in order to reach the latter, is
not sufficient for anything more than a rough estimation, a compass for
the direction of critique without a detailed approach. Horkheimer was
quite aware of that problem: “To transform the critical theory of society
into a sociology is, on the whole, an undertaking beset with serious dif-
ficulties” (Horkheimer 1975: 239). Critique always must work on the
two levels at the same time: at the level of perceived social problems and
at the level of society or social totality.
Foucault knows these difficulties well: “We identify a perpetual ques-
tion which would be: ‘how not to be governed like that, by that, in the
name of those principles, with such and such an objective in mind and
10 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
by means of such procedures, not like that, not for that, not by them’”
(Foucault 2007: 44). It could be interesting to stop here for a moment
and think about what Foucault means by “perpetual question”. I think
he does not mean that we should not attempt to find a solution because
the question will always be there. The solution to this conundrum lies, I
think, in the use of the verb “to govern”. For Foucault, this verb does not,
or at least does not exclusively, refer to the activity of a formal govern-
ment. For Foucault, the notion of government and the notion of power
is more impersonal. It means that there is a social order that is enigmatic
to the individual. We are often not fully aware of the rules and obliga-
tions of that order. When Foucault refers to critique as “the art of not
being governed like that”, he is referring to a critique of a certain social
order, with its duties and commitments. However, what is perpetual is
not a specific social order but the fact that there is a social order at all.
David Harvey explains what appears as a tension between critique and
social order as a continuous contradiction between freedom and domi-
nation (Harvey 2014: 199ff). All freedom always requires a social order,
meaning that it always requires some structure of duties and obligations
or, as Harvey describes it, freedom requires domination. Of course,
David Harvey is far from justifying the growing number of laws that
restrict civil rights in the name of freedom. However, he makes an impor-
tant point: even the best possible social order is full of structural imposi-
tions upon the individual. Through the process of socialization, we learn
to accept these impositions.2
It is probably in that sense that Foucault describes the search for a
way of not being governed like that as the “perpetual question”. We are
always governed because we are always part of a specific social order that
precedes our existence. Moreover, we are always governed in a specific
way. We are always governed “like that”. Therefore, although the task of
critique is a constant task, an unsolvable perpetual practice, it is not a
useless or unnecessary task.
2
Sigmund Freud has described this “uneasiness in culture” experienced by modern individuals as a
permanent tension between immediate drive satisfaction and cultural stable patterns of long-term,
sustainable drive satisfaction (Freud 2002).
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 11
not doing exactly what Marx was criticizing in his theses on Feuerbach,
making philosophical observations on something without considering
the real, material world? Judith Butler, in her lecture about Foucault’s
essay on critique, makes a similar argument:
Can we even ask such a question about the generalized character of critique
without gesturing toward an essence of critique? And if we achieved the gen-
eralized picture, offering something which approaches a philosophy of cri-
tique, would we then lose the very distinction between philosophy and
critique that operates as part of the definition of critique itself? Critique is
always a critique of some instituted practice, discourse, episteme, institution,
and it loses its character the moment in which it is abstracted from its opera-
tion and made to stand alone as a purely generalizable practice. (Butler 2001)
As witness, Butler cites Adorno, who adopts a more Hegelian and Marxist
approach: “Adorno makes a similar claim when he writes of the ‘danger...
of judging intellectual phenomena in a subsumptive, uninformed and
administrative manner and assimilating them into the prevailing constel-
lations of power which the intellect ought to expose’” (ibid.).
There seems no other way than turning our focus on the object of cri-
tique. This is necessary not only to learn more about that object but also
to understand what critique means in the concrete case of social critique.
is quite new in human history. We said that the object of critique has
to be made by humans. This means conversely that, as far as we under-
stand the social order as a natural or divine order, there is no social cri-
tique. Complaints about the divine or natural order are probably as old as
human history. However, social critique as it is described here stems from
Enlightenment. Someone who perhaps best expressed the possibility of
social critique was Hegel when he spoke about the French Revolution in
his Lectures on the Philosophy of World History:
Never since the sun had stood in the firmament and the planets revolved
around him had it been perceived that man’s existence centres in his head,
i.e. in thought, inspired by which he builds up the world of reality [...] not
until now had man advanced to the recognition of the principle that
thought ought to govern spiritual reality. This was accordingly a glorious
mental dawn. All thinking being shared in the jubilation of this epoch.
Emotions of a lofty character stirred men’s minds at that time; a spiritual
enthusiasm thrilled through the world, as if the reconciliation between the
divine and the secular was now first accomplished. (Hegel 2004: 447)
treat as thing. We can see here the very elements of what will later com-
prise the Marxist analysis of capitalism as a human product that seems
exterior to the individual and that has enormous power over him or her.
The Young Hegelians were a tremendously productive group of intel-
lectuals (on the sociology of this particular group, see Eβbach 1988).
They wrote, conducted passionate debates, and developed their collective
thought. The state of the art of last week’s debate might be overcome
next week by a member’s new text. Every critique was repeatedly criti-
cized. Marx’s expression of the “critique of the critical criticism” (Marx
1956) perhaps best expresses this ongoing process. Acknowledging this
collective intellectual work, it is no wonder that the positions presented
here were targets of important objections by components of the group
itself. One of the most important critics was Max Stirner, an author often
described as an individual anarchist, disdained by Marxists and social
democrats and highly influential (but not openly acknowledged) to
authors such as Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault. Saul Newman
even describes Stirner as a “precursor to contemporary poststructuralist
thought” (Newman 2003: §1).
Stirner criticizes what he understands to be a residuum of religion
in Feuerbach’s anthropology of the divine. Remember that Feuerbach
replaced the essence of the divine with the essence of mankind. For
Stirner, however, mankind is the last big lie (Stirner 1995). For Stirner,
speaking about the essence of humanity or humanism in general is just
another way to subordinate individuals in a specific way. In humanism,
people are no longer subjugated by God but by what is supposed to be
the essence of mankind. Although “in the name of humanity” replaces
“in the name of the Lord”, the consequences in terms of power and
subjugation remain the same. Stirner makes a strong argument here,
anticipating all types of uses of power in the name of the nation, the
race, the community, humanity, freedom, and so on. All of these con-
cepts independently—whether or not they seem appealing—ultimately
are only concepts. Stirner rejects all domination in name of these con-
cepts. For him, the only valid starting point is for the individual or
the “ego” (as Stirner calls it) to avoid confusion with the concept of the
individual.
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 17
Stirner’s basic thoughts are highly relevant for our purpose of social cri-
tique and quite similar to Foucault’s will “not to be governed like that, by
that, in the name of those principles” (Foucault), “that” being principles
of supposed divine origin or human-made concepts. Stirner describes
two aspects important for social critique. First, our “human” principles
do not express some type of natural essence of mankind; instead, they are
made by humans. Whereas natural essences escape criticism, as human
products, these principles can become the object of social critique.
Second, Stirner shows that people are unaware of the social and powerful
character of concepts, that is, that the religious way of thinking lives on
in the belief in principles.
Marx and Engels’ position on Stirner’s critique is ambiguous. On the
one hand, they have to admit Stirner’s critique of the abstract concept of
mankind in Feuerbach’s work. Regarding that critique, in 1844, Engels
clearly writes in a letter to Marx as follows: “Stirner is right” (Engels
1963: 11). However, Engels—and later Marx, in an extensive and (dur-
ing his lifetime) unpublished response (Marx 1958: 101–472)—dis-
agrees with Stirner about the consequence of that observation. Whereas
for Stirner, the starting point for critique is the concrete individual, for
Marx and Engels, these individuals are the products of social relations.
In the same letter, Engels writes the following about Stirner’s proposal:
“This egoism is only the essence of the actual society and the actual man-
kind made conscious; it is the last thing what the actual society can say
against us” (Engels 1963: 11). Instead of starting with the individual as
given factuality, Marx and Engels start with the factuality of social relations.
Following Wolfgang Eβbach (1982), we could say that whereas Stirner
presents the materiality and thus the factual violence of the self, Marx and
Engels present the materiality and factual violence of social relations.
Here, the circle of social critique of the young Hegelians comes to a
provisional end. A critique of religion becomes a critique of social rela-
tions that produce wrong ideas, whether they are ideas about deities,
abstract concepts of humanity, or the concrete individual. We now have
another piece to add to our puzzle of social critique. The critique of ideas
and (although using the term popularized some years later) the critique
of ideology are fundamentally social critiques. In the Marxist tradition,
18 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
Summarizing the argument until now, we can say that social critique
requires an idea of what society is. Social critique needs to adopt an
approach to the basic, underlying aspects of social order. Furthermore,
it must prove—as the excurse on criticism of religion has shown—that
these aspects of social order are not natural, divine, or fixed. Critique must
show that these aspects are human-made and therefore can be changed
by human action. However, we have also seen how deeply rooted some
ideas about the apparently immovable nature of some aspects of human
societies are. However, these two considerations—the need for both
an idea about basic social order and arguments about the possibility of
changing this order—do not justify social critique. As we have seen, cri-
tique always requires a normative stance towards its object. We therefore
need two more steps to complete the puzzle of social critique. First, we
need arguments about why we think something went wrong in society.
We must take a look at the surface of society to find social phenomena
with which we disagree, such as injustices, inequalities, and disrespect.3
Second we require a logical connection between the surface problem that
we want to change and the social (changeable) order. Otherwise, we are
not doing social critique.
Therefore, when doing social critique, in a first step, we are not con-
cerned with the social order at all. First, we are concerned about a spe-
cific social problem. When saying that something is a social problem,
we are saying three things. First, we are saying that the problem affects
more than one person: it affects whole social groups or societies as a
3
In Sect. 1.3 we will see the complexity of the task of justifying our normative stance.
20 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
Further, the primary task of critique will not be to evaluate whether its
objects—social conditions, practices, forms of knowledge, power, and dis-
course—are good or bad, valued highly or demeaned, but to bring into
relief the very framework of evaluation itself. What is the relation of
knowledge to power such that our epistemological certainties turn out to
support a way of structuring the world that forecloses alternative possibili-
ties of ordering? Of course, we may think that we need epistemological
certainty in order to state for sure that the world is and ought to be ordered
a given way. To what extent, however, is that certainty orchestrated by
forms of knowledge precisely in order to foreclose the possibility of think-
ing otherwise? (Butler 2001)
They could be the correct expression of the wrong social situation. The
learned and used categories can have distorting effects on people’s percep-
tion of reality and even of immediate suffering. For example, we can eas-
ily imagine how vast swaths of the white population suffered from status
loss and fear after segregation was officially abolished in the USA. There
was an enormous group of people who perceived abolition as a social
problem. However, from our point of view, we would probably argue
that the problem was not abolition, but racism or xenophobia. In other
words, when starting with salient social problems, we experience the nor-
mative difficulty of what counts as a social problem and the methodologi-
cal problem of how to separate ideological problems from “real” ones.
The first question will be discussed in Sect. 1.3, and the second question
will be discussed in Sect. 1.6.
Butler’s proposal not to stay with the immediate evaluation of the
object of critique but to ask for the framework of that evaluation seems
both correct and insufficient at the same time. It is insufficient insofar
as it simulates that this approach does not imply a normative position.
However, even if we attempt to escape first-order normative evaluation,
we confront a second-order normative position in Butler’s proposal: open-
ing the view for alternative readings or an alternative social order without
even saying whether these other social orders are preferable implies the
normative position that being conscientious about the social order and
having the choice about how society is organized are preferable to the
status quo.
Social critique, we can say by now, requires three main steps, all of
which involve risks and pitfalls. First, we criticize a specific situation.
Here, we need a first criterion for normative critique. What is wrong
with that situation? Why do we want the situation to be changed? The
danger here is what we could call an ideological or wrong sense of justice.
How can we distinguish the correct from the incorrect form of justice
or injustice and therefore decide what constitutes a social problem and
object of social critique? In the end, this is a meta-normative question, a
question about how to decide about the norms that we want to use for
social critique.
Second, we have to be able to draw a logical relation from that
somehow-unjust situation to a general social order. Here, we face a dou-
ble methodological problem of showing the existence of an underlying
22 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
4
In English, there is the homophonous word “eutopia”, which means good place, and which may
be partly responsible for the consideration of utopias as better or even ideal societies.
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 25
the procedure proposed by Habermas. The first is that even the ideal,
power-free space of free discourse is already pre-structured. There is
a specific order of discourse. In that space, we can find (for example)
arguments that count as valid, accepted ways of performing, and so
on. In The order of discourse, Foucault describes a series of these power-
ful mechanisms that definitively exclude ways of speaking. “We know
perfectly well that we are not free to say just anything, that we cannot
simply speak of anything, when we like or where we like; not just any-
one, finally, may speak of just anything. We have three types of prohi-
bition, covering objects, ritual with its surrounding circumstances, the
privileged or exclusive right to speak of a particular subject” (ibid.: 49).
Foucault even mentions mechanisms as inconspicuous as “reason and
folly”, thus saying that the fool and the foolish are excluded through the
order of discourses. When thinking a bit more about that mechanism,
we find a whole set of discursive dispositions that define what has to
count as foolish and what is a reasonable argument. These are only some
examples why there are good reasons to think that the Habermasian
discourse is a pre-structured, powerful, particular and exclusive way of
interacting with its own normative basis.
The second argument against Habermas’ proposal comes from a dem-
ocratic perspective. Not all people are able to engage in public arguments
in the same way. Discourses are a conflict-resolution technique that
clearly favours those with more educative or cultural “capital”, that is,
those accustomed to engaging in critical debates. Those (often marginal-
ized) people who are unable to engage in social or political debates about
justice are structurally excluded. This argument is even stronger given
that those who are excluded from debates are often the same people in
whose name others claim for justice.
From these two forms of normative foundation—the external foun-
dation and the procedural foundation—I would like to differentiate a
third form, the internal or immanent foundation. Internal and imma-
nent critiques are directly related to the analysis of the object of critique.
However, when taking a closer look, internal and immanent critique do
not have exactly the same meaning. They have different normative impli-
cations. Additionally, there are quite diverse theoretical ideas about how
to understand immanent critique.
28 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
should have. The chocolate would melt when entering in contact with hot
liquid. However, who said that the original or main function of the choco-
late teapot was to contain hot liquid? Perhaps the function was to serve a
sweet, and instead of having the form of Santa Claus or an Easter bunny, it
was given the form of a teapot. Functions are not inherent characteristics of
objects but ascriptions we make to objects. The function of an apple is not
to serve as food for humans. However, if we ascribe that function to apples,
then we can complain about all apples that do not perform that function.
We can criticize the serving of specific apples for being too small, not tasty,
not healthy, rotten, and so on. The argument is only slightly different when
criticizing objects produced by humans. The process of production usually
implies the ascription of a function. If I build a guitar, I want it to sound
good. If it does not, you can criticize the guitar (or the builder) on the basis
that the guitar does not perform its declared function.
Coming back to the critique of a specific social order, regardless of
whether the order is capitalism, we have to ask if it was either consciously
made by human beings with the idea of performing a specific function
or a mere secondary effect of what people were doing? It is likely that
most social orders meet both criteria. Next, we must ask which func-
tions people ascribe to a specific social order. Finally, we have to anal-
yse whether the specific social order performs the ascribed function.
However, Jaeggi introduces yet another argument that is very common
in the critique of capitalism: It is possible that although a social order
meets its function now, it cannot do so in the future. Therefore, the social
order must be changed. We can find this critique, for example, when
warning about the near-term ecological consequences of our way of pro-
duction and consumption (Harvey 2014: 246ff). Again, this argument’s
basic structure would be, “If X is seen as basic function of a social order
Y, then the social order is not meeting this criteria now or will not be able
to meet this criteria in the future and, therefore, has to be changed.”
Second, we could see that similar problems do arise when using the
moral argument that a given social order is either unjust or producing
unjust social relations. Here, we have to ask what is justice or better yet
(remembering that we are attempting to uncover the immanent critique):
what is justice for a specific society? Is it equality, liberty, access to health care,
the right to private property, and so on.? Here again, we would have to find
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 31
the moral reasons that dominate in a particular society and then analyse
whether society can provide the specific moral goods and whether or not
it could do better. Again, this argument could have a historic component.
It could be possible for a society that provides basic moral goods—for
example, an acceptable form of equality—to lose the ability to fulfil this
moral claim in the future for reasons of its own dynamics.
Third, the problems with the functional and moral approach are also
a true mutatis mutandis for the ethical argument. Here again, the basic
structure of the argument would be as follows: If a specific way of life is
good, then we could criticize a social order on the ground that it does not
or cannot provide the possibility of living a good life, either now or in the
future. In summary, we can say that whether we use functional, moral,
or ethical norms, we always experience the problem of identifying what
this society and its social order are intended to fulfil. If we do not want to
make either exterior or procedural justifications (which, as we have seen,
are ultimately based on exterior norms that justify the procedure) for the
normative ground of critique, then the normative question of justifica-
tion turns into a methodological problem. In the “if… then” scheme of
immanent critique, we first have to find the norms that we use in the
conditional clause. Only in the second step can we turn our analysis to
the question of whether society lives up to its norms. However, to find
the normative basis, we also must turn our attention to society because the
basic idea of immanent critique is that norms should stem from society.
The methodological problem is that society overall is not a conscious
actor. We cannot ask society about its underlying norms. We can ask
members of that society, perhaps especially distinguished members.
However, if what was said before about ideologies is true, then members
of a society are often or even mostly unaware of the underlying reasons,
processes, and norms of society. People follow norms in everyday life but
seldom do so consciously.
Even if we could clearly identify immanent norms to compare with soci-
ety, the question of how to evaluate social order would remain. Only as
an example—and staying strictly with moral norms—could we cite the
last century’s debates about the moral influence of markets (Herzog and
Honneth 2014). Here, we find arguments about the goodness of markets as
having the ability to create and distribute wealth, providing the possibility
32 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
5
I do not want to ignore that there are strong arguments against the use of Bourdieu’s concepts of
social, cultural, educative, and so on, capital (see e.g. Harvey 2014: 185f ).
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 37
For the first generation, at least until the catastrophe of Auschwitz, the
central practice that could help to overcome society was work. Following
a classical Marxist argument, work was the key experience that puts those
who work— that is, the working class—into a privileged position to under-
stand and change society. The centrality of work in the Marxist tradition
stems from the classical fragment about the master and the slave in Hegel’s
Phenomenology of Spirit (Hegel 1977). In this section, Hegel conceptually
examines how true self-consciousness is built, that is, how knowledge about
ourselves is created. To know about myself, I have to contact my limits,
that is, my environment and other persons. In the section about the mas-
ter and the slave, it is not love or friendship that influences how self-con-
sciousness is created; instead, it is struggle. To learn about themselves, two
self-consciousnesses fight. The struggle to the limits, over life and death, is
seen as a possibility to confirm their self-consciousness. In the language of
the twenty-first century, we could perhaps talk of a “stress test”. One can
never be sure of the limits (e.g., how much weight a rope can hold) unless
these limits are tested. Hegel also contemplates the possibility of one of the
40 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
fighters being killed, but this would not generate self-knowledge because
there is no dialogue partner left to create self-consciousness. Therefore, the
struggle ends with the fear of death of one self-consciousness, which then
becomes the slave while the other becomes the master.
In the same way that we have to confront material reality to experience
ourselves as physical beings with concrete limits, we also have to encoun-
ter other persons to understand our limits as persons. In this process of
creating awareness, we need the other as a mirror for our self to create a
“correct” self-image. What does this mean for self-knowledge? Hegel sur-
prises us with the statement that “the truth of autonomous Consciousness
is the consciousness of the slave” (ibid.: §192). Nevertheless, it becomes
immediately clear what Hegel means when thinking about acknowledge-
ment under the threat of punishment. In unequal power relations, those
with more power cannot be sure that they will receive a “correct” self-
image. Think about subordinates laughing at the boss’s bad jokes. They are
not in a position to mirror back a sincere opinion about the boss’s humour.
As a consequence, the boss does not receive an undisturbed self-image. For
Hegel, the master never can be sure about himself because: (a) he is now
recognized because of the fear of the slave (and therefore never can be sure
if this is true recognition); (b) he is recognized by a “loser”; and (c) he has
not experienced his own limits. Conversely, the slave who has experienced
the fear of death knows about himself and has experienced his limits.
What is important in this section is the relation between subordina-
tion, self-consciousness, and consciousness on the one hand and the exte-
rior, natural, and social context on the other hand. It is through his work
that the slave or bondsman knows about reality. Hegel calls the work
concrete negation, in contrast to the mere abstract negation or consump-
tion of the master. Using a Marxist notion, it is the worker who relates
to external nature, the production process, and social relations because
of his work and his subordinated situation. And it is through his work
that the worker can overcome this situation of serfdom. Following Hegel,
“Through his service he [the slave/bondsman] rids himself of his attach-
ment to natural existence in every single detail; and gets rid of it by work-
ing on it” (ibid.: §194).
For Marx and the first generation of the Frankfurt School, it is through
the work process that the proletariat obtains a fuller consciousness about
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 41
itself, nature, and society. This knowledge, and of course the fact that the
vast majority of people belong to the category of the “working class”, is one
of the main justifications for the belief in the historic mission of the working
class. With the help of the intellectual, workers can become more conscious
of their situation because they have a specific interest in social change. Or,
in the words of immanent critique: the working process is the practical,
pre-scientific, moral experience that is used by Marx, Horkheimer, and
Adorno (e.g., Marx 1990; Horkheimer 1975; Adorno and Horkheimer
2002) to criticize society as it exists. Society does not fulfil the claims for a
more emancipated life inherent in the fact that people work and relate both
to each other and to nature through work. Therefore, we can say that the
working class has both an ontological and an epistemological centrality in
Marxist and post-Marxist theory. The working class has a specific capac-
ity and a privileged access to knowledge because of the practice of work.
Moreover, for Marx, the working class was the “universal class”, that is, a
class whose interest coincides with the needs of the entire society. In this
sense, the immanent critique in Marxism always makes universal claims.
This conviction of the historic mission of the working class passed
relatively intact through the multiple historic setbacks in the 50 years
after the death of Karl Marx. The most important setback perhaps was
the First World War, in which workers of all lands did not follow the
slogan of Marx to unite but killed themselves in the European battle-
fields. Workers and vast swaths of their parties, including the German
social democrats, fought wars between nations instead of class struggle.
Even the use of poison gas—that is, the first use of weapons of mass
destruction—did not destroy the belief in both the general process of
historic progress (understood also as moral progress) and the power of
the working class. Of course, although theoretical debates had to rec-
ognize these debacles for the workers’ movement, they mainly did so by
including some elements of ideology and contexts of delusions. Authors
such as György Lukács (1971) and Adorno and Horkheimer (2002)
included social psychological comprehensions in their theoretical models
to explain the working class’s difficulty in understanding their “objective”
class position or mission.
This generally positive view of the capacity of the working class changes
rapidly and profoundly with the catastrophe of Auschwitz. For Horkheimer
42 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
free discourse. Speech acts are pre-structured by powerful norms that limit
the space of the expressible. As Foucault states in his famous inaugural
lecture (Foucault 1981), several mechanisms exclude people, topics, and
ways of speaking from the discourse. Furthermore, there are mechanisms
that constantly produce and reproduce discourses in a specific order. For
the omnipresence of these mechanisms that precede all our speech acts, a
free discourse or a free meta-discourse as imagined by Foucault is impos-
sible. Discourses always fall in a normatively nourished context.
If this is true of every speech act, it is true a fortiori of the highly struc-
tured space of public debates. Axel Honneth, Habermas’ disciple, who
wrote his Ph.D. thesis about the early works of Foucault and the first
generation of the Frankfurt School, writes in 1981 before publishing his
thesis, “My supposition is that the social theory of Habermas is consti-
tuted in the way that it has to ignore systematically all the forms of social
critique that are not recognized by the public political-hegemonic space”
(Honneth 2000: 112). Here, we can see two critics of Habermas: first,
the criticism of the notion of avant-garde. In the normative debate, the
possibilities of being heard are unequally distributed. The higher an indi-
vidual’s linguistic, intellectual, and social, resources for using language in
the public sphere, the more likely the individual is to be considered in
the debate that, according to Habermas, should lead to understanding
and universal emancipation. Other forms of expressing critique (or more
generally, discomfort) that are not articulated in the dominant form in
public space are not considered in the Theory of Communicative Action.
Second, as we have said, the public space is pre-structured in a way that
strongly influences the possibility of a free understanding. Public space is
not a neutral field. It is a field of established social relations, power struc-
tures, and normative backgrounds.
In his own proposal, Honneth does not break completely with his master
Habermas. Moreover, his own Theory of Recognition can be understood
as a development of the Habermasian theory attempting to compen-
sate for two criticisms. In an interview with Luc Boltanski and Robin
Celikates, he claims,
46 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
As far as I was concerned, there was no going back to the time before
Habermas’s ‘communicative turn’. With the benefit of hindsight, it would
be fair to suggest that, in my case, the development of a distinct approach
has been an intensification of, rather than a break with, the Habermasian
model. […] I became aware of my discontent with Habermas only when
I sought to identify the limitations of early critical theory myself. In a way,
Habermas regards a sociological limitation of early critical theory as the
main problem: Adorno and Horkheimer create an utterly distorted pic-
ture of society, since they fail to understand that people act communica-
tively and participate in practices of justification. It took me some time to
realize that precisely this criticism can be levelled against Habermas him-
self. His focus on the linguistic structure of communication and on its
underlying rationality means that he pays insufficient attention to the
social experiences with which they are entangled. People’s everyday experi-
ences have no place in Habermas’s theory. (Honneth in: Boltanski and
Honneth 2009: 86f )
In his own theoretical approach, Honneth does not identify the practices
of communication as pre-scientific moral experiences for immanent cri-
tique but instead as emotional reactions to disrespect. In his Theory of
Recognition (1992), Honneth identifies three spheres and three modes
of recognition. Following Hegel, in the family, individuals are recognized
as having concrete needs in the mode of love. In civil society, the formal
autonomy of persons is recognized by their rights. In the state, affective
intuition about the family and the cognitive concept of rights are some-
how sublated (aufgehoben)8 in intellectual intuition (or the “affect made
rational”). Here, the mode of recognition is solidarity between subjects
with specific individuality (see also Hernàndez and Herzog 2011a;
Pippin 2007). Unlike Hegel, whose early work inspires Honneth’s use
of the concept of recognition, Honneth does not see these three spheres
as partaking in a process in which one sphere leads to the creation of
another and that finally comes to an end with the (Prussian) state. For
Honneth, modern societies have three parallel, interwoven spheres with
three equally important modes of recognition.
8
For information regarding the complex meaning and translation of aufheben and Aufhebung, see
Froeb (2012).
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 47
least as we know it, cannot provide equal recognition in all of its forms
to all members of (world) society. Therefore, certain forms of abolishing
disrespect would require a fundamental change in social order. Social suf-
fering whose abolition points towards the sublation of necessary contra-
dictions would then transcend critique. Those sufferings that could easily
be abolished within the given social order, in contrast, are mere corrective
critique.
The second reason justifying the speaking of transcending critique is
noted by Stahl (2013b), who argues that suffering does not refer to actual
interpretation of norms but instead to the correct interpretation of those
norms. This orientation towards the future is the orientation towards
another society. In his “rediscovering of hope” (Stahl 2013b: 457), the
critic uncovers the hope that is immanent in social action and social rela-
tion but that until now has not been recognized by social actors.
What is important from a methodological perspective is that although
we are discussing often silent, unarticulated, or at least not discursively
articulated suffering, other people can still understand that suffering.
Honneth argues that we can empathically read others’ feelings of disre-
spect. We therefore can understand—as Honneth does—this approach as
a type of theory of silent communicative action. The capacity of empa-
thy points towards a shared normative horizon; otherwise, we would be
unable to understand others’ suffering.
At first glance, the Theory of Recognition seems unable to overcome
the sociological deficit of the Habermasian approach. The current task is
to elaborate a “Sociology of Disrespect” (Herzog 2013a) to identify the
multiple feelings of disrespect and transform them—like a photo nega-
tive—towards their inherent claims for recognition. This sociology of dis-
respect would reconstruct the norms inherent in social suffering and its
corresponding claims of recognition. Here, we are considering genuine
social critique because in the second part of this sociology of disrespect,
existing society is to be criticized for not fulfilling claims of recognition.
Perhaps the Theory of Recognition, or better yet its reverse, the the-
ory of disrespect, can close the gap with the post-structuralist notion
of critique. Remember that for Foucault, critique was the “will not to
be governed like that”. However, Foucault was surprisingly silent about
the reasons for that will. Foucault’s problem with naming his normative
50 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
because it fulfils functions similar to van Dijk’s mental model, that is, it
“straddles the division between society and culture on the one hand, and
discourse, language and text on the other” (Fairclough 1995: 60).9
As we have seen, since the beginning of the new millennium, soci-
ology has contributed critical input regarding discourse analysis,
leading to further developments in the relationship between text
and material and between practical and/or institutional infrastruc-
tural elements and consequences (Bührmann and Schneider 2007,
2008; Keller 2005a; see also Bührmann et al. 2007; Keller et al.
2005). Although other theoretical inputs are important for all of
these approaches, whether they are from linguistic or sociological
backgrounds (e.g., Habermas for Wodak and Fairclough, Gramsci for
Fairclough, Berger and Luckmann for Keller), the one author central to
all of these works is surely Michel Foucault. The problem here is that
the existing approaches on discourse follow, often implicitly, Foucault’s
notion of critique. Although even critical discourse analysts seldom work
directly on the notion of critique, by following Foucault’s post-struc-
turalist approach they tacitly accept the notion of critique inherent to
post-structuralism.
As we have seen, Foucault understands critique both as the “art of not
being governed or better, the art of not being governed like that” (Foucault
2007: 44) and as “insubordination” or “desubjugation” (ibid: 47). In
these formulations, there is something negative (e.g., being governed in
a certain way or subjugation) from which Foucault would like to dis-
tance himself because he was suspicious of all existing—and particularly
hegemonic—norms and values. Furthermore, Foucault was aware that
even concepts such as liberty, autonomy, democracy, and emancipation
can become instruments of repression, power, and/or governance. Both
Foucault and contemporary discourse analysts did great work uncover-
ing the hidden power relations in the most diverse and initially unsuspi-
cious discourses. They often can show how identities, subject positions,
knowledge, power relations, and even material realities present logical
9
Unfortunately, the insights of discourse theory and analysis have not yet been systematically ana-
lysed by the most important authors of the Frankfurt School (for a systematic analysis of the rela-
tion of discourse, critique, and the Frankfurt School, see also Forchtner (2011) and Forchtner and
Tominc (2012)).
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 55
One of the tasks of CDS is to formulate the norms that define such ‘discur-
sive injustice’. […] Such a research policy presupposes an ethical assess-
ment, implying that discourses as social interaction may be illegitimate
according to some fundamental norms, for instance, those of international
human and social rights. At the same time, critical analysis should be aware
of the fact that such norms and rights change historically, and that some
definitions of ‘international’ may well mean ‘Western’. As a criterion, we
thus call any discourse unjust if it violates the internationally recognized
human rights of people and contributes to social inequality. (van Dijk
2009: 62)
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 57
Thus, van Dijk presents the dilemma faced by most critical discourse ana-
lysts. Although they are aware of the problems related to Eurocentrism
and particular norms and values, there seems to be no alternative to insist-
ing on a specific foundation of particular rules, such as human rights (as
in van Dijk). Most of us would certainly agree that the development of
human rights represents important progress in human history. Ultimately,
however, human rights are a bundle of norms developed by a specific
social group at a specific historic moment that cannot be considered a
timeless, context-independent point of reference for social criticism.
Thus, criticism based on human rights argumentation is simply a spe-
cific type of external critique that adopts an external normative position
and analyses social reality based on the degree to which it differs from that
external benchmark. We have seen that other ways of referring to exter-
nal ideals include basing the critique on one’s own (reasoned) arguments.
Independent of how well these arguments are grounded, they nonetheless
reflect a particular external position. Similarly, critiques based on the Bible,
the Quran, or any utopian ideal are ultimately forms of external critique.
To summarize the problem of critique in discourse studies, we can
say that we are confronting the classical Münchhausen trilemma: jus-
tifications based on first principles either lead to an infinite regress or
logical circle or must break off from the process of justification by tak-
ing an arbitrary point (Albert 1968: 13). If we do not want to refer to
particular external norms and values, we have to ground our “will not
to be governed like that” in socially accepted norms and values. In other
words, we have to make society’s normative breeding ground coincide
with our standpoint of critique. The ultimate ground of critique cannot
be our personal “will” imagined as detached from society; it must be
society itself. We called this procedure immanent critique. Therefore, we
could perhaps reformulate the famous statement of Foucault’s definition
of critique as “the social will not to be governed like that” or “the will not
to be governed contrary to the norms and values of society”.
Judith Butler (2001) attempts to obtain a deeper understanding of
what is critique for Foucault by analysing not only what he says but also
what he does. The specific procedure of Foucault’s analysis is for Butler
his way of doing critique. When Foucault asks about the procedures of
exclusion (e.g., Foucault 1981), the procedures through which a field
58 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
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Sozialforschung, 1: 51–70.
Honneth, A. (2011a) Das Recht der Freiheit, (Berlin: Suhrkamp).
Honneth, A. (2013) ‘Theorie der Anerkennung als kritische Theorie der
Gesellschaft? – Ein Interview mit Axel Honneth’, Soziologiemagazin http://
soziologieblog.hypotheses.org/4000.
Horkheimer, M. (1975) ‘Traditional and critical theory’, in: ibid. From Critical
Theory: Selected Essays, (New York: Continuum Publishing), pp. 188–243.
Jaeggi, R. (2014a) Kritik von Lebensformen, (Berlin: Suhrkamp).
Jaeggi, R. (2014b) ‘Was (wenn überhaupt etwas) ist falsch am Kapitalismus?
Drei Wege der Kapitalismuskritik’, in: Jaeggi, R. & Loick, D. (eds.) Nach
Marx – Philosophie, Kritik, Praxis, (Berlin: Suhrkamp), pp. 321–349.
Jaeggi, R. (2015) ‘Objektive Kritik und Krise. Überlegungen zu einer material-
istischen Grundlegung von Sozialkritik’, in: Martin, D., Martin, S. & Wissel,
J. (eds.) Perspektiven und Konstellationen kritischer Theorie, (Münster:
Westfälisches Dampfboot), pp. 14–28.
Keller, R. (2005a) ‘Analysing Discourse. An Approach From the Sociology of
Knowledge’, Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 6(3).
Keller, R. (2005b) Wissenssoziologische Diskursanalyse – Grundlegung eines
Forschungsprogrammes, (Wiesbaden: Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften).
Keller, R., Hirseland, A., Schneider, W. & Viehöver, W. (Eds.) (2005) Die dis-
kursive Konstruktion von Wirklichkeit: Zum Verhältnis von Wissenssoziologie
und Diskursforschung, (Konstanz: UVK).
Lenk, K. (1984) Ideologie. Ideologiekritik und Wissenssoziologie, (Frankfurt a.M.:
Luchterhand).
Luhmann, Niklas (1997) Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft, (Frankfurt/Main:
Suhrkamp).
Lukács, G. (1971) History and Class Consciousness, (London: Merlin).
1 Theoretical Approaches to Critique 65
Stirner, M. (1995) The Ego and Its Own, (Cambridge / New York: University
Press).
Taylor, C. (1989) ‘Cross-Purposes: The Liberal-Communitarian Debate’, in:
Rosenblum, N. L. (ed.) Liberalism and the Moral Life, (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press), pp. 159–182.
Thompson, S. (2006) The Political Theory of Recognition. A Critical Introduction,
(Cambridge: Polity).
van Dijk, T. (1993) ‘Principles of critical discourse analysis’, Discourse & Society,
4: 249–283.
van Dijk, T. (2009) ‘Critical Discourse Studies: A Sociocognitive Approach’, in:
Wodak, R. & Meyer, M. (eds.) Methods for Critical discourse Analysis,
(London: Sage), pp. 62–85.
Walzer, M. (1990) ‘The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism’, Political Theory,
1: 6–23.
Wodak, R. (1996) Disorders of discourse, (London: Longman).
2
Analytical Tools
material organization of society, and so on. Again, this reality can only
be understood in the context of its discursive production, that is, the
social production of the meaning of these contexts. When performing
these two steps simultaneously, we can immanently criticize social order.
We criticize social structure with the norms immanent in both discur-
sive and non-discursive reality. By unfolding the conditions of produc-
tion of the norms on the one hand and the—perhaps opposed—social
order on the other hand, we will be able to show the distance between
both or (in a manner that is the same) we will show whether there is a
possibility of reconciliation within the social order or whether the cri-
tique transcends society.
understandable both for oneself and for others. Below, we will present
some of the possible elements of discourse analysis as social critique.
However, it is the researcher who must choose and relate those elements
that most suit her object of interest.
2.3.1 Practices
2.3.1.1 On Practices
when I hear cries for help but decide not to intervene, I would be making
a conscious omission and therefore acting. However, when I am unable
to perceive the cries and therefore do not help, I would not be acting
because there is no subjective sense in my omission. This definition is
the very core of the sociological conception of understanding [verstehen].
Again, in everyday life, we often use explanation and understanding as
synonyms although for a sociologist, they are not synonymous.
The difference between explanation and understanding is that we can
only understand what has meaning. So, for example, we can understand
human actions. Although we might be able to explain the eruption of a
volcano using geological terms, such as tectonic plates and magma cham-
bers, we will not be able to understand a volcano. Unlike our ancestors,
we do not believe that there is a subjective meaning involving some deis-
tic entity in the rupture of the volcano. However, when we attempt to
understand a friend’s behaviour, we attempt to understand the particular
sense or meaning of the action for him or her. Weber writes the following
about meaning: “‘Meaning’ may be of two types. The term may refer first
to the actual existing meaning in the given concrete case of a particular
actor, or to the average or approximate meaning attributable to a given
plurality of actors; or secondly to the theoretically conceived pure types
of subjective meaning attributed to the hypothetical actor or actors in
a given type of action. In no case does it refer to an objectively ‘correct’
meaning or one which is ‘true’ in some metaphysical sense” (ibid.).
There is one main methodological and one important theoretical prob-
lem related to the understanding of actions.
Methodologically, it is difficult to know the meaning of an action for
another person. Sometimes we can ask the person. However, even in the
case that we receive the best and most sincere answer that the person is
able to give, we still experience the problem of understanding the person’s
words. Do the words really mean exactly the same for the other person
as for us? This is the general problem of the impossibility of understand-
ing what Schütz (1967) has noted. We can end up in an infinite regress,
attempting to understand the explication of the given explication … or
we can assume that at some point, we must interpret the information
received. For the necessity of interpreting to understand, Max Weber is
78 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
The social aspects of practices turn social actions into a type of language.
Practices can be intersubjectively “read”, that is, perceived, interpreted,
and understood. For social researchers, this means that they must interpret
practice to understand social dimensions and meanings. This is the rea-
son that Laclau and Mouffe understand practices as discourses. However,
we began this chapter with the idea of analytically dividing discourses
from non-discursive realities, such as practices. Nonetheless, in the analy-
sis of practices, we must use interpretative techniques similar to those
2 Analytical Tools 81
nuclear energy or the practice of cycling seems not directly related to the
discourses of drug consumption. For sociological discourse analyses, it is
interesting to understand which practices are a part of a specific discourse
and which are not. Furthermore, we have to ask questions about why
certain practices are excluded in discourses, whereas others are not.
Here, we are confronted by very interesting mechanisms of inclusion and
exclusion of practice with respect to certain discourses. The mechanisms of
inclusion differ from those of exclusion in an important way: whereas the
discursive inclusion of practices can be identified by the existence of dis-
courses about a certain practice, discursive exclusion is usually not argued.
Exclusion here means ignoring certain practices, not their discursive deval-
uation. Here, we can ask questions such as why a certain practice is com-
pletely ignored by a specific discourse. So, for example, housework seemed
largely ignored by early discourses on the national economy. However,
there may be cases in which this exclusion is not a simple ignoring but a
discursive argument. The differentiation between argumentative exclusion
and exclusion for structural omission can be highly revealing.
Finally, a fourth set of practices does not produce discourses and
is not produced by a specific discourse but nonetheless is part of that
particular discourse. I am referring here to practices that are not pro-
duced by a specific discourse—although they may be produced by
other discourses—but to which discourses give a specific social sense. For
example, there may be cases in which stealing a handbag is socially
interpreted as drug-related crime. Stealing a handbag is not producing
text or talk; although it is not the result of a drug discourse, it is inter-
preted by society as part of drug reality (i.e., as drug-related behaviour).
This set of practices can be understood as the opposite of excluded prac-
tices. So, for example, we can see that in recent decades, the practice of
smoking has been included in discourses on solidarity. Western countries
now prohibit smoking in public, closed spaces. Moreover, the practice of
smoking seems to be a problem for social solidarity because it is seen as
increasing costs to the community because of its responsibility for higher
healthcare costs. Similarly, we can see how several practices that were
once relatively detached from economic debates now must be justified in
84 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
2.3.2 Materialities
etc.) on the other hand. This analytical division can help us not only
organize and structure our research but also to focus on those aspects that
seem promising for our task of developing social critique. Therefore, we
should conduct a closer analysis of what materialities can mean.
Similar to the example of practices, physical materialities can be divided
into four analytical types. First, although physical materialities cannot pro-
duce discourse on their own, they can be used for discourse production and
distribution. This is true not only of pen and paper, which were invented
to produce and distribute discourses but also of radio, television, and
(partially) the computer. Materialities that help create and distribute
discourses are highly relevant to both social stability and social change.
Material control of the press has always been important to totalitarian
regimes. Similarly, much has been written about the importance of new
technologies, such as mobile devices (with applications such as Twitter,
Facebook, and Whatsapp), especially for the organization of youth pro-
tests, for example, during the Arab Spring. The control of the means of
the diffusion of discourses must be an essential part of the analysis of
discursive infrastructures.
Second, materialities are produced by the discourse. Foucault’s (1975)
classical example is that of the panoptical prison as part of a specific
discourse on education, discipline, and punishment. However, almost
every material production is (of course) preceded by a discourse about
it. Nuclear weapons are unthinkable without a discourse on war, risk,
and geopolitics. Recycling technologies are embedded in discourses on
environment, progress, and resources. Discourses tell people what they
should produce and how they should produce it. Should a society pro-
duce churches for the glory of God, social housing for the worst off, or
emblematic buildings to show the greatness of the society? Typically, these
questions are at least partially negotiated through discourses. Similar to
the case of practices, we need to be well aware that material production is
not always the direct result of a single discourse. There could be conflict-
ing discourses either on the same level or within a power hierarchy (e.g.,
the dominant discourse versus the popular discourse). There could be
errors or casualties in the development process. Many actual inventions
are the result of casual observations that were not intended. One of the
2 Analytical Tools 93
most prominent cases is that of the discovery of Viagra, which was origi-
nally developed to fight hypertension.
Third, we can also find materialities that are entirely unrelated a spe-
cific discourse, such as the above-mentioned prison buildings, which
are not part of the discourse of academic excellence. Finally, materiali-
ties, whether or not they are “originally” part of the discourse, can be
included in and shaped by the discourse, and the discourse gives meaning
to materiality. People give meaning to physical materialities independent
of whether they are produced by human beings. Even a mountain, a
rock, or a volcano can have meaning as part of a tourist discourse, a spiri-
tual discourse, a discourse on landscape, and so on. For our purposes,
questions of the inclusion and exclusion of materialities in discourses are
highly relevant. They show both the limits of discourses and the social
perception of their extension.
When differentiating the four types of materialities for discourse stud-
ies, we must also differentiate between the discourses on these materialities
and the materialities themselves. In other words, we must simultane-
ously analyse discourses about materialities on the one hand and research
material aspects of social reality on the other hand. That said, analysis of
materialities should be framed by discourse theory in a double sense: first,
we must analyse the relation of materialities to discourses. This means
that we must understand materialities not only as infrastructures and
causes of discourses but also as effects and consequences of discourses.
Second, for our purposes materialities could be understood as sharing
important characteristics with language so that we can analyse materi-
alities in a manner similar to how we analyse language. Materialities are
structured, meaningful phenomena. There is not only one car—as an
exception, historical accident or “event”—on our streets. Instead, cars
on our streets are repeated phenomenon. Their distribution follows cer-
tain, potentially illegible structures. Additionally, cars have meanings for
people—that is, their owners or bystanders. Although meaning has an
individual component, there are a limited number of socially available
meanings. Cars represent not only liberty and status but also danger and
ecological problems, depending on the (socially embedded) eye of the
beholder.
94 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
For discourse analysis, these analytical divisions mean that we can dis-
tinguish the same aspects of the analysis of physical materialities that we
have already distinguished in the case of practices. First, we can research
the material infrastructure used for discourses (buildings, technical tools,
spatial distribution, etc.), that is, we can analyse resources as causes of the
entry or exit of a certain discourse. Second, we can analyse the material
effects of discourses; what changes in physical materiality are caused by a
specific discourse? Third, we can ask questions of belonging; is a certain
materiality part of a particular discourse? Fourth, we can analyse the con-
tent of a discourse about a specific materiality; what does a materiality
(mountain, building, artefact…) mean in a specific discourse? Again, we
must insist that these are only analytical divisions that should help orga-
nize the analysis itself. In practice, the diverse components of discourse
analysis often overlap.
We should not lose track of the aim of such a “discourse analysis of
materialities”. Because we want to use the examination of materialities
for social critique, we must simultaneously analyse the normative content
of material realities and material realities as inert objects that make dif-
ficult, limit, or impede social change. The main methodological problem
here is that material objects cannot be asked. Interaction with objects is
quite limited. However, the fact that objects are inanimate does not mean
that they do not have any normative content. Usually we have quite clear
ideas about what an object should do, or what we should be able to do
with an object. So, for example, a car should be fast, secure, robust, nice,
and practical; moreover, it should not consume too much and it should
be as ecological as possible. Here, we can raise questions similar to those
of Jaeggi (2014b), who asks the following question about the analysis of
capitalism: who decides how a car should be? Perhaps what is important
about a car for one person is not important for others. As in the case of car
shows, perhaps there is not only one ideal of a car, but several. However,
the number of normative approaches towards cars is probably quite lim-
ited and shared by social groups. The silence and complexity of materiali-
ties require them to be analysed in their social context, in their use and, of
course, in their discursive embeddedness. Although we can obtain some
idea about objects by “just staring” at them and attempting to interpret
2 Analytical Tools 95
piercings and tattoos, or build their body can be the result of a specific
subject position. It is a common fun among university students to mock
how students and professors from other departments dress. It seems that
with the subject position “sociology student” or “law professor”, there are
related dress codes and codes of conduct.
Every subject position faces three major challenges that are interesting for
our purpose insofar as they are related to normative expectancies. First,
everybody usually has several subject positions, similar to several social
roles. One can be—at the same time—mother, vegetarian, anthropol-
ogy student, Christian, and supporter of the Barcelona Football Club.
This means that a person positions him- or herself in the world in vari-
ous, sometimes conflicting, ways. Being a mother sometimes can mean
not being able to do all of the work that one is supposed to do as a
student, and being an active supporter of a football club can equally
produce conflicts about time and loyalty with other roles. What is
important for our purpose of normative, social critique is that using our
language, we can say that every subject position has a normative surplus.
This refers to more than a single, concrete situation. We expect certain
coherencies of subjects, even when we are not in that concrete social
situation.
Social expectancies towards one specific subject position can also
be considered an important problem. Individuals must both negotiate
expectancies and adapt them to their personal identity. Although my fel-
low Christians can expect me to go to church every Sunday, I can decide
not to do so and continue to feel, speak, and behave (or just “be”) as a
Christian. Following the normative language, social norms form, often
almost unrecognizable for individuals, that is, the specific subject posi-
tion. Here we are facing the power of the more “social” aspect of position-
ing practices.
The more “individual” aspect of these practices can be understood as
the problem of inner tensions in every subject position. There is no fixed
meaning or repertoire of behaviour: just as individuals have always had
to interpret their social roles, they have always had to fill the ontological
openness of subject positions. Does being a good mother mean enrolling
98 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
the discourse both about the drug as a substance and about drug-related
behaviour.2
As we have said, subject positions are the result of positioning practices
that are also social, that is, the result of powerful mechanisms that put
people in their social place. In terms of discourse analysis, we could speak
here of the discursive construction of subject positions. In other words,
subject positions are the result of discourses. Social actors must “learn”
about their identity. Sometimes the learning process is quite obviously
forced upon an individual. In discourse-analytical terms, this means that
both the non-discursive and the discursive infrastructure of discourses
can create settings in which individuals must reproduce the dominant
discourse on themselves.
Identities or subject positions created through discourses are not an
“objective” reflection of reality; subject positions are offered by discourses
and create realities. People often come to fit the categories offered to
them by discourses. These categories are not value-neutral; instead, they
are the expression of dominant discourses, which means that they are
also the expression of dominant value systems. During the last century,
the dominant communist discourse attempted to build the worker, pro-
letarian, or member of the working class as a specific subject position.
The neoliberal discourse participates in the building of “You Inc.”, the
rational, self-employed worker, responsible for his or her own economic
success (see also on that point Fairclough 2004). The success of such
discourses depends not only on the logical coherencies of discourses but
also on a non-discursive infrastructure. Although the identities offered
by a discourse are sometimes adopted because of an almost omnipotent
discursive structure, they can also be merely strategically asserted.
Furthermore, similar to the case of practices and materialities, positions
are excluded from certain discourses and positions that are not produced
by discourses but that receive a specific content through discourses. One
wonderful example of the exclusion of certain positions, here the position
of female subjects from political and academic discourses, is described
2
On that example, see also Herzog (2009, 2016b).
100 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
by Terry Eagleton (2011). This example also shows how exclusion pro-
cesses have changed over time and we now find female subject positions
and feminist positions as a highly relevant part of political and academic
discourses:
Discourse analysis has proposed several names for mental schemes that
people can use to make sense out of diverse social phenomenon. There
are interpretative schemes, frames, narrations, phenomenal structure,
ideologies, cosmovisions, worldviews, and many more (see e.g., Keller
2005b; Lenk 1984; Zizek 2012). It is important not to confuse these
schemes with discourses. Although mental schemes can be smaller parts
of discourse, they can also be quite broader. A neoliberal ideology is not
a discourse about neoliberalism. A neoliberal ideology can be the back-
ground for discourses both on the educational system and on individual
responsibility or international relations without even mentioning neolib-
eralism. Conversely, a discourse can include several main narrations that
compete or peacefully coexist within a discourse.
Here, I do not want to differentiate all possible schemes of symbolic
organization of knowledge. I just want to note one insight from the
notion of ideology as it is classically formulated by post-Marxist theories.
I am not interested in the aspect of the falsity of ideas but on their neces-
sary character. When Marxists say that some ideas are either necessary or
necessarily false, they do not understand ideas as the conscious product of
some ruling class that invents ideas to blindfold the subalterns. Although
this type of conscious hoax may exist, the necessary character of ideology
refers to something else. It refers to the fact that social order, that is, social
reality itself, produces a specific type of knowledge about that reality.
One classical example from post-Marxist author György Lukács is
that of individuals who, because of the social conditions of production
and work-contract, must imagine themselves as isolated individuals even
though, in reality, they share a situation in common with their fellows
from the working class. Bourgeois individualism as described by Lukács
is therefore a correct perception of an incorrect reality. The organization
of the social produces imaginaries of given individuals who relate to each
other as economically rational beings.
For our purpose of social critique, this insight from the critique of
ideology means that every knowledge structure must be analysed in the
discursive and non-discursive context of its formation, appearance, and
consequences. Knowledge is itself a dynamic, social relation, and we must
104 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
most important players and teams, rules, tactics, and styles. A discourse
on national identity can include this knowledge as a typical “national”
knowledge, about football as a “national” sport, including specific
“national” styles and tactics.
When entering the analytical field of our next concepts, power and domi-
nation, we are moving deeper into the zone of the invisible. We can see
the effects of power or domination, we can listen to people who have
power, we can directly perceive the insignias and emblems of power, and
we can see practices of power or—directly—of violence. Power and dom-
ination seem to be ubiquitous, and a quick glance at the literature shows
that from its beginning, power and power relations have been important
2 Analytical Tools 107
for discourse analysis (for an interesting overview of the topic, see van
Dijk 1995). Can we not understand Foucault’s famous “will not to be
governed” as a critique of power and its perverse effects? However, power
itself seems to be one of those elements that is difficult to grasp.
The classical definition comes again from Max Weber, who differenti-
ates power from domination. For him, power is “the probability that one
actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own
will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability
rests” (Weber 1978: 53). This definition, which has been the basis for
several similar definitions of power in sociology, includes four important
aspects. First, power is somehow “sociologically amorphous” as it appears
in different social situations and can have very diverse qualities. Second,
power is not deterministic; it is only a “probability” or “chance” of suc-
cess. Third, for Weber, power is always bound to persons. Fourth, power
requires a social relation, that is, it requires other social actors who (at
least potentially) can resist power. Thus, power exists only where there is
the possibility of resistance.
In contrast to this very broad definition, Weber proposes domination
“as the probability that certain specific commands (or all commands)
will be obeyed by a given group of persons” (Weber, ibid.: 212). This
definition includes a somehow voluntary obedience, that is, some way
of legitimating the power. Here, the relation of domination and legiti-
mating knowledge or ideology becomes obvious. There are very diverse
reasons that we consider certain power as legitimate and voluntarily obey.
Weber himself pointed to charisma, tradition, and legality as typical
sources of legitimating. The problem for social critique here is how to
criticize domination that is considered legitimate by those who follow
the rules. Would we not end up performing an external critique instead
of an imminent one when arguing against the general sense of legitimacy?
We should not lose track of this important problem. Perhaps Foucault,
with his—at first sight—very critical approach to power, can help in this
regard. For Foucault, power is not personal. This does not mean that
there are neither individual nor collective winners and losers in the game
of power, nor does it mean that there are no subjects involved in the
exercise of power. Instead, it means that power is not a characteristic
108 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
Here we can close the circle of Foucault’s critique of specific power and the
Marxist notion of alienation. What Marxists criticize is not production per se
but the lack of consciousness about the possibility of alternative forms of
production (and thus of social relations) and the forgetting of the social sense
of that production. In the same sense, Foucault’s critique of a specific type of
power is a critique of an unconscious acceptance of knowledge-power rela-
tions instead of a conscious use of the productive potential of power.
Luc Boltanski attempts to bridge the gap between power on the one
hand and domination as a legitimate form of power that therefore is dif-
ficult to criticize on the other hand. For him, social domination “serves
to identify and condemn manifestations of power deemed extreme and
abusive” (Boltanski 2011: 16). Thus, domination is exactly the opposite
of the unproblematic use of power. In other words, even if the use of
power is widely accepted by the vast majority of a society, it still can be
the object of immanent critique. Although this critique can also refer
to the sources, the structure, and the legitimating of power, initially,
critique usually refers to the outcome of power use and, based on these
consequences of power, critique can shine back on power itself. Perhaps
an example could clarify this process:
In the USA, the majority of the population would likely agree that,
in general, police are needed to enforce laws and guarantee security.
The same is true regarding an independent judicial system. However, it
seems that despite the general desirability of the power of law enforce-
ment, the practical result is widely criticized. The prison population has
risen spectacularly in the USA, and the black male population suffers
especially high levels of social stigmatization through criminalization. In
some cities 80 % of black men have criminal records (Alexander 2010).
Therefore, the result of the use of police power and (let us say) domina-
tion through the general ideology that policing is the best way of fighting
undesired behaviour is justice that suffers from a clear racial bias. It is
from that outcome, which is widely accepted as negative, that any social
critique on power must begin, and not from the concrete use of the police
force that is widely accepted as necessary. Similar to the normative surplus,
the critique of the outcome of power and domination points towards the
entire process, including practices of power, ideologies, and institutions.
110 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
Rather than moving from discourse towards its interior, towards the ‘hid-
den nucleus’ at the ‘heart of signification’, discourse analysis should move
forward on the basis of discourse itself, on the basis of those elements that
give rise to it and fix its limits: its external conditions of possibility […].
Foucault’s methodological injunction here is that of exteriority. Critical
readings, he claims, will prove inadequate: looking at what can be shown
to be within the text is insufficient because alternative ‘showings’ will
always be possible. This is the problem of textual relativism, where any
reasonably supported textual interpretation will hold, within relative con-
fines, as well as any other. Hence the results of our analyses will be of little
significance beyond the scope of the analysed text. (p. 538)
Analysis of language and linguistic aspects is only one means for that
type of discourse analysis. However, this does not mean that there is no
longer a distinction between discourse analysis and other approaches in
the social sciences. When I presented the different analytical parts of
extra-discursive reality, I presented them under the common frame of
discourse theory. All of these parts are held together by the epistemological
approach of discourse theory. The relation between a practice, a lan-
guage use, an identity, and a physical materiality is only understandable
through discourse analysis. “Discourse facilitates and endorses the emer-
gence of certain relations of material power, just as it justifies these effects
after the fact. Similarly, material arrangements of power enable certain
speaking rights and privileges, just as they lend material substantiation to
what is spoken in discourse” (Hook 2001: 540). This relation, or the net
that holds together the diverse parts, often is also called the dispositive
(Bührmann and Schneider 2007, 2008; Foucault 1979; Keller 2005a,
2007), although the dispositive concept is not very clear in discourse
analysis and sometimes also refers not only to the relation of the parts but
also to the whole (Bührmann and Schneider 2008).
To return to the starting question about what exactly discourse is, we
can now say that it is not very important what “discourse” is but what
2 Analytical Tools 113
the relation between structural obligation and liberty. On the one hand,
as a unique social actor, I am supposed to combine words to sentences
and paraphrases that have never been expressed. Merely reproducing the
existing structure never is sufficient, we always must fill it with life and
either apply or interpret the structures in a particular way—not as devia-
tion of the norm, but as the norm itself. On the other hand, language use
requires that I use the structure or grammar of a given language. I cannot
escape this obligation if I want to communicate effectively. Analogously,
when discussing social structures and structural contradictions, we are
not referring to contradictions that can be directly influenced by indi-
vidual, collective, or institutional acts of will. This does not mean the end
of critique as aiming at change but instead at the beginning of social cri-
tique. When showing the difficulties of change caused by social obstacles
both inside and outside of individuals, immanent critique is always social
critique. Immanent critique is never limited to criticizing single social
actors and always refers to systemic inadequacies.
Social structures can be seen as both analytical tools and units of analy-
sis. As units of analysis, however, social structures are perhaps the most
complex. At some point, we have even noted that social structures are the
end of critique because the aim of transcending social critique is not to
change a single practice or one specific material object but to prepare a
change in social structure itself. Until now, we have not stopped by asking
what exactly a social structure is. In social science and humanities, social
2 Analytical Tools 119
Moreover, actors are required to fill the structure, to bring it to life, and
to interpret it in diverse manners. In that sense, structures present frames
that limit behaviour but always must be completed.
Nonetheless, we should not forget that social structures themselves are
human-made. They are not natural entities but the product of human
behaviour. Although humans usually do not consciously create social
structure, the structure itself is the (secondary) outcome of people’s every-
day behaviour. Pierre Bourdieu therefore speaks of structuring and struc-
tured structures. It is important to take this point into account when
talking about the possibilities of change in structures. Principally, struc-
tures that are created by humans can also be changed by them. Moreover,
even the maintenance of social structures requires the constant, at
least tacit, approval of individuals. By accepting ways of interrelation,
hierarchies, and power relations in everyday life, people reproduce basic
elements of social structure.
With this approach to structures in mind, it becomes clear why I
refused to talk about structures as elements of analysis. Structures are
not isolated elements but an ensemble of such elements, primarily nodal
points and relations. For social analysis, it becomes important to (at least
provisionally) decide the nodal points and types of relations in which we
are interested. Do we want to analyse institutional actors and their hier-
archical power relations or are we interested in their everyday practices of
collaboration? Are we interested in subjects with a class identity and their
internal discourses or are we interested in the discursive relations between
technical and political knowledge? Of course we can—and indeed, we
should—use more than two elements for our analysis of social structure.
However, in our research practice, we must place limits on the number of
elements we are able to analyse. Every limitation and selection presents a
reduction of complexity and excludes interesting aspects that probably are
also worthy of analysis. Moreover, all of the concepts presented here have
been described as structured elements, that is, as elements that are not
isolated but that depend on other elements in which they are in contact.
These multiple contacts present relatively stable patterns of relation. For
that reason, every analysis of an element cross-refers to other elements.
2 Analytical Tools 121
In the first order, we have the analysis of the discourses and discursive
and non-discursive conditions of the elements; in the second-order, we
have the analysis of the social structure. When turning to the analysis of
social structure, then, the first thing that we notice is the almost com-
plete absence of discourses on social structure. Whereas discourses on
subject positions, practices, and materialities can be found almost every-
where that people encounter these elements, discourses on social struc-
tures are expert discourses produced by sociologists, politicians, and the
like. As ensembles, social structures are second-order concepts of (dis-
course) analysis. However, we should not forget the centrality of lan-
guage use for this type of analysis. Language is almost always located
at the centre of that analysis and in most cases, research on language
is best situated to answer questions related to its content. Figure 2.2
shows this centrality of language in the proposed approach.
2 Analytical Tools 123
3
In a similar manner, Ruiz Ruiz (2014) speaks of “hidden or silenced discourses” (p. 180).
4
As I point out in the cited works, I do not understand the pair inclusion/exclusion as binary and
univocal but instead as gradual displacements.
124 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
5
Of course, this is a gross simplification of a complex historic process. In a real analysis of these
processes, other structural discursive and non-discursive factors would have to be taken into
account.
2 Analytical Tools 127
2.6 Conclusions
So far, the problem of social critique has been that we have lacked a
coherent connection between theoretical critique from social and politi-
cal philosophy on the one hand and empirical findings from social
research on the other hand. Without empirical research, critique remains
distant, sterile, and detached from social reality, thus creating the danger
of presenting not the critical position of society but that of the philoso-
pher pronouncing the critique. Without a theoretical foundation, social
research is like a group of building workers who lack an architectural
plan. This type of social research cannot overlook its nearby field of analy-
sis—it can provide only a critique of a specific social phenomenon, not of
the social order as a whole.
Normative critique that takes its normative stance from the analysed
material itself, aiming not at a mere correction of social order but instead
towards a fundamental change, has been briefly referred to as immanent
critique. The question that I attempted to answer in this second chapter
was how to extract the normative criteria from social reality and how to
oppose the normative claims to social reality. To avoid analysing either a
casual claim or a social situation with little relevance, I turned to those
phenomena that appeared structured: practices, subject positions, struc-
tured materialities, and so on. An approach that was especially promising
in analysing explicit and implicit claims of structured realities could be
found in sociological discourse analysis. I understood that to mean an
analysis that focuses not only on language but also on the extra-discur-
sive conditions and extra-discursive effects of discourses. When speak-
ing of discourses, I consciously employed a narrow notion of discourse
as an “institutionalized way of speaking” (Link 1986), not the broad,
128 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
References
Adorno, T. W. (1970) Negative Dialektik. Jargon der Eigentlichkeit, (Frankfurt/
Main: Suhrkamp).
Alexander, M. (2010) The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of
Colorblindness, (New York: The New Press).
2 Analytical Tools 129
the approach some practical advice about how to structure the research
process. However, in a final series of examples, I want to go a step further
and show cases of silent and silenced suffering. To perceive this type of
suffering, I use three examples from the field of aesthetics. To make this
use of aesthetic products for social analysis, I first present to the reader
the relationship between social analysis and aesthetics. The Frankfurt
School has an especially long and outstanding tradition in this type of
analysis, albeit one that likely is not well-known to the researcher com-
ing from discourse studies. This approach to aesthetics can help us over-
come some of our problems related to the empathic understanding of the
suffering of others. As we will see, art provides us with a very sensitive
source of acceding to social reality. In the fourth example, the case of the
Ph.D. Comics, this relation between art and reality is quite obvious given
that the art aims directly to show suffering in social reality. Here, we can
quite easily understand the production of art as struggle for recognition.
However, even in the fifth example of the Sacrifice of Isaac by Rembrandt,
we will see how we can empathically understand elements that we can use
for social critique. Even a totally fictitious story like The Metamorphosis
by Franz Kafka can be used to elaborate social critique, as I will explain
in the last example.
All of the examples are unfolded and discussed; they exemplify some of
the conceptual tools presented in the second chapter.
Example 1: Meritocracy
The following example is perhaps the closest to classical discourse analysis
because it starts by analysing discourse—or better, by sketching such anal-
ysis—that holds legitimate social status and distribution in our society.
Here, it is not possible to realize a complete discourse analysis. Instead,
I must rely on others’ research findings. Therefore, the affirmations made
below have the status of (I think, well-founded) hypothesis. However,
this example shows the logical and practical impossibility of meeting a
society’s own criteria of legitimating social inequality, thus turning the
discourse analysis into genuine social critique, that is, a normative cri-
tique of the mode of social reproduction. I will show how discourse anal-
ysis (step 1) requires theoretical reflections (step 2) and an analysis of
136 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
distribution of social goods. This question includes on the one hand, the
issue of which other mechanisms should exist to distribute these goods.
Most people probably would admit that to some extent, measures, such
as social welfare, on the basis of individual necessity should protect from
misery even those who make little or no social contribution. However,
the discussion about the extent of these welfare politics reveals impor-
tant differences between social actors. On the other hand, the question
of distribution of social goods would probably show that there are also
differences related to which social goods should be distributed by the
merit principle. Is it only material wealth—especially income—that must
be distributed by the merit principle? Or does the merit principle also
include the distribution of certain rights? In public debates, we some-
times can hear the argument that “as someone pays taxes”, he or she
should also have specific rights, for example, voting rights. Here, we see
an argument that understands certain rights not as bound to one’s status
as a moral person but instead to one’s contribution to society (here, via
taxpaying).
The second question that probably will not result in a clear societal
consensus is that about what should count as merit. How can we measure
merit? On the one hand, we will identify issues about what is socially
valuable and therefore should be included in the calculation of distribu-
tion of goods and benefits. Here, we confront the classical question of
whether reproductive labour, bringing up children, cleaning one’s own
house, caring for the elderly, and so on should entitle a person to benefits.
On the other hand, we confront the question in the field of paid labour
of how to measure individual contributions. Is it valuable to spend a great
deal of time at work, to do responsible tasks (and what does this mean?),
to be creative in the job, or to perform highly skilled labour? Who decides
the worth of various types of work?
Wages attempt to measure merit and often are interpreted as recognition
of individual contributions. However, the fact that people often argue that
certain income differences are unfair shows that we cannot take a mone-
tary measurement as equal to a social/moral measurement of contribution.
David Graeber (2013) even argues that often jobs that most people agree
are highly necessary and valuable for social reproduction, such as kinder-
garten teaching, nursing, or cleaning hospitals, often are extremely poorly
3 Practical Examples 139
paid compared to jobs that people often think are dispensable, such as
“private equity CEOs, lobbyists, PR researchers, actuaries, telemarketers,
bailiffs or legal consultants” (ibid.).
However, despite this dispute about the extent and content of merit,
there seems to be a clear consensus that merit should entitle a person to
social goods. When we have discussed merit or contribution, we have
withheld what perhaps was obvious but now requires deeper analysis.
Specifically, we have not discussed that when people talk about deserving
and contribution, they refer to individual merit. It is not because our boss
works hard or our neighbour performs highly skilled labour that I deserve
certain entitlements; instead, it is because my personal contribution is
valuable.
(b) Self-ownership
of property rights involving the fruit of one’s labour and the individual
or social character of property in general. What does it mean to have
property in oneself? Do I own (my) body, (my) talents, (my) labour, (my)
wage, and the objects bought by me? And if so, do I own them in the
very same way or are there differences regarding the implications of the
notion of property? Depending on the answer, there will be the possibil-
ity of justifying social retribution. If I do not own one of these categories
mentioned above or if I have only “shared” ownership, than either these
categories themselves or their outcome is reliable with respect to social
redistribution. To answer these questions, Honoré (1987) could help.
Honoré differentiates ten incidents of ownership. He defines the full lib-
eral concept of ownership as a notion that enables these ten incidents to
be united in a single person. The list contains mainly rights, such as the
right to possess or the right to use; it also contains restrictions, such as the
duty to prevent harm or liability for execution. As Honoré notes, we can
also imagine a notion of property (and therefore of self-ownership) that
includes only some of these incidents. We could call this the thin notion
of property.
Christman (1991) brings us a step nearer to this thin notion by distin-
guishing control right from income right. Control rights “are aspects of
the person’s independent powers over the thing owned; that is, these rights
are not conditional on the consent of others” (29). Conversely, there are
income rights, which are the right to increased benefit from ownership
(ibid.). Christman argues that control rights are linked to individuals’
autonomy, liberty, and self-determination. Because these rights are inde-
pendent from other members of society, they should not be liable to be
redistributed. So, for example, the right to control one’s body would be
a control right. Nobody, we could argue, should have the right to take
away some parts of our body without our consent, even if it benefits oth-
ers to do so.
However, the possibility of obtaining a benefit from our ownership
depends on social factors that are external to the individual. Christman
names not only political and social structures but also the distribution of
resources. Income rights are conditional, that is, they depend on others
interchanging with me in given social structures and therefore, they “are
essentially tied to the distribution of goods” (ibid.). Because they do not
depend on the individual, they are not a manifestation of an individual’s
142 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
analysis as social critique: the discursive aspects of the example, the mate-
rial aspects, and the justification of why this example presented a social
critique in the sense described in the first chapter.
Finally, we could argue that this critique is not only a passion of the
head but the head of passion (Marx) that should and can lead to effective
social change. The argument here is a logic based on four steps: suffering,
disrespect, indignation, and change.
We start with real suffering. People suffer from a lack of income or
low income. People suffer because they are paid less for their work than
others doing the same work and people are suffering because they lack
basic goods even in rich societies. We can understand suffering as a motor
of change. Suffering points towards the abolition of suffering. However,
this change does not point automatically towards social emancipation,
towards a society in which nobody experiences this type of suffering.
2
However, this distinction between the accumulation and use of capital is somehow artificial
because the very logic of capital is that of a process, that is, the usage of something as capital. If it
is not used, we should speak of stock instead of capital.
146 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
The migrant population does not find itself in the host society from
one day to another in the same way that non-migrants do. They often
create new structures, groups, communities or institutions that, among
other things, also organize recognition. These diasporic communities
can be ethnic, national, linguistic, religious, or cultural. They organize a
portion of their members’ lives following criteria different from those that
dominate the host society. Indeed, there is frequently a dialectic relation
between the recognition order of the host society and the need to create
independent diasporic groups. Often, migrants find themselves in a more
structural situation of disrespect than of recognition. They encounter
multiple situations of open and latent racism, along with social exclusion.
3
For an incomplete but far broader treatment of this example, see Herzog (2016c).
3 Practical Examples 149
4
Elsewhere, I have analysed struggles for group recognition as struggles for second-order recogni-
tion (Herzog 2015).
150 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
relation helped them to endure the difficulties in the host society, thus
reinforcing their decision to emigrate. This prolonged relation with the
host society can also be found in the narratives of many migrants from
Africa. For many migrants, the feeling of failure if their migration project
does not succeed and the shame related to that failure hinder or obstruct
their ability to return to the country of origin.
Whether the relation with society is “real” or “imagined”, full of expec-
tancies, a relation of disrespect or recognition, the recognition of migrants
is not exclusively dependent on the normative order of the host society.
Migrants find themselves in the midst of a constellation that also includes
the society of origin, from which they know they are observed, and cul-
tural and social expectations that they have internalized in a certain way.
A social critique that stems from migrants’ practices must analyse all of
those situations of disrespect, not only those involving the relation to the
host society. Here we can imagine the analysis of many practices with
normative relevance because migrants know whether or not a practice
would be approved by their home society.
Supranational Constellations
There are several grounds for starting a migration project. There are
several reasons—both structural and individual—to leave one’s country.
Moreover, there are both structural and individual reasons to choose a
specific host society. Some of these reasons and motivations are recog-
nized by the so-called international community as acceptable, whereas
others are not. So, for example, emigration on the ground of political per-
secution is recognized as an international right. Conversely, migrating for
economic reasons is considered undesirable by most societies. Frontiers
are reinforced to restrict the entrance of poor economic migrants.
However, these regulations or migration regimes change over time. Ruth
Cox (2013) interprets the acts (or better, the practices) of migrating and
the struggles for legal changes in migration regimes as struggles for rec-
ognition. She understands the primary reasons to emigrate and the legal
regulations of migration in the sense of the three spheres of recognition.
In other words, although we can analyse the practice(s) of migration as
social critique, we can also accompany this type of analysis with a classical
152 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
3. Finally, we can also often relate the practice of migration with the
third sphere of recognition and its mode of recognition of one’s spe-
cific contributions and merits. Here, we find the big group of all who
migrate for labour reasons. The possibility of working in something
related to one’s own capacities and interests and to receive a corre-
sponding salary could be understood as a form of recognition of these
specific capacities. A person who does not perceive the possibility of
being valued in his country according to her individual capacities and
expectancies can easily feel disrespected. This person does not have the
appropriate condition for developing what Honneth calls practical
self-relation in the form of self-esteem. Therefore, migration for work
reasons could also be interpreted as an individualized struggle for
recognition. It is not a collective struggle for better salaries or work
conditions in the country of origin. Instead, the struggle consists in
154 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
5
There is surely a relation between the rise of capitalism and the success of the nation state as a
general form of organizing the political space (see, e.g., Balibar and Wallerstein 1991; Rodríguez de
Liévana et al. 2013; Hirsch 2001; Wallerstein 1979). Although this relation is outside the scope of
the example made here, it probably must be analysed when performing an in-depth social
critique.
156 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
6
These countries are Argentina, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Netherlands, New
Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, South Africa, Sweden, and Uruguay.
158 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
The arguments against equal rights for same-sex partnerships are two-
fold. On the one hand, there are the arguments of traditionalist, reli-
gious, and right-wing groups. This discourse makes an argument based
on nature, stigmatizing non-heterosexual sexuality as not natural or even
as anti-natural. We can also find worries about procreation and therefore,
social reproduction. In addition, we can find the religious argument for
the holiness of marriage. We can also see a motif that appears in the non-
religious context: the fear that homosexual marriage may have a negative
effect on traditional marriages. More generally, we can see the fear that
the public recognition of homosexuality may negatively influence the rest
of society. This is what Harding (2008) refers to when she states that the
“heterosexism of the ‘traditional’ family serves to displace lesbians and
gay men from both the public and the private spheres” (p. 2). The argu-
ments against same-sex marriage either aim to avoid recognizing non-
heterosexual lifestyles or have the effect of doing so. What is important is
that this type of argument not only pretends to advocate against certain
rights but also, at its very core, is intended to be a fundamental social
critique. The recognition of same-sex marriage and the public acceptance
of homosexuality, as we can summarize the argument, ultimately corrode
both social reproduction and the overall social order.
The arguments presented here against same-sex marriage are only the
most visible arguments in the public discourse on same-sex marriage. By
performing a classical discourse analysis, we could probably quite eas-
ily identify the structure of this discourse. Conversely, there is a pro-
gressive academic debate, which is also present in radical left, feminist,
queer, and LGBT groups, that criticizes same-sex marriages. However,
that debate’s criticism is based on a very different argument. The primary
argument is based on the previously described “complex social institu-
tion” of marriage. Whereas some argue that the state should not interfere
3 Practical Examples 161
they have feelings about what is right or wrong and about what ought to
be done. There is nothing wrong with taking these beliefs as the starting
point for social research. However, awareness of this individual starting
point shall allow one to eventually distance oneself from the ideas being
defended. Under no circumstances should the starting point determine
the results of the research.
Indeed, the approach of Discourse Analysis as Social Critique explicitly
states that it should not be the investigator’s norms that lead to social cri-
tique but the norms of the criticized society itself. Thus, it is the research-
er’s task to uncover these socially accepted norms and bring them to light
by unfolding them and showing a (perhaps systemic) difference between
socially accepted normative claims and reality. In general, we can distin-
guish eight steps for elaborating such a discourse analytical approach7:
4. Descriptive analysis
The analysis can be logically divided into two parts, although in research
practice, both are often executed in parallel: a descriptive analysis and an
interpretive one. During the descriptive analysis, we work closely with
the material. It is important to be able to show outsiders at every point
of that analysis the relation between what we do and the empiric material
included in the corpus. The close relation is important not only for the
sake of transparency and comprehensibility for outsiders but also to guar-
antee the intersubjective validity of our analysis. It is also important to
control our own biases. All too often, researchers are too eager to confirm
their hypothesis or prejudices. A clear, well-planned descriptive analysis
helps us ground our later findings firmly in the empirical material.
For this type of analysis, we can use the whole range of social sciences
and humanities research techniques. Quantitative data analysis can bring
us a step closer, especially when treating huge amounts of data (see e.g.,
Bubenhofer and Scharloth 2013). Often, data for this type of analysis
must be coded in a manner similar to that used for qualitative analysis.
166 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
5. Interpretative analysis
limit them. Independent of what one wishes for the future, irreversible,
automatic, and coercive processes are seen as inferior to those processes
that open possibilities for future changes, adaptation, and wilful inter-
ventions. Therefore, the purpose of the approach presented here is to
empower society to create actual and future changes in social structures
consistent with their own, often implicit, convictions.
Depending on the reader’s academic tradition, the final step may seem
outside the scope of academic research. As Marx says, however, the point
is not to merely interpret the world, “the point is to change it”. At this
point, all of the important authors used to develop the described approach,
3 Practical Examples 169
not all feelings of injustice that are perceived by social actors (and there-
fore that could theoretically be used for the purpose of social critique) are
expressed in discourses. Moreover, “language theft” (Honneth) is often
part of the problem of suffering. Suffering frequently has the capacity
both to impede discursive expressions and to produce silent or muted
subjects (see also Renault 2009).
Therefore, we had to broaden our approach to discourse analysis
to include non-discursive realities, materialities, practices, and so on.
However, this broader discursive approach—or this more sociologi-
cal approach to discourses—is based on the anthropological assump-
tion that human beings have the ability to empathically understand
the suffering of others. When seeing others suffering, when perceiving
the struggle against social suffering—that is, the struggle against the
disrespect of others—then we have the ability to empathically engage
in this struggle. In other words, the struggle against disrespect becomes
part of the often-silent movement for social emancipation. However,
it is here that the second problem comes into play: there are a whole
lot of social mechanisms that disguise the suffering of others, that is,
social mechanisms that impede the perception of the other as a suf-
fering human being similar to oneself. When impeding empathically
social relations, suffering can be inflicted upon others without becom-
ing apparently social.
For several of the authors used to elaborate the approach presented
here (so, e.g., for Adorno), one of the anchor points for the possibil-
ity to resist, to change society, lies in a process related to the psychol-
ogy of development, in the fact that humans learn through imitation.8
Following this Freudian anthropology, humans must have the innate
capacity for empathy. However, this “original” capacity can be destroyed
by “instrumental reason”. In his perception of Freud, Adorno states (and
Honneth 2005, seems to follow this argument) that people suffer when
their innate capacity for reason is destroyed or limited. This includes also
the capacity for empathic reason. Therefore, this type of suffering points
towards the abolition of obstacles to developing empathy.
8
On the physiological level, the capacity to imitate is related to the existence of so-called mirror
neurons.
3 Practical Examples 171
Additionally, all types of suffering, even types of suffering that are not
verbalized, represent a type of “inner reflection” that can be understood
as language. This language is not private—private languages do not
exist—but can be understood by others. Thus, independently of whether
we perceive others’ suffering directly, in an empathic way, or whether we
suffer under the limitation of empathic reasoning through either invisi-
bilization or reification, there is always both the possibility of suffering
and the possibility of intersubjectively understanding that suffering. For
social researchers, this means that we can also empathically suffer and
understand suffering, whether that suffering is caused by disrespect or the
destruction of empathic reasoning. At the beginning, moreover, it seems
even easier to analyse suffering or disrespect as negative events instead of
as direct claims of recognition. Negative events are usually clearer and
more easily comprehensible than are positive manifestations (see also:
Honneth 2011b: 88).
However, the existence of the theoretical possibility of suffering—
whether direct suffering or suffering caused by the destruction of empathic
reasoning and the ability to empathically understand the suffering of
others in principle—does not guarantee the social researcher’s empathic
perceptions. In other words, it is often quite difficult to empathically
understand the socially silenced suffering of others. Social pathologies
that produce structural feelings of disrespect are often difficult to per-
ceive. One of the reasons for these difficulties lies in the limitations of
established techniques of social research. “However, only very seldom do
we encounter symptoms of this type [of social pathologies, B.H.] in the
form of results of empirical research: the instruments of analysis of socio-
logical research, although used qualitatively, generally speaking are not
subtle enough to draw light on diffuse states of mind or on these type of
collective mental states” (Honneth 2011a: 158).
One proposal to penetrate the veil of obfuscation of social suffering is
to turn towards expressions of highly sensitive social actors. Here, I am
referring to artists and the analysis of aesthetic products. Aesthetic prod-
ucts are often able to better express social processes. They aim at another,
non-linguistic form of understanding social reality. The hypothesis that
I want to defend therefore is that some aesthetic products can help us
understand both the suffering of others and the processes of obfuscation
172 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
that impede the perception of that suffering. This is also the proposal
that Honneth’s critique has in mind, and it follows that “the best way
of diagnosing these pathologies still is as in the time of Hegel or of the
young Lukács, the analysis of aesthetic testimonies in which these symp-
toms are presented indirectly: the novels, the movies or the artworks still
contain that material from which we can obtain primarily knowledge
about whether in our time there could be detected tendencies of a reflex-
ive deformation of a superior level of the social behaviour and how wide-
spread they are” (ibid.). In that sense, we can understand art as moral
mimesis. Art imitates human actions. In one form or another, these
actions are morally shaped. Therefore, art can help us decipher social
normativity. However, art usually is not a simple doubling of reality, as
Adorno underlines in a dialectical turn. Instead, art is at the same time a
“constellation”, a necessarily incomplete approximation that also points
towards what is not the case (Adorno 2009).
As said before, in his analysis Honneth often uses specific aesthetic
products such as novels or movies to ground his argument. However, in
the tradition of the Frankfurt School, the analysis need not focus on a spe-
cific product such as a work of art. It can also analyse a style or a historic
trend or tendency expressed in aesthetic ways. In that sense, for Siegfried
Kracauer, first-generation Frankfurt School author, these expressions are
even more valuable and revealing because of their unconscious character:
“The position that an epoch occupies in the historical process can be
determined more strikingly from an analysis of its inconspicuous surface-
level expressions than from that epoch’s judgments about itself. Since these
judgments are expressions of the tendencies of a particular era, they do
not offer conclusive testimony about its overall constitution. The surface-
level expressions, however, by virtue of their unconscious nature, provide
unmediated access to the fundamental substance of the state of things.
Conversely, knowledge of this state of things depends on the interpre-
tation of these surface-level expressions. The fundamental substance of
an epoch and its unheeded impulses illuminate each other reciprocally”
(Kracauer 1995: 75). Another reason for dedicating us to physical expres-
sions generally is the conviction shared not only by Adorno and Honneth
but also by the Foucauldian tradition in that intellectual activity is also
expressed in human bodies, practices, behaviour, and aesthetic products
or, in short, in “the physical forms of life”.
3 Practical Examples 173
perceive the normative critique of the existing social order, although that
critique is not explicitly formulated. In an emphatic way, we can identify
and sympathize with the other, which means accepting his or her norma-
tive claims as justified.
The example that I want to give is the discourse on academic research.
There are many ways of performing discourse on academic research or
higher education (for an almost complete overview of that topic, see
the two volumes of Angermuller et al. 2014). The vast majority of these
discourse analyses are based on discourses of very specific social groups.
Although it is beyond doubt that the analysis of these discourses can lead
to very fascinating insights, we are primarily concerned with the mate-
rial infrastructure of these discourses. We can say that there are groups
both inside and outside of academia that produce the “bulk” of public
discourse. Outside of academia, it is primarily specific politicians, jour-
nalists, and sometimes pressure groups that participate in the discourse.
Inside academia, not all participants produce public discourse; that task
is limited to specific social groups that occupy dominant positions in that
discourse—for example, vice-chancellors, deans, tenured professors, and
specialized humanities and social-sciences researchers who focus on the
topic of higher education. This means that early-stage or non-tenured
researchers, especially in the natural sciences, are seldom heard in public
discourses on academic excellence. This obviously affects the content of
the discourse on academia, such as the debate on academic excellence
(see, e.g., Herzog et al. 2015), which again leads to specific distribution
of material resources within the research context.
As an example for that struggle of discursive inclusion, we identify the
online Ph.D. Comics—Piled Higher and Deeper. The comic is about the
life of several Ph.D. students and post-doctoral researchers. It was created
in 1997 by Jorge Cham, then a Ph.D. student in robotics at Stanford
University, that is, a person usually excluded from the public discourse of
higher education. The comic could be understood as a struggle for recog-
nition in the third sphere described by Honneth and here in particular,
in the sphere of labour relations. The underlying topic is the structural
misrecognition that Ph.D. students and early-stage researchers receive in
academia. It counters the ideal of academia as a structure that fosters
the creation of intrepid, intelligent, and committed intellectuals. Because
3 Practical Examples 175
However, with what has been analysed thus far, we are not in a posi-
tion to evaluate either whether implicit claims of recognition can be met
in reality or which structural obstacles exist. We would have to perform
a sociological analysis of the field to which the critique refers, in this
case, academia. Therefore, the purpose of that example was not to show
the entire process of Discourse Analysis as Social Critique but to explain
how the inherent normativity of aesthetic products could be understood
similarly to the inherent normativity of verbal discourses.
9
I am grateful to Francesc Hernàndez for this example. A first attempt on that topic can be found
in Ferrer et al. (2011).
3 Practical Examples 179
a task and there can be no resistance, not even inner resistance, to that
divine order.
However, this perception was about to change following the religious
and philosophical debates of the beginning of the seventeenth century,
which occurred primarily in the Netherlands (see above all Spinoza 1988:
332ff, 336). Are humans free? If they are free, then they are able not only
to obey but also to disobey the divine voice. They must engage in some
form of inner dialog to decide what to do. However, this freedom also
means that God is not omniscient. That is why God must test people to
determine the extent of their faith. Conversely, if humans are not free,
then it makes no sense at all to probe Abraham’s faith. The Omniscient
God would know in advance how this test would end. The episode of
Abraham would then be only a macabre, sadistic game. Therefore, with
the beginning of the seventeenth century, the ecclesiastical doctrine
admits human freedom.
This newly won freedom also must find its way into the aesthetic
expressions of the mentioned scene. Where there is freedom, there is
inner struggle and suffering. Remember that we said that suffering can
be empathically understood by others. Therefore, where there is deliber-
ate infliction of suffering, there must be mechanisms that prevent the
creation or the perception of suffering. In Caravaggio’s second painting,
we can perceive the suffering of Isaac. Caravaggio paints Isaac with eyes
and mouth wide open and forehead wrinkled to show his fear or even
panic. The Italian painter used this facial expression in 1599 when paint-
ing Judith Beheading Holofernes. Similar to Judith, Abraham must use
force to fulfil his task. While waiting for the angel, Isaac uses his left
hand to press upon his son, holding him in an uncomfortable and forced
position.
Rembrandt paints the Sacrifice of Isaac some 30 years later, and we have
to presume his awareness of both the ecclesiastic debates in the Netherlands
about human freedom and the paintings of Caravaggio. He knows quite
well the effect that Holofernes’ wide-open eyes and mouth had upon the
audience—and upon the person committing the act of violence. To be
able to kill one’s own son, therefore, a free person must use mechanisms
to inhibit the perception of suffering. Similar to the second Caravaggio
painting, the Rembrandt painting depicts Abraham using his left hand to
180 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
inflict force upon his son, whose body tension reveals some of the suffer-
ing that is about to be inflicted upon him. Unlike the Abraham painted
by Caravaggio, the Abraham painted by Rembrandt is tapping Isaac’s face
with his left hand. The position of Abraham’s hand is not strictly necessary
for the physical fulfilment of the infanticide. However, it protects Abraham
from perceiving the suffering of the other. The elimination of the percep-
tion of the human face is one very potent technique to terminate empathic
relations between humans. Today, this technique of eliminating the human
faces of those who suffer is a very common social process. Suffering can be
better inflicted upon people upon whose faces we do not have to look. It
is much easier to undertake actions that negatively affect an anonymous
mass than those than affect a single, known individual. The process of de-
humanization by veiling the individual human face is a technique used not
only by Abraham but also in our reality.
That said, there is a second noteworthy aspect of the paintings of
Abraham. By covering the eyes of his son, Abraham not only is impeding
his perception of his son as a suffering human being but is also prevent-
ing his son from recognizing him as child murderer. Taking Ikäheimo’s
(2002) definition of recognition as “a case of A taking B as C in the
dimension of D, and B taking A as a relevant judge” (p. 450), we can
see the intersubjective and therefore social impact of Abraham being
recognized as a child murderer. Several aspects of this definition can be
underlined:
other. In the case of Abraham, the eye contact would result in the
recognition of Abraham both as father and as child murderer.
Simultaneously, this eye contact would demand that the father
recognize Isaac as his son.
(b) The recognizing institution/person must be in a certain sense rec-
ognized by the other as able to provide true recognition. Here, we
can understand why it is so important for Abraham to terminate
the emphatic relation produced by the mutual eye contact. In a
father-child relation, we can presuppose that for both, the other is
a “significant other”, someone who is already accepted as a rele-
vant judge in some way, someone who has already been
recognized.
Next, the eye contact would force the full “moral power” of recogni-
tion upon Abraham. He would be confronted with double recognition
as a father with a certain moral obligation, which he does not fulfil as an
infanticide. He would be forced to recognize Isaac as his suffering son
and it would be remembered that he gave his son moral power over him,
recognizing Isaac as the “relevant judge”.
We can find examples in contemporary society of this practice
of impeding eye contact. For example, the practice of blindfold-
ing those being executed is not about preventing those about to
die from unnecessary suffering. Instead, it protects the members of
the firing-squad from being recognized. Here, “recognized” means
the recognition that the firing-squad members are (or should be)
rational, empathic, moral human beings but instead are behaving as
immoral murderers. Similar but more common is the example of police-
men wearing dark sunglasses. When seeing such policemen, we intui-
tively know that we are not seeing the nice, local police officer who
helps children and the elderly to cross the street. The impossibility of
eye contact creates social and moral distance. We cannot suppose that
we have been recognized (in other words, that we have been identified
as human beings who will receive maximum respect and peaceful treat-
ment) by those whose eyes we cannot meet.
Consequently, the political tasks of NGOs and other groups work-
ing for social emancipation and peace often attempt to give suffering
a human face. For example, publicity campaigns force people in the
182 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
first world to look into the eyes of people starving on other continents,
fleeing from war and terror, and suffering (in our societies) from social
exclusion. In these cases, it is not (only) the verbal argument but also
the aesthetics that move people to solidarity and action. Aesthetics are
linked to the moral fundamental consensus of our society: that human
suffering should not be. In the same sense, aesthetic products such as
the paintings of Rembrandt and Caravaggio can produce affective moral
reactions by spectators. Such reactions usually cannot be expressed ver-
bally in theoretical terms such as the recognition-theory terms presented
here. Nonetheless, such reactions can be understood as moral reactions
that are part of a struggle for recognition, a struggle that is always. It is
both a struggle for recognition of those who suffer and a struggle against
processes of obfuscating the perception of human suffering.
At this point, we must respond to three objections. The first objection
is that we have analysed an aesthetic product that tells a fictional story.
The paintings and the Biblical episode of the sacrifice of Isaac are not rep-
resentations of social reality. The hypothesis that I wish to defend here,
however, is that if a fictional story or a painting finds such enormous
success, it must necessarily appeal to fundamental human experiences,
fears, or hopes. The struggle between authority and humane behaviour is
a struggle that almost every human being has experienced at some point.
Moreover, we have seen that it is entirely possible to take some elements
of the representation and translate them to diverse, daily situations.
Fiction is often meaningful for individuals because it refers to general
human experiences.
The second objection that might be raised by linguistic purists is that
we left the field of discourse analysis by performing an interpretative
analysis of aesthetic products. This type of analysis, as we formulate the
objection, is neither better nor worse than the analysis of discourses, and
perhaps it is more appropriate in this case. However, it is not discourse
analysis. Nonetheless, the point that I attempted to make in the first
two parts of this book is that discourse analysis as social critique must be
something more than an analysis of verbal communication. Broadening
the notion of discourse, this type of analysis includes also non-verbal and
even empathic communication. Additionally, following Foucault’s origi-
nal approach, such a discourse analysis must analyse the possibility—or,
3 Practical Examples 183
10
In this example, however, it is perhaps a bit early to speak of social critique because in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the idea that the social order was “social”—that is, made by
human beings and therefore changeable—had not yet been developed.
184 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
11
This example was first presented with a different theoretical framing in Herzog and Hernàndez
(2013).
3 Practical Examples 185
transforms this analysis into a social analysis is that all three moments
also exist in social reality. Moreover, my hypothesis is that Kafka’s suc-
cess both during his own time and now is grounded on the fact that the
feelings of mechanism that enable the creation of suffering remain opera-
tive and present in our everyday life. The three mechanisms that impede
the perception of the pain of the other are substitution, distortion, and
generalization.
Substitution here means that what Gregor Samsa thinks is substituted
by what his family says he thinks. For example, Gregor’s mother says,
“I’m sure he isn’t well, he said this morning that he is, but he isn’t” (ibid.).
On the one hand, we can say that if communication is interrupted, there
is a tendency to substitute the enunciations of the other by one’s own
enunciations. On the other hand, this type of substituting the speech of
the other by one’s own words is also a possibility of not having to engage
in communication with the other. We know this mechanism from our
own everyday experience: both when a person is declared incapacitated
(such as persons with dementia or mental illness) and in political life, we
often observe spokespersons, politicians, party leaders, and so on, speak-
ing about what people “really” want. Instead of engaging in discourses
with the people, those elites speak about the people. When thinking
about Kafka, we surely should also mention the bureaucratic system that
substitutes our words with words that are understandable and treatable
by bureaucratic logics. It is these complaints about a lack of empathy that
are most often directed at big bureaucracies.
The second mechanism used to emotionally distance oneself from the
other is distortion of a person’s intended meaning without the possibility
of clarifying misunderstandings. As we have seen, communication is
always ontologically distorted because two social actors never have the
same “stream of consciousness” (Schütz). Thus, they never mean and
understand in a manner that is exactly the same. However, the basic
assumption of similarity permits one to continue communicating or
explaining further what was meant in case one of the participants feels
that there has been a misunderstanding. In The Metamorphosis, we can
find several of these distortions. For example, the family repeatedly com-
plains that Gregor did not understand them:
186 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
‘If he could just understand us’, said his father almost as a question; his
sister shook her hand vigorously through her tears as a sign that of that
there was no question.
‘If he could just understand us’, repeated Gregor’s father, closing his
eyes in acceptance of his sister’s certainty that that was quite impossible,
‘then perhaps we could come to some kind of arrangement with him. But
as it is …’
‘It’s got to go’, shouted his sister, ‘that’s the only way, Father. You’ve got
to get rid of the idea that that’s Gregor. We’ve only harmed ourselves by
believing it for so long. How can that be Gregor?’ (ibid.)
References
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Vorlesungen, Vol 3, (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp).
Angermuller, J., Nonhoff, M., Herschinger, E., Macgilchrist, F., Reisigl, M.,
Wedl, J., Wrana, D. & Ziem, A. (eds.) (2014) Diskursforschung. Ein inter-
disziplinäres Handbuch, 2 vols. (Bielefeld: transcript).
Balibar, E., & Wallerstein, I. (1991) Raza, nación y clase, (Madrid: IEPLA).
Bourdieu, P. (2000) The Weight of the World: Social Suffering in Contemporary
Societies, (Stanford: University Press).
Bourdieu, P. (1984) Distinction – A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste,
(New York: Routledge).
Bubenhofer, N. & Scharloth, J. (2013) ‘Korpuslinguistische Diskursanalyse:
Der Nutzen empirisch-quantitativer Verfahren’, in: Warnke, I., Meinhoff, U.
& Reisigl, M. (eds.) Diskurslinguistik im Spannungsfeld von Deskription und
Kritik, (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag), p. 147–168
Butler, J. (2001) ‘What is Critique? An Essay on Foucault’s Virtue’, in: eipcp –
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http://eipcp.net/transversal/0806/butler/en.
Chamie & Mirkin (2011) ‘Same-Sex Marriage: A New Social Phenomenon’,
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Christman, J. (1991). ‘Self-ownership, equality, and the structure of property
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190 Discourse Analysis as Social Critique
justifying its normative claims. The aim of this book was to offer both
practical and theoretical tools to bridge the gap between discourse analy-
sis and social critique. The task of social change, however, is both theo-
retical and substantially practical.
References
Graeber, D. (2015) The utopia of rules. On Technology, Stupidity, and the Secret
Joys of Bureaucracy, (London: Melville House).
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istischen Grundlegung von Sozialkritik’, in: Martin, D., Martin, S. & Wissel,
J. (eds.) Perspektiven und Konstellationen kritischer Theorie, (Münster:
Westfälisches Dampfboot), pp. 14–28.
Renault, E. (2009) ‘The political philosophy of social suffering’, in de Bruin, B
& Zurn, C. (eds.), New Waves in Political Philosophy, (Houndsmill: Palgrave
Macmillan).
Index
A B
Abraham (and Isaac), 178–81, 183 Bauer, Bruno, 14–15, 23
Action (social), 49, 68, 76 Berger, Peter L., 54, 68
Actors (social), 38, 49, 53, 72, 74, Boltanski, Luc, 45, 50, 86, 109
82, 84, 88, 95–101, 107, Bourdieu, Pierre, 36n5, 120, 169,
115, 119, 136, 138, 166, 173
170, 171, 185 Bührmann, Andrea, 52, 54, 90, 112
Adorno, Theodor W., 12, 15, 39–43, Butler, Judith, 12, 20, 57, 58, 167,
46, 60, 115, 163, 168–9, 169
170, 172, 176
Aesthetics, 135, 169–73, 182
Arendt, Hannah, 42, 142n1 C
Alienation, 15, 42, 109 Capital
Angermuller, Johannes, 52, 90, 174 cultural capital, 35, 51, 98, 123
Art, 1–2, 10, 16, 23, 43, 54, 76, economic capital, 36, 145, 154
115, 135, 172, 173, 177, Capitalism, 2, 13, 16, 29, 30, 36, 48,
188 94, 106, 145, 155
Autonomy, 2, 3, 46, 48, 55, 56, 117, Change, 4–7, 11, 14, 19, 21, 22, 26,
141, 142 28, 32, 33, 35, 38, 39, 41,
Change (cont.) D
43, 44, 48, 49, 56, 59, 87, Democracy, 34, 35, 54, 101, 106,
89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 98, 100, 110
101, 104, 106, 110–11, Discourse
114, 115, 118, 120, 121, critical discourse analysis, 1, 53–8
125–7, 136, 142, 145–6, discourse analysis, 1, 28, 38,
151, 152, 155, 156, 161, 51–8, 67–75, 80–1, 85,
162, 167–70, 179, 184, 88–91, 94, 95, 99–102,
187, 195–8 105, 106, 110–17, 121–8,
Comunitarism, 25, 26 133–7, 143–7, 152, 154,
Contradictions, 9, 28, 49, 114, 115, 158, 160–9, 176, 178, 182,
166, 168 184, 189, 197
Critical Theory, 1, 7, 9, 32, 43, discourse-historical approach, 56
46, 67, 76, 113–16, discourse theory, 54n9, 60, 68,
169, 197 72, 81, 82, 84, 91, 93, 100,
Critique 112, 147, 197
critique as social practice, 1–12 Dispositive, 112
external critique, 23, 24, 57, 107 dispositive analysis, 112
functional critique, 11, 29, 31 Disrespect, 19, 46–53, 60, 76, 86,
Immanent critique 87, 116, 117, 145–51, 153,
hermeneutic immanent 154, 169–71, 173, 177
critique, 34, 37 Domination, 10, 16, 42, 106–11,
practice-based immanent 128, 197
critique, 38, 44, 76, 147, Drugs, 110
154–5
internal critique, 28, 113
procedural approach to critique, E
24, 29, 31 Empirical deficit. See Sociological
social critique, 4, 5, 8, 12–28, 42, deficit
44, 45, 50–3, 58–60, 67, Exclusion, 3, 57–8, 83, 85, 93, 99,
73–6, 80, 85–91, 101, 103, 100, 118, 123–7, 147, 149,
105, 107, 109, 110, 164, 173, 182, 187
113–19, 121, 126–8,
133–5, 142–3, 145, 147,
148, 151–2, 154–8, 160, F
161, 162–70, 173, 178, Fairclough, Norman, 53–5, 70, 74,
182, 183n10, 187, 188, 99
195–7 Feuerbach, Ludwig, 5, 9, 12, 14–17
Index 201
Foucault, Michel, 1–3, 9, 10, 12, 16, Ideology, 17, 18, 41, 50, 72, 74,
17, 26, 27, 32, 44, 45, 87, 102–7, 109, 142,
49–52, 54, 56–9, 67–9, 81, 142n1
88, 90, 92, 96, 102, 104, Inclusion, 83, 85, 93, 123n4, 173–8
107–12, 115–17, 144, 167, Indignation. See outrage
169, 176, 182
Frankfurt, Harry, 4, 5
Frankfurt School, 32, 37–53, 54n9, J
60, 135, 172 Jaeggi, Rahel, 29, 30, 59, 80, 94,
Freud, Sigmund, 10n2, 170, 188 145, 156, 167, 197
G K
Graeber, David, 101, 106, 138, 197 Kafka, Franz, 135, 173, 184–9
Guidelines for discourse analysis as Keller, Reiner, 52, 54, 60, 67, 69,
social critique, 134, 162–9 81, 90, 103, 105, 112, 165,
166
Knowledge, 9, 20, 38–43, 52, 54,
H 58, 68, 70–5, 84, 91,
Habermas, Jürgen, 26, 27, 39, 102–9, 111, 113, 120, 124,
43–6, 54, 59n10, 60, 86, 125, 126, 128, 143, 145,
169, 186 147, 163, 172, 175, 188,
Hegel, Georg W. F., 8, 9, 14, 15, 39, 195, 197
40, 43, 46, 152, 161, 172 Kracauer, Siegfried, 39, 172
Honneth, Axel, 25, 31, 33–5, 39,
45–51, 60, 85–7, 101, 115,
116, 128, 136, 137, 147, L
149, 152–4, 156, 159, 161, Labour, 19, 35, 76, 136–9, 141,
164, 167, 169–72, 174, 197 142, 144, 153, 154, 174,
Horkheimer, Max, 7–9, 11, 39–43, 177
46, 60, 169 Laclau, Ernesto, 70–2, 74, 80, 91,
Human rights, 23, 56, 57, 59, 153, 96, 128
157, 158 Left Hegelianism, 32
Legitimation, 105
Locke, John, 136
I Luckmann, Thomas, 54, 68
Identity, 96–9, 105, 112, 118, 120, Luhmann, Niklas, 44
124, 139, 158, 186 Lukács, György, 18, 19, 41, 103, 172
202 Index
S
O Same-sex partnerships, 157, 160–2
Outrage, 195 Schneider, Werner, 52, 54, 90, 112
Schütz, Alfred, 67, 68, 77, 185, 186
Searle, John, 69
P Self-ownership, 139, 140–2
Post-structuralism, 44, 54, 75, 102 Self-relation, 47, 48, 153
Power, 2, 3, 6, 10, 12, 15, 16, 19, Social pathology, 48, 148, 162, 171
20, 32, 40–2, 45, 52–6, Social reproduction, 114, 135, 138,
71, 72, 74, 81, 84, 91, 145–6, 156, 160–3, 167,
92, 97, 106–12, 119, 120, 195–7
Index 203