Crime and Inteligence Analysis

Crime and
Intelligence
Analysis
An Integrated
Real-Time Approach
Crime and
Intelligence
Analysis
An Integrated
Real-Time Approach
Glenn Grana
Rochester Crime Analysis Center
New York, New York, USA
James Windell
Wayne State University
Detroit, MIchigan, USA
Oakland University
Rochester, Michigan, USA
Boca Raton London New York
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Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data
Names: Grana, Glenn, author. | Windell, James O., author.

Title: Crime and intelligence analysis : an integrated real-time approach /
Glenn Grana and James Windell.
Description: Boca Raton, FL : CRC Press, 2017. | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016023230 | ISBN 9781498751728 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Crime analysis. | Criminal statistics. | Crime prevention. |
Criminology.
Classification: LCC HV7936.C88 G73 2017 | DDC 363.25--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016023230
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This book is dedicated to the men and women of law
enforcement, the proud members of the U.S. Armed Forces,
and the crime and intelligence analysts who support their
missions, and to all who have accepted the mantle of integrity
as they fight for those who cannot fight for themselves.
Contents
Acknowledgments xvii
IntroductIon xix
PA r t I crIme And the tw e n t y -F I r s t c e n t u ry

chAPter 1 th e c r I m e P r o b l e m 3
Chapter Outline 3
Learning Objectives for Chapter 1 3
Introduction 6
Is There a Crime Problem in the United States? 7
Analyzing the Crime Problem 10
This Book Is an Introduction to Crime Analysis 12
Definitions of Terms and Concepts 14
Technology and Crime 14
Questions for Discussion 16
Important Terms 16
Study Guide Questions 17
References 18
chAPter 2 w h At d o w e k n o w About crIme? 21

Chapter Outline 21
Introduction 24
How Is Crime Measured? 24
Reporting on the Amount of Crime 26
Uniform Crime Reports 26
Changes in UCR 28
vii
viii C o n t en t s
Where Do the Statistics for the UCR Program Come From? 29

UCR and Violent Crime 29
UCR and Property Crime 30
UCR and Clearances 30
UCR and Crime Rates 30
UCR and Arrest Rates 31
Drawbacks of the UCR Program 32
Results from the UCR Program 32
National Incident-Based Reporting System 33
Beyond the UCR Program 34
National Crime Victimization Survey 35
Strengths and Drawbacks of the NCVS 37
Results of the NCVS 37
Self-Report Data 38
Results of Self-Report Studies 39
Drawbacks of Self-Report Measures 40
Comparing the Results of the UCR Program, the NCVS,
and Self-Report Measures 40
Viewing Crime through the Prism of Statistics 41
Utilizing Statistics as a Form of Accountability: CompStat 42
The Crime Analyst and Statistics 42
Statistical Data and Law Enforcement: From Incident to
Evaluation 43
Process of Data Collection and Storage 44
Computer-Aided Dispatch 45
Records Management System 46
ArcGIS 46
Working the Collected Data Using Data Sets 47
Important Terms 48
References 51
chAPter 3 w h At c Au s e s P e o P l e to c o m m I t c r I m e s? 53
Chapter Outline 53
Theories about the Origins of Crime 55
Early Theories 55
Classical Theories 56
Biological Theories 57
The Positivists 57
Psychoanalysis and Psychology 58
Other Psychological Theories 58
Sociological Explanations 60
Is It Nature or Nurture? 62
Which Theory or Theories Work Best for the Crime Analyst? 63
What Use Does the Tactical Crime Analyst Have for
Criminological Theories? 65
C o n t en t s ix
The Standard Model 67

Community Policing 67
Broken Windows Policing 68
Problem-Oriented Policing 68
Intelligence-Led Policing 69
Modus Operandi of the Criminal Offender 71
Why Do We Still Have Crime? 72
Important Terms 73
References 75
PA r t II l Aw e n F o r c e m e n t —th e n And now

chAPter 4 th e P o l I c e A n d l Aw e n F o r c e m e n t — I t ’ s
c o m e A l o n g w Ay 79
Chapter Outline 79
Introduction 80
Law Enforcement Response to Crimes 81
Do State or Federal Law Enforcement Officers Respond? 82
How Did Our Dual System of Policing Evolve? 84
The First Police Departments 85
Transitional Policing 86
Research on Policing and the Prevention of Crime 87
Role of Police Officers Today 88
Patrol Function 90
Peacekeeping and Order Maintenance 91
Traffic Enforcement Functions 91
Criminal Investigations 92
Investigative Process 92
The Investigator 92
Eras of Police Reform Leading to Change 93
CompStat 94
Policing in the 2000s 95
Important Terms 95
References 97
chAPter 5 P o l I c e I n v e s t I g At I o n s In the tw e n t y - F I r s t
c e ntu ry 99
Chapter Outline 99
Introduction 100
Rules of Procedure in Collecting Evidence 101
Search and Seizure 103
x C o n t en t s
Stop and Frisk 103

Procedural Law 104
Rules of Evidence 104
Exclusionary Rule 105
Fruit of the Poisonous Tree Doctrine 106
Exceptions to the Search Warrant Rule 106
Search Incident to a Lawful Arrest 107
Plain-View Searches 107
Consent to Search 108
Exigent Circumstances 108
Search of an Automobile 108
Search of a Person: The Pat-Down Search 109
Public Safety Exceptions 109
Good Faith Exception 110
Interrogation of Suspects 110
Criminal Investigation and Intelligence 113
Important Terms 117
References 119
PA r t III IntellIgence And I n t e l l I g e n c e A n A lys I s

chAPter 6 An IntroductIon to IntellIgence 12 3
Chapter Outline 123
Introduction 124
Criminal Investigations 129
How Investigations Are Carried Out 131
Follow-Up Investigation 132
Evidence 133
Direct and Circumstantial Evidence 133
Basic Investigative Leads and Informants 134
The Crime Analyst and Police Investigations 135
Case: Homicide 137
Confidential Informants 138
Role of Databases in Investigations 139
Intelligence Reports 141
Criminal Profiles 141
Geographical Profiling 143
Time–Event Charting and Link Analysis 144
Important Terms 145
References 147
C o n t en t s xi
chAPter 7 IntellIgence And the tA c t I c A l A n A ly s t 14 9

Chapter Outline 149
Introduction 149
Real-Time Crime Centers 151
Case Study: Robbery Investigation 151
Intelligence Process 152
Five-Step Intelligence Process 153
Case Study: Assisting with the Identification of an Out-Of-
State Murder Suspect 154
Step 1: Planning Stage 154
Step 2: Collection Stage 154
Step 3: Processing Stage 155
Step 4: Analysis Stage 155
Step 5: Dissemination Stage 156
The Intelligence Analyst 156
Analyst Responsibilities 157
Intelligence-Led Policing 157
Case Study: Shots Fired 158
Information Derived from the Field 158
Intelligence Derived through the Intelligence Process:
The Threat Identified 158
Strategic Planning Based on Developed Intelligence 159
Intelligence and the Terrorist Threat 159
Intelligence: Post-9/11 161
Important Terms 162
References 164
chAPter 8 collectIng IntellIgence 167

Chapter Outline 167
Introduction 168
Interplay between the Intelligence Analyst and the
Criminal Investigator 169
Sources of Information 170
Important Terms 173
References 174
chAPter 9 d AtA m I n I n g And A n A ly z I n g I n t e l l I g e n c e 175

Chapter Outline 175
Introduction 176
What Is Data Mining? 176
x ii C o n t en t s
How Does Data Mining Work? 177

Computer-Based Transaction Processing 178
Role of Information Technology and Transaction Processing 179
Analytical Systems 179
Software Available for Data Mining in Criminal Justice 181
Statistical 181
Machine Learning 181
Neural Network 183
What Kinds of Relationships Can Data Mining Software
Reveal? 183
Entity Extractions 184
Clusters 184
Associations 186
Sequentials 187
Summing Up 188
Important Terms 189
References 190
PA r t IV c r I m e A n A lys I s
c h A P t e r 10 h I s t o r y And ty P e s oF c r I m e A n A ly s I s 19 5
Chapter Outline 195
Introduction 196
Classification of Crime Analysis 204
Tactical Crime Analysis 205
Goals of Tactical Crime Analysis 206
The Tactical Crime Analyst Working in Real Time 206
Tactical Analysis, Crisis Management, and Negotiation 208
What the Tactical Analyst Needs to Understand 209
Crisis Management Protocol 209
Tactical Analyst Training Is Crucial 210
Hostage/Crisis Negotiator 211
Tactical Analyst in a Crisis Situation 211
Training of the Tactical Crime Analyst 212
Mutual Understanding 213
Case Study 215
Strategic Crime Analysis 216
Goals of Strategic Crime Analysis 217
Administrative Crime Analysis 217
Examples of Administrative Crime Analysis 218
Police Operations Analysis 218
Four Types of Crime Analysis 219
C o n t en t s x iii
Important Terms 219

References 221
c h A P t e r 11 tA c t I c A l c r I m e A n A ly s I s 223
Chapter Outline 223
Introduction 224
Identifying Emerging Crime Patterns 225
Standards and Definitions Related to Crime Patterns 225
What Is a Crime Pattern? 226
What a Crime Pattern Is Not 226
Crime Pattern Types 228
The Crime Analyst’s Task in Identifying Emerging Crime
Patterns 229
Analyzing Carefully the Crime Pattern 230
Notify the Police Department about the Identified Pattern 231
Tools for Analyst Communication 232
Work with the Police to Address the Crime Pattern 233
Providing Actionable Information 233
Getting Analysts out of the Office 234
Array of Tactics and Strategies 235
Encouraging Initiative throughout the Police Department 237
The Ideal Is a Formal Response Process 237
Process of Investigation: Pattern Crime Investigations 239
Pattern Investigation 240
Using Analytical Results for Product Development 241
Crime Summary 242
Commonalities 242
Incident Details 242
Photos 243
Map 243
Contact Information 243
Purpose of the Finished Product 243
Example of an Analytical Pattern Product 244
Important Terms 245
References 247
c h A P t e r 12 tA c t I c A l c r I m e A n A ly s I s And hot sPots

PolIcIng 24 9
Chapter Outline 249
Introduction 250
Crime Hot Spot Theories 251
Routine Activities Theory 255
xiv C o n t en t s
Crime Pattern Theory 256

A Theory of Crime Places 258
Routine Activities Theory 259
Situational Crime Prevention Theory 259
Broken Windows Theory 259
Crime Opportunity Theory 260
Social Disorganization Theory 260
Crime Pattern Theory 261
How Are Hot Spots Identified? 262
Maps and Geographic Information Systems 262
Different Kinds of Maps Generated by GIS 263
Dot Map 264
Line Maps 264
Ellipse and Choropleth Maps 264
Grid Thematic Mapping 265
Kernel Density Estimation 266
Polygon Map 266
Hot Streets 266
Hot Areas 267
Standard Deviation Analysis 268
Grid Cell Mapping Analysis 268
Kernel Density Interpolation 269
Statistical Testing for Hot Spots 270
Point Pattern Analysis 271
Tests for Clustering 271
Global Statistical Tests 273
What Is Hot Spots Policing? 275
Crime Prevention through Environmental Design 275
Important Terms 276
References 279
c h A P t e r 13 s t r At e g I c c r I m e A n A ly s I s 283
Chapter Outline 283
Introduction 284
Focus in Strategic Crime Analysis 284
Long-Range Perspective of Strategic Crime Analysis 286
Crime Trends Analyzed by Strategic Crime Analysis 286
Data That Strategic Crime Analysts Examine 287
Qualitative versus Quantitative Research 288
Qualitative Methods 289
Field Research 289
Content Analysis 291
Interviews 291
C o n t en t s xv
Surveys 292
Focus Groups 293
Environmental Assessment 294
After Identifying Crime Trends, Then What? 294
Recommendations for Crime Trend Solutions 295
Using the Problem Analysis Triangle 300
Formulating Hypotheses 302
Final Report 304
Writing and Distributing Reports 308
Final Goal of Crime Analysis 308
Important Terms 309
References 312
c h A P t e r 14 A d m I n I s t r At I v e c r I m e A n A ly s I s 315
Chapter Outline 315
Introduction 316
Why Is It Called Administrative Crime Analysis? 316
Are There Areas of Administrative Crime Analysis That
Have Little to Do with Analysis? 317
What Reports Do Administrative Crime Analysts Present? 317
Administrative Crime Analysis: Low-Priority Analysis? 319
How Administrative Crime Analysts Gather Data 319
Crime Mapping and Administrative Crime Analysis 320
Using the Internet 321
Next Chapter 323
Important Terms 323
References 324
c h A P t e r 15 P o l I c e o P e r At I o n s c r I m e A n A ly s I s 3 27
Chapter Outline 327
Introduction 329
What Techniques and Methods Are Used by Operations
Analysis? 329
What Kinds of Recommendations Do Operations Analysts
Make? 331
Examples of Recommendations 331
Important Terms 334
References 336
xvi C o n t en t s
PA r t V c r I m e A n A lys I s And the Fu t u r e

c h A P t e r 16 c r I m e A n A ly s I s And the Fu t u r e oF
PolIcIng 339
Chapter Outline 339
Introduction 340
The Need for Crime Analysts 341
What Makes for a Good Crime Analyst? 342
Crime Analyst Qualifications and Job Descriptions 343
Education for Crime Analysts 352
Where to Go for More Information about
Crime Analyst Jobs 353
Technology and the Future of Policing 353
Challenges to Integrating Crime Analysis into Policing 355
Important Terms 357
References 358
Index 3 61
Acknowledgments
While there are several people who deserve credit and recognition
for their encouragement and support during the research and writing
phases of this book, this book could not have been written without
the years Glenn Grana spent as a Monroe County sheriff’s deputy and
as an undercover narcotics investigator.
It was during his years working in narcotics that he was taught
the craft of gathering, analyzing, and disseminating intelligence.
The most important lessons he learned had to do with taking basic
information and creating actionable intelligence. For most of his years
as a narcotics investigator, intelligence and crime analysis were the
greatest weapons he utilized to help dismantle large-scale narcotic
organizations.
While working as a police advisor in both Afghanistan and Iraq,
Glenn learned the true value of intelligence. It was the intelligence
he and his cohorts were supplied with that helped them to survive
the rigorous training missions. His work in the field of crime and
intelligence analysis continued in earnest when he returned to the
United States and became tactical supervisor for the New York State
Department of Criminal Justice Services Crime Analysis Center in
Rochester, New York. At the Crime Analysis Center, Glenn and his
colleagues broke new ground in the emerging field of tactical real-
time crime and intelligence investigative work.
x vii
x viii AC k n o w l ed g m en t s
Glenn would also like to acknowledge two of the most skilled

crime and intelligence analysts he worked with at the Crime Analysis
Center, Danielle DiGaspari and Katelyn Anthony. Their highly
advanced skill sets in real-time criminal intelligence analysis taught
him how to merge the subject matter he had learned throughout his
professional years with the emerging field of tactical real-time crime
and intelligence investigative work. Out of this learning came the idea
to write this book. Glenn thanks them for the patience they had with
all of his questions and needs, for which there were many, and for
their commitment to the field to which he has dedicated his life’s
work.
Glenn sends his deepest appreciation to his coauthor, James
Windell, for accepting an idea from a novice writer and showing great
patience and guidance while teaching him all that goes into writing
a book.
Finally, Glenn would like to thank his wife, Marlene, and sons,
Michael, Joseph, and Nicholas, for their support and love during all
the times he had to work late while being online during a wiretap
investigation, for their ultimate sacrifice of allowing him to go over-
seas for two years to work a mission he felt so strongly about, and, of
course, for their support during the writing of this book.
James would like to acknowledge and thank friends and colleagues
who discussed the ideas for this book. They include Kim Byrd, Marvin
Zalman, Dave Cutting, Jennifer LaBuda, and Brad Axelrod.
Furthermore, both of us want to thank Mary Jane Peluso for bring-
ing us together and helping us find a publisher for this book, and
Jennifer Brady and others at CRC Press for shaping our manuscript
into the end product.
Introduction
In the hit CBS crime show Person of Interest, which debuted in 2011,
the two heroes—one a former Central Intelligence Agency agent and
the other a billionaire technology genius—work together using the
ubiquitous surveillance system in New York City to try to stop violent
crime. It’s referred to by some as a science fiction cop show. But the
use of advanced technology for crime analysis in almost every major
police department in the United States may surpass what’s depicted
on TV crime dramas such as Person of Interest. Real-time crime cen-
ters (RTCCs) are a vital aspect of intelligent policing. Crime analysis
is no longer the stuff of science fiction. It’s real.
In RTCCs, crime analysts analyze data at their disposal and feed
essential and critical information to police officers and detectives who
are on the street working criminal cases. By drawing on millions of
bytes of data and knowing what is critical to pass on to the officers
in the field, the analysts in the RTCC play a major role in solving
crime, preventing terrorism and other criminal acts, and protecting
the safety of both citizens and officers. As a result, crime analysts
now play a powerful and essential role in twenty-first-century polic-
ing. But analysts need to be trained to do their jobs. Their jobs include
• Reviewing all police reports daily with the goal of identifying
patterns.
xix
xx In t r o d u C tI o n
• Analyzing trends, patterns, and hot spots to let both officers

and administrators know about emerging crime in their city
or in certain districts.
• Extracting data from records and asking questions that lead
to turning data into useful information.
• Creating charts, maps, graphs, tables, and other visual prod-
ucts that communicate and transmit useful information to
their police departments and the public.
This up-to-the-minute textbook was written for use in college
classrooms and police academies to train students to be crime ana-
lysts. More importantly, Crime and Intelligence Analysis: An Integrated
Real-Time Approach, introduces the hybrid concept of the real-time
tactical analyst. Based on Glenn Grana’s research and experience,
crime analysts need the skills to rapidly data mine during real-time
operational situations. That is, officers need immediate information
and data that will enable them to respond effectively to various situ-
ations, such as
• Routine domestic violence calls
• “Shots fired” calls
• Assault, robbery, and burglary-in-progress calls
• Active shooter, SWAT, and hostage situations
It is not just a matter of analysts transmitting raw data to officers in
the field in these kinds of situations. Instead, these common, but often
dangerous situations require a workup from a tactical crime analyst.
A tactical analyst can provide a detailed intelligence product,
referred to as a workup, focusing on individuals, locations, and many
other critical factors that help the responding officer or investiga-
tor to be more fully aware of what he or she is likely to encounter.
The skilled tactical crime analyst can provide an intelligence-based
workup that may include
• Photos
• Social media posts
• Outstanding warrants
• Probation or parole GPS monitoring
• Gang intelligence, which can involve known associates, arrest
history, and prior weapons possession
In t r o d u C tI o n xxi
It is one thing to be able to mine data; it’s quite another to think

like an investigative officer and streamline the massive amount of data
available to the tactical analyst in order to feed only relevant, crucial
information to the officer. The trained and skilled crime analyst will
feed viable information to the investigator so that the investigation
moves in the right direction, while avoiding overloading the officer
with irrelevant data.
Crime and Intelligence Analysis: An Integrated Real-Time Approach
covers all aspects of what crime analysts and tactical analysts need
to know to be successful. This book describes the different types of
crime analysts, their responsibilities and duties, and how they go about
meeting their responsibilities in the best possible ways. In addition,
this textbook provides an overview of the criminal justice system, as
well as the more fundamental areas of crime analysis, including
• Understanding criminal behavior
• Conducting temporal analysis of crime patterns
• Using spatial analysis to better understand crime
• Applying research methods to crime analysis
• Evaluating data and information to help predict criminal
offending and solve criminal cases (including cold cases)
• Understanding criminal investigations
• Using critical thinking
Crime analysts often work in RTCCs, which were first fully func-
tional in New York City and Houston, Texas, just 10 years ago. Today,
there are RTCCs in many other cities, including Rochester, New
York, where coauthor Glenn Grana works as the tactical supervisor
in the Monroe Crime Analysis Center. Previously a crime analyst,
Glenn was never a novice at analyzing data or knowing what infor-
mation officers in the field need. He was a narcotics investigator for
more than 20 years and a police advisor in Iraq and Afghanistan, and
he has a master’s degree in criminal justice administration. Yet, most
crime analysts around the country in RTCCs are civilians who are
not fortunate enough to have the kind of background and training
that Glenn brings to the job.
As RTCCs continue to flourish and come into their own in the
twenty-first century, how will civilian crime analysts get training
in the investigative process? How will they learn the skill sets that
x x ii In t r o d u C tI o n
tactical crime analysts working in RTCCs need to do the kind of job

that officers on the street require?
The answer is simple: no one really knows yet.
In fact, as Glenn Grana travels around the country speaking at
crime analyst conferences, these questions are frequently asked. But
another question is also critically important: How will crime ana-
lysts in RTCCs achieve creditability if they are untrained before
being placed in a position? Officers are depending on them, and
being a RTCC analyst is a position that may have life and death
consequences.
These questions can be answered through this textbook. This book
is designed to be the most comprehensive textbook for criminal justice
instructors to teach students who will eventually end up in RTCCs as
crime analysts. Heretofore, there have been few textbooks that cover
all areas of crime analysis, and it has only been recently that colleges
and universities have begun offering classes. Glenn, along with many
of his colleagues in the field of crime analysis, is trying to change
that as he designs college courses to train civilian analysts. With this
textbook, as colleges and police academies begin to realize that they
must teach crime analysis courses, there will now be a book they can
adopt for their students.
By learning about such things as tactical intelligence, intelligence-
based policing, data mining, crime mapping and temporal analysis,
evaluating the validity of information, and how to conduct a criminal
investigation, students completing courses using this book will be skilled
enough to step into a tactical analyst role in a RTCC and deal with the
kinds of situations that they are likely to encounter on a daily basis.
The well-trained tactical crime analyst will be able to make critical
decisions in a real-time setting, giving officers on the street the kind
of information they can use to handle investigations and crime scenes.
We designed this book, Crime and Intelligence Analysis: An Integrated
Real-Time Approach, to help transition the civilian analyst into a tacti-
cal crime analyst who is capable of entering the world of the sworn
law enforcement officer. Through exceptional training, tactical crime
analysts will gain the credibility they need to demonstrate to their
sworn law enforcement colleagues that they are a valuable asset who
can be counted on to deliver critical information and can be trusted as
a vital team member.
In t r o d u C tI o n x x iii
Crime and Intelligence Analysis: An Integrated Real-Time Approach is

somewhat different from previous books on crime analysis and intel-
ligent policing in the following ways:
• It is coauthored by an experienced crime analyst.
• It is an up-to-date textbook covering areas of crime analysis
and real-time crime analysis that are not covered in previous,
somewhat older books.
• It is written to fill gaps in crime analysis; specifically, it fills
gaps in the area of teaching students to be tactical crime ana-
lysts and skilled and credible crime analysts.
• It takes the approach that a crime analysis center operated
by a trained crime analyst can play a critical role in the daily
operations of law enforcement when seamlessly woven into
the investigative and strategic planning process.
• It is designed to teach students to rapidly analyze infor-
mation obtained from multiple data sources, while apply-
ing their understanding of the theories, practices, and basic
principles of investigation to aid their law enforcement
partners.
• It focuses on the real-time analytical process as it applies to
crisis situations (e.g., SWAT, hostage negotiations, and active
shooter). Theory is discussed as it relates to both the tacti-
cal process and the mindset of the negotiator or crisis team
leader and the analytical process and the mindset of the tacti-
cal crime analyst.
• It features numerous case studies that will be used to illustrate
how the use of data mining and intelligence dissemination by
a trained tactical crime analyst aids in the process of actual
incidents.
• It uses case studies, scenarios, and questions for discussion to
teach students to use their analytical thinking and investiga-
tor mindset to help solve real-time situations.
What You’ll Find in This Book
This book is divided into five parts. Part I offers background on crime and
criminal justice. The first three chapters review various fundamentals
x xiv In t r o d u C tI o n
about the problems of crime in our society, the measurements of crime,

and the theories about what causes people to commit criminal acts.
Part II gives a brief history of law enforcement and helps students to
look at the big picture related to the history of policing and how far polic-
ing and law enforcement has progressed in the past 200 years. In Chapter
5, an overview of police investigations is provided to help student crime
analysts better understand how police officers investigate crimes.
Part III offers four important chapters on intelligence—the life-
blood of both investigators and crime analysts. These chapters explain
exactly what intelligence is, how it relates to the work of the crime
analyst, how intelligence is collected, and how the crime analyst can
analyze intelligence in order to provide the most relevant and impor-
tant information to detectives and investigators.
Part IV gives an overview of crime analysis, detailing the history
and development of crime analysis, while spelling out the different
types of crime analysis. There is an emphasis on tactical crime analysis
and the duties and responsibilities of the tactical crime analyst.
Finally, Part V sums up what has been learned throughout the
book and offers some ideas for the future of policing. While, of
course, the authors are not prescient, they do suggest that continued
advances in technology in our society will continue to have an impact
on policing and investigations. Not only will police departments of
the future possess the technology to solve crimes, but also they will be
more skilled at preventing crimes.
Pedagogy of This Book
Since this book was written as a textbook for criminal justice instruc-
tors and students, each chapter has the needs of both teachers and
students in mind. Each chapter starts with an outline of the chapter
and a list of objectives for students.
The chapters are written so that students will find the material easy
to follow, with headings that clearly show what will follow. But the
chapter material is organized so that comprehension is easier. Case
studies are included in many chapters to offer real-life examples of
how the principles being taught can be applied.
At the end of each chapter are questions for discussion. These ques-
tions were selected to help students engage in critical thinking and
In t r o d u C tI o n xxv
problem-solving. They are followed by a glossary of important terms,

study guide questions for students to test themselves and be better
prepared for course exams, and references to show where information
and quotes throughout the text can be found.
The authors sincerely hope that this book will be found valuable
in teaching and preparing crime analysts of the future to take their
places in police departments to aid departments, sworn officers, and
the public to better understand and combat crime.
Part I
C rime and the
twent y -First
C entury
1
the C rime P roblem
Chapter Outline
1. The crime problem

2. Who is concerned about crime?
3. Who benefits from the United States having a crime problem?
4. Who really wants to see crime reduced or eliminated?
5. Technology and crime
6. This book and the crime problem
Learning Objectives for Chapter 1
1. Become familiar with the crime problem

2. Understand who is concerned about crime and why
3. Discuss the perceptions and goals of the major players in the
criminal justice system
4. Better understand law enforcement approaches to the crime
problem
5. Become familiar with concepts and approaches found in this
book
6. Learn about intelligence, crime analysis, the crime analysis
triangle, and the scanning, analysis, response, and assessment
(SARA) analysis model
An elementary school with hundreds of young children is placed on
lockdown because a dangerous-sounding man has phoned violent
threats to the school office. Immediately, as vague details are posted
on social media, parents and other citizens in the school district are
suddenly fearful of what could happen. This worst-case scenario
recently occurred at an elementary school in Rochester, New York.
With the clock ticking, and the elusive suspect’s threatening phone
calls increasing, with details of his threats unnerving law enforce-
ment, a profile needed to be established to identify the who, what,
3
4 C rIm e A n d In t el lI g en C e A n A lysIs
where, and why of this potential deadly scenario. But who is respon-
sible to piece together the investigative puzzle?
Clearly, aggressive real-time data mining and rapid dissemination
of intelligence is critical to assist the police as the case continues to
unfold. The answer, as you will learn in this book, is that it is the tacti-
cal crime analyst who is responsible for providing enough information
for a disaster to be averted.
In law enforcement, success can be measured in many different
ways. Often, and particularly in this elementary school crisis, success
may be measured simply in terms of the number of lives saved. Thanks
to the tactical crime analyst working this case in the Rochester, New
York, real-time crime center, the crisis was successfully resolved—and
hundreds of young lives were saved.
But how the tactical crime analyst accomplished this success was
entirely dependent on the process that analyst followed.
As a crime analyst, the success you have on your job rests entirely
on the process that you follow. The most critical stage in this process
is the analytical stage—the stage in which intelligence is gathered.
Then, that intelligence is disseminated to law enforcement. But in this
case only priority intelligence was relayed to the police, who in turned
transmitted that intelligence to officers at the scene.
Analysis has always played a pivotal role in the success of crisis
management incidents. Even as critical pieces of information are dis-
covered during the initial collection and verification process, what can
be lost, at times, are crucial pieces of information that may lead to
a better understanding of the suspect’s mindset, his or her motives,
and—as happened in Rochester, New York—a peaceful resolution.
The use of a real-time crime analyst, one who can rapidly analyze
information and intelligence obtained from multiple data sources
while applying his or her understanding of the theories and practices
that law enforcement practitioners are trained in, can help to create
a unique analytical process. The process that you will learn about in
this book will help to establish—and solidify—the credibility and
importance of the tactical crime analyst working in a real-time crime
environment.
But before tactical crime analysts can contribute to these types
of dynamic investigations, they need to be able to draw upon train-
ing and experience in order to assist them with their critical need for
t he C rIm e P r o b l em 5
understanding of the investigative process, the intelligence examina-

tion process, and the analytical process, which is required to work
effectively and proficiently, in real time, with their law enforcement
partners.
This first chapter begins this process by introducing you to the fun-
damentals of understanding the crime problem and the technological
aspects involved with combining the process of criminal investiga-
tions, intelligence gathering, and crime analysis. It will also introduce
you to how the role of the traditional crime analyst is evolving into a
dynamic hybrid role of the real-time tactical analyst—the person who
incorporates all of the aforementioned skill sets while working crime
in a real-time setting.
Michael Brown, an African American, was 18 when he was shot

to death by Ferguson, Missouri, police officer Darren Wilson, a
28-year-old Caucasian, on August 9, 2014. There were disputed
circumstances in this shooting incident that resulted in nation-
wide protests and civil unrest in the small town of Ferguson. The
incident sparked vigorous debate about how the police deal with
African American suspects. A grand jury failed to indict Officer
Wilson, and he was not charged with a crime.
Renisha McBride, a 19-year-old woman, stood on the front
porch of a home in suburban Detroit in the early morning
hours of November 2, 2013. The homeowner, a 55-year-old air-
port maintenance worker named Theodore Wafer, opened the
inside front door and fired a single shotgun blast that killed Ms.
McBride. Several months later, after a trial, a jury convicted
Mr. Wafer, a Caucasian, of murder, and he was sentenced to at
least 17 years in prison for killing the unarmed woman, who was
African American.
At the Boston Marathon on April 15, 2013, two pres-
sure cooker bombs exploded at 2:49 p.m. as runners were rac-
ing toward the finish line. Three people were killed and 264
were injured. The suspects were identified within three days as
Chechen brothers Dzhokhar Tsarnaev and Tamerlan Tsarnaev.
After the suspects killed a Massachusetts Institute of Technology
policeman and carjacked an SUV, there was an exchange of

gunfire with the police and Tamerlan, shot several times, was
killed. Several hours later, Dzhokhar was captured. He went on
trial in 2015, was found guilty of using and conspiring to use a
weapon of mass destruction resulting in death and the malicious
destruction of property resulting in death, and was sentenced to
be executed.
On January 27, 2014, Matthew Smith, age 31, of Mohave
Valley, Arizona, was sentenced by a U.S. district judge to 35
years in prison for the second-degree murder, child abuse, and
assault of two of his stepchildren. The assaults and murder
occurred on the Fort Mohave Indian reservation.
Jeremiah Mazoli was charged in Eugene, Oregon, with the
theft of two laptop computers and a guitar from a fraternity on
the campus of the University of Oregon. He pled guilty to sec-
ond-degree burglary.
Introduction
All of five of these incidents are real. You may have heard about one
or more of them, but probably not all five. Crime happens every day
in this country. Some of it is relatively minor, such as the laptop com-
puter and guitar thefts in Eugene, Oregon. Some of it is major, such
as the shooting deaths of Renisha McBride and Michael Brown, the
Boston Marathon bombing, and the abuse and murder of children in
Mohave Valley, Arizona.
Because we see and hear about crimes on televised news shows and
read about them in our daily newspapers, we are all very much aware
that crime exists. But you may have been the victim of a crime your-
self, or you may know someone who has been a crime victim. And
while you may be fortunate to simply have heard about what has hap-
pened to other people, you may still be very concerned about crime.
You may even have voiced your opinion—in a conversation or on your
own blog—about the “crime problem” in the United States.
In Chapter 2, we will discuss how much crime actually occurs in
this country, but in this chapter, we address this fundamental question:
is there a crime problem in this country?
Is There a Crime Problem in the United States?
This is a question that can be viewed from any one of several perspectives.
First, let’s start by quoting President Lyndon B. Johnson’s opening
remarks from his address to a meeting with a group of U.S. governors
on the problems of crime and law enforcement:
The fact of crime and the fear of crime are common across our land. For
it has an unrelenting pace. It exacts heavy costs in human suffering and
in financial losses to both individuals and communities. It blocks the
achievement of a good life for all our people.
Lyndon B. Johnson (1966)
It was President Johnson who appointed the President’s Commission

on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice in 1965 to study
the American criminal justice system. Johnson assigned the group a
task that was viewed then as a staggering challenge of fighting crime
and repairing the American criminal justice system. The commission’s
final report was issued in 1967 and has been described as “the most
comprehensive evaluation of crime and crime control in the United
States at the time.” It laid out reorganization plans for police depart-
ments and suggested a range of reforms. In the introduction to this
report, the U.S. attorney general, Nicholas Katzenbach, wrote, “The
existence of crime, the talk about crime, the reports of crime, and the
fear of crime have eroded the basic quality of life of most Americans”
(President’s Commission on Law Enforcement, 2005).
That was the perspective of the president and the attorney general
in the 1960s. It is evident that they were very concerned about the
crime problem. President Obama and his first attorney general, Eric
Holder, also indicated, about a half-century later, their own concerns
about crime and the criminal justice system. In August 2013, the U.S.
attorney general introduced the “Smart on Crime” initiative—a pack-
age of reforms to the criminal justice system to help ensure that fed-
eral laws are enforced more fairly and more efficiently. Among other
reforms, the effort promotes diversion courts and other alternatives
to incarceration for low-level drug offenders, and urges investment
in reentry programs in order to reduce recidivism among formerly
incarcerated individuals. President Obama has expressed on several
occasions concerns about drug addiction and its relationship to the

cycle of crime. Drugs and crime are often linked, President Obama
has said, and this is why addressing serious drug-related crime and
violence will always be a vital component of the president’s and the
attorney general’s plan to protect public health and safety in America.
Instead of talking about the crime problem, the Obama adminis-
tration made frequent references to the “drug problem.” The Obama
administration has made it clear that we cannot arrest our way out of
the drug problem, but rather the focus should be on a drug policy that
emphasizes the expansion of innovative Smart on Crime strategies
proven to help break the cycle of drug use, crime, arrest, and incar-
ceration (National Drug Control Policy, 2014).
However, if you listen to police chiefs and city officials, they
have a somewhat different perspective. For instance, in Detroit,
the Detroit Police Department reports that violent crimes saw sig-
nificant drops in 2014, mirroring the decline in homicides, which
likely fell to the lowest total in the city since 1967. Robbery had the
sharpest decline, dropping from 2836 in 2013 to 1879 in 2014—
representing a 34% drop. Carjacking, a subset of robbery, also saw a
large drop, from 765 to 525, a 32% decline. However, Detroit police
chief James Craig had this to say: “Robberies and carjackings—
those are the crimes that strike fear into most citizens” (Hunter,
2015).
In New York City, the crime problem is not seen the same way as it
is in Detroit. “The City has made incredible strides in reducing crime
in the past few decades,” said New York City council member Corey
Johnson, chair of the Health Committee. “However, there is much
work to be done” (Press Office: City of New York, 2014).
In New Orleans, Louisiana, it’s a favorite talking point of Mayor
Mitch Landrieu and New Orleans Police Department (NOPD)
superintendent Ronal Serpas when they’re discussing crime in the
Crescent City to say that, yes, New Orleans is the nation’s murder
capital, but other than that, it’s a reasonably safe place.
Landrieu and Serpas say that New Orleans is significantly less dan-
gerous than Orlando, Florida, perhaps America’s most popular family
destination. Orlando had a 35% higher violent crime rate than New
Orleans in 2011, the last year for which national data are available
(Crime experts question NOPD stats, 2013). The city’s crime problem
is murder, Serpas says candidly, and the Landrieu administration has

been building a public safety agenda around that fact (Crime experts
question NOPD stats, 2013).
But what do ordinary citizens say?
A majority of Americans say there is more crime in the United States
than there was a year ago. And it doesn’t matter what year you pick.
Americans, as Gallup Inc., the national polling company, has found as
a long-term trend, believe crime is going up in their community.
For instance, in 2014, 63% of Americans believed crime was
increasing (McCarthy, 2015). This percentage is well below the recent
high of 74% in 2009. As the percentage of Americans who say crime
is up hits one of its lowest points in the past 10 years, just about one
in five Americans (21%) say crime is down. Another 9% of Americans
say the level of crime has remained the same (McCarthy, 2015).
The Gallup pollsters have consistently found that people in the
United States believe crime is up in their area—despite the fact that
statistics show that with a handful of exceptions, serious crime has
decreased nearly every year from 1994 through 2012. According
to the U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, the
overall violent crime rate for rape, sexual assault, robbery, aggravated
assault, and simple assault fell from 80 victimizations per 1000 per-
sons in 1994 to 19 per 1000 in 2010. In the first decade of that trend,
public opinion followed, with the percentage perceiving crime was
up falling from 87% in 1993 to 41% in 2001 (McCarthy, 2015). But
this shot up to 62% in 2002 and has remained fairly high ever since
(McCarthy, 2015).
So, what is the answer to the question? Who is right? Is there a
crime problem in the United States?
Maybe the best—and simplest—answer is that it depends on your
perspective. Maybe you will be in a better position to answer this
question for yourself after you have read Chapter 2, in which you will
be able to review the statistics and the most authoritative information
available about the extent of crime in the United States. However,
perhaps like most decent and rational people in our society would
likely contend, you may be of the opinion that as long as there is one
murder, one rape, one terrorist bombing, or one burglary, there is still
too much crime. Furthermore, you might further argue that our goal
should be the elimination of all crime.
Analyzing the Crime Problem
America is not the only country with crime, nor the only one con-
cerned about crime. Every country in the world has crime. They
always have and, perhaps, always will. But because of the pervasive
problem of crime in all societies, every society has had to develop
some kind of system to deal with and manage crime. The history of
mankind demonstrates that when people live together in societies and
communities, there is a need for rules and laws. And those are needed
because inevitably there will be those individuals who will violate the
rules, laws, and norms of society. Because there will always be viola-
tors of the established norms of a community, there must be a system
in place to deal with these offenders.
We know, for instance, that criminal justice systems were in
place several thousand years ago. In the time of Hammurabi, the
ruler of Mesopotamia, in what is modern-day Iraq, about 2100 BC,
Hammurabi enacted a set of laws. This set of laws was called the
Code of Hammurabi, and the laws were carved in rock columns and
preserved in a temple. Hammurabi’s code indicated what behaviors
were violations of laws and the corresponding punishment for break-
ing those laws (Oliver and Hilgenberg, 2006).
A few hundred years later, Athenian law in Athens, Greece, devel-
oped the concept that a “private harm” could also be a harm against
all society (Gargarin, 2002). In the sixth century BC, the Athenians
created a system of “popular courts” in order to ensure that every citi-
zen was granted certain rights and had the ability to appeal decisions
(Shelden, 2001). Then, in 452 AD, the Romans codified their laws
when the Roman Tribune requested that the laws of Rome be codi-
fied and written into 10 tables. Later, two additional tables were added
and these became known as the Roman Twelve Tables. These tables
spell out various types of crimes, such as murder, bribery, sorcery, and
theft. These particular crimes were all punishable by execution, which
could be by crucifixion, drowning, beating to death, burning alive, or
impaling (Farrington, 2000).
Since these early attempts to codify laws, there have been attempts
to inform citizens of the laws and to bring about fair and impar-
tial punishments. Of course, when we look back at the criminal jus-
tice systems of European countries from the Middle Ages until the
middle of the nineteenth century, we would have to conclude that

their systems were rather crude. For example, England did not have
any police until watchmen, and later on constables, were employed,
beginning around the reign of King Edward I in the twelfth century
AD. However, aside from watchmen and constables, who patrolled
the streets and watched for fires, England had no police department
until Sir Robert Peel organized the London Metropolitan Police in
1829.
Most countries today, including the United States, have an evolved
criminal justice system that is multilayered and sophisticated com-
pared with the justice systems in Europe—and other continents—
prior to the nineteenth century.
Having laws and criminal justice systems meant that leaders, like
Hammurabi, and governments, like the Athenian government, the
Roman Tribune, and the English government, thought about the
problem and came up with approaches to deal with the crime prob-
lem. In effect, each society had to analyze the crime problem and
develop a theory that would lead to the implementation of laws or
policies that would attempt to contain or decrease the crime problem.
For example, by English law, in the early 1700s there were more than
200 crimes that were punishable by hanging (Friedman, 1993). The
theory, then, that backed up this approach to trying to stop crime was
that if the punishment was severe enough, people would desist from
committing crimes.
Cesare Beccaria, who is known as the founder of classical crimi-
nology, was an Italian nobleman and jurist who was born in 1738.
Dissatisfied with the Italian justice system in the eighteenth century,
he developed his own theories about why people committed crimes.
He even wrote a book, entitled On Crimes and Punishment, in which
he explained his theory. Beccaria explained in his book that people
are rational and they do things that bring them pleasure and avoid
doing things which bring them pain. As a result of this analysis of
criminal behavior, Beccaria advanced the idea that certain and swift
punishment of appropriate duration and intensity would deter people
from committing crime.
In contrast to Beccaria are the more contemporary opinions of
Dr. Samuel Yochelson, who, along with clinical psychologist Stanton
Samenow, studied more than 250 male criminals and concluded that
“the criminal can, and does, choose his way of life freely in his quest
for power, control and excitement” (Barger, 1978, p. 1).
Therefore, if you were to subscribe to Yochelson and Samenow’s
theory, then fear of any form of repercussions would play no part in
the decision-making process of why an individual chooses to commit
crime. The probability of being caught and punished is a nonfactor,
as Mel Barger contends in his article “Crime: The Unsolved Problem”
when he writes, “The Criminal, at the time of his lawlessness, is one
of the few happy or contented men to be found among us” (Barger,
1978, p. 1).
When comparing the differing opinions of theorists from Beccaria
to Yochelson and Samenow, and even more recent crime theorists, it
can be argued that when examining what motivates a person to carry
out a criminal act, a pattern of behavior can also be identified. Pattern
recognition is a critical skill set needed by crime and intelligence ana-
lysts in order to be successful when connecting a modus operandi (a
method of operation) to crimes of a similar nature.
As we will discuss in upcoming chapters, the critical thinking and
the investigative skill sets of the crime analyst compared with those
of the typical law enforcement professional may differ somewhat in
approach, but both are based on a theory of what causes people to
commit crimes. For law enforcement, the investigative mindset often is
built upon various criminological theories that focus heavily on exam-
ining the motivations of the offender. The crime and intelligence ana-
lyst, on the other hand, takes the approach of examining the offenders’
behavior. This analytical approach is based partly on the criminal
event perspective—a nontraditional theory as to why people commit
crime, proposed by Vincent Sacco and Leslie Kennedy (2002). These
authors contend that the criminal event perspective is “not a theory
of criminality, but rather a road map to understanding crime” (Sacco
and Kennedy, 2010, p. 799). This perspective will be discussed in more
detail in later chapters.
This Book Is an Introduction to Crime Analysis
This book is about crime analysis, which means there must be a

theory about crime that will guide the teaching and the approach
to the job of analyzing crime and criminal behavior. At this point,
we are not ready to put forth that theory. However, we can intro-
duce you to the analysis triangle. This triangle will be referred to
throughout this book, and it will serve as one of the main illustra-
tions that suggests a theory for linking crime and criminal behavior
to external factors, and the triangle will be important when discuss-
ing the significance of data mining and connecting critical pieces of
intelligence together (Figure 1.1).
In this analysis triangle, a theory is implicated in the layers of the
triangle. The innermost triangle represents the problem facing the
crime analyst. To begin to analyze the problem, the crime analyst
evaluates and assesses the criminal offender, along with the place
(or location) of the criminal offense and the target or victim of that
offense. The outer triangle indicates that there is also a handler, a
manager, and a guardian in each offense; each plays a role in the crim-
inal event. Also, each has a set of tools with which they facilitate a
criminal offense, prevent a criminal offense, or provide a solution or
intelligence regarding a criminal offense.
If you don’t understand this analysis triangle at this juncture, don’t
worry about it. As you study this book, its importance in crime anal-
ysis will become clearer. However, at this point, it is important to
introduce some critical terms and concepts that will be used through-
out this book.
Ma
ler
nd
na
er
Pla
d
Ha
ger
en
ce
Off
Problem
Target/victim
Guardian
Figure 1.1 Analysis triangle as it relates to criminal behavior.

Definitions of Terms and Concepts
The first term is intelligence. Intelligence is the data available to,

collected by, or disseminated through the tactical crime analyst. The
tactical crime analyst is the trained analyst whose job it is to analyze
crime and criminal events or offenses in order to provide practical
intelligence to police officers, the police command, or the public.
Intelligence analysis refers to what the tactical crime analyst does in his
or her position: continually evaluating and analyzing data in order to
provide the most useful possible information to police officers. SARA
is a model that was developed by Professor Herman Goldstein at the
University of Wisconsin–Madison to enhance the problem-solving
approach to policing. SARA is an acronym that stands for scanning,
analysis, response, and assessment. This model will be discussed in
detail in later chapters. Real-time setting or real-time crime center refers
to the location where many tactical crime analysts have their “office.”
A real-time crime center is a room in which the tactical crime analyst
has at his or her disposal a bank of computers and extensive web-
sites and data banks that allow access to and analysis of intelligence
in order to provide practical and useful on-the-spot information to
police officers in the field.
Technology and Crime
This book is about how crime analysts work and what they need to
know in order to provide critical and vital information to police offi-
cers. Today, technology is advanced enough to allow crime analysts
to process and analyze the data at their disposal and feed essential
and critical information to police officers and detectives who are on
the street working criminal cases. By drawing on millions of bytes of
data and knowing what is critical to pass on to the officers in the field,
the analyst in the real-time crime center plays a major role in solving
crime, preventing terrorism and other criminal acts, and protecting
the safety of both citizens and officers.
As a result, crime analysts now play a powerful and essential role
in twenty-first-century policing. But in order to do this job, a crime
analyst must be properly trained. The job of the crime analyst is not
easy. It takes more than a knowledge of computers to do all that crime
analysts are expected to do. Some of the tasks of a crime analyst

include
• Reviewing all police reports daily with the goal of identifying

patterns.
• Analyzing trends, patterns, and hot spots to let both officers
and administrators know about emerging crime in their city
or in certain districts.
• Extracting data from records and asking questions that lead
to turning data into useful information.
• Creating charts, maps, graphs, tables, and other visual prod-
ucts that communicate and transmit useful information to
their police departments and the public.
Perhaps most importantly, the crime analyst has to serve the needs
of the police officers in the field for immediate information and data
that will enable them to respond effectively to various situations,
such as
• Routine domestic violence calls
• Shots fired calls
• Assault, robbery, and burglary-in-progress calls
• Active shooter, SWAT, and hostage situations
It is not just a matter of the crime analyst transmitting raw data
to officers in the field in these kinds of situations. Instead, these
common, but often dangerous situations require a workup from a
tactical crime analyst. A workup is a detailed intelligence product
focusing on individuals, locations, and many other critical factors
that help the responding officer or investigator to be more fully
aware of what he or she is likely to encounter. The skilled tactical
crime analyst can provide an intelligence-based workup that may
include
• Photos
• Social media posts
• Outstanding warrants
• Probation or parole GPS monitoring
• Gang intelligence, which can involve known associates, arrest
history, and prior weapons possession
It is one thing to be able to mine data; it’s quite another to think

like an investigative officer and streamline the massive amount of data
available to the tactical crime analyst in order to feed only relevant,
crucial information to the officer.
The trained and skilled tactical crime analyst will feed viable
information to the investigator so that the investigation moves in
the right direction, while avoiding overloading the officer with irrel-
evant data.
And that’s what this book will train you to do. In the chapters
of this book, you will be introduced to all aspects of what crime
analysts need to know to be successful. You will learn more about
understanding criminal behavior, understanding statistics and inter-
preting crime statistics, conducting temporal analysis of crime pat-
terns, using spatial analysis to better understand crime, applying
research methods to crime analysis, evaluating data and information
to help predict criminal offending and solve criminal cases (including
cold cases), understanding criminal investigations, and using critical
thinking.
Questions for Discussion
1. What role would a crime analyst likely play in a terrorist situ-

ation such as the Boston Marathon bombing? If you were a
crime analyst on duty that day in Boston, how would you see
your role?
2. Can crime be eliminated completely? Why or why not?
Important Terms
Intelligence: Data available to, collected by, or disseminated

through the tactical crime analyst.
Intelligence analysis: Continually evaluating and analyzing data
in order to provide the most useful possible information to
police officers.
Real-time crime center: Room in which the tactical crime analyst
has at his or her disposal a bank of computers and extensive
websites and data banks that allow access to and analysis of
intelligence in order to provide practical and useful on-the-

spot information to police officers in the field.
SARA: Model that was developed by Professor Herman Goldstein
at the University of Wisconsin–Madison to enhance the prob-
lem-solving approach to policing. SARA is an acronym that
stands for scanning, analysis, response, and assessment.
Tactical crime analyst: Trained analyst whose job it is to analyze
crime and criminal events or offenses in order to provide prac-
tical intelligence to police officers, the police command, or
the public.
Study Guide Questions
1. It was President Lyndon B. Johnson who appointed the

a. President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and
Administration of Justice
b. Wickersham Commission
c. Chicago Crime Commission
d. Warren Commission
2. According to the Gallup Inc. public opinion polls going back
many years, a majority of Americans believe that crime
a. Is decreasing
b. Always stays about the same
c. Is increasing
d. Is bloodier and more violent than ever
3. The history of humankind demonstrates that when people live
together in societies, there is a need for more
a. Police officers on the street
b. Drug agencies
c. Rules and laws
d. Real-time crime centers
4. Intelligence is the available to, collected by, or dis-
seminated through the tactical crime analyst.
a. Secrets
b. Higher IQ
c. Inside information
d. Data
5. The tactical crime analyst is the trained analyst whose job it

is to
a. Assign police officers to a beat
b. Analyze crime and criminal offenses
c. Assess the reasons why criminals offend
d. Accurately predict the next bank robbery
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and P. Wilcox (eds.), Encyclopedia of Criminological Theory. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage, pp. 799–801.
Shelden, R.G. (2001). Controlling the Dangerous Classes: A Critical Introduction
to the History of Criminal Justice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
2
w hat d o w e K now
about C rime ?
Chapter Outline
1. Why we collect crime statistics

2. How we measure crime
3. What we know about crime from these measures
4. Viewing crime based on statistics
5. The crime analyst and crime statistics
1. Understand how crime is measured

2. Gain an objective understanding of crime statistics
3. Be able to discuss the pros and cons of the major measures of
crime
4. Understand why crime statistics are important for the crime
analyst
5. Understand the CompStat process and its relevance in tactical
planning
Almost from the time it was organized in 1893, the International

Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) adopted resolutions
to organize or encourage national crime reporting programs.
Although originally established to bring about police reform and
professionalism in policing, the IACP in 1927 organized the
Committee on Uniform Crime Reporting. The basic Uniform
Crime Reporting (UCR) Program was developed by this com-
mittee, and then adopted and initiated by the IACP in 1929.
21
It was soon recognized that such a program was too large in

scope for the limited budget and staff of the IACP, and help
was requested from the federal government. On June 11, 1930,
Congress authorized the Bureau of Investigation, which would
later be officially renamed the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI), to collect uniform crime statistics under Public Law 337,
Title 28, §554. Since that time, the FBI has collected crime sta-
tistics nationally from police agencies on a voluntary basis, pub-
lishing a report—the Uniform Crime Reports—each year.
Almost simultaneously with Public Law 337, President Herbert
Hoover created the National Commission on Law Observance
and Enforcement in 1929 with George W. Wickersham as its
chair. The commission was popularly known as the Wickersham
Commission, and this commission conducted the first national
study of the U.S. criminal justice system. A voluminous report,
the Wickersham Commission report, released in 1931, made many
recommendations—some related to the unenforceability of the
Volstead Act (which had created Prohibition), some to the short-
comings of the police, but others to improvements needed in the
organization of state crime reporting programs.
In 1950, the well-known criminologist Thorsten Sellin pub-
lished an article in the Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology.
In this article, Sellin decried the inadequate state of criminal sta-
tistics in this country: “Nowhere in the United States today is it
possible to find a well integrated and reasonably adequate system
of criminal statistics, either on the local, state, federal, or national
basis, in spite of the fact that we have long been deeply concerned
with the serious character of our crime problem. We should no
longer ignore one of the most necessary instruments available to
us in our efforts to cope with criminality” (Sellin, 1950, p. 680).
He went on to report on the various and sporadic attempts to
develop national crime statistics, and he called for the passage
of a Uniform Criminal Statistics Act to remedy the problem.
Subsequently, the Uniform Criminal Justice Statistics Act was
passed in some states, although the American Bar Association
was lobbying for its passage in every state (Rosen, 1995).
w h At d o w e k n o w A b o u t C rIm e ? 23
It was not until 1979, however, that the Bureau of Justice

Statistics (BJS) was established under the Justice Systems
Improvement Act of 1979, an amendment to the Omnibus
Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968. The mission of the
BJS is to collect, analyze, publish, and disseminate information
on crime, criminal offenders, victims of crime, and the opera-
tion of justice systems at all levels of government. The BJS is a
component of the Office of Justice Programs within the U.S.
Department of Justice.
The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), origi-
nally called the National Crime Survey, was started in 1972
in response to a perceived need for more comprehensive infor-
mation about the extent and nature of crime in the United
States. In reaction to rising crime levels in our nation’s cities,
President Lyndon Johnson in 1965 convened the President’s
Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of
Justice (LEAA) to examine the root causes and characteristics
of crime in the United States and to recommend policies and
programs to address what was seen to be a growing problem.
The commission found that the FBI’s UCR Program, which
was based on crimes reported to law enforcement agencies,
although the only program measuring the extent of crime in
the nation, did not collect sufficient information to evaluate the
extent and nature of the crime that was occurring. The UCR
Program obtained (and still does so today) information only on
crimes reported to police, and obtained little information about
the characteristics of crimes and crime victims or the impact of
crime on victims.
To remedy this information void, the LEAA developed pilot
studies to explore the viability of using sample surveys to obtain
data on crime, including that not reported to police. These initial
experiments produced useful results, and LEAA recommended
that a national victimization survey be implemented (President’s
Commission on Law Enforcement, 1967). Ever since, the BJS,
in association with the Census Bureau, has conducted a nation-
wide survey and publishes information on the victims of crime.
Introduction
In this chapter, you will gain a better understanding of the vital role
statistics play in criminology, criminal justice, and crime and intel-
ligence analysis. Data analysis has become an increasingly critical
component in police administration and crime prevention, as well as
in the investigative process. Crime analysts—whether working with
data that are stored and evaluated over time or with data based on
observation and real-time intelligence collection—rely heavily on
examining statistical data. The results of their data analysis are used,
in part, to form conclusions that support the justification for tactical
recommendations made to address issues related to crime.
Such was the case in the summer of 2014, where along the highways
that run through a county located in upstate New York, a “highway
shooter” wreaked havoc over a period of several months. Data analysis
proved to be a key component in the investigative process as crime ana-
lysts studied the data to identify patterns, provide temporal and spatial
information, and create strategic maps, such as shown in Figure 2.1.
The map in Figure 2.1 was created using geographic information
systems (GIS) technology that extrapolated statistical data from police
reports to plot specific points of reference on the map. For the crime
analyst, the intelligence learned from the data that populated the map
helped to identify similarities between shooting incidents, which in
turn helped to identify a pattern that was based on date, time, and loca-
tion, as well as possible points of entry and egress the suspected shooter
may have favored when engaged in shooting at passing automobiles.
Before you are introduced to the analysis process in which an event
goes from suspected criminal incident to a documented event and, even-
tually, to a statistical value analyzed by law enforcement, we will first
review the basic concepts of gathering statistics and the analysis of statis-
tics employed in criminal justice. First, let’s start with a very basic ques-
tion: How do we figure out how much crime takes place in America?
How Is Crime Measured?
How much crime is there in America?

That’s an interesting—and tricky—question. Crime statistics must
be treated with great caution and not a little bit of skepticism. In order
4/21/14, 1745
4/15/14, 1050
4/15/14, 0845
4/20/14, 2139
4/30/14, 1520
5/22/14, 1300
5/23/14, 0815
5/14/14, 2038
4/21/14, 1550
5/20/14, 0920
5/1/14, 0935
2/6/14, 0845
5/20/14, 1630
4/25/14, 0730 5/14/14, 1800
5/19/14, 0730
5/5/14, 1600
5/23/14, 1041
5/23/14, 1713
5/21/14, 1338
w h At d o w e k n o w A b o u t C rIm e ?
5/1/14, 0650
25
Figure 2.1 Pattern map associated with a highway shooting investigation.

to be both cautious and skeptical, you must ask two questions about
crime statistics:
1. Are crime measurements measuring what they purport to be
measuring?
2. Does the source of crime statistics have something to gain
from the way crime measurements are presented to the public?
By asking these two important questions, you will be less likely to
simply accept the crime statistics you are reviewing at face value. But
where does information about crime come from?
Reporting on the Amount of Crime
Information about crime comes from agencies, private groups, and

scholars. But the four most frequently used data sources for estimat-
ing crime come from
• Uniform Crime Reports
• National Crime Victimization Survey
• National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS)
• Self-report studies
Each has advantages and disadvantages, and each can be biased or
slanted. But if you put them all together, you are likely to get a fair
idea of the amount of crime that takes place in America.
Uniform Crime Reports
The early UCR Program was managed by the IACP, prior to FBI
involvement, done through a monthly report. The first report, in
January 1930, presented data from 400 cities throughout 43 states,
covering more than 20 million individuals, which was approximately
20% of the total U.S. population at the time. On June 11, 1930,
through IACP lobbying, the U.S. Congress passed legislation enact-
ing a law granting the office of the U.S. attorney general the ability to
“acquire, collect, classify, and preserve identification, criminal identi-
fication, crime, and other records” with the ability to appoint officials
to oversee this duty, including the subordinate members of the Bureau
of Investigation. The attorney general, in turn, designated the FBI to
serve as the national clearinghouse for the data collected, and the FBI
assumed responsibility for managing the UCR Program in September
1930. The IACP announced this transfer of responsibility in the July
1930 issue of the IACP crime report. While the IACP discontinued
oversight of the program, it continued to advise the FBI to better the
UCR Program.
Since 1935, the FBI has served as a data clearinghouse, organizing,
collecting, and disseminating information voluntarily submitted by
local, state, federal, and tribal law enforcement agencies. The UCR
Program has remained the primary tool for collection and analysis of
data ever since.
During the decade of the 1980s, a series of national UCR confer-
ences were held with members from the IACP, Department of Justice,
the FBI, and the newly formed BJS. The purpose of these conferences
was to determine necessary revisions to the Uniform Crime Reports,
and then to implement those revisions. The result of these conferences
was the release in May 1985 of the “Blueprint for the Future of the
Uniform Crime Reporting Program.” The report proposed splitting
reported data into two separate categories; one category would be the
8 serious crimes (which later became known as Part I index crimes)
and the other would be 21 less commonly reported crimes (which later
became known as Part II index crimes).
Part I index crimes were composed of reported cases in two catego-
ries: violent and property crimes. The violent crimes were aggravated
assault, forcible rape, murder, and robbery; those classified as property
crimes in Part I were arson, burglary, larceny–theft, and motor vehicle
theft.
Included in Part II were simple assault, curfew offenses and loi-
tering, embezzlement, forgery and counterfeiting, disorderly conduct,
driving under the influence, drug offenses, fraud, gambling, liquor
offenses, offenses against the family, prostitution, public drunken-
ness, runaways, sex offenses, stolen property, vandalism, vagrancy,
and weapons offenses.
The Criminal Justice Information Services (CJIS) committees of
the IACP and the National Sheriffs’ Association (NSA) provide vital
links between local law enforcement and the FBI in the oversight of
the UCR Program. The IACP, representing the thousands of police
departments nationwide, and the NSA, serving sheriffs throughout
the country, encourage agencies to participate fully in the program.

Both committees fulfill advisory capacities concerning the UCR
Program’s operation.
In 1988, a Data Providers’ Advisory Policy Board was established to
provide input for UCR matters. That board operated until 1993, when
it combined with the National Crime Information Center Advisory
Policy Board to form a single Advisory Policy Board (APB) to address
all issues regarding the FBI’s CJIS. The current APB ensures a con-
tinued emphasis on UCR-related issues. In addition, the Association
of State UCR Programs (ASUCRP) focuses on UCR issues within
individual state law enforcement associations and promotes inter-
est in the UCR Program. These organizations foster widespread and
responsible use of uniform crime statistics and lend assistance to data
contributors when needed.
Changes in UCR
In June 2004, the CJIS APB approved discontinuing the use of the
crime index in the UCR Program and its publications, and it directed
the FBI to publish a violent crime total and a property crime total. The
CJIS decided that the crime index and the modified crime index (the
number of crime index offenses plus arson) were not true indicators
of the degrees of criminality because they were always driven upward
by the offense with the highest number, typically larceny–theft. The
sheer volume of those offenses overshadowed more serious but less
frequently committed offenses, creating a bias against a jurisdiction
with a high number of larceny–thefts but a low number of other seri-
ous crimes, such as murder and forcible rape.
Other changes over the years in the reporting of crime statistics
through the UCR Program included the FBI beginning to record
arson rates, as part of the UCR Program, in 1979. This report details
arsons of the following property types, such as single-occupancy resi-
dential (houses, townhouses, duplexes, etc.), storage (barns, garages,
warehouses, etc.), industrial and manufacturing, and motor vehicles
(automobiles, trucks, buses, motorcycles, etc.).
The FBI also began collecting data on crimes motivated by gen-
der bias and gender identity bias. This compilation of hate crime sta-
tistics came about in response to the Matthew Shepard and James
Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009. Also in response to the
Shepard–Byrd Act, the FBI modified its data collection so that report-
ing agencies could indicate whether hate crimes were committed by,
or directed against, juveniles. Therefore, in addition to reporting the
number of individual victims, law enforcement began reporting the
number of victims who were 18 years of age or older and the number
of victims under the age of 18 in 2013.
At the fall 2011 CJIS APB meeting, the APB recommended, and
FBI director Robert Mueller III approved, changing the definition
of rape. Since 1929, the FBI had defined forcible rape as “the carnal
knowledge of a female forcibly and against her will” (U.S. Department
of Justice, 2004, p. 19). Beginning with the 2013 data collection, the
new definition for the violent crime of rape was modified to “penetra-
tion, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or
object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without
the consent of the victim” (FBI, 2014, p. 1).
Where Do the Statistics for the UCR Program Come From?
In 2013, FBI UCR data were compiled from more than 18,000 law
enforcement agencies, representing more than 98% of the population
in the United States. Although reporting by law enforcement is not
mandated, many states have instituted laws requiring law enforcement
within those states to provide UCR data. The statistics in the UCR
Program are based on arrest reports. These arrest reports are broken
down by the type of crime for cities, counties, states, and regions of
the country. In addition, the FBI collects auxiliary information about
these offenses, such as the time of day of burglaries. The expanded
offense data include trends in both crime volume and crime rate per
100,000 inhabitants. In regard to homicides, the UCR Program col-
lects expanded homicide data, which includes information about
homicide victims and offenders, weapons used, the circumstances
surrounding the offenses, and justifiable homicides.
UCR and Violent Crime
Violent crime is composed of four offenses: murder and nonnegligent

manslaughter, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault. Violent crimes
are defined in the UCR Program as those offenses that involve force
or threat of force.
UCR and Property Crime
Property crime includes the offenses of burglary, larceny–theft, and

motor vehicle theft. The object of the theft-type offenses is the taking
of money or property, but there is no force or threat of force against
the victims.
UCR and Clearances
Within the UCR Program, law enforcement agencies can clear, or

“close,” offenses in one of two ways: by arrest or by exceptional means.
Although agencies may administratively close a case, this does not
necessarily mean that the agency can clear the offense for UCR pur-
poses. According to the FBI, law enforcement agencies must meet the
following four conditions in order to clear an offense by exceptional
means. The agency must have
1. Identified the offender
2. Gathered enough evidence to support an arrest, make a
charge, and turn over the offender to the court for prosecution
3. Identified the offender’s exact location so that the suspect
could be taken into custody immediately
4. Encountered a circumstance outside the control of law
enforcement that prohibits the agency from arresting, charg-
ing, and prosecuting the offender (FBI, 2010b)
Examples of exceptional clearances include the death of the offender
(e.g., suicide or justifiably killed by the police), the victim’s refusal to
cooperate with the prosecution after the offender has been identified,
or the denial of extradition because the offender committed a crime in
another jurisdiction and is being prosecuted for that offense.
UCR and Crime Rates
The most important information proved by the UCR Program concerns

crime rates and arrest rates. A UCR crime rate is like a percentage;
it compares the number of crimes to the size of the population. The

UCR Program’s crime rates reveal the number of crimes for every
100,000 people in the population. The size of the population depends
on the geographical area being examined. For example, if the city
of Gotham has 500,000 people and if 5,000 burglaries occurred in
this city in a particular year, then the crime rate is determined by
this formula: the number of crimes (burglaries, 5,000) divided by the
population (500,000). That comes out to 0.01. This result is multiplied
by 100,000, which in this example results in 1,000. This means that
5,000 burglaries in Gotham with a population of 500,000 is equiv-
alent to 1,000 burglaries for every 100,000 persons. Consequently,
Gotham has a burglary rate of 1,000 per 100,000 persons.
The use of crime rates is important because they allow us to deter-
mine whether one city or area has a greater crime problem than
another city or area. For instance, in our example in the preced-
ing paragraph, Gotham has a burglary rate of 1,000 per 100,000
persons. However, the city of Metropolis, a larger city in the same
state, has a burglary rate of 850 per 100,000 persons. Thus, we could
say that when it comes to burglaries, Metropolis is a safer city than
Gotham.
UCR and Arrest Rates
UCR data are based on police reports. For this reason, the FBI calls
the offenses on which it provides data “crimes known to the police.”
The crimes known to the police, then, become the “official” number of
crimes that the police report to the UCR Program, and that the UCR
Program, in turn, reports to the public. How do police departments
find out about crimes—the crimes known to the police? These data
are based on citizen complaints of crime. For each crime reported, the
police tell the FBI whether someone was arrested for that crime or
whether the crime was cleared for some other reason—for instance,
the death of the main suspect.
For each arrest that occurs, the police report to the FBI the arrest-
ee’s age, gender, and race. When someone is arrested for a crime, that
crime is counted as being “cleared by arrest.” Overall, statistics sug-
gest that the police clear about 20% of all index crimes, although the
clearance rate varies by the type of crime (Barkan and Bryjak, 2004).
However, the annual Uniform Crime Reports do provide information

about the number of crimes in each category cleared by arrest.
Drawbacks of the UCR Program
The UCR Program provides the official statistics about crime in this
country, and those statistics are provided by more than 18,000 police
agencies. Thus, the Uniform Crime Reports are the best official com-
pilation of crime in this country. On the other hand, while they are a
great resource for researchers, government officials on all levels, and
citizens, they fail to provide a completely accurate picture of crime in
the United States for the following reasons:
• The UCR Program only counts crime reported to the police;
consequently, crime is most certainly underreported.
• The UCR Program counts and classifies crime and some
characteristics of arrestees; still, it does not provide complete
details about offenses.
• The UCR Program relies on the statistics given the FBI by
local and state police departments. This suggests that for vari-
ous reasons (e.g., manpower shortages and political consider-
ations), crime in a particular location might be misrepresented
either intentionally or unintentionally.
• The UCR Program counts only specific violent and property
crimes and does not focus on corporate, occupational, or com-
puter crimes.
Results from the UCR Program
What, then, do we know about crime and crime trends from the UCR
Program?
The latest statistics from the UCR Program show that
1. In 2013, an estimated 1,163,146 violent crimes occurred
nationwide, a decrease of 4.4% from the 2012 estimate.
2. When considering 5- and 10-year trends, the 2013 estimated
the violent crime total was 12.3% below the 2009 level and
14.5% below the 2004 level.
3. There were an estimated 367.9 violent crimes per 100,000

inhabitants in 2013, a rate that declined 5.1% when compared
with the 2012 estimated rate.
4. Aggravated assaults accounted for 62.3% of violent crimes
reported to law enforcement in 2013. Robbery offenses
accounted for 29.7% of violent crime offenses, rape accounted
for 6.9%, and murder accounted for 1.2%.
5. Information collected regarding types of weapons used in
violent crime showed that firearms were used in 69.0% of the
nation’s murders, 40.0% of robberies, and 21.6% of aggra-
vated assaults.
Furthermore, looking back on the 20-year trends in the UCR statis-
tics, since 1993, both violent crime and property crime have declined
in 18 of the past 20 years; the number of arrests were 11,302,000 in
2013—a significant decline from the 14,663,000 arrests in 1994. The
number of murders in 2013 was 14,196, whereas in 1994 the number
of homicides was 23,326 (FBI, 2015).
National Incident-Based Reporting System
In 1985, a joint task force of the BJS and the FBI was created to study
and recommend ways to improve the quality of information contained in
the UCR Program (UCR Study Task Force, 1985). This resulted in the
NIBRS, and the first collection of data began in 1991. Under NIBRS,
participating law enforcement authorities provide offense and arrest data
on 22 broad categories of crime covering 46 offenses, while providing
only arrest information on 11 other offenses (Bohm and Haley, 2012).
The advantages of the NIBRS compared with the UCR Program is
that the NIBRS provides more data on each crime, making it possible
to examine crimes in much more detail. It is hoped by the FBI that
eventually the NIBRS will replace the UCR Program as the source of
official FBI crime information. However, not all police departments
have the resources necessary to collect, process, and report the wide
array of data. As of 2009, only 44% of the nation’s law enforcement
agencies were participating in the NIBRS (Masters et al., 2013).
According to the FBI, as of 2007, 6,444 law enforcement agencies
contributed NIBRS data to the UCR Program. This represents just
25% of the U.S. population and 25% of the crime statistics collected
by the FBI. Thus, it seems impractical to make generalizations about
crime nationwide (FBI, 2012).
Beyond the UCR Program
The BJS is spearheading the National Crime Statistics Exchange (NCS-

X), a program designed to generate nationally representative incident-
based data on crimes reported to law enforcement agencies (BJS, 2015).
NCS-X will leverage the FBI’s existing NIBRS by recruiting a sample of
400 law enforcement agencies to supplement the existing NIBRS data
by providing their incident data to their state (or the federal) NIBRS
data collection program. When data from these 400 agencies are com-
bined with data from the more than 6000 agencies that currently report
NIBRS data to the FBI, NIBRS will be able to produce national esti-
mates of crime that can be disaggregated (separated into its component
parts) by victim and offender characteristics, the circumstances of the
event, the victim–offender relationship, and other important elements
of criminal events. When completed, nationally representative NIBRS
data will, it is hoped, increase our nation’s ability to monitor, respond
to, and prevent crime by allowing NIBRS to produce timely, detailed,
and accurate national measures of crime incidents.
NCS-X is a collaborative undertaking supported by the FBI and
other Department of Justice agencies. BJS also needs the support of
the law enforcement community to ensure its success. NCS-X will be
designed to implement efficient and minimally burdensome processes
to collect and extract incident-based data from existing records man-
agement systems. The NCS-X will be providing technical assistance
and funding to the sampled 400 law enforcement agencies and to state
UCR and NIBRS programs to enable them to report these additional
data to the FBI (BJS, 2015). To encourage participation in the pro-
gram, the FBI and Bureau of Justice may offer benefits, which may
include increased operational and analytic capabilities or resources,
training, technical support, and other customized incentives.
A team of partner organizations—including RTI International, the
IACP, the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), the Integrated
Justice Information Systems (IJIS) Institute, and the National
Consortium for Justice Information and Statistics (SEARCH)—is
responsible for developing the implementation plans for NCS-X.

This includes coordinating efforts with local law enforcement, state
reporting programs, and the software industry. An NCS-X executive
steering committee will review possible design and implementation
options to ensure the maximum benefit to both participants and key
stakeholders (BJS, 2015).
National Crime Victimization Survey
In addition to the Uniform Crime Reports, a second major source of

data about crime comes from the NCVS. Once called the National
Crime Survey, the NCVS has been conducted annually since 1972 by
the Bureau of the Census for the U.S. Department of Justice’s BJS.
Although it underwent a redesign in 1992, the basic design of
the survey has remained constant through its almost four decades
of existence. Essentially, the NCVS is a self-report survey in which
interviewed persons are asked about the number and characteristics
of victimizations experienced during the prior six months. Survey
respondents provide information about themselves (e.g., age, sex, race
and Hispanic origin, marital status, education level, and income) and
whether they experienced a victimization. Information is collected for
each victimization incident, about the offender (e.g., age, race and
Hispanic origin, sex, and victim–offender relationship), characteris-
tics of the crime (including time and place of occurrence, use of weap-
ons, nature of injury, and economic consequences), whether the crime
was reported to police, reasons the crime was or was not reported, and
experiences with the criminal justice system.
The NCVS is administered to persons age 12 or older from a
nationally representative sample of households in the United States.
The NCVS defines a household as a group of members who all reside
at a sampled address. Persons are considered household members
when the sampled address is their usual place of residence at the time
of the interview and when they have no other usual place of residence.
Once selected, households remain in the sample for three years, and
eligible persons in these households are interviewed every six months
either in person or over the phone, for a total of seven interviews.
Generally, all first interviews are conducted in person. New house-
holds rotate into the sample on an ongoing basis to replace outgoing
households that have been in sample for the three-year period. The
sample includes persons living in group quarters, such as dormitories,
rooming houses, and religious group dwellings, and excludes persons
living in military barracks and institutional settings, such as correc-
tional or hospital facilities, and the homeless.
To gather data for the annual report entitled “Crime Victimization
in the United States,” the Bureau of the Census conducts interviews
with a national sample of approximately 160,000 people in 90,000
households. The major focus in the set of questions asked adults (i.e.,
individuals over 12 years of age) is whether they have been victims of
crime within the past six months. When it has been determined that
an individual in the survey has been victimized, further questions are
asked about the victimization.
Although the UCR Program is primarily oriented toward crimi-
nals and their crimes, the NCVS focuses mainly on the victims and
their victimization. The NCVS includes both reported and unre-
ported crimes. By concentrating on victims and learning more about
unreported crimes, the NCVS complements the UCR Program by
giving a more complete picture of the extent of crime in the United
States.
In the survey, household residents are asked whether they have
been a victim in the previous six months of several different kinds of
personal crimes. These crimes include robbery, rape, sexual assault,
aggravated and simple assault, and personal theft, such as pickpock-
eting and purse snatching; the NCVS groups these offenses together
and calls them “personal crimes” (Barkan and Bryjak, 2004). One
household member is also asked whether the family has been victim
to a household burglary, other household theft, or motor vehicle theft;
the NCVS calls these “property crimes.”
If respondents have experienced personal crimes, they are then
asked several questions about the offense, including whether and how
they were threatened or hurt; the time and place of victimization;
whether a weapon was involved and, if so, what type of weapon; how
well they knew the offender before the victimization; and whether
they reported the offense to the police and, if not, why not. When
respondents report a household victimization, they are asked fur-
ther questions about it, including the value of the item(s) stolen and
whether someone was at home at the time the theft occurred.
Since the NCVS is a random sample of the entire nation, its results
can be generalized to the rest of the U.S. population. So, for example,
if 1% of the sample reports that their automobile was stolen, we can be
fairly sure that about 1% of all U.S. families have experienced a motor
vehicle theft. This is important because it allows us to estimate the
actual number of victimizations in the United States. It also allows
us to estimate the rate of victimization per 1000 individuals age 12
and older for personal crimes and per 1000 households for property
crimes. For instance, if 1% of households report a stolen car, then we
can say that the rate of car thefts is 10 per 1000 households.
Strengths and Drawbacks of the NCVS
The major strength of the NCVS is that it provides a more accurate

estimate of the actual number of crimes that take place in the United
States than does the UCR Program. In addition, the NCVS lets us
know about crimes that go unreported to the police, and also, it is a
rich source of information about criminal victimization.
However, there are flaws in the NCVS—just as there are in the
UCR Program and all other forms of crime data collection. For
instance, it does not include commercial crime and white-collar
crime. Furthermore, it does not cover crimes whose victims are under
12 years of age. There could also be inaccuracy if respondents have
forgotten about a victimization, or they choose to avoid telling the
interviewer about a victimization because of embarrassment in talk-
ing about a crime or fear of getting into trouble, or simply because
they choose to remain silent about an incident.
Finally, there could be sampling errors, or the question format may
not produce valid answers for some people, especially adolescents.
Results of the NCVS
In general, the annual results of the NCVS show that there are many
more crimes that are committed than are reported to the police,
and subsequently to the FBI, for the UCR Program. It is found by
comparing the UCR Program and the NCVS that fewer than half
of violent crimes are reported to the police, fewer than one-third of
personal theft crimes are reported to law enforcement, and fewer than
half of household thefts are reported to the police (Truman, 2010).
Other findings from the 2013 NCVS show that

• The rate of violent crime declined slightly from 26.1 victim-
izations per 1000 persons in 2012 to 23.2 per 1000 in 2013
• No statistically significant change was detected in the rate
of serious violent crime (rape or sexual assault, robbery, and
aggravated assault) from 2012 to 2013 (7.3 per 1000).
• From 2012 to 2013, no statistically significant changes
occurred in the rates of domestic violence, intimate partner
violence, violence resulting in an injury, or violence involving
a firearm.
• The rate of property crime decreased from 155.8 victimiza-
tions per 1000 households in 2012 to 131.4 per 1000 in 2013.
• In 2013, 1.2% of all persons age 12 or older (3 million per-
sons) experienced at least one violent victimization. About
0.4% (1.1 million persons) experienced at least one serious
violent victimization (Langton and Truman, 2014).
• There were an estimated 16,822,000 violent victimizations
in 1993; in 2013, there were an estimated 6,126,000 violent
victimizations.
• In 1993, there were an estimated 1,922,000 auto thefts in the
United States; in 2013, there were an estimated 661,200 car
thefts.
One other set of statistics of note from the NCVS has to do with
the number of crimes that were unreported to the police. Of the
16,822,000 violent victimizations that were estimated by the BJS based
on the NCVS in 1993, it was found that 7,138,000 were reported to
the police, but 9,499,000 were not. That means that about 56% (more
than half) of violent crimes were not reported to law enforcement
in 1993. Comparing that with 2013, it was found that there were
6,126,000 violent victimizations in 2013. Of that number, 2,794,000
were reported, but 3,231,000 (or about 53%) were not reported.
Self-Report Data
Self-reports studies are an important source of information about

offenders and their offenses. In that respect, they often provide more
information than do the UCR Program and the NCVS about the
people who actually commit crimes. Self-report surveys ask people to

reveal information about themselves and their own law violations. The
basic assumption of self-report studies is that the assurance of ano-
nymity and confidentiality will encourage people to be honest about
their illegal activities.
Self-report studies were first used in the 1940s (Thornberry and
Krone, 2000). Such surveys are typically given to adolescents, usually
students in high school classes, and researchers often use college stu-
dents as subjects for self-report studies. There are notable self-report
surveys, for instance, the Monitoring the Future surveys. Monitoring
the Future is an annual survey of 8th, 10th, and 12th graders con-
ducted by researchers at the University of Michigan’s Institute for
Social Research, under a grant from the National Institute on Drug
Abuse, part of the National Institutes of Health. Since 1975, the sur-
vey has measured drug, alcohol, and cigarette use and related attitudes
in 12th graders nationwide. Eighth and tenth graders were added to
the survey in 1991. Overall, 41,675 students from 389 public and pri-
vate schools participated in the 2013 survey (NIDA, 2014).
Other annual surveys include the Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring
II (ADAM II) program. Since 2007, the Office of National Drug
Control Policy (ONDCP) has sponsored the ADAM II data collec-
tion program in nine U.S. counties and the District of Columbia.
ADAM II is an annual survey designed to gather information about
the drug use of arrested adults. Another annual survey is conducted
by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
(SAMHSA), whose mission is to reduce the impact of substance
abuse and mental illness on America’s communities. The National
Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) is the primary source of
information on the prevalence, patterns, and consequences of alcohol,
tobacco, and illegal drug use and abuse and mental disorders in the
U.S. civilian, noninstitutionalized population, age 12 and older.
Results of Self-Report Studies
Self-report surveys are a way to learn more about the “dark figures
of crime”—the individuals that don’t show up in official statistics.
Researchers administering the first self-report survey studies found
that there was an enormous amount of hidden crime in the United
States. In fact, those early self-report crime surveys indicated that

more than 90% of all Americans had committed crimes for which
they could have been arrested and even imprisoned (Bohm and Haley,
2012). Other self-reported crime data indicate that many drug users
started using drugs as juveniles, and that heroin addicts are most
likely to commit crimes (Fagin, 2007). In addition, it has been found
through self-report surveys that there is no difference in the amount of
crime committed by lower-class and middle-class youth, even though
lower-class youth are much more likely to be arrested, convicted, and
incarcerated (Siegel, 2002).
According to Uniform Crime Reports, African Americans
make up about 12% of the general population of the United States,
yet they account for about 42% of violent crime arrests and 27%
of property crime arrests (FBI, 2010a). Whites account for 70% of
all arrests, while blacks are arrested for 28% of all crimes. Whites
comprise 59% of arrests for violent crimes and 68% of arrests for
property crimes (FBI, 2010a). However, nationwide studies using
self-report questionnaires find that there are few differences in
crime rates between whites and blacks (Huizinga and Elliott,
1987).
Drawbacks of Self-Report Measures
Although self-report surveys have established validity and reliability,

they are sometimes criticized because not everyone may be candid
about their illegal activities, and some may exaggerate their criminal
acts. There is also a “missing cases” phenomenon that is a concern.
Since surveys are often given to groups of individuals, such as high
school students, some of the people who do not participate or are
absent from school when the survey is administered may skew the
results.
Comparing the Results of the UCR Program,

the NCVS, and Self-Report Measures
There are significant differences between the various crime measures.

As just indicated in the previous section, while African Americans are
more frequently processed by the criminal justice system, self-report
surveys suggest there is no actual difference in the amount of crime

engaged in by whites and blacks.
Looking at reported incidents of sexual assault, the UCR Program
likely grossly underestimates the number of women who are sexu-
ally assaulted. NCVS results suggest that there are perhaps two to
three times as many women assaulted than are reported in the UCR
Program (Fagin, 2007). Similarly, robbery, aggravated assault, and
larceny are all reported by the NCVS at rates two to three times
greater than the rates given in UCR data (Fagin, 2007).
Again, according to NCVS findings, an estimated 46% of violent
crime was reported to police in 2013, and only 38% of simple assault
and 64% of aggravated assault were reported to the police (BJS, 2015).
Reviewing the long-term trends as indicated by both the UCR
Program and the NCVS, while there is a great deal of unreported
crime, there is congruence between these two important measures
of crime when fluctuations in crime are considered. That is, both the
UCR Program and NCVS show that crime has declined considerably
since 1993, even though NCVS rates of victimization suggest there is
much crime that goes unreported. However, both measures indicate
the same trends—crime has declined considerably according to both
the UCR Program and the NCVS.
Viewing Crime through the Prism of Statistics
While the measures of crime provide us with standardized data on

crime, crime rates, and comparative data for states and cities, statis-
tics have their limitations. Perhaps the greatest limitation is that the
human factor is missing.
Looking at statistics regarding homicides, burglaries, and sexual
assault gives us some idea of the number of these crimes taking place
in a location or in the country, but statistics tell us nothing about
human suffering. We can learn about the economic costs of crime
through statistics and certain kinds of research; on the other hand,
we can learn nothing from the annual totals of the UCR Program or
NCVS about the emotional toll on families and survivors.
For the crime analyst, there are more immediate concerns: who the
offender is, what his or her patterns are, what the offender’s motiva-
tion is, and how this offender will best be neutralized or apprehended.
Utilizing Statistics as a Form of Accountability: CompStat
CompStat, or complaint statistics, is an accountability process offi-

cially adopted by the New York City Police Department in 1994. By
and large, CompStat, as used by law enforcement, is an in-house pro-
cess that holds upper management accountable for crime reduction
within their respective areas of patrol.
By utilizing statistical data, with the assistance of GIS technol-
ogy, police agencies can track crime patterns and view these patterns
in a variety of ways. For example, hot spot analysis of specific crime
patterns can display spatial clusters relating to hot spot areas of these
crimes and then designate the values of these clusters as high and low,
with high indicating a greater area of propensity toward the particular
crime pattern, for example, robbery, and low indicating a cold spot, or
no area of crimes relating to that same pattern.
The basic principles of CompStat are based on the idea of utiliz-
ing accurate and timely intelligence about underlying crime condi-
tions. This intelligence would then directly affect tactical decisions
that relate to the rapid deployment of personnel and resources needed
to relentlessly address, follow up, and reassess the problem.
The Crime Analyst and Statistics
We have indicated that statistics and the various measures used to

determine the amount of crime in our society should be viewed with
caution, and you should always keep the flaws and drawbacks of each
measure in mind. And we think it is not a bad idea to remember the
remark that Mark Twain wrote in “Chapters from My Autobiography”
in 1906: “There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies and statistics.”
Although this statement probably did not originate with Twain, he
made it popular. And since the late nineteenth century, the phrase has
been used over and over again—even appearing in the title of several
books. However, the caution is still apt today. Depending on the way
you arrange numbers and statistics, you can prove just about anything.
And often, statistics don’t mean much of anything when viewed out
of context.
Nevertheless, crime analysts—just like the rest of us—must
utilize statistics at times, and sometimes even depend on them
in critical situations. Most of the time, though, statistics give us

averages and ranges; they do not tell us about the personal side
of crime and criminals. Typically, the tactical crime analyst must
gather intelligence about individuals, and that’s when statistics tend
to be useless.
Take, for example, an armed gunman who is holding a child hos-
tage after a bank robbery attempt that has gone wrong. What do the
statistics tell us about the risk to children held hostage by a stranger
in a failed bank robbery? Does it matter if the analyst can quickly find
information that tells him that 78 % of the time, children are released
unharmed by gunmen?
Of course, the answer to that is no, it doesn’t matter. What is
important is what the analyst can quickly learn about this man, his
background, his violence history, his motive, and his current state
of mind. The statistics don’t mean a thing to the worried parents of
the child, nor should they mean anything to the hostage negotia-
tor who must find a way to make sure this child is released without
injury.
Statistical Data and Law Enforcement: From Incident to Evaluation
Before we talk about the data collection process, we need to take a

brief look at the crime analysis process, the mindset if you will, prac-
ticed by crime and intelligence analysts. This process defines the why
and how related to the analyst’s use of data.
Data collection and storage, as important as those processes are,
would bear no meaning if the data were left to compile without any
forethought as how to utilize the data. Upon collection, data must be
examined for any sort of constructive purpose for law enforcement
and how law enforcement will address any needs related to the col-
lection and examination of the stored data. This process is referred to
as the crime analysis process (Figure 2.2). The crime analysis process
follows five steps: (1) data collection, (2) data collation, (3) analysis,
(4) dissemination of results, and (5) incorporation of feedback from
users of the information (Santos, 2013).
Before we examine the analysis process, however, we first need to
review how data are collected and stored before they can be extrapo-
lated for analysis purposes.
Collection
Collation
Analysis
Dissemination
Feedback
Figure 2.2 Crime analysis process.
Process of Data Collection and Storage
The map relating to the highway shooter in Figure 2.1 at the begin-

ning of this chapter could not be compiled or used by the crime ana-
lyst until data had been input into the GIS (geographical data system)
as a means to plot the specific points of reference onto the map.
The data were derived from multiple systems that had stored the
information once it was input from the various sources that created
the data. For example, on a specific day a shooting incident occurred
on a stretch of road along the highway. This incident was then called
into a 911 operator, who in turn dispatched the call to a police unit by
use of the computer-aided dispatch (CAD) system.
The responding officer, upon arrival, then created a report not-
ing all of the particulars of the incident: date, time, location, vehicle
description, and any other relevant information associated with that
specific incident.
This police incident report was then uploaded into the police
department’s record management system (RMS). Once the report
was in the RMS, it could then be searchable in multiple ways, by
crime report number, location, victim name, and so forth.
The information could also be put into the GIS. (You will learn
more about this in Chapter 12.)
At this point, all the crime analyst would need to do is open the
GIS and create a map using all of the information that was available
from the data sources just mentioned. The following is a list of the
various systems, along with the strengths and limitations each has in
terms of data collection and storage:
• Computer-aided dispatch
• Records management system
• Geographic data system
Computer-Aided Dispatch
Usually, CAD is maintained by the agency responsible for 911 dis-

patching. CAD captures and stores several vital pieces of information
for future use:
1. Calls received to 911
2. Calls dispatched
3. Which police car was dispatched
4. When the call to the police patrol was made, when it was
dispatched, when an officer was on scene, and when the call
was cleared
5. Calls initiated by police officers
6. Notes from the responding officers
7. Location of the call
8. Action taken by the officer
9. Situation found by the officer
This information is stored in CAD, but CAD, in and of itself, has
no analysis capabilities. The simple purpose of CAD is to track the
status of every call to its completion. In addition, an important aspect
of CAD is to efficiently manage the resources of the police depart-
ment relative to the volume of calls. Most police departments receive
a high volume of calls—most of which have little or nothing to do
with crime or violence. However, it is important for the department’s
supervisory staff and administration to know two things:
1. What cops do you currently have available to respond to a call
for service?
2. Which officer(s) is closest to the location?
In many police departments, the GIS is often integrated into CAD.
When GIS and CAD are integrated, police dispatchers have various
features available to them. This includes full address information,

such as alerts and past incidents; a map of the area, including street
names, major buildings, and fire or emergency medical services zones;
and the ability to link web cams, traffic cameras, building floor plans,
and other documents or images to a map.
Records Management System
Many, if not most, police departments have an RMS. This is a sys-

tem that allows the collection and storage of relevant police data. For
instance, the RMS of a typical police department will collect and
store
• Crime reports
• Arrest reports
• Field interview forms
• Accident reports
• Investigative case tracking
• Evidence (property management)
• Citations
• Warrants
Usually, an RMS is limited to records directly related to law
enforcement operations.
It does not deal with the general business functions (budget, pay-
roll, human resources functions, etc.) of a department. However,
because of operational needs, an RMS may include the maintenance
of duty rosters, law enforcement personnel records, and vehicle fleet
maintenance records.
Furthermore, information may be entered into the RMS through
automated field reporting, where there is real-time live access to all
crime reports, and manual data entry, where there is less chance for
technical failure, although it is a slower process.
ArcGIS
ArcGIS is a GIS software program developed by ESRI, a

California-based company that has been specializing in GIS since
1969. Now used by more police departments than any other GIS
software, ArcGIS gives a police agency the ability to take data

from CAD or RMS, give the data a geographic location, and put
them on a map.
This result does not happen automatically, and an intelligence ana-
lyst will need to be trained in the geocoding process—the process of
assigning an actual location on a map based on the address given—
before the information appears on a map in a usable format. Once
that happens, though, the crime analyst can conduct a spatial analysis
of crimes (often referred to as hot spot identification) and find other
valuable information.
Working the Collected Data Using Data Sets
Most often, in order to properly use data, the crime analyst or intel-
ligence analyst will need to access data from a variety of sources. Too
often, data stored in RMS or CAD were not created to suit the needs
of crime analysis. Therefore, data sets must be used to begin an analy-
sis. The primary data sources for the crime analysis will come from
RMS, CAD, and ArcGIS. And the most commonly sought data
include incident reports, arrest records, calls for service, and accident
reports. The intelligence analyst must be able to connect to the data-
base when he or she needs the information.
This chapter has addressed the basic question related to what we
know about crime. In the chapter, we discussed the processes of crime
collection, how crime is measured, and the utilization of statistics in
order to learn more about crime and examine crime patterns. The
highway shooter investigation mentioned at the beginning of the
chapter is an excellent example of how the processes that involve
the organizing, collecting, and disseminating of information proved
to be relevant—as all of these processes played a critical role in the
investigation.
The intelligence and statistical information used during the GIS
process also played a predominant role in the CompStat meetings that
were held during the span in which the crimes were being committed
and investigated.
The highway shooter case also involved a complex procedure
of crime analysis that relied heavily on the aid of technology. As a
result, the analysis supplied to the investigators included the total
understanding of a wide range of computer systems and programs,

combined with the criminal investigative thought process—a process
that will be discussed in detail in later chapters. The overall process
of analysis was crucial in order to effectively disseminate the raw data
that were extrapolated from the various systems in order to come up
with a theory that could be used to create a workable, strategic, tacti-
cal plan.
Investigations that deal with immediate public safety concerns,
such as the highway shooter case, usually involve a large volume
of intelligence having to be analyzed at a rapid pace. Although the
highway shooter was not identified in that investigation, the inves-
tigative team, which was composed of several police agencies, uti-
lized crime and tactical analysis as a means to stay on pace with the
investigation while keeping the flow of information fluid between
agencies.
1. Since both the UCR Program and the NCVS demonstrate

that crime has been steadily declining since 1993, what is the
reason for this great crime decline?
2. Are we as a society becoming less violent? Why or why not?
3. What is the future of statistics in law enforcement?
Important Terms
ArcGIS: Geographical information systems software program devel-

oped by ESRI, a California-based company that has been specializing
in GIS since 1969. ArcGIS gives the crime analyst the ability to take
data from CAD or RMS, give it a geographic location, and put it on
a map.
Bureau of Justice Statistics: The BJS was established in 1979 under
the Justice Systems Improvement Act of 1979, an amendment to the
Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968. The mission
of the BJS is to collect, analyze, publish, and disseminate information
on crime, criminal offenders, victims of crime, and the operation of
justice systems at all levels of government.
CAD: Computer-aided dispatch; system maintained by the agency

responsible for 911 dispatching. CAD captures and stores several vital
pieces of information for future police use.
CompStat: Accountability and management system used by many
police departments to determine the hot spots of crime and to better
deploy personnel and develop effective crime control strategies.
Crime rate: The UCR Program’s crime rate reports the number of
crimes for every 100,000 people in the population.
Dark figures of crime: Self-report surveys are a way to learn more
about the dark figures of crime—the individuals that don’t show up
in official statistics.
National Crime Statistics Exchange: Program designed to generate
nationally representative incident-based data on crimes reported to
law enforcement agencies. It involves the FBI recruiting a sample of
400 law enforcement agencies to supplement the existing NIBRS data
by providing their incident data to their state (or the federal) NIBRS
data collection program.
National Crime Victimization Survey: Conducted annually since
1972 by the Bureau of the Census and the Department of Justice, this
random survey focuses on the victims of crime.
National Incident-Based Reporting System: Under NIBRS, partici-
pating law enforcement authorities provide offense and arrest data to
the FBI on 22 broad categories of crime covering 46 offenses, while
providing only arrest information on 11 other offenses. This reporting
system may replace the UCR Program in the future.
RMS: Records Management System; system that allows the collec-
tion and storage of relevant police data for future use.
Self-report data: Data collected from individuals who are asked to
reveal information about themselves and their offenses.
Uniform Crime Reports: Collection of crime statistics from more
than 18,000 state and federal law enforcement agencies and complied
by the FBI into an annual report.
1. Most Americans seem to have little or no accurate knowledge

about whether crime is
a. Going up or down in their community
b. Something to be concerned about

c. A rational behavior
d. A good or bad thing
2. According to the NCVS, criminal victimization has been
steadily declining for more than
a. 5 years
b. 10 years
c. 20 years
d. 30 years
3. Comparing the UCR Program to the NCVS, it is found that
a. Most crimes are reported to the police
b. More than half of all crimes are not reported
c. Most murders are never reported
d. More than two-thirds of all crimes are solved
4. According to the UCR Program, African Americans make
up about 12% of the general population, but account for about
a. 98% of all violent crime arrests
b. 75% of all violent crime arrests
c. 42% of violent crime arrests
d. 12% of all violent crime arrests
5. Crimes in the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports are grouped into
two broad categories, which are
a. Murder and rape
b. Assault and battery
c. Serious crimes and nonserious crimes
d. Violent crimes and property crimes
6. The NCVS focuses on
a. Criminals and their disordered minds
b. Victims and their victimization
c. The motives of criminal offenders
d. The reasons why criminals hurt others
7. CAD, ArcGIS, and RMS all give crime and intelligence ana-
lysts the ability to
a. Access and analyze data
b. Solve crimes on the spot
c. Work shorter hours
d. Find private information about people
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3
w hat C auses P eoPle
to C ommit C rimes?
Chapter Outline
1. Theories about crime causation

2. Classical theories
3. Biological theories
4. Psychological theories
5. Sociological theories
6. Is it nature or nurture?
7. Criminological theories and the crime analyst
8. Models and methods to address crime
9. Why do we still have crime?
1. Better understand the major theories of crime causation

2. Gain an understanding of what criminological theories are
relevant to the crime analyst
3. Learn more about the models and methods used by law
enforcement to address the problem of crime
4. Address the questions related to why crime has not been
eliminated
It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This is the

fundamental principle of good legislation, which is the art of
conducting men to the maximum of happiness, and to the mini-
mum of misery, if we may apply this mathematical expression
to the good and evil of life. But the means hitherto employed
53
for that purpose are generally inadequate, or contrary to the

end proposed. It is impossible to reduce the tumultuous activity
of mankind to absolute regularity; for, amidst the various and
opposite attractions of pleasure and pain, human laws are not
sufficient entirely to prevent disorders in society…. To what a
situation should we be reduced if everything were to be forbid-
den that might possibly lead to, a crime? We must be deprived of
the use of our senses: for one motive that induces a man to com-
mit a real crime, there are a thousand which excite him to those
indifferent actions which are called crimes by bad laws. If then
the probability that a crime will be committed be in proportion
to the number of motives, to extend the sphere of crimes will
be to increase that probability. The generality of laws are only
exclusive privileges, the tribute of all to the advantages of a few.
Cesare Beccaria (1764)
The following statement refers to the process by which a particu-

lar person comes to engage in criminal behavior.
1. Criminal behavior is learned. Negatively, this means that
criminal[ity] is not inherited, as such; also, the person
who is not already trained in crime does not invent crim-
inal behavior, just as a person does not make mechanical
inventions unless he has had training in mechanics.
2. Criminal behavior is learned in interaction with other
person in a process of communication. This communication
is verbal in many respects but includes also “the com-
munication of gestures.”
3. The principal part of the learning of criminal behavior occurs
within intimate personal groups. Negatively, this means
that the interpersonal agencies of communication, such
as movies and newspapers, play a relatively unimportant
part in the genesis of criminal behavior.
4. When criminal behavior is learned, the learning
includes (a) techniques of committing the crime, which
are sometimes very complicated, sometimes very simple;
w h At C Ause s P eo P l e t o C o m mIt C rIm e s ? 55
(b) the specific direction of motives, drives, rationaliza-

tions, and attitudes.
Edwin Sutherland (1960)
Control theories assume that delinquent acts result when an

individual’s bond to society is weak or broken. Since these theo-
ries embrace two highly complex concepts, the bond of the indi-
vidual to society, it is not surprising that they have at one time or
another formed the basis of explanations of most forms of aber-
rant or unusual behavior. It is also not surprising that control
theories have described the elements of the bond to society in
many ways, and that they have focused on a variety of units as
the point of control.… I begin with a classification and descrip-
tion of the elements of the bond to conventional society. I try to
show how each of these elements is related to delinquent behav-
ior and how they are related to each other. I then turn to the
question of specifying the unit to which the person is presum-
ably more or less tied, and to the question of the adequacy of
the motivational force built into the explanation of delinquent
behavior.
Travis Hirschi (1969)
Theories about the Origins of Crime
If you are like most people, when you hear of a particularly horrific or
brutal crime, you may ask, “How could someone do something like
that?”
It’s that kind of question that motivates criminologists to study the
reasons why people commit crimes. But beyond that, criminal jus-
tice researchers and theorists have been trying to explain the reasons
criminal violators offend in order to combat crime and develop pro-
grams to reduce or prevent crime.
Early Theories
Hundreds of years ago, philosophers and criminologists developed

theories of deviant behavior based on social and religious morals.
Scientific observations were not employed, nor was there empirical

research to determine why some people were deviant. When people
behaved in deviant or immoral ways, it led those who were in posi-
tions of authority to theorize about the nature of good and evil.
In the Middle Ages, there seemed little differentiation between sin
and crime (Fagin, 2007). If an individual was deviant, it was because
he or she was evil, morally weak, or had the devil inside him or her.
Given these kinds of explanations, the religiously based criminal jus-
tice system of the time took what was seen as appropriate action to
deal with the morally deficient—which is why lawbreakers were fre-
quently tortured, burned at the stake, or subjected to trial by ordeal.
Trial by ordeal referred to various methods of torture that usually
featured magical or superstitious ways of determining moral guilt
(Siegel, 2006).
Classical Theories
Cesare Beccaria is known as the founder of classical criminology.

Beccaria was an Italian nobleman and jurist who was dissatisfied
with the justice system of his time. Born in 1738, Beccaria viewed the
Italian justice system as using extreme punishment in a legal system in
which laws were arbitrary and unfair. In his efforts to make changes,
Beccaria wrote a book entitled On Crimes and Punishment in 1764.
In this book, Beccaria explained his belief that people are rational
and do things that bring them pleasure and avoid doing things that
bring them pain. Furthermore, he was of the opinion that people are
responsible for their actions. He advocated certain and swift punish-
ment of appropriate intensity and duration for the offense committed.
If this kind of response was used consistently, he theorized, then it
would deter people from committing crimes.
The English philosopher Jeremy Bentham lived at about the same
time as Beccaria. Bentham is credited with the formation of the neo-
classical school of criminology. The neoclassical school of criminology
is very similar to the classical school of thought in that both believe
criminal offending is a matter of free will choice.
The difference between them, though, is that Bentham’s view is
that sometimes there are mitigating circumstances. For instance, chil-
dren, according to Bentham, shouldn’t be held to the same degree of
accountability as an adult. Furthermore, Bentham argued that some-

one suffering from mental illness should be exempt from criminal
liability.
In short, both the classical and neoclassical schools of criminology
believed people are rational and that they make free will choices about
committing crimes.
Biological Theories
Dissatisfaction with the classical approach to explain crime first

appeared toward the end of the nineteenth century. At that time,
crime was viewed by many as a growing problem, and it was observed
by many that the harsh punishments of the time seemed to have little
effect on criminal offending.
At about the same time, the emerging use of the scientific method,
along with the development of social science, began to change how
people viewed social problems and how problems might be solved.
Charles Darwin described his theory of evolution through natural
selection in his book The Origin of Species. Emile Durkheim noted dif-
ferences in rates of suicide in different regions of France. Durkheim
employed observations to develop a social theory of suicide in his book
Suicide. Both Darwin and Durkheim were pioneers in the scientific
method, which was based on observation. Rather than just think-
ing about problems, both believed that scientific questions were best
answered when scientists first gathered facts and data.
This scientific approach gave rise to the positivist school of crimi-
nology. The positivist school saw human behavior as based on a
combination of internal and external influences, such as biology, psy-
chology, and social factors. While the classical school still saw crime
as emanating from free will and choice, positivism believed it was a
combination of internal and external forces that shaped behavior.
The Positivists
The early positivists, such as Cesare Lombroso, who lived from 1836
to 1909, considered biological attributes to be the real roots of crime.
Lombroso took body measurements of offenders in Italian prisons and
concluded that there were “born criminals.” These born criminals had
distinctive body measurements and skull sizes.
Positivism, following Lombroso and others, continued to be influ-

ential as it played a major role in explaining criminal behavior. But
with the development of psychoanalysis in the late nineteenth century
and the growth of psychology in the late nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, the theories of the mind became much more prominent in
offering explanations for the causes of crime.
Psychoanalysis and Psychology
While Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory was used to offer

explanations as to why some people might commit crimes, biological
theories became much more refined as increasing and more sophisti-
cated research in the areas of genetics, chromosomal abnormalities,
glandular dysfunction, chemical imbalances, and nutritional deficien-
cies helped offer other biological theories.
In general, all psychological explanations look inside the human
mind for the causes of criminal offending. The oldest and perhaps one
of the most influential theories was Freud’s psychoanalytic theory.
Although Freud did not set out to explain criminal behavior, some of
his followers offered explanations based on psychoanalytic theories.
Basically, psychoanalytic theory views behavior as resulting from
the interactions of the three components of personality: the id, the
ego, and the superego. Freud saw the id as the instinctual, primitive
part of the personality. The ego was that part that mediated between
the self-centered desires of the id and the learned values of the super-
ego. The superego acts as a person’s conscience, but develops from the
values an individual learns early in life. When there is a faulty ego or
superego, then these two parts of the personality fail to control the
id. This results in personality imbalances, and the result is likely to be
deviant behavior.
Although psychoanalysis was influential in the early part of the
twentieth century, it gave way to other psychologically based theories.
Other Psychological Theories
Psychological theories about the causes of crime go back to the nine-

teenth century. In addition to Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, Charles
Goring studied the mental characteristics of English convicts. By
studying more than 3000 convicts, he found that there was a rela-
tionship between crime and a condition he called defective intelli-
gence, which included such traits as feeblemindedness, epilepsy, and
insanity.
Other psychoanalysts who followed Freud or studied with him
were seemingly more interested in criminal behavior than was Freud.
August Aichhorn, for instance, examined many delinquent youth and
concluded that social stress alone could not account for delinquent
or criminal behavior. Aichhorn said there had to be a predisposition
for antisocial acts (Siegel, 2006). Such predisposition, according to
Aichhorn, included impulsivity, a tendency to consider one’s own
needs more important than others’ needs, and a lack of guilt.
More recently, psychologists have linked criminal behavior to a
psychological condition called disruptive behavior disorder (Siegel,
2006). Children and teens can experience either of two forms of dis-
ruptive behavior disorder. One is oppositional defiant disorder, in
which young people show an ongoing pattern of uncooperative, defi-
ant, and hostile behavior toward authority figures. Adolescents with
oppositional defiant disorder may frequently lose their temper, argue
with adults, be easily frustrated and moody, and abuse drugs as a form
of self-medication (Siegel, 2006).
The other form of disruptive behavior disorder is conduct disor-
der, which is a much more serious behavioral and emotional disorder.
Young people who are diagnosed as having a conduct disorder have
difficulty following rules and are usually viewed as being antisocial.
They may be involved in such behaviors as fighting, bullying others,
committing sexual assaults, robbery, and cruelty to animals. Although
it is not precisely known what causes conduct disorders, research has
implicated brain dysfunction, neurotransmitter (the chemicals that
send messages in the brain) irregularities, and genetics (Siegel and
Welsh, 2009).
There has been growing research in recent years to show that there
is a link between mental illness and criminal behavior. That is, when
people have such serious mental illness as schizophrenia, bipolar dis-
order, and severe depression, there appears to be an increased risk
for serious, violent crimes. Studies in recent years have found a posi-
tive relationship between psychotic disorders and criminal violence
(Siegel, 2006).
Other psychologists developed a cognitive theory of crime hypoth-

esized that criminal offending results from habits of thought and
interpretations of reality. More recent refinements of cognitive theory
suggest that criminals interpret situations differently than noncrimi-
nals. For example, criminal offenders might tend to view situations in
more hostile ways and then are most likely to respond with aggressive
behavior.
Reacting against psychoanalytic and dynamic psychological expla-
nations were psychologists and psychiatrists such as Samuel Yochelson
and Stanton Samenow, who rejected the idea that criminal behavior
was a symptom of buried conflicts. Yochelson and Samenow theo-
rized that criminals choose to commit crimes and that the cause is the
way they think. All criminals are alike, Yochelson and Samenow con-
cluded, in how they think; they think in distorted and twisted ways.
Punishment, however, will not cure distorted and criminal thinking.
They must be taught to think differently (Samenow, 1984).
Sociological Explanations
Sociological explanations of crime look at criminal behaviors as ema-

nating from environmental influences. Early and influential socio-
logical theories were proposed beginning in the 1930s. For example,
Edwin Sutherland suggested that delinquent behavior is learned in
much the same way that people learn other things—by observation,
role modeling, and reinforcement.
Sutherland called his learning process theory differential asso-
ciation, and he proposed that an individual becomes a criminal by
associating with people who condone violation of the law. In effect,
criminal attitudes are learned from others (Cole and Smith, 2007).
While Sutherland’s differential association was an early socio-
logical explanation of crime, there are several others, including the
following:
• Blocked opportunity: Criminal behavior results from lack of
access to legitimate means for achieving goals.
• Labeling theory: When society reacts negatively toward an
individual or labels him or her, the person acquires a negative
self-image and acts accordingly.
• Social bonding: If an individual has weak bonds to society,

then that person is less likely to respect the customary social
rules or laws.
• Social strain: These theories focus on social disorganization,
anomie (a state of normlessness in society), and subcultures
that focus on negative social structure and relationships.
Developed most completely by Robert Agnew, it is believed
that in some individuals, crime may provide an effective short-
term solution to strain (Siegel, 2006).
• Subculture theories: These theories focus on an identifiable
segment or group characterized by specific patterns of behav-
ior. These identifiable segments could include gangs and some
lower social class neighborhoods.
• Conflict theories: These views of the causation of crime look
at how powerful groups in society make the laws that confer
criminal status on the least powerful members of society.
• Critical or radical criminology: The emphasis in these the-
ories is on social class inequality and economic conditions,
rather than on the characteristics of the individual criminal.
• Gender based: These theories focus on why women are not
represented in crime statistics—or even in theories about
crime causation. The gender-based theories support the idea
that it is how the justice system responds to women’s criminal
offending that explains why there are fewer arrests and less
incarceration of women.
• There are also social process theories within the broad cat-
egory of sociological theories. These theories concern them-
selves with the process by which people become criminals.
The social process theories include the following:
• Learning theory: While learning theory can be viewed as a
psychological theory in which people learn by using other
people as models, it is also a social process theory. As a social
process theory, criminologists look at how individuals might
become criminal by learning from the media, including—and
perhaps most importantly—television. Whether the process
is learning or imitation, the end result is the same: what peo-
ple see on TV, in the movies, or in video games may influence
how they behave (Reid, 2009).
• Control theories: In these approaches, the focus is on explaining

why people obey the law. People who follow the law are said,
by these theories, to do so because they respond to appropri-
ate social controls. For instance, Travis Hirschi’s control theory
emphasizes social bonds. The basic concept of control theory is
the individual’s bonds to the family and other social institutions.
Finally, there are a number of so-called integrated theories. These
theories of the causation of crime attempt to explain delinquent
and criminal behavior from several points of view. The integrated
approaches try to combine various schools of thought regarding crime
causation to explain criminal offending. The major integrated theories
are the following:
• Developmental and life course theories: These approaches
take the position that age-related variables explain the
changes in delinquent and criminal behavior best. The life
course approach is based on the premise that development is
an ongoing process that unfolds over the entire life span.
• Age-graded theory: Sampson and Laub developed a the-
ory that contends that people are inhibited from offending
by their social bonds to the age-graded institutions (such as
school, work, and marriage) at various stages of their lives
(Siegel and Welsh, 2009).
• General theory: Robert Agnew contributed a general theory
(in addition to his strain theory) that argues that such factors
as personality traits, types of social support, and peer rela-
tionships must all be taken into account to determine why
people offend. In addition, Gottfredson and Hirschi pro-
posed a general theory of crime that suggests that it is a lack
of self-control caused by inadequate child-rearing practices by
parents, along with various in-born traits, that leads to impul-
siveness and risk-taking behavior (Siegel and Welsh, 2009).
Is It Nature or Nurture?
The survey of the leading explanations of criminal offending does not

really address the central question related to nature versus nurture:
Are criminals born or made?
Some biological explanations—especially those that show that

genetics seem to play a critical role in some criminal offending—
make a strong argument for a nature explanation of crime. Some
research, for instance, shows that a strong indicator of a person’s
tendency to commit crimes is related to the criminal behavior of
fathers, thus suggesting that criminals are born (Siegel and Welsh,
2009).
On the other hand, various sociological explanations showing that
poverty, social organization, and social environment are related to
criminal behavior make an equally strong case for a nurture explana-
tion of crime (Masters et al., 2013).
Although it may be fun to debate the nature versus nurture ques-
tion, the bottom line is that there is as of yet no clear and convinc-
ing research for either side. The best answer that can be proposed at
this time is that both biological and inherited traits and psychological
traits and social influences play important roles in explaining criminal
offending. It is still too early to say that we can predict with any great
certainty which young children will and which young children will
not grow up to be future criminals.
Which Theory or Theories Work Best for the Crime Analyst?
When comparing the number of different criminological theories, it

is clear that no one theory is a perfect explanation of the causes of
crime. However, from the point of view of the crime analyst, a more
important question needs to be asked: Which theory or theories help
to understand the criminal offender’s motivation? And a follow-up
question that needs to be asked is this: Can an offender’s pattern of
behavior be identified?
In crime analysis, pattern recognition is a critical skill set needed
for the crime and intelligence analyst to be able to deduce the distinct
pattern or method of operation. There are, perhaps, three theories that
provide the greatest utility for the crime analyst.
1. Rational choice theory: In the latter half of the twentieth
century, there were criminologists busily constructing alter-
native theories to the classical theory or the neoclassical the-
ory of crime. The major problem with the classical theory was
that this theory held all people equally responsible for their
criminal behavior. People—the classical school of thought
contended—were all rational, intelligent beings who exer-
cised free will. Yet, this rigid theory failed to take into account
what we all know for a fact: people are different. Some people
are less intelligent, less rational, and sometimes even severely
mentally ill.
This, of course, is why the neoclassical school had an alter-
native theory. That was that while they agreed that people
were rational and made their free will decisions, there were
some individuals who committed crimes because of factors
beyond their control. Age, mental illness, and other factors
could influence the choices people make and affect a person’s
ability to form criminal intent, or mens rea.
One alternative was Ronald Clarke and Derek Cornish’s
rational choice theory. They argued that delinquents and
adult criminal offenders are rational people who make cal-
culated choices about what they are going to do before they
act. Clarke and Cornish contend that offenders collect, pro-
cess, and evaluate information about the crime and make
a decision whether to commit it after they weigh the costs
and benefits of doing so. Offenders, for instance, will decide
where to commit their crime, who or what to target, and
how to carry it out. This theory, in fact, has been confirmed
through research with criminal offenders. Many offenders
do study the potential targets and pick their crime target
after considering the alternative targets. Gang violence
and drug world violence is not necessarily random, but is
often based on choices made to further some goal, such
as to enhance prestige, make a big score, or reduce direct
competition.
2. Routine activities theory: Lawrence Cohen and Marcus Felson
advanced a theory that is somewhat similar to that put for-
ward by Clarke and Cornish. The routine activities theory
examines the crime target, but they argue that three elements
must converge before a crime will be committed:
a. Motivated offenders
b. Suitable targets
c. An absence of people—referred to as guardians by Cohen

and Felson—who might deter the would-be offender
This theory suggests that a motivated offender is a person
who is inclined or easily tempted to commit a crime. However,
there must be a suitable target (e.g., a window to a house left
unlocked or a car without locked doors or an alarm system),
and there must be an absence of guardians (e.g., police in the
area, a security guard, a security camera, or citizens paying
attention). In other words, the importance and relevance of
this theory is that it says that situational factors and free will
are relevant—and maybe crucial—to the commission of a
crime.
3. Criminal personality theory: One theory that has been contro-
versial is that proposed by psychologists Stanton Samenow
and Samuel Yochelson. They have advanced the theory that
criminals, not the environment, cause crime, and that there
are patterns of thinking common to all hard-core criminals
regardless of their background (Reid, 2009).
According to Samenow and Yochelson, the family has no
particular effect on criminals. Instead, people who grow up to
be criminals begin at an early age to engage in self-destructive
patterns of antisocial behavior. Furthermore, these individuals
engage in thinking errors, which are typical for most people
at some times, but in the offender are taken to extremes. For
example, offenders may make assumptions like the rest of us,
but they act on their assumptions and may even assault or kill
someone based on their assumptions. Samenow contends that
criminals build themselves up at the expense of others, and
that they view human relationships as avenues for conquest
and triumph. They employ any possible means to achieve their
own ends, including deception, intimidation, and brute force.
Furthermore, they do not consider the impact of their behav-
ior on others.
What Use Does the Tactical Crime Analyst

Have for Criminological Theories?
Obviously, if the tactical crime analyst is working in a real-time

crime center and a crisis arises, say with the example we used in
Chapter 2 of the gunman who is shooting at passing cars on a free-

way or, in another scenario, a bank robbery gone wrong in which a
would-be bank robber is trapped in a bank with one or more hos-
tages, it perhaps doesn’t really matter what criminological theory
the crime analyst in the real-time crime center subscribes to. His or
her job is not to come up with the motivation behind why a gunman
is shooting at cars or why a man tried to rob a bank. The task he is
presented with is to get facts and intelligence to the officers on the
scene so that the gunman can be apprehended without any passing
motorists being victimized, or so that the hostage crisis is resolved
with no harm to the hostages in the bank or the officers surrounding
the bank.
However, it would behoove crime and intelligence analysts to gain
a thorough understanding of how and why crime and disorder occur if
they are to be involved in the process of intervention and prevention.
In fulfilling their role in assisting law enforcement through the analy-
sis of crime and disorder problems, there will be times when a famil-
iarity with criminological theories will be important in addressing a
particular crime problem. We suggest that analyzing the reasons why
a particular criminal is engaging in a series of offenses may be vital
in contributing to law enforcement efforts to solve a crime problem or
apprehend an offender.
In the next sections, we review several police strategies created as
intervention and prevention efforts to directly address the crime prob-
lem. These models and methods can be part of the general knowledge
of crime analysts in carrying out their various functions.
The predominant models and methods to address crime problem
issues are
• The standard model
• Community policing
• Broken windows
• Problem-oriented policing
• Intelligence-led policing
Crime and intelligence analysis, including real-time tactical analy-
sis, plays a crucial role in several methods of policing that are intended
to address the issues of crime and why it continues to occur. A more
detailed discussion of these five models and methods follow.
The Standard Model
In terms of the general public’s perception of how law enforcement

goes about their business within a community, the standard model
offers the closest description of that perception. As is painted on the
sides of most marked police cars in America, “To serve and to protect”
is the general mission statement that all—or nearly all—of American
law enforcement agencies have adopted.
The ideology best associated with this mantra can be found
within the “reactive, incident-driven standard model of policing”
(National Research Council, 2004; Weisburd and Eck, 2004). In
the standard model, law enforcement provides services, primar-
ily based on 911 calls, and then investigates those calls for service
as they are dispatched. Therefore, the standard model is a reactive
form of policing.
From the analysts’ perspective, success is measured through a vari-
ety of statistical conclusions, such as analyzing the response times of
the calls for service and tallying the number of arrests made during
the total number of incidents dispatched and investigated. These con-
clusions are then used to justify managerial decisions, for instance,
determining when to increase the uniform presence to areas prone to
a higher volume of crime or determining strategy to identify factors
needed to aid in crime solvability. More importantly, these statistical
conclusions help in identifying the underlying motivations involved in
why individuals continue to commit crime.
Community Policing
When law enforcement includes the input of the community when

creating strategies to combat crime problems and related social issues,
they are acting within the framework that supports community polic-
ing. The ideology central to the success of community policing is
based on the notion that “reinvigorating communities is essential if
we are to deter crime and create more vital neighborhoods” (Bureau
of Justice Assistance, 1994, p. 1).
In order to proactively work to prevent crime and the problems
associated with social discord, community policing relies heavily on
a symbiotic relationship between law enforcement and its commu-
nity partners. For this relationship to thrive, it is imperative to have
a steady flow of information, combined with regular meetings and

personal interactions, between the two parties in order to properly
address issues related to crime and disorder.
From the analysts’ perspective, specific issues identified and
raised by community leaders can help in the analytical exploration
of why these issues are occurring and help to assist law enforcement
with analysis and conclusions that can be used to better under-
stand the crime-related issues that have affected the community as
a whole.
Broken Windows Policing
One school of thought among those who study crime as a behavioral

science is that if the area in which one lives is left to deteriorate, then
the inhabitants of that area will thrive on criminal behavior as a means
of survival and control. This generalization can be used to support the
theory of broken windows. The concept of broken windows was first
explained by James Q. Wilson and George Kelling (1982). In their
original article, they wrote that the police should focus their efforts
on targeting specific criminal behavior that leads to the deterioration
of the geographical area in question. The intent of the police removing
or covering up graffiti, fixing (or making sure they are fixed) broken
windows in buildings, and discouraging panhandlers and prostitutes
from freely loitering on streets is to prevent more serious crime from
happening (Wilson and Kelling, 1982).
From an analytical perspective, mapping hot spot areas of specific
types of crimes, such as prostitution, street corner vices, and narcotics
activity, can help to identify significant temporal and spatial factors.
Once these factors are identified and analyzed and the data are dis-
seminated to law enforcement, they can be used to support tactical
planning that is intended to target those specific areas while address-
ing those specific crimes.
Problem-Oriented Policing
While the factors surrounding the basis of the three forms of polic-
ing just discussed focused primarily on attention to a wide range of
issues associated with crime and criminal behavior, problem-oriented
policing shifts its focus to the identification of a specific issue that

directly leads to crime. The idea is that the police take a proactive role
in identifying, understanding, and responding to problems, not just
incidents (Goldstein, 2001).
Problem-oriented policing relies on the scanning, analysis, response,
and assessment (SARA) model approach, as discussed in Chapter 1,
to derive strategies for best responding to the problem behavior.
From the analysts’ perspective, by using SARA as a means of
a long-term analytical assessment to a specific problem, the cause
of the problem can be identified, examined, and addressed over a
period of time. Problem-oriented policing methods lead to discover-
ing new and more effective strategies for dealing with crime prob-
lems. It places a high value on new responses that are preventive
in nature, that are not dependent on the use of the criminal justice
system, and that engage other public agencies, the community, and
the private sector when their involvement has the potential for sig-
nificantly contributing to the reduction of the problem. The main
idea is to support building a body of knowledge that supports the
further professionalization of the police while directing attention
to the central issue(s) that created the problem. Analysis can aid in
the development of a strategic plan that may be used to address, and
eventually resolve, the main issue and aid in preemptive enforce-
ment intended to reduce further incidents stemming from the origi-
nal problem.
Intelligence-Led Policing
As we go into more detail later in this book, you will see that while
crime analysis is a valuable tool in the day-to-day “statistical” mindset
of law enforcement, intelligence supplies the data from which analysis
is drawn. From the perspective of real-time tactical analysts, data min-
ing from multiple intelligence sources is the main task in obtaining
data and intelligence. As you may have already gathered, throughout
this book the words data and intelligence will carry the same meaning
and be virtually interchangeable. Technically, the word intelligence,
when used as a noun in military or government work, has tradition-
ally referred to information gained from the enemy. However, in this
book and writing from the perspective of the crime analyst, the word
intelligence will refer to information (data) that is gathered to advance

the work of the analyst.
With this out of the way, intelligence-led policing relies heavily on
the gathering, sharing, assessment, and dissemination of information
(intelligence) used to aid in strategic planning and proactive enforce-
ment measures.
Criminal
environment
Crime and
intelligence Decision-maker
analysis
Intelligence-led policing analytical process
While intelligence-led policing incorporates many of the ide-

ologies found with other methods of policing, such as community
policing and problem-oriented policing, it walks a fine constitutional
line with how it collects and disseminates intelligence (Guidetti
and Martinelli, 2009). The implementation of intelligence-led
policing is meant to anticipate crime trends and proactively create
prevention strategies while at the same time respecting citizens’
privacy rights. According to Guidetti and Martinelli (2009, p. 1),
intelligence-led policing is a conceptual framework of conducting
policing as “a business model and an information-organizing pro-
cess that allows police agencies to better understand their crime
problems and take measure of the resources available to be able
to decide on an enforcement tactic or prevention strategy best
designed to control crime.”
From the crime analyst’s perspective, the intelligence gathered
should be deemed sound and reliable, and it should be used to develop
strategies intended to address specific problems.
Modus Operandi of the Criminal Offender
You learned above that the standard model of policing is a reactive

type of policing based on criminal incidents reported to law enforce-
ment. That means that the police investigate crimes when they are
reported. Often, the investigation may center on the victim and how
that person became a victim.
The victim precipitation theory is based on the premise that “the
person who gets hurt significantly contributes to the outbreak of vio-
lence” (Karmen, 2001, p. 104). Therefore, it is assumed that victims,
either directly or indirectly, contribute to their own victimization by
placing themselves at some level of risk. “Different types of offend-
ers target different types of victims; therefore, determining the level
of risk the victim engaged in helps us gain an understanding of the
unidentified offender” (Schlesinger, 2009, p. 76).
Identifying the circumstances of how the victim came to be involved
in a crime helps to better understand the modus operandi (MO) of the
perpetrator of the crime. The MO of a criminal offender refers to that
person’s method of operation, his or her style or patterns. From the
crime analyst’s perspective, it is important in many crimes to identify
the MO of both the offender and the victim. The MO of some crimi-
nals is to gain a knowledge of the daily routines of their victims.
Victims who place themselves in vulnerable or precarious situations
may be more susceptible to becoming victimized. A young woman, for
example, who chooses to walk to her car alone in the early morning
hours, after the bar closes, may easily fall prey to a criminal whose
MO is to stalk the bar district in hopes of finding such a victim.
MOs can range from a burglar always choosing to break into their
target locations from a rooftop to a robber choosing a knife as his
favorite weapon during an armed robbery. The MO can represent a
comfort zone that helps the offender feel safe when committing his or
her criminal act.
To the crime analyst, an MO is an investigative indicator that can
be identified, mapped, analyzed, and assessed when there is a crime
pattern, or crime spree. But identifying the MOs of both the criminal
and his or her victims may be used in determining what type of tacti-
cal preparations need to be implemented in order to identify or predict
the crime pattern—if not the actual individual.
Why Do We Still Have Crime?
After several hundred years of the development of different crime

theories and various models of policing, we may well ask this ques-
tion: Why does crime continue?
We learned in Chapter 2 that crime has been steadily decreasing
for more than 20 years and continues to set records for lows in both
violent and property crime. But, of course, we haven’t eliminated
either violent crime or property crime. And we may even speculate
as to whether it is, indeed, possible to rid our society (or any society)
of crime altogether. This may be as much a philosophical or religious
question as it is a criminal justice question. Nonetheless, it should
be related to questions that we are constantly asking: Can we reduce
crime to negligible levels? What role should law enforcement play in
attempts to continue to reduce crime? Can the technology used in
intelligence analysis and tactical crime analysis produce even greater
reductions in crime?
It is tempting to resign ourselves to saying that crime is part of
human nature, and as long as we produce rational, thinking, often-
flawed human beings, we will always need law enforcement and
ongoing efforts to keep crime at a minimum. None of the theories
we discussed promised that crime could be completely eliminated.
Perhaps it should be the goal of our criminal justice system to strive to
do away with criminal offending.
In covering the many theories of the causes of crime in this chap-
ter, we have run the risk of confusing students even more about the
reasons why people violate the law. But that is the nature of both
criminal justice’s and humankind’s attempt to better understand both
normal and deviant behavior. It would be wonderful if there was one
theory that explained criminal offending so that we knew who would
commit a crime beforehand. At this stage in the ever-evolving state
of criminal justice, that is just not possible. However, we did suggest
three criminological theories in this chapter as being most relevant for
intelligence and tactical crime analysts: (1) rational choice theory, (2)
routine activities theory, and (3) criminal personality theory. Learning
more about these theories and keeping them in mind whenever you
are trying to understand criminal offending—in either general or spe-
cific instances—should serve you well.
Also, in this chapter we covered five methods or models of polic-

ing that seem most prominent among police departments. They may
also help to explain how and why crime has been decreasing. We are
not saying that any one or all five of these police methods are respon-
sible for crime reductions, but they could be related. Again, we strongly
encourage you to get to know these policing models in detail so that they
can contribute to your analysis of intelligence, statistics, and criminal
problems.
In Chapter 4, we will step away for a few chapters from statistics
and analysis to give you some history of the development of policing.
We will then be able to put the pieces of our puzzle together in future
chapters as we connect crime statistics, criminological theories, polic-
ing, models of policing, and intelligence and tactical crime analysis.
Ultimately, we will describe how everything comes to together to help
you see the big picture of how analysis and policing intersect to help
prevent crime as well as solve crime problems.
1. Since 1994, crime in the United States has been steadily

decreasing. What are some of the likely reasons for this great
crime decline?
2. What criminological theories make the most sense to you?
Important Terms
Classical theory: Basic theory of criminology that believes that

people have free will and make rational decisions about com-
mitting crime.
Criminal personality: This theory suggests that criminal offend-
ers perceive the world in a way that leads them to criminal
behavior.
Criminological theory: Theory that attempts to explain why peo-
ple commit crimes.
Intelligence: Data or information gathered related to criminal
activities or problems.
Modus operandi: Criminal offender’s method of operation, style,
or patterns.
The positivists: The early positivists, such as Cesare Lombroso,

considered biological attributes to be the real roots of crime.
Psychoanalysis: Set of psychological and psychotherapeutic theo-
ries that believe that an individual’s behavior is in part deter-
mined by early childhood experiences.
Routine activities theory: Theory of crime causation that explains
that crime is dependent on the situation and circumstances.
Trait theories: Trait theories subscribe to the belief that certain
inborn or enduring traits influence behavior.
For questions 1–5, indicate whether the statement is true or false.

1. Cesare Beccaria is known as the founder of classical
criminology.
2. The early positivists, such as Cesare Lombroso, who
lived from 1836 to 1909, considered biological attributes to be
the real roots of crime.
3. In general, all psychological explanations look inside
the human mind for the causes of criminal offending.
4. More recently, psychologists have linked criminal
behavior to a psychological condition called disruptive behav-
ior disorder
5. Sociological explanations of crime look at criminal
behaviors as emanating from environmental influences.
6. There has been growing research in recent years to show that
there is a link between
a. Mental illness and criminal behavior
b. Poor hygiene and criminal behavior
c. Lack of motivation and criminal offending
d. Sloth and criminal behavior
7. Edwin Sutherland suggested that delinquent behavior is
a. Inborn and not learned later in life
b. Learned in much the same way that people learn other
things
c. All about exposure to the media
d. Related to inadequate parenting
8. Travis Hirschi’s control theory emphasizes

a. Learning and reinforcement
b. That parents are the reason for all delinquency and crime
c. Social bonds
d. Children’s relationships to friends
9. In the theory proposed by Ronald Clarke and Derek Cornish,
delinquents and adult criminal offenders are
a. Impulsive people who don’t think
b. Irrational individuals who never make conscious decisions
c. People who never evaluate information
d. Rational people who make calculated choices about what
they are going to do
10. The standard model of law enforcement is a
a. Reactive form of policing
b. Form of policing that emphasizes fixing broken windows
c. Style of policing related to the SARA approach
d. Proactive form of policing
References
Bureau of Justice Assistance. (1994). Understanding Community Policing. A
Framework for Action. Washington, DC: Bureau of Justice Response Center.
Cole, G.F., and Smith, C.E. (2007). Criminal Justice in America 5th ed. Belmont,
CA: Wadsworth.
Fagin, J.A. (2007). Criminal Justice: A Brief Introduction. Boston: Allyn and
Bacon.
Goldstein, H. (2001). Problem-oriented policing in a nutshell. Presented at the
2001 International Problem-Oriented Policing Conference, San Diego,
December 7.
Guidetti, R., and Martinelli, T. (2009). Intelligence led policing—A
strategic framework. Police Chief Magazine. Available at http://
www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/index.cfm?fuseaction
=display&article_id=1918&issue_id=102009.
Karmen, A. (2001). Crime Victims: An Introduction to Victimology 4th ed.
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Masters, R.E., Way, L.B., Gerstenfeld, P.B., Muscat, B.T., Hooper, M., Dussich,
J.P.J., Pincu, L., and Skrapec, C.A. (2013). CJ: Realities and Challenges.
2nd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.
National Research Council. (2004). Effectiveness of police activity in reducing
crime, disorder and fear. In W. Skogan and K. Frydl (eds.), Fairness
and Effectiveness in Policing: The Evidence. Washington, DC: National
Academies Press, pp. 217–251.
Reid, S.T. (2009). Crime and Criminology. 12th ed. New York: Oxford University
Press.
Samenow, S.E. (1984). Inside the Criminal Mind. New York: Times Books.
Schlesinger, L. (2009). Psychological profiling: Investigative implications from
crime scene analysis. Journal of Psychiatry & Law 37(1), 73–84.
Siegel, L.J. (2006). Criminology. 9th ed. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.
Siegel, L.J., and Walsh, B.C. (2009). Juvenile Delinquency: Theory, Practice, and
Law. 10th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Weisburd, D., and Eck, J.E. (2004). What can the police do to reduce crime,
disorder, and fear? Annals of the American Academy of Social and Political
Sciences 593: 42–65.
Wilson, J.Q., and Kelling, G. (1982). Broken windows: The police and neigh-
borhood safety. Atlantic Monthly, March. Available at http://www.
theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/03/broken-windows/304465/.
Part II
l aw
e nForCement—
then and n ow
4
the P oli Ce and l aw
e nForCement— i t ’s
C ome a l on g way
Chapter Outline
1. The police—the beginnings

2. Development of law enforcement in the United States
3. State and federal law enforcement
4. Role of police officers
5. Patrol function
6. Eras of police reform and change
7. New developments in policing
8. CompStat
9. Policing in the 2000s
1. Become familiar with the history of policing in America

2. Understand the development of the dual policing system in
the United States
3. Gain a better understanding of the functions of patrol officers
4. Develop insight into the transitions in policing during the
latter half of the twentieth century
5. Become more familiar with CompStat and the first computer
innovations in policing
American policing is a product of its English heritage. The

British colonialists brought with them the criminal justice sys-
tem of their country. This included English common law, the
79
high value placed on individual rights, the court system, forms

of punishment, and law enforcement institutions.… The English
heritage contributed three enduring features to American
policing. The first is a tradition of limited police authority. The
American legal tradition seeks to protect individual liberty by
limiting government authority. Continental European countries,
by contrast, give their law enforcement agencies much broader
powers.… The second feature inherited from England is a tradi-
tion of local control of law enforcement agencies. European coun-
tries, by contrast, have centralized, national police forces. Local
control contributes to the third feature, a highly decentralized and
fragmented system of law enforcement. The United States is
unique in having an estimated 20,000 separate law enforcement
agencies, subject only to minimal coordination and very little
national control or regulation.
Samuel Walker (1992)
We want to illustrate how unbelievably basic, how absolutely

fundamental, how inextricably intertwined with human devel-
opment that the origin of crime analysis is. Civilization exists to
promote the general welfare of its citizens, starting with ensur-
ing their safety from each other. A society’s police must carry
out this most basic function, and its crime analysts are the cere-
brum of this effort.
A History of Crime Analysis (2015)
Introduction
The thin blue line, as used in the colloquial sense by those in law
enforcement, represents the fragile boundary that rests between those
who serve in law enforcement and those who do not. It also can be
viewed, by some, as a shaded veil intended to protect the world of
those who are sworn to uphold the law from their many detractors.
What is significant here is that terms such as these, and the infer-
ences that go along with their meanings, illustrate the simple fact that
there is much to be learned from the law enforcement profession and,
t he P o lI C e A n d l Aw en f o r C em en t 81
more importantly, the individuals who swear an oath to serve and

protect the constitution of the United States.
From the long-ago days of 1285, when the Statute of Winchester
was proposed by King Edward I of England and passed into law by
royal assent, formally establishing the constable watch system of pro-
tection that provided for one man from each parish to be selected
peacekeeper, to the present-day police officer, the evolution of the
structure of law enforcement continues to define, and redefine, what
we know about this noble, and dangerous, profession.
When most people think of the criminal justice system, they think
first of the police. Law enforcement is—at least to many citizens—the
face of the criminal justice system. It is the one part of the justice
system most people have contact with, and it’s the agency most people
expect will deal with crime. In fact, very few people have dealings
with prosecuting attorneys, judges, or any aspect of the correctional
system. But everyone has had an encounter with a police officer—
either through a request for help or by being stopped for a traffic
violation.
But it is the police that Americans expect will respond to crime,
and it is anticipated that the police will do their job by investigating a
crime and ultimately solving that crime.
Law Enforcement Response to Crimes
In the simplest form of explanation, a crime occurs, a person is vic-

timized, and the police are called to investigate. While it is not quite
that simple, particularly as it relates to the investigative process, what
is accepted in a matter-of-fact manner these days is that the police
respond to reported crime.
Think of recent well-known criminal events. For instance, there
was the shooting of movie theater patrons by James Holmes in Aurora,
Colorado, on July 20, 2012. Twelve people were killed and 70 peo-
ple injured in the shooting. Although the shooting occurred around
midnight in the crowded movie theater, police officers responded to
the scene within a few short minutes, and began sending victims to
the hospital before emergency medical services arrived. Other officers
arrested James Holmes, who was standing next to his car near the
theater, within minutes of the incident.
Then, there are the financial crimes of Bernard Madoff. When

a government agency—the Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC)—was alerted to possible irregularities related to Bernard
Madoff’s investment company, it began an investigation. When the
SEC found evidence of possible criminal wrongdoing, it notified the
FBI. The FBI then conducted its own investigation into Madoff and
his company’s financial transactions.
When the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) investigation
was concluded, charges were brought before the Department of
Justice, federal prosecutors levied charges, and Bernard Madoff was
arrested in December 2008 and later indicted. Plea bargaining then
began between the federal government and Madoff and his attorneys.
Eventually, a plea deal was reached and Madoff accepted a guilty plea
in 2009.
Then, there is the case of New York assembly speaker Sheldon
Silver, who for more than 20 years was one of New York’s most
powerful and canny politicians. He was arrested in January 2015 on
charges of taking nearly $4 million in payoffs and kickbacks. The
70-year-old Democratic assemblyman was taken into custody by the
FBI on federal conspiracy and bribery charges that carry up to 100
years in prison and could cost him his political seat. He was released
on $200,000 bail. In February 2015, he was indicted on corruption
charges, but two months later he was indicted on other corruption
charges that surfaced during the continuing investigation into his
financial affairs. Although indicted, it may be months or years before
he goes to trial.
As we can see in all three cases, when a crime has been com-
mitted, or at least alleged to have been committed, law enforcement
responds. The law enforcement response will depend on the crime—
whether it is a federal crime or a state crime—and where the crime
occurred.
Do State or Federal Law Enforcement Officers Respond?
If the crime represents a violation of a state law, then the local police
respond. We saw this in the James Holmes theater shooting case. The
shootings took place in Aurora, Colorado, and local police officers
from the Aurora Police Department responded and took jurisdiction
of the case. However, the FBI later took charge of the investigation
and the Aurora Police Department and the FBI worked together to
gather evidence.
On the other hand, if the crime is a violation of a federal law, then—
as we saw in the Madoff crime and in the Sheldon Silver case—the
federal government responds to the crime.
Joint state and federal investigations can eventually lead to task
forces being formed with the purpose of combining the investiga-
tive resources of both agencies as they work to solve pattern-related
crimes. A case in point is the upstate New York retail store service
desk armed robberies of 2013. As a result of more than 10 daytime
armed robberies from the service desk areas of a national retail store
chain, the Hobbs Act Task Force was formed in New York that
year.
Investigators from local police agencies teamed with members of
the FBI for the purpose of working as a task force responding to—
and investigating—armed robberies that were identified to be pattern
crimes. Pattern crime refers to a series of crimes that follows a certain
pattern. The task force collectively worked on “solvability factors” (key
elements necessary for the successful completion of a criminal inves-
tigation; usually include such factors as eye witnesses, identification of
a suspect, and address of the primary suspect) and investigative leads
that were developed by the task force members and the crime analyst
assigned to the team.
The Hobbs Act Task Force worked to enforce a U.S. federal law
named after Congressman Sam Hobbs. The Hobbs Act was enacted
by the U.S. Congress in 1946 to “prohibit actual or attempted robbery
or extortion affecting interstate or foreign commerce” (Office of the
United States Attorneys, 2015, p. 1). The Hobbs Act specifies that
when a robbery occurs at a location that deals with interstate com-
merce, then the charges levied against the perpetrator, once appre-
hended, increases the mandatory minimum federal sentence if he or
she is found guilty.
In this case investigation, the crime analyst participated in task
force briefings and was involved in data collection and storage, sus-
pect and pattern identification and research, and crime mapping,
as well as the issuing of all bulletins associated with the pattern
crimes.
How Did Our Dual System of Policing Evolve?
When the first U.S. Congress met in 1789, it adopted a law called the
U.S. Judiciary Act of 1789. This act established the U.S. federal judi-
ciary. Along with the federal judiciary, the U.S. Marshals Service was
also created by this act. This first law enforcement agency was formed
to be the enforcement arm of the federal courts. However, since no
other mention was made in the Constitution about law enforcement or
the police, it was up to the new country to develop a system of policing.
Since America was colonized by the English, it is no surprise that
early citizens of the fledgling country were people who were familiar
with the systems previously developed in England. The major system
developed in the new country was the constable watch system. The
watch system employed in the cities and urban areas developed in the
middle years of the nineteenth century.
The watch system as it developed in England’s towns and villages
generally meant that men—usually ordinary citizens—would be
responsible for patrolling the streets watching for any kind of criminal
activity. Constables, again, based on the system that had been used
in England prior to the nineteenth century, were mostly supervisors
of watchmen.
In America, Boston developed a watch system as early as 1634
(Bohm and Haley, 2002). Essentially, that was the predominant
policing system in America for the succeeding 200 years. Citizens
were expected to serve as the watch, but some of the citizens could
afford to pay a watch replacement, and as a consequence, often the
worst kind of men ended up protecting the community (Bohm and
Haley, 2002).
Much later, particularly in rural and southern areas of the United
States, the office of sheriff was established and the power of the posse
was used to maintain order and apprehend offenders (Bohm and Haley,
2002). That meant that two forms of law enforcement (in addition to
the U.S. Marshals, who helped bring law and order to the western
frontier) began to evolve. There was the watch in villages, towns, and
cities, and the sheriff in rural areas and counties. Some areas in the
northern parts of the United States often had both systems.
Although England organized its London Metropolitan Police in
1829, America didn’t imitate the English model for several years. The
first American police department in the north was created in Boston

in 1838 (Dempsey and Forst, 2010). It was in the 1840s that New
York City combined its day watch and night watch to form the first
paid, unified police force (Bohm and Haley, 2002). Then, in 1853, the
New York state legislature created the Municipal Police Department.
However, it was found to be so corrupt that it was abolished by the
legislature four years later (Bohm and Haley, 2002). The legislature
replaced it with the Metropolitan Police. Other big-city police depart-
ments were created later on in the 1850s and 1860s. For instance,
Philadelphia combined its day and night watches in 1854 to bring
about its own police department.
The First Police Departments
The duties of the first police officers in those early years were very
similar to what the watchmen were doing. But after the Civil War,
city police departments began to establish a unique identity as they
began to wear uniforms, carry nightsticks, and arm themselves with
firearms. However, it can be said that police work was primitive
in the early years. Early police officers, in the nineteenth century,
performed many duties they do not have today, including cleaning
streets, inspecting boilers, caring for the poor and homeless, oper-
ating emergency ambulances, and performing other social services
(Dempsey and Forst, 2010). Following the English tradition, police
officers in the north were not issued firearms, although this changed
by the 1860s.
Another form of early policing was established in what were
becoming the key slave states of the south. These states were Virginia,
North Carolina, and South Carolina. And the form of policing evolv-
ing in these states was the slave patrols (Oliver and Hilgenberg,
2006). Although the slave patrols actually began in the seventeenth
century, they were organized to prevent slaves from escaping from
their owners. As time went on, the slave patrols would develop into
more formal, government-sanctioned entities as they were legislated
into existence (Oliver and Hilgenberg, 2006). For example, the code
of 1705 in Virginia allowed the patrols to check blacks who were not
on plantation property to ensure they had appropriate documentation
and were not escaped slaves.
The slave patrols were often made up of hired hands from planta-
tions, and frequently they treated blacks with suspicion and hostil-
ity. Sometimes, blacks were mistreated, tortured, or even murdered
(Oliver and Hilgenberg, 2006).
Transitional Policing
There was little change in policing from the time of the early forma-
tion of police departments in the 1850s until the 1930s. It was appar-
ent to many that changes were needed because, according to Oliver
and Hilgenberg in A History of Crime and Criminal Justice in America
(2006), the reality of American policing was that the police were cor-
rupt, tied into politics, and very brutal in their approach to dealing
with citizens.
As the country headed into the 1920s and the grand social experi-
ment known as Prohibition created a new series of crimes and law
enforcement challenges, police departments were unable to cope with
the demands brought about by the attempt to ban the manufacture,
distribution, transportation, sale, or consumption of alcohol. However,
the status of police officers did not make their jobs any easier. Police
officers in the 1930s were generally underpaid, poorly trained, and
ill equipped (Oliver and Hilgenberg, 2006). It was a low-status job
often given to political cronies or brutish men without an education
(Walker, 1992). In addition, corruption was rampant. Often, police
officers worked with politicians who themselves worked with gang-
sters, and the whole system ensured that gangsters could make sure
that thirsty Americans could get booze—no matter what the federal
law said.
Many cities, as well as the federal government, were concerned
about the rise in crime and the flourishing bootlegging business.
More than 100 surveys and studies were conducted during the 1920s
to study the police problem, crime, and the criminal justice system
(Oliver and Hilgenberg, 2006).
The most significant of these studies was the one initiated by
President Herbert Hoover in 1929. Named the National Commission
on Law Observance and Enforcement, this commission was under
the direction of George W. Wickersham, the U.S. attorney gen-
eral. In 1931, the National Commission on Law Observance and
Enforcement, most commonly known simply as the Wickersham

Commission, gave its report and recommendations. The Wickersham
Commission’s report concluded that Prohibition was unenforceable,
but the report condemned the police and said that the police by and
large were corrupt, that brutality by the police was widespread, and
that police officers at all levels were ill equipped, ill trained, and ill
prepared to perform the duties of law enforcement (Oliver and
Hilgenberg, 2006).
Following the Wickersham Commission’s report and the number
of recommendations given in it (e.g., one recommendation was for
more extensive training for new police recruits, as well as for officers
already on the job), it might be expected that changes would be forth-
coming. That was not the case, however. There was no immediate
response, but over the next few decades, gradual changes would come
about.
Police chiefs and police organizations, with such forward-thinking
men as August Vollmer and O.W. Wilson leading the way, brought
about improved standards for hiring police officers, improved edu-
cation and training, and better equipment for the police (Dempsey,
1999).
Research on Policing and the Prevention of Crime
The assumption is that putting more officers on the street will lead
to reduced crime. This strategy is referred to as preventive patrol.
However, this assumption has been tested to see if it works. The first
such research project was conducted in 1974 and was called the Kansas
City Preventive Patrol Project. Conducted to test the degree to which
preventive patrol affected such things as offense rates and the level of
public fear, the experiment was relatively simple (Walker, 1992).
The southern part of Kansas City, Missouri, was divided into 15
areas. Five of these areas were patrolled in the usual fashion, five oth-
ers featured doubled patrols, and the last five saw patrols eliminated
altogether (no officers were assigned to these five areas and officers
only went into those areas when they were called).
The results? Surprisingly, in the three sections of the city there were
no significant differences in the rate of offending in terms of burglaries,
robberies, auto thefts, larcenies, and vandalisms. Furthermore, citizens
didn’t seem to realize any changes in the patrol patterns, and there
seemed to be no difference in citizen’s fear of crime during the study
(Schmalleger, 2012). This study called into question the wisdom of ran-
dom preventive patrol. However, the Kansas City experiment did usher
in an era of more evidence-based policing in which police practices have
been put to the test to see which are effective and which are not.
Role of Police Officers Today
In the typical police department today, the job of police officers

involves a wide variety of functions. But the major roles played by the
police are patrol, traffic enforcement, peacekeeping and order mainte-
nance, and investigating crimes.
In the second half of the nineteenth century, policing in big cit-
ies took on the role of providing public health services, as well as
other social welfare functions. For example, in Boston, police officers
often served soup to the indigent, and the homeless were housed at
night in police stations (Oliver and Hilgenberg, 2006). These welfare
services tended to disappear in the twentieth century, and policing
began to focus more on maintaining order and enforcing the laws
(Walker, 1992). As the twentieth century proceeded, certain police
roles emerged. For instance, patrol officers took on a readily identifi-
able role in terms of their traffic functions and responding to crime
scenes. However, detective divisions, established to investigate past
crimes, were first formed by the second half of the nineteenth century.
In the following, Glenn Grana explains what police officers do:

During the course of my 21-year career, when people learned that
I was a police officer, they routinely asked me what it was exactly
that I did. This question always seemed puzzling to me given that
law enforcement was constantly being portrayed in the movies
and on television. From uniform cops racing from call to call,
lights and sirens ablaze, to undercover detectives infiltrating the
seedy criminal underworld, the world of law enforcement never
seemed to shy away from the theatrical stage. What continued to
surprise me, however, was how little the general public actually
knew about law enforcement and the role of the police officer.
In the early stages of my career, I had the opportunity to serve
as a field training officer (FTO), training new recruits as they
just finished the classroom portion of their police academy train-
ing. During the initial meeting with the newly assigned recruit,
I would hand him or her an organizational chart of our agency. An
organizational chart illustrates the entire organizational structure
of a police department by breaking down each tier, from top-level
management to the precinct patrol level. It also highlights each
specialized unit—including the detective bureau, the mounted
patrol, and narcotics, to name a few.
I would explain to the recruits that they needed to gain a full
understanding of the organizational structure of the agency they
worked for to help them better understand the different aspects
of policing that exist in order to successfully address the needs of
the department and, more importantly, the community that the
department served. For example, an organization as large as the
New York City Police Department (NYPD) serves a population
of more than 8 million people and, as such, needs to ensure it has
the manpower, resources, and equipment needed to properly police
a populace that large. The NYPD is in sharp contrast to a depart-
ment such as the Brockport (New York) Police Department, which
serves a community of approximately 8000 people with 13 full- and
part-time police officers (Brockport Police Department, 2015).
With a larger demographic, such as the metropolitan New York
area, specialized units are needed to address a large number of issues
that result in police action, including such issues as drugs, violence,
and domestic violence. That’s why the NYPD has many more spe-
cialized units (narcotics squad, gang enforcement unit, SWAT, etc.)
that are needed to handle special community concerns.
I always tried to emphasize, both to new recruits and to peo-
ple who were simply curious about what exactly I did as a police
officer, that to understand the various roles that a police officer
performs, you need to understand the needs, and societal issues,
emanating from the community that is being policed.
Patrol Function
Uniformed police officers do a number of very different jobs on a daily

basis. Whether they are providing patrol services in a car, on horse-
back, or on a bicycle, the primary goals of police patrol are to deter
crime, enhance feelings of public safety, and be available for public
service.
In regard to making officers available for service, the response of
uniformed patrol officers, who are typically the first responders when
a call is received at a police station, can be important in making an
arrest or helping to secure a crime scene. However, in many instances,
response time has no effect on clearing a crime. But this has little to
do with patrol officers themselves. Many times a crime is not detected
immediately after it occurs, so response by the police may not be criti-
cal. In addition, people often delay calling the police. And, although
patrol officers may be available to respond to a call, there may be
administrative details that result in delays in information given to the
officers on the street (Dempsey, 1999).
But, it is the police dispatcher who notifies patrol officers in the
vicinity to go to the scene. When uniformed officers arrive at the
crime scene, they have an important set of tasks to carry out. They
must
• Secure and preserve the crime scene
• Determine if a crime, indeed, has been committed
• Identify witnesses and potential suspects
• Ask for emergency medical assistance if there is an injury
• Report back to their supervisor as to whether a crime has
occurred and indicate whether detectives or crime scene tech-
nicians should be dispatched to the scene
Given this set of responsibilities, their effective and efficient han-
dling of the crime scene can be essential, and it can even be said that
is the most crucial aspect among the steps that will be taken leading
to the gathering of evidence and the eventual solution of the crime
(Walker, 1992).
Patrol officers play other roles in addition to being first on the
scene of a crime. They have an important role in providing what
Bayley (1994) calls a symbolic presence. In Bailey’s view, the
police—especially uniformed officers—are a symbol of police

presence and validate for citizens that law enforcement is doing
their job and making citizens feel safe. Whether uniformed officers
are directing traffic when a traffic light has malfunctioned or when
sports fans are leaving the parking areas after a football game, their
mere presence helps to reassure citizens that law and order exists
(Bayley, 1994).
Additionally, patrol officers serve the public in many other ways by,
for instance, answering questions or coming out to a neighborhood to
deal with domestic violence incidents, responding to a security alarm
that has signaled a possible break-in, or dealing with a complaint of
noise from a neighbor’s party.
Peacekeeping and Order Maintenance
Although patrol officers and traffic patrol officers make up the bulk of
policing (Fuller, 2010), the police do a great variety of other things,
all of which may fall under the heading of peacekeeping and order
maintenance. For example, duties in this category include
• Responding to domestic dispute situations
• Controlling crowds at various public events, such as concerts,
baseball games, and parades
• Working vice as an undercover officer
• Dealing with the mentally ill
• Working with juveniles
• Responding to emergencies, such as natural disasters, terror-
ist attacks, and blackouts
Traffic Enforcement Functions
Local police agencies and state highway patrols are responsible for
ensuring safety on the streets and highways. In some states, state
police officers patrol freeways, expressways, and interstate highways,
while local police patrol provide traffic enforcement services on lesser
streets and roadways. The major responsibilities of highway patrol
officers are to respond to traffic accidents, set up roadblocks to detect
drunken drivers, and generally enforce traffic laws.
Criminal Investigations
According to the Worldwide Law Enforcement Consulting Group, a

training and law enforcement consulting organization, an investiga-
tion is “an examination, a study, a survey and a research of facts and/
or circumstances, situations, incidents and scenarios, either related or
not, for the purpose of rendering a conclusion of proof ” (Fundamentals
of criminal investigation, 2015). When a police officer investigates, he
or she makes a systematic inquiry, closely analyzes, and inspects while
dissecting and scrutinizing information.
Later in this book, we will look at how important it is for both
civilian intelligence analysts and tactical analysts to have a basic
understanding of the process of criminal investigations. This can help
the analyst develop an investigative mindset that can lead to better
and more relevant intelligence provided to criminal investigators. For
now, however, let us look at the investigative process as it relates to the
police and how they investigate crimes and suspicious events.
Investigative Process
Regardless if the crime involves the theft of a bicycle from a garage

or the violent murder of a woman alone in her house, the process of
investigation follows the same format:
• Identification of the crime scene, victims, and witnesses
• Gathering evidence and clues as to who perpetrated the crime
and what may be the possible motive
• Interviewing persons with knowledge relevant to the crime
to enhance (or eliminate) solvability factors (factors related to
the event that may lead to solving the case)
• Following up on any forensic leads
• Identification, apprehension, interview, and arrest of suspect(s)
The Investigator
A well-trained investigator should be able to follow up, and expand

upon, this process regardless of the complexities of the investigation
in question. And while the skill set needed to effectively investigate
crime can be learned through training, and repetition, an investigator
must also be able to objectively consider all scenarios that present

themselves during the course of the investigation.
Remaining objective during the investigative process can aid an
investigator when assessing the facts presented to him or her, thus
enabling the consideration of all possible scenarios. Understanding
the reasoning for why the criminal may have committed the crime
can help the investigator to better understand the suspect’s thought
process. Gaining a better understand of the suspect’s thought process
can help when evaluating the facts relevant to the investigation.
These same traits hold true for skilled intelligence and tactical ana-
lysts as they research and reason their way through the intelligence
analysis process while assisting in the investigative work.
Eras of Police Reform Leading to Change
During the first 15 to 20 years of the twentieth century, there were

attempts to reform the police, although these attempts were not very
successful. But at the same time, the use of technology by police
departments—the use of bicycles, cars, and radios, for instance—
enabled the police to respond more quickly to emergencies.
Throughout the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, there was increasing pro-
fessionalism of the police. However, the 1960s and 1970s were times of
great tension and change, creating a very turbulent time for police depart-
ments in the United States. Civil rights disturbances, antiwar demon-
strations, campus disorders, and urban riots all taxed police departments
across America. But by the 1980s and 1990s, the turbulence of those two
decades gave way to a more peaceful era. Although the police were grap-
pling with new issues, such as terrorism, school shootings, and bombings,
it was a time that ushered in several positive developments.
Among the new developments of the 1990s was the introduction
of the computer revolution in policing, involving new ways of looking
at and dealing with communications, record keeping, fingerprinting,
and criminal investigations. Other positive developments that began
during the 1990s were a sudden reduction in crime and the birth of
two new major concepts in police work: community policing and
problem-oriented policing. Although no one can say for sure, it may
be that all of these new developments had an impact on what Franklin
Zimring called the “great American crime decline” (Zimring, 2008).
New York City has shown some of the most dramatic reductions
in crime of all major cities in the United States. One explanation
for the crime decline in New York City that is often cited by city
officials and police administrators there is aggressive police tactics
like those introduced by the city’s former commissioner William J.
Bratton (Dempsey and Forst, 2010). Bratton completely reengineered
the NYPD to make reducing crime its primary objective (Silverman,
1996). The primary idea behind Bratton’s reengineering was a process
known as CompStat.
CompStat
CompStat is the name of a specific program implemented by the

NYPD in 1994 (Silverman, 2006). Silverman (2006, p. 267) has
described it “as perhaps the most important organizational innova-
tion in policing during the latter half of the 20th century.”
The name CompStat comes from a computer file called compara-
tive statistics. Central to the program are weekly crime strategy ses-
sions conducted at police headquarters. At these weekly meetings,
computer-generated maps are used to provide a wide variety of crime
details. Precinct commanders are held responsible for any increases
in crime and must present innovative solutions to manage their pre-
cincts’ crime problems (Dempsey and Forst, 2010). In discussions
about what the computer maps indicate about crime problems, crime
fighting techniques are developed for implementation.
There is a four-step process that is the essence of CompStat:
1. Timely and accurate intelligence
2. Use of effective tactics in response to that intelligence
3. Rapid deployment of personnel and resources
4. Relentless follow-up and assessment (Dempsey and Forst,
2010)
What CompStat allows the NYPD and other police departments
who have also adopted the use of CompStat to do is to pinpoint and
analyze crime patterns almost instantly, respond in the most appro-
priate manner, quickly shift personnel and other resources as needed,
assess the impact and viability of anticrime strategies, identify bright,
up-and-coming individuals from within the ranks of the police
department, and transform the organization more fluidly and more

effectively (Dodenhoff, 1996).
Policing in the 2000s
As America and the rest of the world entered the new millennium,
further advances in technology helped police departments go beyond
CompStat and develop new and unique ways to analyze crime and use
information and intelligence in smarter ways. Although police agen-
cies are still plagued by some of the same old problems—such as bru-
tality, racism, and corruption—new approaches to fighting crime have
changed how some police departments are managing crime problems.
Those technological changes in criminal investigations are dis-
cussed Chapter 5.
1. Would the United States be better off if it had a less frag-

mented and more centralized system of policing?
2. In what ways are patrol officers more important than
detectives?
Important Terms
CompStat: Program and a process that involves analyzing infor-

mation and intelligence to better combat crime problems.
Kansas City Preventive Patrol Project: Research project con-
ducted in Kansas City in 1974 to determine if police presence
in the form of patrol officers had an effect on crime rates. It
was found that the presence—or absence—of patrol officers
had almost no effect on crime rates.
National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement:
Commission, also known as the Wickersham Commission,
appointed by President Herbert Hoover in 1929 to study
crime in the United States.
Patrol officers: Uniformed police officers who perform a variety
of functions, including responding first to calls to the police
department and handling traffic duties.
Slave patrols: Organized groups of men who captured escaped

slaves from Southern states.
Watch system: Ordinary citizens responsible for patrolling the
streets to watch out for fires or crime.

1. The oldest law enforcement agency in the United
States is the FBI.
2. Federal law enforcement officers are involved when a
federal law is violated.
3. The London Metropolitan Police was established in
1829.
4. The conclusion of the National Commission on
Law Observance and Enforcement was that Prohibition was
enforceable.
5. Patrol officers are typically first responders when a
call comes into the police station.
6. Slave patrols were organized in the south in the United States
to
a. Defeat the Ku Klux Klan
b. Protect slaves from abuse
c. Prevent slaves from escaping from their owners
d. Investigate crimes on plantations
7. The Wickersham Commission was the more informal name
for
a. The International Association of Chiefs of Police
b. The National Commission on Law Observance and
Enforcement
c. The Knapp Commission
d. None of the above
8. The outcome of the Kansas City Preventive Patrol Project was
that
a. Crime went up in areas with decreased patrol officers
b. Citizens realized that there were fewer officers in some
areas
c. There were no differences in the role officers in most crime

categories
d. Citizens’ fear of crime went up
9. Patrol officers do various tasks, including
a. Solving crimes
b. Investigating police corruption
c. Performing forensic work and detecting crime
d. Responding to domestic disputes and emergencies, and
controlling crowds
10. CompStat was an important development in the 1990s
because it
a. Created stress for precinct commanders
b. Allowed police departments to pinpoint and analyze
crime patterns
c. Led to an increase in crime
d. Slowed down the use of police personnel
References
Bayley, D.H. (1994). Police for the Future. New York: Oxford University Press.
Bohm, R.H., and Haley, K.N. (2002). Introduction to Criminal Justice. 3rd ed.
New York: Glencoe/McGraw-Hill.
Brockport Police Department. (2015). Brockport Police Department. Available
at http://brockportpolice.org/.
Dempsey, J.S. (1999). An Introduction to Policing. 2nd ed. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth Publishing.
Dempsey, J.S., and Forst, L.S. (2010). An Introduction to Policing. 5th ed. Clifton
Park, NY: Delmar.
Dodenhoff, P.C. (1996). LEN salutes its 1996 People of the Year, the NYPD
and its Compstat process: A total re-engineering and strategy-making
that has transformed the nation’s largest police force – as it will law
enforcement in general. Law Enforcement News, December 31, 1–4.
Available at https://www.lib.jjay.cuny.edu/len/96/31dec/html/feature.
html.
Fuller, J.R. (2010). Criminal Justice: Mainstream and Crosscurrents. 2nd ed.
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Fundamentals of criminal investigations. (2015). Clifton Park, NY: Worldwide
Law Enforcement Consulting Group. Available at www.worldwidelawen-
forcement.com.
A history of crime analysis. (2015). Lowell: University of Massachusetts
Lowell. Available at http://faculty.uml.edu/jbyrne/44.203/MACA-
historyofcrimeanalysis.pdf.
Office of the United States Attorneys. (2015). Hobbs Act—Under color of

official right. Washington, DC: Office of the United States Attorneys.
Available at http://www.justice.gov/usam/criminal-resource-manual-
2404-hobbs-act-under-color-official-right (accessed September 30, 2015).
Oliver, W.M., and Hilgenberg, J.F. (2006). A History of Crime and Criminal
Justice in America. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
Schmalleger, F. (2012). Criminal Justice: A Brief Introduction. 9th ed. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Silverman, E.B. (1996). Mapping change: How the New York City Police
department reengineered itself to drive down crime. Law Enforcement
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len/96/15dec/html/12.html.
Walker, S. (1992). The Police in America: An Introduction. 2nd ed. New York:
McGraw-Hill.
Zimring, F. (2008). The Great American Crime Decline. New York: Oxford
University Press.
5
P oli Ce i n v esti g ati ons in
the twent y -F irst C entury
Chapter Outline
1. Criminal investigations
2. Development of the detective in America
3. Collecting evidence for use in court
4. Procedural law
5. Rule of law in collecting evidence
6. Search and seizure
7. Search warrants
8. Warrantless searches
9. Interrogation and the Fifth Amendment
10. The crime analyst and the criminal investigator
1. Understand the primary role of the police investigator

2. Become familiar with the rule of law in collecting evidence of
a crime
3. Be conversant with the rules regarding search and seizure
4. Gain a better understanding of when a warrantless search
may be conducted
5. Know the rules of interrogation of suspects
6. Begin to appreciate the association between investigation and
intelligence
Police patrols may be the primary crime control tactic of law

enforcement. However, the second major tactic is investigation
of reported crimes by detectives. While police patrols have been
99
10 0 C rIm e A n d In t el lI g en C e A n A lysIs
around since the beginning of police departments in America,

the detective specialist in policing is of more recent vintage.
Not until around the beginning of the twentieth century did
municipal police departments create the position of detective
(Kuykendall and Roberg, 1982).
A number of factors converged near the end of the nineteenth
century to bring about a demand for public police investigations
of crime and criminals. Prior to that, citizens could hire private
detectives—like those that worked for the Pinkerton detective
agency. As the nineteenth century morphed into the twentieth
century, fewer private citizens were able or willing to hire pri-
vate detectives to find and recover stolen property (Langworthy
and Travis, 1999). In addition, there was the public perception
of a rising crime rate and the ineffectiveness of patrol officers in
identifying and apprehending offenders. It might be said that
the Keystone Kops—bumbling and incompetent police officers
of the silent film era—of the early part of the twentieth century
reflected one popular perception of the police in general. But it
may have been the competency of the Pinkerton detectives, too,
that provided the model of a police detective that led to the pub-
lic’s acceptance of the police department detective (Langworthy
and Travis, 1999).
Introduction
Detectives are responsible for criminal investigations. A criminal

investigation is a lawful search for people and items useful in recon-
structing an illegal act or omission and analyzing of the mental state
of the person or persons committing that act or omission (Weston and
Lushbaugh, 2006).
The objective of criminal investigation is to determine truth as
far as it can be discovered in any inquiry; it is a probing from the
unknown to the known (Weston and Lushbaugh, 2006). Successful
investigations are based not only on fidelity, accuracy, and sincer-
ity in lawfully searching for the facts, but also on an equal faith-
fulness, exactness, and probity in reporting the results (Weston and
Lushbaugh, 2006).
P o lI C e In v e s tI g AtI o ns In t he 21s t C en t ury 101
Criminal investigation means collecting evidence. Evidence is the

only means by which the judge or the jury can be convinced of the
truth or untruth of allegations and accusations made by defendants in
a court of law. It is the job of detectives to collect all of the evidence
and present it first to prosecutors and then to the court, but given
this, the first item of concern is whether the evidence collected will be
admissible in court. Admissibility depends on whether the evidence is
relevant, material, and competent.
In our criminal justice system, the defendant is presumed to be
innocent and it is the task of the prosecution to prove the case against
the defendant beyond a reasonable doubt. The reality of this system is
this: accusations of crime must be supported in court by legally sig-
nificant evidence. It is incumbent on the criminal investigator—the
detective—to have a knowledge of evidence and its legal significance
in order to be successful. In the final analysis, the success of an inves-
tigation depends on the evidence collected and its legal significance
(Weston and Lushbaugh, 2006).
Rules of Procedure in Collecting Evidence
In a perfect scenario within the field of criminal justice, a crime is

committed and the suspect is immediately caught, smoking gun in
hand, and shortly thereafter offers a legal, signed confession of his
guilt. However, this is not the way these scenarios get played out in
reality. Rarely is the suspect even remotely in the vicinity of the crime,
and the smoking gun? No smoking gun with his fingerprints on it.
Instead, the “smoking gun” is usually a piece of physical evidence left
behind at the scene.
Regardless of the evidence left behind at the scene, there are very
well-defined rules of procedure that must be followed so that any evi-
dence collected by the police can be later used in court. The Fourth
Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is a brief amendment, but it has
an important function in preserving the rights of citizens. The Fourth
Amendment reads:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be vio-
lated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported
by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be

searched, and the persons or things to be seized. (Hall and Ely, 2009,
p. 413)
Once a criminal investigation has commenced, and a crime scene

has been identified, the need to properly collect and maintain evi-
dence related to that investigation is crucial to the achievement of a
successful arrest and prosecution in the case. As Hess and Orthman
(2010) put it, “a primary purpose of an investigation is to locate, iden-
tify, and preserve evidence—data on which a judgment or conclusion
may be based” (p. 122). The proper collection of evidence will help
strengthen the case for the prosecution while eliminating any room
for suggestion of a false arrest by the defense. However, the collec-
tion of evidence cannot begin without the actual crime scene being
located. The preliminary search of a location thought to be related to
the commission of a crime aids in establishing proof that the scene
was in fact linked to the crime itself. Once the scene is determined to
be that of the actual crime scene, then the act of evidence collection
begins.
Photographing the crime scene as it appeared, prior to the disrup-
tion caused as a result of a search for evidence, helps to maintain the
integrity of its original condition as it appeared just after the crime
was committed and before the suspect had fled. The image of an
undisturbed crime scene is a powerful piece of evidence that a jury can
use when evaluating the mindset of the criminal as to why and how
they committed the crime. Also, pre-search photographs of a crime
scene can aid in establishing the condition and placement of evidence
prior to the evidence being collected and secured.
Once the scene is secured and photographed, the placement of
markings next to items of evidence being seized helps to establish, by
number, which item was found first and the location of each item as it
pertains to its collection. An evidence log is also needed to chronologi-
cally log the collection of each piece of evidence by date, time, number
of item, and location. Photographing the item once it is marked—and
prior to its collection—helps to aid the prosecution when they attempt
to piece the scene together for a jury.
Upon marking, logging, and photographing evidence, the next
step is to physically collect the evidence for examination and testing.
P o lI C e In v e s tI g AtI o ns In t he 21s t C en t ury 10 3
Following established protocol when collecting evidence helps to

eliminate any suggestion that the item seized was contaminated or
collected improperly. In addition, abiding by the proper method of
collection helps to maintain the integrity of any laboratory tests that
are meant to establish a connection between the suspect and the item
seized.
The final step in the process of crime scene investigation has to
do with after-search photographs. These photographs are intended to
document the crime scene as it appeared once the search and seizure
of evidence was completed. It aids in defending against any accu-
sation that property left behind was intentionally damaged or that
any important piece of evidence was left behind either negligently or
intentionally. The before, during, and after photographs of a crime
scene help to complete a necessary visual aid, not only for investiga-
tors to refer to as they continue on in their investigations, but also for
any judge or jury to ponder as a point of reference when connecting an
item to the location at which it was found.
Search and Seizure
The Fourth Amendment governs the search and seizure of evidence

in a criminal case. There are three important elements of this amend-
ment that control the activities of law enforcement when it comes to
searching for and collecting evidence. These critical elements have to
do with
• When suspects and their property can be searched
• When a search warrant is needed
• How a search warrant is obtained
Stop and Frisk
A police officer can search a suspect if the officer has a search warrant
or if the search is incident to a lawful arrest. But what if the officer
wants to stop and frisk a suspect?
Although it has been common practice over the decades—virtually
since police departments were established—for officers to stop and
frisk suspicious people, it hasn’t always been exactly clear whether
the police actually had the right to stop a suspicious individual and
whether they could conduct a frisk looking for weapons or contra-

band. However, in the court case of Terry v. Ohio (1968), the U.S.
Supreme Court defined this right and the parameters of what consti-
tutes a stop and frisk.
The Terry v. Ohio case involved an officer who observed three men
walking slowly back and forth in front of a store. The officer thought
the men were acting in a suspicious manner, and he concluded they
might be casing the store for a robbery. The officer confronted the
three men and, after asking some questions, patted them down. In the
process of patting them down, he discovered that two of the men were
carrying revolvers. He arrested the men, and they were subsequently
charged with carrying concealed weapons.
Later, in court, the men claimed that the officer did not have prob-
able cause to search them. Therefore, they argued that the search was
illegal and the guns should not be admitted into evidence. The case
was appealed up to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Supreme Court
agreed the officer did not have probable cause, but the court made a
distinction between a search without a warrant (which would require
probable cause) and a stop and frisk. The court held that a frisk (or
a pat-down of the outer clothing of an individual) is essential to the
proper performance of a police officer’s investigative duties (Albanese,
2013).
Procedural Law
Law enforcement—and indeed the entire criminal justice system—is

governed by procedural law. Procedural law is a body of laws for how
things should be done at each step of the criminal justice process.
Procedural law includes court procedures, such as rules of evidence,
and police procedures, which involve such things as search and sei-
zure, arrest, and interrogation (Fagin, 2007).
Rules of Evidence
Rules of evidence stipulate the requirements for introducing evidence

and define the qualifications of an expert witness and the nature of
the testimony he or she may give (Fagin, 2012). Rules of evidence
affect police officers’ conduct because collecting evidence is part of
their job. The rules state that evidence gathered through immoral,
illegal, or unconstitutional means should not be used as evidence in
a trial.
Exclusionary Rule
Evidence is declared inadmissible under the exclusionary rule, and

the rule prohibits the use of evidence or testimony obtained in
violation of the Constitution. The origins of the exclusionary rule can
be traced back to a 1914 case heard by the U.S. Supreme Court. The
case was Weeks v. United States (1914), and the court ruled that evi-
dence against Freemont Weeks, who was accused of transporting lot-
tery tickets through the mail, was obtained without a search warrant.
Weeks took action against the police and petitioned for the return
of his private possessions. The conclusion of the Supreme Court was
unanimous. The court held that the seizure of items from Weeks’s
residence directly violated his constitutional rights. The court also
held that the government’s refusal to return Weeks’s possessions
violated the Fourth Amendment. To allow private documents to be
seized and then held as evidence against citizens would have meant
that the protection of the Fourth Amendment, declaring the right
to be secure against such searches and seizures, would be of no value
whatsoever. This was the first application of what eventually became
known as the exclusionary rule (Bohm and Haley, 2012).
In 1961, in Mapp v. Ohio, the Supreme Court extended the exclu-
sionary rule by requiring that state courts use the rule—just as it was
used in federal court proceedings. Mapp v. Ohio (1961) was a case
involving a woman by the name of Dolree Mapp. The police received
a tip from an informant that there was evidence at her home related to
a bombing suspect. The police arrived at Ms. Mapp’s house and asked
for permission to search her house. Ms. Mapp refused them permis-
sion and they left. Later, they returned, and this time they said they
had a search warrant and they waived a blank piece of paper at her.
The police proceeded to search her home. They did not find any
evidence of a bombing suspect, but they did find some obscene mate-
rial. Ms. Mapp was arrested and was convicted in state court of pos-
session of obscene materials (Fagin, 2007). Ms. Mapp appealed her
conviction on the basis that her Fourth Amendment rights had been
violated. The Supreme Court ruled that the same standards as in Weeks
v. United States applied to defendants in state courts. That is, illegally
obtained evidence would be inadmissible. As a result, Ms. Mapp’s
conviction was reversed.
Fruit of the Poisonous Tree Doctrine
The exclusionary rule, as established in 1914 by Weeks v. United States,

applied to primary evidence. That means that direct evidence (e.g., a
photo album containing photos of missing and presumed dead indi-
viduals) obtained by illegal means would be excluded, but that any
other evidence (perhaps the burial sites of some of those bodies,
which were discovered based on those photos) would still be permit-
ted. However, this was further clarified a few years after the Weeks v.
United States decision.
In Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United States (1920), the U.S. Supreme
Court added another rule of evidence—the fruit of the poisonous tree
doctrine. In this decision, the court declared that the rules of evidence
applied not only to evidence directly obtained by illegal means, but
also to any other evidence garnered indirectly. For instance, if the
police obtained the financial records from the residence of a suspect,
but gathered this evidence without a search warrant, they could not
use those records to determine what bank accounts the suspect had
and then get a judge to sign a legal search warrant in order to seize
those bank accounts.
Although the Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United States case only
applied to federal courts, this doctrine was expanded to state courts in
the 1949 case of Wolf v. Colorado. In effect, the Supreme Court in Wolf
v. Colorado (1949) held that state courts had to enact procedures to pro-
tect the rights of citizens against police abuses of search and seizure.
Exceptions to the Search Warrant Rule
The Fourth Amendment’s intent is that search warrants be secured

by the police in order for a search and seizure to take place. In order
for the police to obtain a search warrant, there must be probable
cause. Probable cause means that there is a likelihood of a direct link
between a suspect and a crime (Fagin, 2007).
However, over the years, the U.S. Supreme Court has authorized a
number of circumstances in which the police can conduct a search or
seizure without a search warrant. The most important of these search
warrant exceptions are
• Search incident to a lawful arrest
• Plain-view searches
• Consent to search
• Exigent circumstances
• Search of automobiles
• Search of persons: stop and frisk
• Public safety exceptions
• Good faith exceptions
Search Incident to a Lawful Arrest
When the police are making a lawful arrest, they are entitled to a
search of the person arrested without a search warrant. This right was
articulated by the Supreme Court in the case of Chimel v. United States
(1969). In this case, the court ruled that the police can not only search
the person, but also search the area within the immediate control of
the individual. They cannot extend this search beyond the person’s
reach or to other rooms (Fagin, 2007).
Plain-View Searches
Evidence that is within plain view of a police officer is subject to con-

fiscation. The court declared in Harris v. United States in 1968 that if a
police officer has the legal right to be somewhere, any contraband that
is in his or her view can be seized.
If, for instance, a police officer has been invited into a suspect’s
house, and the officer sees stacks of money, along with weapons and
plastic bags that could contain heroin, on a nearby table, such evi-
dence can be seized. However, the police cannot look in closets, in
covered containers, or under a table cloth, for example. On the other
hand, the court has ruled that the police do not have to act blind or
stupid. What this means is that the police do not have to be careless or
inattentive. If an officer sees a stack of wooden boxes with the words
“Rifles—Property of the U.S. Army” stenciled on the sides, the officer

has probable cause to believe that there are guns in the boxes and that
they very likely are not the legal property of the individual.
Consent to Search
A warrantless search can also be conducted if a person gives consent

to search. For example, according to the Supreme Court, if an indi-
vidual allows an officer to come into her home and then consents to
the request “Do you mind if I look around?” she has given consent
to a search and any evidence located can be seized by the officer.
That includes looking in closed containers in a car (Florida v. Jimeno,
1991).
Exigent Circumstances
Officers can make an arrest or conduct a search without a warrant

under exigent circumstances. An exigent circumstance refers to a situ-
ation in which a police officer must act swiftly and the officer deter-
mines that he or she does not have time to go to a court to seek a
warrant (Cole and Smith, 2007). For example, if officers are in hot
pursuit of a fleeing suspected felon or if there are sounds of a struggle
coming from within a house and it is possible someone might be in
danger, officers need not stop to obtain a warrant and thereby risk los-
ing evidence or allowing a suspect to get away.
To justify a warrantless search, officers do not need to prove that
there was a potential threat to public safety (Cole and Smith, 2007).
Officers often have to make on-the-spot decisions to apprehend a
suspect or seek evidence when it is thought that delay might result
in evidence being lost or destroyed. Practically speaking, judges are
often reluctant to second-guess a police officer who has had to make
a split-second decision when the urgency of a situation required—in
the officer’s judgment—a warrantless search (Cole and Smith, 2007).
Search of an Automobile
If the police have probable cause, they can search an automobile with-
out first obtaining a search warrant. The courts have taken note of the
special circumstances of cars and motorized vehicles as long ago as

1925 and established the Carroll Doctrine.
The Carroll Doctrine came out of the case of Carroll v. United
States (1925). The special circumstances of a car or automobile, of
course, are that cars and other motorized means of transportation are
readily mobile and they can be moved if there is a delay while an
officer is attempting to get a search warrant. In the Carroll Doctrine,
the Supreme Court stated that evidence obtained in the search of an
automobile without a warrant is permissible if the police have prob-
able cause to believe a crime has occurred.
The exclusionary rule applies to automobile searches if the officer
does not have the right to stop a car and driver in the first place.
Lacking a reason to make a traffic stop makes any evidence confis-
cated inadmissible.
One other aspect of an auto search is the searching of a vehicle that
has been impounded. If, for instance, a car has been illegally parked
in a street’s no parking zone and is towed to an impound lot, a search
and inventory of the belongings of the car can be conducted. Any con-
traband found in an inventory search can be used as evidence (Cole
and Smith, 2007).
Search of a Person: The Pat-Down Search
We have already discussed the pat-down search or the stop and frisk.
This is essentially a warrantless search because, as indicated previ-
ously, it is a limited search, as only the outer clothing of the individual
can be patted down. And the primary purpose of a stop and frisk is to
ensure the safety of the police officer.
Public Safety Exceptions
There are many circumstances encountered by law enforcement when

the public good is paramount. For example, the police can pursue a
fleeing felon into an apartment building and search for the individual.
Likewise, if an armed suspect who just robbed a bank and shot a bank
employee flees into a nearby neighborhood, the police could search
houses and other places where the suspect or his weapon could be
found.
Furthermore, public safety concerns allow for the search of airline

passengers, and travelers (and their vehicles) who are crossing a border
into another country. Evidence seized in these types of searches could
legally justify an arrest and could be used as evidence in court (Florida
v. Bostick, 1991).
Good Faith Exception
Another search that has been authorized by the court as not requiring
a search warrant is when the initial warrant has an error, thus render-
ing it invalid. For example, if during the filling out of a search warrant
the wrong address is entered on the warrant and the police carry out a
search at that incorrect address, evidence found at the wrong address
can be seized. In effect, the court has said that there is no miscon-
duct by the police and it was a good faith mistake on the part of law
enforcement.
Interrogation of Suspects
After an arrest has been made and a search has been carried out,
the police have the authority to question the individual. There is no
place in the Constitution where the word interrogation is mentioned.
However, it is implied in the Fifth Amendment:
No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous

crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual
service in time of War or public danger; Nor shall any person be subject
for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall
be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor
be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor
shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensa-
tion. (Hall and Ely, 2009, p. 413)
The implication of an interrogation occurs in the section of the

Fifth Amendment “nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be
a witness against himself.” The writers of the Bill of Rights were well
aware of historical precedence in England, as well as other countries,
where individuals were forced to testify against themselves because

they were subjected to torture in order to exact a confession from
them.
The U.S. Supreme Court, in the landmark 1966 case of Miranda
v. Arizona, established that the Fifth Amendment pertained to police
interrogations and confessions obtained by law enforcement.
This important case involved Ernesto Miranda, who was arrested
at his home in Phoenix, Arizona, for suspicion of rape, and was taken
to the Phoenix Police Station. He was identified by a rape victim as
her assailant. He was placed in a police interrogation room and ques-
tioned by two police officers. After two hours, the officers left the
room and had a written confession signed by Miranda. A typed para-
graph at the top of the confession indicated that it had been made
voluntarily “with the full knowledge of my legal rights, understand-
ing any statement I made may be used against me” (Albanese, 2013,
p. 174).
Ernesto Miranda subsequently went to trial and was convicted of
kidnapping and rape. He was sentenced to 20–30 years in prison. But
he appealed his conviction on the grounds that he did not have legal
representation during interrogation.
When this appeal reached the U.S. Supreme Court, the court noted
that Ernesto Miranda was uneducated, indigent, and “a seriously dis-
turbed individual with pronounced sexual fantasies” (Albanese, 2013,
p. 174). Since only the police were present during interrogation and
since the police officers admitted that they did not inform him that he
had the right to an attorney during interrogation, the court had reason
to doubt whether the confession was truly voluntary.
The Supreme Court overturned Miranda’s confession, stating that
his confession was inadmissible as evidence. To safeguard the rights
of individuals in future cases, in the opinion throwing out Miranda’s
confession, they provided a five-point warning, which is now well
known as the Miranda warning. We all can recite the Miranda warn-
ing because it has been used so frequently in movies, cop shows on
TV, and police procedural novels:
You have the right to remain silent. You have the right to an attorney. If
you cannot afford an attorney, one will be provided for you. Any state-
ments made by you can and will be used against you in a court of law.
In addition, the Supreme Court’s decision stated that

• The suspect must be warned prior to any questioning that he
or she has the right to remain silent.
• Any statements made by the person can be used in a court of
law.
• The suspect has the right to the presence of an attorney.
• If the person cannot afford an attorney, one will be appointed
prior to any questioning.
• Opportunity to exercise these rights must be afforded to the
suspect throughout the interrogation.
After such warnings have been given, the individual may know-
ingly waive these rights and agree to answer questions or make a
statement (Albanese, 2013).
The right to legal counsel did not originate with the Miranda deci-
sion. It had actually been established by the Supreme Court as early as
1931 in the case of Powell v. Alabama. In that case, the conviction of
the so-called Scottsboro Boys, nine young black men accused of rap-
ing two white women, was overturned by the court because the men
were never provided the opportunity for legal counsel. Other cases
since Powell v. Alabama have further established other rights regard-
ing legal counsel.
For example, the court ruled that indigent defendants have the
right to counsel, and that there is the right to have an attorney present
during interrogation (Escobedo v. Illinois, 1964). Prior to the Escobedo
case, in which a suspect, Danny Escobedo, was denied an opportu-
nity to see his attorney (who was present in the police station dur-
ing questioning), the police routinely blocked suspects’ ability to be
represented by counsel during interrogation. The court’s decision in
Miranda added specific warnings required at police interrogations to
stop this kind of police conduct.
Since the Miranda decision, the Supreme Court has decided other
cases in which the definition of an interrogation has been given and
the court has addressed exactly what police questioning actually is.
In general, the interpretation by the courts is that any words or ques-
tions by the police that are reasonably likely to elicit an incriminating
response by a suspect qualify as an interrogation (Siegel and Worrall,
2012).
In order to ensure that the rights of suspects have been protected,

most police departments use forms to show that suspects have signed
off to guarantee they were given their Miranda warnings. In addi-
tion, a majority of police departments videotape interrogations and
confessions. One study found that more than 60% of large police
departments in the United States now videotape interrogations and
confessions (Albanese, 2013). In a study conducted by the National
Institute of Justice (Gelber, 1993), it was found that about 85% of
police departments believed that videotaping improves the quality of
interrogations. Such procedures help to ensure that suspects are given
the Miranda warning, that they have not been coerced into giving
false confessions, and that questioning has been done appropriately
following proper procedures.
Both the Fourth Amendment and the Fifth Amendment have pro-
tected the rights of suspects. Furthermore, the interpretations of these
amendments by the courts have done much to deter police miscon-
duct, which helps to avoid false confessions and wrongful convictions.
Although abiding by these court rules has provided special challenges
to the police, when the proper procedures are followed in collecting
evidence, the presentation of that evidence in court is enhanced.
Criminal Investigation and Intelligence
Never was the need for the intelligence community and law enforce-
ment to form a symbiotic relationship greater than in the aftermath of
the terrorists attacks of September 11, 2001. The many investigative
and intelligence deficiencies identified through the numerous investi-
gations and inquiries into the 9/11 attacks led to several conclusions as
to what may have contributed to the lack of preemptive intelligence at
the state and federal levels of law enforcement. The 9/11 Commission
Report (National Commission on Terrorist Attacks, 2002) suggested
that “although the 1995 National Intelligence Estimate had warned of
a new type of terrorism, many officials continued to think of terrorists
as agents of states, or as domestic criminals, i.e., Timothy McVeigh in
Oklahoma City” (National Commission on Terrorist Attacks, 2002,
p. 126).
On September 12, 2001, the president of the United States, George
W. Bush, gave a speech to the nation. In that speech, President Bush
exclaimed, “We will bring our enemies to justice or we will bring

justice to our enemies” (Schmalleger, 2009, p. 12). At that time, the
enemy was categorized as Islamic radicals. Outside of the federal
system, state and local law enforcement was at a disadvantage as to
how they would be able to identify the differences between peacefully
practicing Muslims and Islamic radicals.
The process of conducting an investigation into a group of indi-
viduals who have been labeled a terrorist organization is a complex
process that poses a great challenge for not only those in law enforce-
ment, but also the intelligence community. The preliminary investi-
gation and the intelligence gathering process, which is necessary in
order for the case to reach the indictment stage of the criminal justice
process, can be a pain-staking and tedious task. Intelligence analysis,
in cooperation with the criminal investigative process, is a critical part
of the process, and the intelligence analysts play a crucial role when
helping law enforcement identify the criminal participants.
Law enforcement is traditionally more inclined to react to a crime
rather than take proactive steps to prevent a crime. For example, in
the case of a robbery, the police will respond and then investigate.
Only if there are multiple robberies in a certain area, and a pattern
is identified, will law enforcement attempt to take proactive steps to
prevent future robberies.
It is usually when multiple crimes occur that criminal investiga-
tors can begin to develop a pattern, or a modus operandi (MO), that
the criminal may follow. Modus operandi, loosely translated, means “a
method of operation.” To a criminal, an MO is a set pattern, or way,
he or she prefers to commit his or her respective crimes. An MO can
range from a burglar choosing to always break into his target locations
from a rooftop to a murderer choosing a knife as his choice of weapon
with which to commit murder. To a criminal, an MO is a comfort
zone in which he or she feels safe in committing his or her criminal
act.
Once a pattern is established, the next step in the investigative
process is identifying the key components within the organization.
This step is crucial if a criminal investigation is to have any success
in attempting to dismantle the organization at all. By identifying and
demonstrating developing trends in criminal behavior, while focus-
ing on a particular crime group, criminal investigators can effectively
prepare an investigative response plan intended to identify and, more

importantly, target the threat.
Chalk and Rosenau (2004) advocate for strong analytical assess-
ments, as they can prove to be invaluable tools for making recom-
mendations pertaining to law enforcement strategies: “The analysis is
intended to help inform debate on the advisability of creating dedi-
cated information collection and surveillance body” (Chalk and
Rosenau, 2004, p. 1).
The detection and investigation of crime, along with the pursuit
and apprehension of criminals, require reliable intelligence. Without
reliable intelligence, the investigator is limited to overt acts and vol-
unteered information—and thus is severely handicapped in many
areas.
The timeline below depicts identified criminal activity directed
toward the United States, related to radical Islam, over a 12-month
period. By analyzing the data outlined in the research, you can draw
multiple conclusions as to the frequency, severity, and relevance to law
enforcement of the criminal organization in question—that organiza-
tion being the radical factions of Islam.
Figure 5.1 is a simplified visual of the level of criminal activity
involving radical Islamic extremists. From a criminal investigator’s
perspective, the information shows
• Ten documented occurrences over a 12-month period
• September as the most active month
• Methods of attack varying from firearms to explosives
• American converts, or American Jihadists, joining the fold to
engage in varying degrees of activity
Assessing analytical data and comparing them to related surveil-
lance activity, in addition to any confidential informant information,
can aid in the investigation moving from the preliminary stage to the
actual proactive investigation stage. It is here, at this stage, that all
of the aforementioned information can be disseminated and articu-
lated to support the applications of search and arrest warrants, as well
as wiretap affidavits that allow for the covert eavesdropping of tel-
ephonic and electronic devices being used by potential targets.
The key to police work, and in particular investigations, is infor-
mation (Dempsey and Forst, 2010). Therefore, obtaining good
116
12 Month Timeline of Events
Najibullah Zazi Fort Hood Texas

plan to detonate Maj. Hassan Nidal
Dallas Hosam
bombs in NYC
Maher Smadi
Arkansas Carlos attempted bombing PA
Bleadsoe murdered Christmas day Jihad Jane
Springfield III.
a military recruiter Michagan Iman Attempt to blow up
Michael Finton
attempted bombing recruiting for sovereign US bound NYC
NC federal court house islamic state in US commercial airliner Time square
Sleeper cell shoot out with authorities car bomb
June July October November December March May

2009 2009 September 2009 2009 2009 2009 2010 2010
C rIm e A n d In t el lI g en C e A n A lysIs
Figure 5.1 A simplified timeline showing how investigators may track the criminal activity of radical Muslim extremists over a 12-month period.
information is critical to a successful investigation. Information can

come from complainants, victims, witnesses, the suspect, or all the
various files of data kept by a police department. And all of this infor-
mation can enhance and strengthen an investigation. Today, however,
we can use computers to access information rapidly and efficiently.
With the availability of millions of pieces of information through
stored computer files and various databases, the trick is not related
to finding information but to discerning which data are valuable and
pertinent to the case that is being investigated. That is where tacti-
cal crime analysts and intelligence experts can play an increasingly
important role in helping to solve crimes. In Chapter 6, we look more
in depth at intelligence collection and the role intelligence analysts
can play in solving crimes.
1. Why is it so important for detectives to understand how evi-

dence is collected?
2. Under what circumstances can warrantless searches be made?
Important Terms
Evidence: Evidence consists of legal proofs presented to the court

in the form of witnesses, records, documents, objects, and
other means, for the purpose of influencing the opinions of
the judge or the jury toward the case of the prosecution or the
defense.
Exclusionary rule: According to the exclusionary rule, evidence
obtained as a result of an unreasonable or illegal search is not
admissible in a criminal prosecution.
Exigent circumstances: Emergency or urgent circumstances.
Fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine: This rule prohibits the admis-
sion of evidence obtained as result of an illegal or initially
tainted admission, confession, or search.
Good faith exception: The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the
exclusionary rule does not apply when the police relied in
good faith on case law that was later changed by another
judicial opinion or on a valid law or statute later declared
unconstitutional, or on a search warrant that was later declared

invalid even though originally signed by a judge.
Plain-view searches: Plain-view searches occur when the police
are conducting a search pursuant to a search warrant and
come across contraband or evidence they can plainly see but
which they did not expect to find.
Procedural law: Aspect of the law that specifies the methods to
be used in enforcing criminal law.
Stop and frisk: A frisk or a pat-down search of the outer garments
of the suspect is permissible if the officer has reasonable suspi-
cion that the suspect is engaging in criminal activity and may
be dangerous.
Substantive law: Part of the law that creates and defines what con-
duct is criminal and which punishments should be imposed
for violations of criminal laws.

1. The Fourth Amendment governs search and seizure
evidence in a criminal case.
2. Procedural law has to do with a body of laws govern-
ing how courts proceed with appointing judges.
3. The importance of the Supreme Court’s decision in
Mapp v. Ohio is that illegally obtained evidence is inadmissible.
4. A search does not require a search warrant if it is
made incident to a lawful arrest.
5. A stop and frisk, or pat-down search, of a suspect requires
a. Probable cause
b. A search warrant
c. Reasonable suspicion
d. A judge’s approval
6. The exclusionary rule prohibits the use of evidence that is
a. Discovered in plain view
b. Of little value
c. Not obtained by crime scene investigators
d. In violation of the Fourth Amendment
7. When evidence is obtained by illegal means and that evidence

results in the finding of further evidence, then this situation
will fall under
a. Fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine
b. Miranda warnings
c. Stop and frisk rule
d. Misconduct rule
8. A search and seizure is legal if
a. The officer means well
b. An individual gives the officer permission to search
c. The police are trying to get evidence to prosecute a serial
killer
d. The police follow the rule of cutting corners in order to
ensure a conviction
References
Albanese, J.S. (2013). Criminal Justice. 5th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.
Bohm, R.H., and Haley, K.N. (2012). Introduction to Criminal Justice. 7th ed.
New York: Glencoe/McGraw-Hill.
Carroll v. United States. 267 U.S. 132 (1925).
Chalk, P., and Rosenau, W. (2004). Confronting the Enemy Within: Security
Intelligence, the Police, and Counterterrorism in Four Democracies. Santa
Monica, CA: Rand.
Chimel v. United States. 395 U.S. 752 (1969).
Cole, G.F., and Smith, C.E. (2007). The American System of Criminal Justice.
11th ed. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.
Dempsey, J.S., and Forst, L.S. (2010). An Introduction to Policing. 5th ed. Clifton
Park, NY: Delmar.
Escobedo v. Illinois. 378 U.S. 438 (1964).
Fagin, J.A. (2012). CJ: 2011. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Educational.
Fagin, J.A. (2007). Criminal Justice: A Brief Introduction. Boston: Allyn and
Bacon.
Florida v. Bostick. 501 U.S. 429 (1991).
Florida v. Jimeno. 500 U.S. 248 (1991).
Gelber, W.A. (1993). Videotaping interrogations and confessions. Rockville,
MD: National Institute of Justice. Available at https://www.ncjrs.gov/
App/Publications/abstract.aspx?ID=139962.
Hall, K.L., and Ely, J.W. (2009). The Oxford Guide to United States Supreme
Court Decisions. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press.
Harris v. United States. 390 U.S. 234 (1968).
Hess, K.M., and Orthmann, C.H. (2010). Criminal Investigation. 9th ed.
Clifton Park, NY: Delmar Cengage Learning.
Kuykendall, J., and Roberg, R.R. (1982). Mapping police organizational

change: From a mechanistic toward an organic model. Criminology, 20
(2), 241–256. Available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/
j.1745-9125.1982.tb00459.x/abstract.
Langworthy, R.H., and Travis, L.P. (1999). Policing in America: A Balance of
Forces. 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Mapp v. Ohio. 367 U.S. 643 (1961).
Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436 (1966).
National Commission on Terrorist Attacks. (2002). The 9/11 Commission
Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon
the United States. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Powell v. Alabama. 287 U.S. 45 (1931).
Schmalleger, F. (2009). Criminal Justice Today. 10th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ:
Prentice Hall.
Siegel, L.J., and Worrall, J.L. (2012). Introduction to Criminal Justice. 13th ed.
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United States. 251 U.S. 385 (1920).
Terry v. Ohio. 392 U.S. 1 (1968).
Weeks v. United States. 232 U.S. 383 (1914).
Weston, P.B., and Lushbaugh, C.A. (2006). Criminal Investigation. 10th ed.
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall.
Wolf v. Colorado. 338 U.S. 25 (1949).
Part III
i ntellig enCe
and
i ntellig enCe
a nalysis
6
a n i ntroduCti on
to i ntelli g en Ce
Chapter Outline
1. Criminal investigations
2. The crime analyst and the criminal investigator
3. Stages of the police intelligence process
4. How investigations are performed
5. Crime analysis
6. Criminal profiling
7. Geographical profiling
8. Time–event charting and link analysis
1. Gain a better understanding of criminal investigations

2. Learn to view an investigation from the criminal investiga-
tor’s perspective
3. Develop an understanding of the role of the intelligence ana-
lyst in a criminal investigation
4. Learn how intelligence plays a key role in criminal
investigations
5. Learn some basic tools the intelligence analyst can use to con-
tribute to a criminal investigation
A crime analyst’s effort is what creates information, whether that

information is “built” or “mined.” A metaphor that works well is
to see the analyst as a sculptor. Some sculptures are created by
combining and molding pieces of clay, much as an analyst cre-
ates information by combining pieces of data. Other sculptures
12 3
are created by chipping away extraneous pieces of stone to reveal

a shape inside, much as an analyst filters out extraneous pieces of
data to find the one that reveals a fact or truth.
Either way, the analyst’s raw material is data, which might
come from numerous sources. Out of this data, the analyst
seeks to create information, which he then delivers to his “con-
sumer”—the police agency. This information, once internalized,
becomes knowledge that informs police action.
Christopher W. Bruce (2008)
Introduction
As we learned in Chapter 5, intelligence is the information that is

the lifeblood of good police work. The detection and investigation of
crime, along with the pursuit and apprehension of criminals, require
reliable intelligence. Without reliable intelligence, the investigator is
limited and the chances of a successful investigation are diminished.
Today, we use computers to access information rapidly and efficiently.
With the availability of millions of pieces of information through
stored computer files and various databases, intelligence analysts
and tactical crime analysts can access valuable, and often essential,
information—information that can play a critical role in helping to
solve crimes. In this chapter, we discuss how intelligence is gathered
to assist investigators in the solution of crimes.
In this chapter, as well as in the chapters to follow, we discuss
the importance of the role of tactical crime analysts as they work in
conjunction with law enforcement to investigate and solve real-time
crime. While we will examine in detail the actual process of tacti-
cal crime analysis in later chapters, what follows is an example of an
actual event that highlights how crucial a fluid working relationship
can be between the police investigator and the tactical analyst.
Date: June 14, 2014
Crime: Kidnapping
On June 14, 2014, the real-time center/tactical analyst was con-

tacted by the city police department regarding a missing person/
A n In t r o d u C tI o n t o In t el lI g en C e 12 5
possible kidnapping. The victim was a 15-year-old female, and the

initial information supplied to law enforcement was that the victim had
texted a relative pleading for help because a male had just put her in the
trunk of a car and they were now driving on the highway.
Upon arrival by uniformed officers to the victim’s home, the victim’s
sister told responding units that the victim had been talking to a male
on social media and that the male was of a different race than she.* In
addition, the sister advised that the victim may be in an online, roman-
tic relationship with him.
After the preliminary investigation with the victim’s family was con-
cluded, the police investigator assigned to the investigation went to the
real-time crime center and began to work the case leads with the tactical
analyst. The investigator focused his attention on attempting to “ping”†
the victim’s cellular phone and, in doing so, discovered that it was hit-
ting off a cellular tower in an adjoining state.
As the investigator was identifying the current location of the victim’s
cellular phone, the tactical analyst began a data search of the victim in
an attempt to locate any of the victim’s social media accounts. The ana-
lyst discovered on one such account that the victim had a social media
friend, identified by moniker‡ only, who was a male that matched the
race described by the victim’s sister, and who listed his current state of
residence as the same state the victim’s cellular phone was pinging out of.
By using information now obtained from the social media account of
the possible suspect, the tactical analyst was able to gather intelligence
on the male based on his social media profile, moniker, and postings.
With the investigator working at the analyst’s side, this information
made the male a strong person of interest, primarily due to these facts
now established:
• The male was of the same race described by the victim’s sister.
• The male lived in the state that the victim’s phone was cur-
rently pinging out of.
* Editor’s note: This fact was crucial to the investigation, and more importantly, to the
data mining that was required.
† Pinging of a cell phone means identifying the location of the cellular tower of the
last signal the phone received.

‡ A moniker is a name a person may associate himself or herself with, being an actual
name or an alias.
• The male was confirmed to have been in recent contact with

the victim on her social media account.
As the investigation intensified, the investigator gave the analyst a

phone number he wanted researched because it was the last incoming
call the victim had received on her cell phone prior to her going missing.
For this data search, the analyst utilized several databases that
analyzed information in relation to telephone numbers and persons
associated with them. The information also focused on the history of
the phone in question, in terms of it being documented in any official or
public records database.
The analyst was also able to utilize a system that reverse dialed*
into the cellular device being researched. The analyst was successful
in being able to hear a prerecorded message that possibly identified,
by moniker, the person who may have been currently in possession of
the phone.
The analyst also searched the cellular phone through multiple social
media accounts and discovered a social media account associated with
the number. This account had a profile with a moniker the same as that
on the prerecorded voice message.
The newly discovered information was given to the investigator, who,
in turn, reached out to a police agency in the adjoining city and state
that the victim’s cell phone was pinging out of, and where the possible
suspect listed as his state of residence on his social media account.
Upon receiving the information, the police agency in the adjoining
city and state advised that they were, in fact, familiar with the sus-
pect’s moniker and that it was actually an alias. They provided the sus-
pect’s real name and date of birth. They further advised that the suspect
had a lengthy criminal history, which included several sexual assaults.
However, they were unable to provide a current residence since the sus-
pect had no recent contacts with that law enforcement agency.
Once the suspect’s actual identity and date of birth were given to
the tactical analyst, she quickly data mined from multiple sources, both
local and nationwide, and located the suspect’s most recent address. This
newly discovered address was also located within the adjoining state in
* Reverse dialing enables the analyst to dial into any cellular device without the
knowledge of the holder of the phone in order to covertly listen to any prerecorded
voice message.
question and within the jurisdiction of the police agency that had just
passed along his actual name and date of birth.
Within an hour, the police agency from the adjoining state mobilized
and responded to the rural area where the tactical analyst had identified
the suspect’s possible current address. Upon entry by uniformed officers,
the victim was located inside the house with the male the analyst had
identified. Once in custody, the suspect admitted to luring the underage
victim to his house, against her will via social media, and having sexu-
ally assaulted her once there.
Investigators acknowledged that the tactical analyst was crucial in
the identification of the suspect and in locating the victim before she
was subjected to any further harm. In addition, it was acknowledged
that the leads the tactical analyst rapidly data mined and supplied had
directly contributed to the case leading to a swift conclusion—just 10
hours after the initial 911 call was made*.
In the following, Glenn Grana describes his years as a criminal

investigator:
During the course of my 21-year career in law enforcement, I had
the opportunity to work in the Criminal Investigation Division
(CID). CID was the unit that encompassed multiple subunits, all
of which focused on a specific aspect of criminal investigations. I
spent the majority of my time in CID working in three of these
subunits: the narcotics squad, the warrant squad, and field inves-
tigations. Working in each of these units allowed me to focus on
a specific aspect of criminal investigations, while keeping within
the basics of the principles of the investigative process.
While in the warrant squad, I had to follow the trail left behind
by wanted suspects as they attempted to avoid detection and appre-
hension by law enforcement. We considered this the adult version
of hide and seek, and as a result, leads as to the possible where-
abouts of suspects were constantly being analyzed and researched.
* Geographically, the distance to drive from the victim’s residence, where she was
picked up by the suspect, to the suspect’s residence in the adjoining state, was
approximately six hours.
Additional research into the backgrounds of the suspects and their

associates would ultimately lead to their whereabouts. Therefore,
working in this unit required me to have the ability to research
and follow up on leads that were being developed in the field as the
search for suspects was ongoing. I also learned the art of surveil-
lance, that is, observing locations for prolonged periods of time
with the hope that the intended suspect would eventually show up.
Acquiring keen surveillance skills would prove extremely benefi-
cial as my career progressed into the field of narcotics investigation.
Field investigative units are located within the stations oper-
ated in various locations of an agency’s jurisdiction of patrol, and
outside of their headquarters. In the New York Police Department,
for example, these would be called precinct detective bureaus.
While working in field investigations, I carried out the role of the
suit-and-tie investigator. Field investigations involved the investi-
gations of a wide variety of crimes, crimes that ran the spectrum
of the penal law from burglary, robbery, and sex crimes all the way
down to lesser degree felonies and even, at times, misdemeanor
crimes. Always, though, I needed to rely on the basic rules of
investigation, which are described in detail in this chapter, as well
as commonsense deduction abilities.
In field investigations, traditional investigative skills were
practiced, such as interviewing of victims and witnesses, along
with interrogation of suspects. The ability to testify as an expert
witness in court hearings was also necessary, and I was called on
to testify in a range of hearings, from suppression of the evidence
hearings to written confession hearings to grand jury proceedings
when the case was brought before a grand jury by an assistant dis-
trict attorney for consideration of charges being levied.
It was during the 10 years I spent as a narcotics investiga-
tor that I was able to utilize all the aforementioned skills, while
developing a high level of proficiency in the writing and execution
of search warrants and the handling of confidential informants
while acting in an undercover capacity making purchases of ille-
gal narcotics. As my time in narcotics progressed, I was taught
by more seasoned investigators the art of wiretap investigations.
Wiretap investigations involve the covert interception and

monitoring of telephone calls made by high-level drug operatives.
I learned how to perform the skills needed to successfully work
such high-intensity and complex criminal investigations. The
skills I learned involved such things as telephone line monitoring,
which entails listening to and deciphering the conversations being
intercepted. I also learned how to successfully perform all aspects
of surveillance, from static surveillance (stationary surveillance of
locations) to physical surveillance (the following of an individual
to observe his or her criminal activity).
More importantly, I learned what type of evidence was needed
to support these types of investigations—evidence that was
almost always developed during an extensive preliminary inves-
tigative process. This preliminary process of investigation relied
heavily on intelligence collection, examination, and dissemina-
tion, all of which were necessary to complete the affidavit required
to present to a judge for his or her approval, granting the authority
to eavesdrop on the intended target and the target organization.
To gain the level of proficiency and experience I achieved dur-
ing my time in CID, I needed to have not only an understanding
of how to conduct a basic criminal investigation, but also a solid
understanding and ability to examine all aspects of intelligence.
It is crucial, therefore, for an intelligence analyst, especially
one working in a real-time setting, such as a tactical crime ana-
lyst, to have a fluid working knowledge of criminal investigations.
The tactical analyst needs to combine all of his or her skills related
to analyzing critical intelligence in order to be an essential part
of the investigative process. As you read on in this chapter, you
will come to see the importance of both a working knowledge of
criminal investigations and skills in analyzing intelligence.
Criminal Investigations
In order to conduct an investigation of a crime, the investigator or

detective relies on intelligence. In assisting the investigator, the intel-
ligence analyst concentrates on the collection and dissemination of
information about criminals (Bruce, 2008). That is, the analyst may
create physical, behavioral, or psychological profiles of offenders based

on the crimes they have committed. Or the analyst might use inves-
tigative skills to compare possible suspects, research the modus ope-
randi of a number of suspects, or create a profile of a serial offender.
It is important for intelligence analysts and tactical crime analysts
to have an understanding of how a criminal investigation proceeds
in order to be in the best position to provide the kind of intelligence
investigators need to close cases.
To better understand the investigative process, it is useful to consider
the essential qualities of a criminal investigator. According to Swanson
et al. (2012), successful investigators have the following qualities:
1. Strong degree of self-discipline

2. Ethical and moral standards leading to using legally approved
methods
3. Capable of winning the confidence of others
4. Not acting out of malice or bias
5. Always willing to include in their case documentation all evi-
dence that may point to the innocence of a suspect—no mat-
ter how unsavory the character of that suspect
6. Knowledge that investigation is a systematic method of
inquiry that is more science than art
7. Realization that investigations often require initiative and
personal resourcefulness
8. Wide range of contacts across many occupations
9. Openness to consulting with experts from various fields to
help move the investigation forward
10. Ability to use both inductive and deductive reasoning
11. Willingness to monitor their own use of inductive and deduc-
tive reasoning to try to avoid distortions and fallacies
12. Ability to learn something from every person they meet
13. Empathy, sensitivity, and compassion to do their job without
causing undue anguish to others
14. Positive outlook that guards them against becoming callous
and cynical
Knowing these essential qualities possessed by good investigators

allows you to strive to have them.
A n In t r o d u C tI o n t o In t el lI g en C e 131
Now, we can go on to talk about how criminal investigations are

carried out.
How Investigations Are Carried Out
Of course, an investigation starts with a crime—and the report of

a crime. Often, this means that a call has been placed to 911 or the
police reporting an incident. For instance, let’s use the example of
a robbery that occurs just off a college campus. A student walking
home from the university library at 10:00 p.m. is robbed of her back-
pack, which includes her purse and her laptop computer, and when
she resists, she is pushed and falls to the sidewalk.
The student still has her cell phone and calls 911 and reports
the incident. A police patrol officer in the vicinity arrives within
10 minutes to do a preliminary investigation. The actions taken by
the first officer on the scene, usually a uniformed patrol officer, can be
viewed as a preliminary investigation.
Typically, the preliminary investigation will include the following
steps:
1. Interview victim as initial response.
2. Assess need for emergency care.
3. Secure the scene and control persons and evidence.
4. Issue a be on the lookout (BOLO).
5. Conduct neighborhood or vehicle canvass.
6. Process evidence and maintain the chain of custody of
evidence.
7. Write an incident report.
During the preliminary investigation, the officer will be alert
for people and cars leaving the crime scene or the immediate vicin-
ity and note numbers and descriptions. In addition, the officer
must determine whether a tactical situation exists. A tactical situ-
ation would exist if the person taking the student’s backpack also
abducted a friend of the victim or if the suspect broke into a nearby
home and is armed with a weapon. That would necessitate that the
responding officer call for backup or for the assistance of special-
ized units.
Furthermore, the initial officer must treat the location as a crime

scene unless he or she determines otherwise. Also, if the suspect is still
at the scene, he or she should be arrested and a search of his or her
person should be conducted with weapons or other evidence seized. It
is very important that the initial officer maintain control of the crime
scene (Swanson et al., 2012). Not only does this mean making sure that
the victim is safe and cared for and that evidence is secured, but it also
means that all individuals at the scene are identified. Interviews should
also be conducted with the victim and witnesses, but if the suspect has
fled the scene, the officer should issue an all-points bulletin or a BOLO
based on the description of the perpetrator provided by the victim or
witnesses.
Finally, the responding officer must complete an incident report or
an offense report. This report will include his notes, observations, and
other information about the crime scene or incident. This report will
be filed in the patrol division or referred to the investigative division
for follow-up.
Follow-Up Investigation
A detective or criminal investigator may be assigned to a case and may

even show up at the crime scene before the patrol officer leaves. In our
example of a student who is robbed and assaulted, this occurrence
may be so common that no investigation beyond the preliminary one
takes place. However, if there has been a rash of such crimes in the
vicinity of the campus, apprehending the offender or offenders may
be a priority and a senior criminal investigator may be assigned to the
case and assume responsibility for what happens from that point on.
In order to fulfill his or her responsibility for investigating the
crime, he or she may conduct a visual inspection of the crime scene
and develop a preliminary plan for the investigation. In addition, the
senior investigator will decide what other services or resources are
needed. For example, if the suspect was seen entering a nearby apart-
ment building, the investigator may call for personnel to search the
apartment building or ask for a search warrant if there is a suspect
who has been identified as living in that apartment building.
Among the duties or procedures utilized by the senior investiga-
tor are interviewing the victim again or interviewing other witnesses,
conducting or supervising the neighborhood canvass, interrogating

the suspect if he or she is in custody, and searching for and collecting
other evidence.
Evidence
There are three broad categories of evidence that investigators attempt

to locate:
1. Corpus delicti: Evidence that will help substantiate the ele-
ments of the crime. For instance, the primary corpus delicti
evidence in our example of the robbery of a backpack and
laptop computer would be the backpack or laptop computer.
2. Associative: Evidence that connects a suspect to the scene or
the victim, or connects the scene or victim to the suspect.
For example, if a suspect is arrested after using a credit card
belonging to the student whose backpack was stolen, the pos-
session and use of the stolen credit card would connect the
suspect to the scene and the victim.
3. Tracing: Evidence that helps to identify the offender. For
instance, if the victim of our backpack robbery scuffled with
the perpetrator and the perpetrator’s wallet was dropped at
the scene, the driver’s license in the wallet could lead the
police to the residence of the suspect, and that would help
identify the offender.
Direct and Circumstantial Evidence
During a criminal investigation, there are two basic kinds of proof

needed to establish the guilt or innocence of a suspect. One type of
proof is direct evidence, and the other is circumstantial.
Direct evidence involves testimony by eyewitnesses who have
information to offer about the crime through one of their five senses.
That is, they have seen, heard, smelled, tasted, or touched something
related to the crime and, perhaps, related to the suspect. There are
two general categories of witnesses: those who come forward with
the evidence willingly and those who are unwilling—or reluctant—
witnesses. Circumstantial evidence, on the other hand, is evidence
from which inferences can be drawn and include items such as physi-
cal evidence (Weston and Lushbaugh, 2006). Usually, circumstantial
evidence includes weapons, blood, fingerprints, tool marks, docu-
ments, and dust, dirt, or other traces.
Standard operating procedure is for the first patrol officer at the
scene of the crime to detain witnesses and other persons who might
offer help. That officer must obtain adequate information about each
witness or each person who may have information to contribute. That
would mean getting names, addresses, and phone number so detec-
tives can follow up. It also means getting a description of the perpe-
trator from witnesses and securing a more complete description of
the facts of the crime. A canvass of the neighborhood or surrounding
area may be undertaken by the initial officers on the scene or later by
investigators.
Circumstantial evidence may be found at the scene and must be
handled in such a way that the evidence is not compromised or con-
taminated. Any evidence found at the scene should be secured by the
patrol officer or investigator.
Basic Investigative Leads and Informants
The biggest challenge in an investigation is when the offender is

unknown. If the victim or witnesses can pinpoint a suspect, then the
offender is known and the police can make an arrest. Cases involving
named suspects are a high percentage of the cases cleared by arrest
in any police department (Weston and Lushbaugh, 2006). It is the
unknown offender who presents the biggest problem. In these cases,
the investigator must develop the basic investigative leads to attempt
to discover the identity of the perpetrator.
The basic lead, in many instances, comes from the victim. It is not
always so much that a victim knows the offender, but the detective
can develop a lead by learning more about the victim’s activities just
before the crime. A detective will want to make a list of those people
who would benefit from the crime and who might have known about
the victim and what he or she possessed (e.g., that a student walking
home from the library would have a laptop computer in her backpack).
Information from the patrol officer on the scene initially may result
in further intelligence about possible suspects or vehicles in the area.
Fingerprints or other evidence at the scene may help confirm that a

suspect was at the scene of the crime, and thus had opportunity to
carry out the offense.
Another lead may come from the way in which the crime was com-
mitted. This is the modus operandi. In our running example in this
chapter, if similar robberies were reported involving female students
walking home from the library late at night with backpacks or laptop
computers, the pattern may suggest a suspect, or information from
previous such crimes can be combined to offer leads. Furthermore,
recovered stolen property may be traced to the robber. Or, photos of
arrested persons for similar crimes might be viewed by victims to see
if an identification can be made.
Experienced investigators will avoid hunches or developing leads
or suspects based on intuition. Instead, they realize that developing
leads comes about best when investigators use their know-how, their
cognitive processes, and their ability to work a case rapidly (Weston
and Lushbaugh, 2006). The latter point is important. Time is of the
essence in most criminal investigations because lapsed time dimin-
ishes the victim’s or witnesses’ memory, and provides an opportunity
for the offender to dispose of the evidence, develop an alibi, or get
away if he or she is fleeing the area.
Some leads turn out to be productive; others may be unproductive.
But both require manpower and resources. However, there is no way
to predict which are the valuable leads that will be useful versus those
that will be a waste of resources.
Also, the fact that a suspect is named or identified by a victim or
by witnesses does not mean that that person committed the crime or
knows anything about it. Victims—and witnesses—can be mistaken,
have their facts all wrong, or be attempting to cause trouble for some
innocent party (Swanson et al., 2012). The integrity and ethics of the
investigator play a key role in ruling out suspects when they are innocent,
along with ruling in suspects when there is evidence suggesting guilt.
The Crime Analyst and Police Investigations
The preceding pages of this chapter have provided a quick overview of

a criminal investigation. It is not meant to be exhaustive, and we will
discuss further aspects of criminal investigation in future chapters.
But what has been written in this chapter simply serves as an intro-
duction in order to highlight that the tactical crime analyst is part of
an investigative team.
On a daily basis, officers and investigators encounter criminals,
victims, and witnesses, as well as responding to dispatched complain-
ants. Each individual, or location, has a relevant history; for example,
individuals may have previous arrests, gang affiliations, social media
postings, pawn shop activity, and relevant information linking them
to unique crime trends. These data are stored in databases that require
significant time to mine and disseminate. Without immediate access
to this information, police personnel are hard pressed to make the
quick connections and deductions necessary for effective policing.
Real-time crime analysis provides officers in the field with pertinent
information instantaneously.
Real-time crime analysis has proven to be an effective, proactive
or reactive, crime fighting tool that aids in ongoing and follow-up
investigations. In the past, officers returning from the field would
sift through pages and pages of records to find information related
to an investigation. Now, however, real-time crime analysis provides
them with information pertaining to their investigations, and in some
cases, even before they make it to the scene.
A real-time crime center gives the analyst the ability to monitor
computer-aided dispatch (CAD) and work directly off dispatched jobs.
This allows the analyst to begin a preliminary workup on CAD infor-
mation, such as address of incident, vehicle data, and so forth, and pre-
pare a data summary for the responding unit should they call for the
information. In addition, the analyst can have direct communication
with units via police radio, CAD messaging, 911 dispatchers, and tele-
phone. The analyst utilizes multiple source databases, which allow the
analyst to provide relevant information to officers in the field, usually
within a matter of minutes. Real-time analysis is also an effective tool
in the follow-up investigative process by conducting research on—and
providing additional information for—solvability factor deduction.
Success stories, such as the one discussed below, are the best way
to illustrate how the use of a real-time tactical analyst, or any intel-
ligence analyst for that matter, can assist in the swift, successful con-
clusion to criminal investigations.
Case: Homicide
The tactical analyst was asked to research the history of a victim who
sustained a gunshot wound to the head. Surveillance video showed the
suspect riding a bicycle as he approached the victim. Holding the gun
in his left hand while wearing a white glove on it, the suspect shot the
victim. The suspect was last seen traveling in a southerly direction.
In addition to any intelligence that would indicate the victim having
a dispute with anyone recently, the analyst was asked by homicide inves-
tigators to look into area gang members as possible suspects, focusing on
any who may be left-handed.
Through the analyst’s research, she was able to locate social media
accounts for multiple gang members who occupied turf in the area of
the homicide. After going through numerous gang members’ accounts,
the analyst located a social media account of a person of interest who
was an active member of the gang who claimed that area as their own.
The social media account, however, was under a moniker and not an
actual name. The analyst noticed that on this social media account page,
the newly developed person of interest had a photo of himself in a pro-
fessional sports uniform, and the photo was tagged with the name of a
local semiprofessional sports team.
The analyst researched the website of the sports team and found the
current roster of players. As it turned out, the person of interest was an
active member. This confirmed to the analyst that the gang member’s
social media account and the team roster belonged to the same individual.
In addition, the team roster listed the individual by his real name and pro-
vided a photo instead of the moniker he used on his social media account.
The analyst now had an actual name to research.
The analyst continued to view multiple photos of the person of inter-
est from the sports team’s website and discovered, in several of the live-
action photos, that the person of interest appeared to be performing
while favoring his left hand.
The analyst then reviewed a surveillance video of the suspect, right
before he shot the victim, and noticed that the glove the suspect was
wearing looked similar to the glove that the person of interest was wear-
ing during the live-action game photos on the semiprofessional sports
team’s website. The analyst also compared the newly identified person
of interest’s social media photos to his photos with the semiprofessional
sports team, and noticed that he fit the same muscular build as the sus-
pect in the surveillance video.
In addition, now that the potential suspect was identified, and his
gang affiliation confirmed, the analyst was also able to identify several
potential witnesses through various gang-related intelligence and social
media accounts. These witnesses included
• A gang member who had recently posted a photo of the

deceased male
• A possible witness who was later identified and interviewed
• Three close associates of the suspect who also had gang
affiliations
• An individual who was identified through corner store video
footage of the actual homicide and turned out to be a witness
to the homicide
The analyst sent all the intelligence and photos of the person of inter-
est to the investigator.
The homicide investigator advised the analyst that by using her iden-
tification and a photo of the person of interest, he was able to create a
photo array.* As a result of the photo array, the investigator was able to
gain a positive identification of the individual as the person who was the
shooter. The individual was eventually charged with murder.
Success stories like this one not only serve to describe the investi-
gative and analytical process used by the tactical crime analyst, but
also help to clarify any misconception that may exist that the tactical
analyst may lack an investigative mindset.
Confidential Informants
What has not been written about so far, and should be mentioned, is
that informants also provide information to investigators. There are
various kinds of informants that prove of value at times to investiga-
tors. There are those who expect to be paid or to receive some kind of
consideration, or they may cooperate with detectives for other reasons.
* A photo array is a series of six photographs of individuals with similar features, with
one photo being a photo of the suspect; it is used by law enforcement in an attempt
to make an identification of a potential suspect.
Nonetheless, informants can pass along valuable intelligence that may

lead to the identification of a suspect. Furthermore, police investiga-
tions rely on surveillance, sting operations, photo lineups, and live
lineups—all with the intention of helping to identify suspects.
Role of Databases in Investigations
But there is also the use of databases that allow investigators to close
off some lines of inquiry, encourage the continuance of others, or sug-
gest new lines of investigation (Swanson et al., 2012). There are myr-
iad databases available to the police these days, especially to the crime
analyst or intelligence expert who knows how and when to access
those databases. Available databases are international, national, mul-
tistate, state, or regional.
Among the national databases are the following:
• AEXIS (Arson, Explosives, and Incident System). Run by the
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF).
This database contains information on arson, bombs, and
misuse of explosives, including incident characteristics that
can be useful in determining patterns, trends, and motives.
• NIBIN (National Integrated Ballistics Information Network).
Also operated by the ATF, this database helps to determine if
firearms are related to other cases.
• NDPIX (National Drug Pointer Index). This database from
the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) alerts partici-
pating agencies of investigative targets they have in common.
• NamUs (National Missing and Unidentified Persons System).
Administered by the National Institute of Justice, this data-
base is designed to help track missing persons or identify
human remains.
• NCIC (National Crime Information Center). Maintained
by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), this database
consists of 19 files, which include the National Sex Offender
Registry, Unidentified Person File, Missing Persons File,
U.S. Secret Service Protective File, Foreign Fugitive File,
Gang File, Supervised Release File, and Identity Theft File.
• In addition to national databases, there are state and local data-
bases that contain information about millions of offenders, as
well as missing persons, driver’s license and vehicle registration

information, state and local court information, Department
of Corrections offender and inmate tracking, sexual predator
tracking, and various other kinds of information.
Many police departments now have intelligence units that help to

produce real-time, immediately actionable information. While the
sophistication of individual intelligence units may vary from city to
city or state to state, these departments can provide information that
is invaluable in a criminal investigation.
While it may be the investigative department or the detective
bureau that requests information from the intelligence unit (which
are called by a variety of names, including fusion centers, intelligence
units, and real-time crime centers), it is the responsibility of the intel-
ligence unit to make sure that appropriate, supportive, and useful
information is provided to crime investigators.
Charles R. Swanson and his colleagues (2012) propose that there
is a continuous six-step process used by intelligence centers. Those six
steps are as follows:
1. Planning and direction. The intelligence process requires

a focus and direction for the intelligence effort. This could
mean that the focus at a particular time might be on the solu-
tion of a series of crimes, a current hostage situation, the reex-
amination of a cold case, or preventing homicide in a section
of the city.
2. Collection. Raw data are collected by the intelligence unit,
but these raw data must be analyzed and refined so that usable
information is relayed to the police unit in need of data.
3. Processing. In this step, the raw data are analyzed, which may
mean that information is indexed, sorted, and filed in mean-
ing ways that will allow for rapid retrieval and immediate use-
fulness to investigators or other police personnel.
4. Analysis and production. Data that have been processed are
translated into a finished intelligence report. The data should
be scrutinized for timeliness, reliability, validity, and rel-
evance. The crime analyst in the intelligence unit must com-
bine data into a finished product that informs the user of the
analyst’s assessment of events and the implications of that

assessment (Swanson et al., 2012).
5. Dissemination. Ultimately, after collecting data, analyzing it,
and producing a finished report, one must disseminate it to
the officer or department that requested it.
6. Reevaluation. The receiving officer or department must pro-
vide feedback so that the intelligence unit can be constantly
striving for improvement. Often, the finished product leads
to new questions or problems that lead back to step 1 and a
recycling of the six steps.
Intelligence Reports
There are any number of reports that an intelligence unit can produce
for a police department. But, among the many kinds of reports that an
intelligence unit could provide for criminal investigators, perhaps the
four most important are criminal profiles, geographic profiles, time–
event charts, and link analysis.
Criminal Profiles
Although criminal profiling is a staple of television shows such as

Criminal Minds, profiling has only been around since the 1960s. Howard
Teten was the first FBI agent to come up with a profile for the FBI.
Prior to joining the FBI in 1962, Teten worked for the San Leandro
Police Department in California. He was appointed as an instructor in
applied criminology at the National Police Academy in Washington,
D.C., but showed an interest in offender profiling and included some of
his theories about profiling in his applied criminology course.
Teten studied under, and was inspired by, Dr. Paul Kirk, who in
1937 became head of the University of California–Berkeley’s crimi-
nology program. Kirk became well known for investigating the bed-
room in the Dr. Sam Sheppard case in the 1950s and later testifying
in the retrial of that case. Howard Teten was also inspired by the work
of Dr. Hans Gross and Dr. James Brussel. Dr. Brussel was a psychia-
trist whose criminal profile of a serial bomber in New York City in the
1950s led to the arrest of the man the media designated as “The Mad
Bomber” (Winerman, 2004).
It was Teten’s work with the FBI that advanced the develop-
ment of profiling in the 1970s and led to the establishment of the
FBI’s Behavioral Science Unit (BSU). Since renamed the Behavioral
Research and Instruction Unit (BRIU), it continues to provide ser-
vices to other law enforcement agencies during investigations.
Criminal profiling, by definition, means developing a psychologi-
cal portrait of an unknown offender. While criminal profiling has
come under criticism in the past few years because of a lack of scien-
tific rigor, research continues to play a role in advancing the scientific
base for criminal profiling.
These days, profiling rests, sometimes uneasily, somewhere between
law enforcement and psychology (Winerman, 2004). As a science, it
is still a relatively new field with few boundaries or definitions. Its
practitioners don’t always agree on methodology or even terminology.
The term profiling has caught on among the general public, largely
due to movies like The Silence of the Lambs and TV shows like Profiler.
But the FBI calls its form of profiling “criminal investigative analy-
sis,” one prominent forensic psychologist calls his work “investigative
psychology,” and another calls it “crime action profiling” (Winerman,
2004).
Despite the different names, all of these tactics share a com-
mon goal: to help investigators examine evidence from crime scenes
and victim and witness reports to develop an offender description.
The description can include psychological variables such as per-
sonality traits, psychopathologies, and behavior patterns, as well
as demographic variables such as age, race, or geographic location.
Investigators might use profiling to narrow down a field of suspects or
figure out how to interrogate a suspect already in custody.
“In some ways, [profiling] is really still as much an art as a science,”
says psychologist Harvey Schlossberg, PhD, former director of psycho-
logical services for the New York Police Department (Winerman, 2004,
p. 66). But in recent years, many psychologists—together with crimi-
nologists and law enforcement officials—have begun using psychology’s
statistical and research methods to bring more science into the art.
To date, there is a lack of scientific evidence in support of the
techniques used in criminal profiling, and the proclaimed successes
of criminal profilers. The unscientific basis of profiling calls into
question the validity of the methods it has spawned, and the ways
in which these methods are used today. Academic evaluation and

criticism promote the need for further research and scientific research
on whether profiling can be a useful tool in criminal investigations
(European Association of Psychology and the Law, 2011).
Some empirical evaluations of criminal profiling have been con-
ducted. Two studies attempted to profile stranger rapists’ criminal his-
tories from their crime scene behavior, and both reported some limited
success (Abumere, 2015). A study that tried to predict the character-
istics of burglars from their crime scene behavior also achieved some
success in predicting criminal demographics and previous criminal
history (Abumere, 2015). These studies have searched for relation-
ships between criminal characteristics and actions at the behavioral
level. There are several researchers (such as Craig Bennell at Carleton
University in Ottawa, Canada) who are studying the effectiveness of
offender profiling.
Geographical Profiling
The term geographic profiling was coined by D. Kim Rossmo, a former

detective inspector with the Vancouver Police Department. While
studying for his doctorate, Rossmo conceived of the idea of using
geographic profiling to target the residence of offenders, and he was
instrumental in developing the first software package to be able to do
this.
The premise of geographic profiling is that given a sufficient num-
ber of crimes, with adequate information for analysis, a probabilistic
map of the area in which the offender’s residence is located can be
calculated (Swanson et al., 2012).
Although designed to analyze the locations of a connected series of
crimes to determine the most likely area of offender residence, geo-
graphic profiling allows investigators and law enforcement officers to
more effectively manage information and focus their investigations.
Although there have been anecdotal successes with geographic profil-
ing, there have also been several instances where geographic profiling
has either been wrong in predicting where the offender lives or works
or been inappropriate as a model (Paulsen, 2006). Thus far, none of
the geographic profiling software packages have been subject to rig-
orous, independent, or comparative tests to evaluate their accuracy,
reliability, validity, utility, or appropriateness for various situations.

As Swanson et al. (2012, p. 200) point out, “As in the case of other
recently developed investigative technologies, geoprofiling is in a state
of transition as refinements are developed. It is not a perfect tool, and
its capabilities can be decreased if the number of cases in a series are
roughly less than 5 or the crime linkage is inaccurate.”
Time–Event Charting and Link Analysis
Follow-up investigations often result in the accumulation of signifi-

cant amounts of data. As a result, financial transactions, relation-
ships, places, events, telephone calls, and other data can be obscured
and their importance overlooked, resulting in an unnecessarily
lengthened or even truncated investigation. Software has been gen-
erated that creates a variety of charts, saving investigative time and
effort for other uses. Two commonly used investigative tools to offer
shortcuts for crime investigators are time–event charting and link
analysis.
A time–event chart depicts in graphic form the chronology of an
individual’s or a group’s activities. A time–event chart is simply a
timeline that offers investigators a way to focus on individual inci-
dents in order to develop a general, graphic overview of a crime. In
this sense, a time–event chart answers the question “What were this
individual’s activities leading up to a crime?”
Link analysis refers to analyzing relationships among people or
organizations and is used to find matches in data for known patterns
of interest, find anomalies where known patterns are violated, and
discover new patterns of interest.
In intelligence work for police departments and investigators,
one of the major goals of data mining is to discover patterns, links,
and relationships hidden in the data. By discovering relationships—
links—intelligence analysts may be able to provide detectives with
valuable leads in unsolved cases.
As this chapter clearly indicates, intelligence is essential in mod-
ern police work, especially in criminal investigations. Given the
importance of an intelligence unit being part of the investigative
team, Chapter 6 will go into more detail about how intelligence is
collected.
1. What do you see as fundamental characteristics of a criminal

investigator?
2. What should be the mindset of the intelligence analyst when
assisting in a criminal investigation?
Important Terms
Circumstantial evidence: Evidence from which inferences can be

drawn and may include physical evidence, such as weapons,
blood, fingerprints, tool marks, documents, and dust, dirt, or
other traces.
Corpus delicti: Evidence that will help substantiate the elements
of the crime.
Criminal profiling: Developing a psychological portrait of an
unknown offender.
Direct evidence: Evidence from the testimony by eyewitnesses
who have information to offer about the crime through one
of their five senses.
Fusion center: Name for some police department intelligence
units; they may also go by other names, such as intelligence
unit or real-time crime center.
Geographic profiling: Developing a probabilistic map of the area
in which the offender’s residence is located.
through the intelligence analyst or the tactical crime analyst.
police officers.
Link analysis: Analyzing relationships among people or organi-
zations; used to find matches in data for patterns of interest
in investigations.
Modus operandi: Particular method or manner in which an
offender carries out crimes.
Real-time crime center: Room in which the intelligence analyst
or tactical crime analyst has at his or her disposal a bank of
computers and extensive websites and data banks that allow
access to and analysis of intelligence in order to provide prac-

tical and useful on-the-spot information to police officers in
the field. May also be called a fusion center or intelligence
unit.
Time–event chart: Graphic depiction of the chronology of an
individual’s or a group’s activities.

1. The intelligence analyst’s raw material is data.
2. It could be argued that the lifeblood of criminal
investigation is information.
3. It is unimportant for intelligence analysts and tactical
crime analysts to have an understanding of how a criminal
investigation proceeds.
4. The first police officer on the crime scene is usually
the intelligence analyst.
5. A successful criminal investigator often possesses the follow-
ing qualities except for
a. Strong degree of self-discipline
b. Ethics and integrity
c. Lack of concern for winning the confidence of others
d. Never acting out of malice or bias
6. One of the duties of the patrol officer when he is the first
officer on the crime scene is to
a. Interview the victim
b. Order a cup of coffee
c. Call for backup
d. Arrest any unwilling witnesses
7. Associative evidence is any evidence that
a. Discovers all of the known associates of the suspect
b. Connects a suspect to the crime scene or the victim
c. Has valid fingerprints
d. Leads to the arrest of other suspects
8. There are many databases available to the intelligence analyst,
and these databases can help
a. Pinpoint the identity of the perpetrator

b. Encourage some lines of inquiry
c. Zero in on the actual residence of the offender
d. Create an infallible portrait of the offender’s personality
9. Criminal profiling is
a. As much an art as a science
b. Always right on the mark
c. A technique that has been perfected through rigorous
research
d. Useful in many criminal investigations
References
Abumere, I. (2015). Criminal profiling. Available at http://www.academia.
edu/2333675/Effectiveness_of_Criminal_Profiling.
Bruce, C.W. (2008). Fundamentals of crime analysis. In S.L. Gwinn, C.W.
Bruce, J.P. Cooper, and S. Hicks (eds.), Exploring Crime Analysis: Readings
on Essential Skills. Overland Park, KS: International Association of Crime
Analysts, pp. 7–32.
European Association of Psychology and the Law. (2011). Fact sheet: Criminal
profiling. Available at http://itssimple.ca/forensicgroup/wp-content/
uploads/Factsheet_Criminal_Profilingbackup.pdf.
Paulsen, D.J. (2006). Connecting the dots: Assessing the accuracy of geographic
profiling software. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and
Management 29(2): 306–334.
Swanson, C.R., Chamelin, N.C., Territo, L., and Taylor, R.W. (2012). Criminal
Investigation. 11th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Weston, P.B., and Lushbaugh, C.A. (2006). Criminal Investigation. 10th ed.
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice-Hall.
Winerman, L. (2004). Criminal profiling: The reality behind the myth. Monitor
on Psychology 35(7): 66–69.
7
i ntelli g en Ce and the
taCti Cal a nalyst
Chapter Outline
1. Intelligence perspective
2. Case study: A robbery investigation
3. Intelligence process
4. Case study: Assisting in an out-of-state murder investigation
5. Intelligence analyst
6. Intelligence-led policing
7. Case study: Shots fired
8. Intelligence and the terrorist threat
1. Understand the intelligence perspective

2. Learn the five-step intelligence process
3. Develop an understanding of how the intelligence analyst
contributes to investigations
4. Gain an understanding of intelligence-led policing
5. Learn the role of intelligence in the terrorism threat
Intelligence is the product of systematic gathering, evaluation,

and synthesis of raw data. It is information that has been ana-
lyzed to determine meaning and relevance.
U.S. Department of Justice (2003, p. 4)
Introduction
A shooting takes place, and the call is made to 911. The 911 operator
immediately creates a “job” card, a computer incident entry unique
14 9
to the call, and within seconds the shooting call is dispatched to a

uniformed patrol unit. In addition to the radio dispatch, the job card,
or computer incident, is also sent to the marked unit’s car computer.
From an intelligence perspective, in terms of general suspect
description, location of incident, and possible vehicle involvement,
intelligence that can aid and assist the responding units is usually sent
over the radio in order to make the responding officers aware of the
particulars of the incident as they respond. For the most part, this is
usually the only intelligence the responding units can rely on until
they arrive on scene and can ascertain what actually happened.
Tactical analysts working in real-time crime centers (RTCCs)
have the capabilities to also monitor those dispatched calls and read
the job cards as they are sent to the responding units. It is here that
the tactical analysts can begin the process of rapid data mining of the
intelligence that is being sent in order to ascertain the possible “who,
what, when, where, why, and how” that can help paint the picture
of what may have just occurred and then relay that intelligence to
the responding patrol units—sometimes even before they arrive on
scene.
But before tactical analysts even become involved to this extent,
they need to fully understand what is meant by the term intelligence
and how intelligence differs from information. Data mining from bits
and pieces of information being dispatched over the police radio or
written on a 911 job card is only useful if that information can be
turned into viable intelligence that the responding officers can use to
help them better understand the situation they are being confronted
with.
Intelligence
Information in process Intelligence out
Since information is based on a set of collected facts, the intelli-

gence process takes these facts and then uses them, as data, to make
informed predictions.
In t el lI g en C e A n d t he tAC tI C A l A n A lys t 151
In addition to having to understanding the intelligence process,

and with RTCCs increasing throughout the country, there needs to
be a better understanding of the analysts who data mine from these
centers, because they are now an integral part of the real-time process.
Real-Time Crime Centers
In 2005, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) opened

its $11 million RTCC. The center was designed to have analysts
working cohesively with sworn law enforcement in a technologi-
cally driven environment for the purpose of data mining intelligence
in real time from multiple data sources and then sending those
results out to the field to assist officers with their investigations. At
the time when the NYPD’s RTCC opened, then police commis-
sioner Raymond Kelly stated that technology combined with good
old-fashioned police work can ultimately create a safer community
(D’Amico, 2006).
Joseph D’Amico, commanding officer of the NYPD’s RTCC,
added, “The Real Time Crime Center (RTCC) of the NYPD is a
centralized data hub that rapidly mines information from multiple
crime databases and disseminates that information to officers in the
field” (NYC Global Partners Innovation Exchange, 2010, p. 1).
With the advent of RTCCs, the need to train traditional crime
analysts in the field of intelligence analysis became clearly evident.
A hybrid form of traditional analysis was needed to address the skill
set required to rapidly data mine information and intelligence and
disseminate it to a third party. Enter the tactical analyst, and with
the tactical analyst, the need for that analyst to fully understand the
intelligence process.
Case Study: Robbery Investigation
A tactical analyst, working in an RTCC, received a request from

a police investigator in the field to try to identify a male who was
known on the street by the nickname of “Big Red.” The request was
in relation to a robbery that occurred approximately five minutes ear-
lier. During the robbery, the suspect being sought had just stolen two
handguns. The need to identify this suspect was urgent.
The tactical analyst utilized social media to tentatively identify the

suspect and, as a result, did in fact find a social media account associ-
ated with an individual who also utilized the nickname of Big Red as
a social media moniker. Ironically, as the tactical analyst was captur-
ing photographs and intelligence from the social media account, the
account was suddenly deleted.
The tactical analyst was able to use the information she found on
the just-deleted social media account to do an in-depth analysis into
the history of the individual identified as the account holder. The tac-
tical analyst discovered that in this individual’s criminal history, there
were several incidents of criminal conduct similar to the robbery of
the two guns that was currently being investigated.
The tactical analyst sent her intelligence findings, along with the
individual’s photo, to the investigator handling the robbery investiga-
tion, and he, in turn, used the photograph to create a photo array. A
photo array is a photo lineup that law enforcement uses to show vic-
tims of crimes a series of photographs, including one that may be the
possible suspect, for identification purposes.
As a result, the individual who was identified by the tactical analyst
was identified by the victim as the male who stole the handguns. As
a result of the positive identification, an arrest warrant was issued for
the suspect—Big Red—for robbery.
The most important fact to note here is that it took less than 10
minutes for the analyst to make the identification once the call was
made from the field to the RTCC.
The tactical analyst in this case had been trained to rapidly data
mine from several data resources as she looked for information that
she could turn into credible intelligence for the field investigator.
More importantly, she fully understood the intelligence process.
Intelligence Process
Also known as the intelligence cycle, the intelligence process

focuses on turning information into intelligence, hopefully, in
most cases, actionable intelligence. Actionable intelligence is intel-
ligence that can be used to initiate activity in the field. Keep in
mind, however, that intelligence is not always 100% accurate, but
when it is properly processed and disseminated, it is the process
In t el lI g en C e A n d t he tAC tI C A l A n A lys t 15 3
most advantageous to those involved in the decision-making

process.
The intelligence process may look different at times, especially in
terms of the sequence of events, but depending on how it is used, the
key components usually do not deviate that much.
Five-Step Intelligence Process
1.
Planning and
direction
2. 5.
Collection Dissemination
3. 4.
Processing Analysis
• Step 1: Planning and direction. Step 1 involves identifying the

need for intelligence. This step clarifies the request that calls for
intelligence and helps define how the results will be presented.
• Step 2: Collection. The second step involves collecting infor-
mation and data that relate to the subject in question. This
step usually involves a mass collection of information and the
review of previous intelligence; both new and old information
need to be vetted—given a careful and critical examination—
for relevance, significance, and accuracy.
• Step 3: Processing. The third step involves filtering all of the
collected information into a usable and organized format that
can be analyzed for relevance and priority.
• Step 4: Analysis. In this step, the intelligence is analyzed. This
means that the information collected is converted into actual
intelligence that can now be disseminated in various forms.
• Step 5: Dissemination. This step has multiple layers to it in

regard to information sharing. It must be decided to whom
the intelligence will be disseminated, and how much of it will
be shared. Dissemination typically involves the release of the
findings by written correspondence, verbal briefing, or any
form that seems like a proper way to communicate the factual
results of the weighed and analyzed intelligence.
There is a possible step 6: reevaluation. Sometimes there needs to be
a continued analysis of the released intelligence, and in a follow-up
process, it may be important to gauge the accuracy of the intelligence,
the need for more in-depth review, or the re-creation of finished, or
updated, intelligence products.
Case Study: Assisting with the Identification

of an Out-Of-State Murder Suspect
Step 1: Planning Stage
A crime analyst was contacted by a local homicide investigator in regard

to assisting an out-of-state police department in identifying a local indi-
vidual who was a suspect in a double murder in the other state. The
crucial piece of modus operandi, as indicated by the investigator, was
that the homicide appeared to be drug related, and it appeared that the
homicide suspect had been robbed by local drug dealers. This suspect
was from the state in which the analyst currently worked, and that was
why the request was made from the out-of-state police agency. The ana-
lyst discussed the case directly with the out-of-state police investigator.
In this case, it was determined that the need to examine local intel-
ligence on the possible murder suspect might help to ascertain the
local suspect’s associates, who could turn out to be accomplices in the
homicide.
Step 2: Collection Stage
The out-of-state investigator gave the analyst the information that an

unknown female, who could only be identified by the apparent nick-
name “Jeannie,” was a major heroin distributor within the other state
for the past year. This woman who went by the name of Jeannie was
a close associate of the male, who was initially arrested for the double
murder. The out-of-state investigator sent the analyst a link to a social
media page for the female, hoping that the analyst would be able to
identify her.
In this case, we see the collection of information involved a nick-
name and a social media link on the possible second suspect. However,
the information had yet to been deemed relevant.
Step 3: Processing Stage
In examining the social media page, the analyst found no photos of

actual people on the page, and no information indicating who the
account belonged to. However, the analyst was able to locate a post
from the previous year where the account holder referred to an actual
“named person” as mom, and it was stated in a social medium posting
that she would see “mom” on a street within the jurisdiction of the
police agency in which the analyst worked.
The analyst now had an actual name to work with. The analyst was
able to research that name in multiple databases and was able to locate
a female with the same name who lived on the street mentioned in the
social media posting. The analyst then researched the background of
this female and found her to have two daughters.
In this step, the tactical analyst not only collected intelligence, but
also processed it for relevance. It was found to be very relevant.
Step 4: Analysis Stage
The analyst researched both daughters and found one to have a local
arrest history. The analyst also located a police-documented field
interview form (FIF). This is a form in which a police officer docu-
ments street contacts they had during their shifts. The daughter was
listed on the FIF, along with a male cousin of hers. The officer also
documented on the FIF the male cousin’s prior local jail inmate num-
ber. The analyst researched the cousin’s history and found that he had
spent five years in state prison for drug possession, and that he also
had a violent arrest history.
The collected information was analyzed for relevance and converted
into actual intelligence that could be used for investigative purposes.
Step 5: Dissemination Stage
The information collected and analyzed by the tactical analyst was

enough to indicate to the analyst that the now-identified female
with the social media account and the nickname Jeannie had a
real name, and she had contact with individuals prone to vio-
lence and narcotics activity. With the collected and documented
intelligence, the analyst created an intelligence product that also
included a police jail photograph of the female taken from a pre-
vious local arrest. The analysis report was sent to the out-of-state
police investigator.
The out-of-state investigator contacted the analyst and confirmed
with her that the intelligence and identification was, in fact, the sec-
ond murder suspect who had previously been known only by Jeannie.
The investigator also confirmed that this female was also a major nar-
cotics dealer in her state, thus further tying her into the drug-related
double murder.
The Intelligence Analyst
David Moore in a 2007 paper on critical thinking and intelligence

analysis states that intelligence analysts are engaged in an intellec-
tual pursuit (Moore, 2007). “They are trying to solve puzzles, resolve
uncertainties, discover the nature and meaning of things that others
would keep secret,” Moore writes. “They must have the entire intel-
lectual apparatus to help them identify the problem, assess the parts
they know and the parts they do not, come up with an explanation of
what is going on, and then express it in a way that others, including
an audience not steeped in their own techniques, can understand”
(Lowenthal, 2007, p. ix).
In the example previously discussed related to the out-of-state
investigator and Jeannie, it was easy to see how the ultimate goal of
the analyst was to data mine information and produce intelligence
that directly responded to an initial request. Intelligence analysts are
a critical component in the intelligence process since they are the ones
tasked with completing each stage of the process. More importantly,
however, they need to be extreme analytical thinkers in terms of pro-
cessing the information and formulating conclusions.
When performing these functions in a real-time setting, the tacti-

cal analyst is required to rapidly data mine information gleaned from
911 dispatched crimes in progress. This process of rapid data mining
accelerates the stages of the intelligence process because the informa-
tion needs to be converted to actionable intelligence, and relayed to
the field, as soon as possible. In some cases, tactical analysts are also
multitasking several requests at once—strongly suggesting that the
analyst must possess a confident, capable, analytical skill set.
Analyst Responsibilities
Regardless of whether the analyst is acting in the capacity of an intel-

ligence analyst or a real-time tactical analyst, the roles and responsi-
bilities attached to his or her duties remain the same. Those include
• Collection
• Evaluation
• Analysis
• Conclusions based on analysis
• Product development and distribution
• Follow-up
Intelligence-Led Policing
Intelligence-led policing often focuses on threats. And intelligence-

led policing usually centers on the elimination of specific threats. The
process of intelligence-led policing begins with information derived
from the field but, once put through the intelligence process, pro-
duces intelligence deemed actionable for operational purposes. At this
point, strategic decisions are made to deal with the now-identified
threat.
The National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan Global
Intelligence Working Group (GIWG) issued a report in 2005 that
defined intelligence-led policing as “the collection and analysis
of information to produce an intelligence end product designed to
inform law enforcement decision-making at both the tactical and stra-
tegic levels” (U.S. Department of Justice, 2003, p. 4). Furthermore,
Carter and Carter (2009, p. 16) stated that “intelligence-led policing
is multijurisdictional, threat-driven, and strategic. It predominantly

focuses on criminal enterprises such as terrorism, violence, and orga-
nizational crime and the conditions that support them.”
Case Study: Shots Fired

Information Derived from the Field
The police responded to a shots fired call. Upon arrival, they found
recently spent (fired) 12- gauge shotgun casings located in front
of the home and noticed the front door was wide open. Officers
entered the home to check for victims and found no one inside.
They did find, in plain view, evidence of possible narcotics packag-
ing. Information derived from the scene was written into an FIF
and forwarded to the intelligence center in an attempt to identify
the person(s) associated with the location and to see if the location
posed an actual threat.
Intelligence Derived through the Intelligence Process: The Threat Identified
The intelligence analyst was able to data mine information on the

location and discovered that a recent domestic incident report (DIR)
documented that a male by the name of David Smith was currently
staying at the location, and it was reported by the complainant that
this man was involved in the sale of drugs at the location as well.
The analyst, through a rigorous data mining process, discovered
a social media account associated with David Smith. The social
media account had multiple photos of him holding a shotgun and a
handgun. Keeping in mind that the responding officers had found
spent shotgun casings in front of the location immediately after a
911 shots fired dispatched call, the analyst concluded that this was
pertinent intelligence that she could directly link to the location
and the David Smith who lived there. The analyst crated an intel-
ligence product that synopsized the intelligence on the location, the
man residing in the home, and its relevance to a shots fired call.
The photos of the man holding the weapons were also placed on the
product prior to it being disseminated throughout the law enforce-
ment community.
Strategic Planning Based on Developed Intelligence
The police department’s narcotics unit was then tasked to develop a

case in which they could strategically target the location, which was
now deemed a threat associated with shootings, weapons, and drug
sales. Narcotics was able to utilize the intelligence produced by the
intelligence analyst as actionable intelligence in their investigation.
Part of their strategic plan was to introduce a confidential informant
into the location in an attempt to purchase narcotics. This plan proved
successful, and as a result, a search warrant was written that contained
aspects of the intelligence provided by the intelligence analyst, and
used as part of the probable cause.
The search warrant was executed, and officers found David Smith
in the home, along with a shotgun, a handgun, cocaine, and heroin.
This case illustrates intelligence-led policing, as it started with
information derived from the field and used that information to
develop actionable intelligence that was then used to strategically deal
with the identified threat. The analyst’s intelligence resulted in an
arrest and confiscation of contraband.
Intelligence and the Terrorist Threat
As defined in Title 18, Section 2332b of the U.S. Code of Federal

Regulations, the federal crime of terrorism is an offense that “is calcu-
lated to influence or affect the conduct of government by intimidation
or coercion, or to retaliate against government conduct” (FBI 2015,
p. 1).
In general, terrorism is the unlawful use of force and violence
against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the
civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political
or social objectives.
The terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, opened
America’s eyes to a new kind of threat to the nation’s security. Radical
extremist—terrorists—introduced themselves to the American peo-
ple by means that had not been seen on American soil since December
7, 1941, when Japan attacked the Pearl Harbor naval base in Hawaii.
As in the 2001 attack and other attacks that continue to today, many
questions linger—not only about the attack itself, but also about the
background of the attackers and the countries that would support

such a murderous attack. The intelligence community, in particular,
found itself to be at a major crossroads.
The aftermath of the 9/11 attacks exposed a glaring deficiency
as to the level of interagency intelligence sharing and cooperation,
particularly in the areas of radical terrorist groups (U.S. Department
of Justice, 2003). Inadequate, or nonexistent, relationships enabled
members of radical organizations to basically hide in plain sight.
The radicalized enemy here in America seeks to accomplish the
same objectives as their international brothers, by instilling fear
through violence. They live among us unassumingly. We may have
encountered them unknowingly during our daily routines, such as
riding the bus while they may be sitting beside us or dining together
in the same public restaurant. They are trained to blend into our soci-
ety and do so with ease. They are polite, engaging, and even courteous
as they covertly watch and learn all they can about our vulnerabilities
and weaknesses. They patiently wait until the time is right to engage
in criminal activity in order to exploit the openness of our free society.
It is only through the intelligence process, and intelligence-led polic-
ing, that law enforcement can create credible intelligence intended to
identify these individuals, groups, and potential soft-target locations.
On February 9, 2011, then U.S. secretary of homeland security
Janet Napolitano testified before the U.S. House of Representatives
Committee on Homeland Security in reference to understanding
the homeland threat landscape. During her testimony, Secretary
Napolitano stated,
Since 9/11 the terrorist threat facing our country has evolved signifi-
cantly in the last ten years, and continues to evolve, so that, in some
ways, the threat facing us is at its most heightened state since those
attacks. This fact requires us to continually adapt our counterterror-
ism techniques to effectively detect, deter, and prevent terrorist acts.
(Department of Homeland Security, 2011, p. 1)
In 2010, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP)

held its annual conference in Orlando, Florida. The main speaker was
Robert Mueller, then director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
During his speech, Director Mueller spoke specifically of the
In t el lI g en C e A n d t he tAC tI C A l A n A lys t 161
continued growth of radical terrorism in America. According to

Director Mueller, “Threats from homegrown terrorists are of great
concern. These individuals are harder to detect, easily able to connect
with other extremists on the internet, and, in some instances, highly
capable operationally” (Mueller, 2010, p. 1).
Chalk and Rosenau (2004, p. iii), in a report for the RAND
Corporation, advocate for strong analytical assessments, as they
can prove to be an invaluable tool for making recommendations
pertaining to law enforcement strategies. Chalk and Rosenau
state, “The analysis is intended to help inform debate on the advis-
ability of creating dedicated information collection and surveil-
lance body.”
The intelligence process described in this chapter, whether worked
by federal, state, or local law enforcement, is the most accurate meth-
odology and process that can effectively address the identification of
the terrorist threat.
Intelligence: Post-9/11
The need to share intelligence resources and to turn untrusting rela-

tionships among certain law enforcement agencies into trusting ones
took a decidedly sharp turn immediately after the terrorist attacks
that occurred on September 11, 2001. Prior to 9/11, intelligence and
information sharing among law enforcement agencies from the fed-
eral and state levels was virtually nonexistent. This glaring deficiency
in intelligence sharing among those sworn to protect was one of the
main reasons the intelligence community decided to focus their atten-
tion on positive efforts to improve their intelligence sharing with each
other.
From these efforts, certain acts and plans were created to assist with
interagency cooperation and intelligence sharing among federal, state,
and local law enforcement agencies. Those acts and plans included the
following:
• USA Patriot Act (2001): Provides appropriate tools required
to intercept and obstruct terrorism. One key component, in
terms of intelligence gathering, was the provision requiring
information sharing while targeting terrorist organizations.
• Homeland Security Act (2002): Designed to consolidate

several federal agencies under one governing body. These
were primarily intelligence-led agencies, and they were also
required to share information at multiple levels.
• National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan (2003): Created
by the GIWG to provide an intelligence sharing plan model.
• 9/11 Commission Report (2004): Also known as the
National Commission on Terrorist Attacks, this report is a
government study on the details of what led to the terrorist
attacks on September 11, 2001. It gives several recommen-
dations relating to the continued need for information and
intelligence sharing among law enforcement at every level of
government.
The common denominator that can be found within this select
group of examples is intelligence, and the need for information and
intelligence to be shared among those organizations that utilize intel-
ligence to investigate crime.
1. How does the intelligence analyst best make sure that intel-
ligence is actionable?
2. What does the analyst do during the analysis stage of the
five-step intelligence process?
Important Terms
Actionable intelligence: Intelligence that can be used to initiate

activity in the field.
Five-step intelligence process: Process that involves planning and
direction, collection, processing, analysis, and dissemination.
Global Justice Information Sharing Initiative: In the fall of 2002,
in response to the IACP’s proposal to create the National
Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan GIWG, the U.S.
Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs (OJP),
authorized the formation of the Global Justice Information
Sharing Initiative. The initial meeting of the GIWG was
held in Atlanta, Georgia, in 2002, and the mission state-

ment of the newly formed group was stated as “The GIWG
mission is to develop, build, and support the creation of the
National Criminal Intelligence Sharing Plan, which will
provide law enforcement agencies with the ability to gather,
analyze, protect, and share credible and timely informa-
tion and intelligence to identify, investigate, prevent, deter,
and defeat criminal and terrorist activities, both domesti-
cally and internationally, as well as protect the security of
our homeland and preserve the rights and freedoms of all
Americans.”
Intelligence-led policing: Collection and analysis of information to
produce an intelligence end product designed to inform law
enforcement decision-making at both the tactical and strate-
gic levels.
Intelligence process: Also known as the intelligence cycle, the
intelligence process focuses on turning information into intel-
ligence, especially actionable intelligence.
Real-time crime center: Center designed to have analysts working
cohesively with sworn law enforcement in a technologically
driven environment for the purpose of data mining intelli-
gence in real time from multiple data sources and then send-
ing those results out to the field to assist officers with their
investigations.
Terrorism: Unlawful use of force and violence against persons or
property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian
population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political
or social objectives.

1. Once a call has come into a police department, the
tactical analyst can begin the process of rapid data mining
of the intelligence that is being sent in order to ascertain the
possible “who, what, when, where, why, and how” of a crimi-
nal event.
2. The RTCC has been described as a centralized data

hub that rapidly mines information from multiple crime data-
bases and disseminates that information to officers in the field
in a criminal investigation.
3. It is not important for the tactical analyst to under-
stand the intelligence process.
4. The intelligence process focuses on turning information into
a. Good police department press releases
b. Propaganda
c. Probable cause
d. Actionable intelligence
5. The five-step intelligence process does not involve
a. Planning and direction
b. Sharing initial data with the mayor
c. Collecting information
d. Analyzing information
6. The intelligence analyst’s responsibilities include
a. Choosing the best site for a new jail
b. Collecting data from prisoners
c. Product development and distribution
d. Analyzing odds for football games
7. Intelligence-led policing often focuses on
a. Threats
b. Protecting businesses from cybercrime
c. International copyright violations
d. Gambling violations
References
Carter, D.L., and Carter, J.G. (2009). Intelligence-led policing: Conceptual
and functional considerations for public policy. Criminal Justice Policy
Review 20(3): 310–325.
Chalk, P., and Rosenau, W. (2004). Confronting “the enemy within” security
intelligence, the police, and counterterrorism in four democracies. Santa
Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. Available at http://www.rand.org/
content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2004/RAND_MG100.pdf.
D’Amico, J. (2006). Stopping crime in real time. Police Chief Magazine
73(9): 1.
Department of Homeland Security. (2011). Testimony of Secretary Janet

Napolitano before the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on
Homeland Security, Understanding the homeland threat landscape—
Considerations for the 112th Congress. Available at https://www.dhs.
gov/news/2011/02/09/secretary-napolitanos-testimony-understanding-
homeland-threat-landscape.
FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation). (2015). Terrorism. Washington, DC:
FBI. Available at https://www.fbi.gov/about-us/investigate/terrorism/
terrorism-definition.
Lowenthal, M.M. (2007). Foreward. In D.T. Moore, Critical thinking and
intelligence analysis. Occasional paper no. 14. Washington DC: National
Defense Intelligence College. Available at http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/
awcgate/dia/ndic_moore_crit_analysis_hires.pdf.
Moore, D.T. (2007). Critical thinking and intelligence analysis. Occasional
paper 14. Washington, DC: National Defense Intelligence College.
Available at http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/dia/ndic_moore_crit_
analysis_hires.pdf.
Mueller, R. (2010). IACP 2010: FBI director Robert Mueller talks terrorism,
training, technology, and trust. San Francisco: PoliceOne. Available at
http://www.policeone.com/federal-law-enforcement/articles/2834806-
IACP-2010-FBI-Director-Robert-Mueller-talks-terrorism-training-
technology-and-trust/.
NYC Global Partners Innovation Exchange. (2010). Best practice: Real-time
crime center: Centralized crime data system. New York: NYC Global
Partners Innovation Exchange. Available at http://www.nyc.gov/html/
unccp/gprb/downloads/pdf/NYC_Safety%20and%20Security_RTCC.pdf.
U.S. Department of Justice. (2003). The national criminal intelligence sharing
plan. Global justice information sharing initiative. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Justice. Available at http://www.it.ojp.gov/documents/
National_Criminal_Intelligence_Sharing_Plan.pdf.
8
C olleCtin g i ntelli g en Ce
Chapter Outline
1. Investigation
2. Sources of information and intelligence
3. Interplay between the intelligence analyst and the criminal
investigator
4. Databases
1. Gain a better understanding of the interplay between the

criminal investigator and the intelligence analyst
2. Begin to understand the use of databases in criminal
investigations
3. Develop an initial understanding of the number of possible
databases that can be accessed by the intelligence analyst to
assist in criminal investigations
Information is the most valuable commodity in the world. It’s

more valuable than money, for with it one can make money. It’s
more valuable than power. It’s more valuable than goods, for
with it one can build, acquire, and improve goods. In any busi-
ness, in any industry, in any part of the world, the right infor-
mation is absolutely priceless.… Businesses invest a great deal
of money, time, and resources in the quest to acquire informa-
tion—information about their products, and how to improve
them; information about their competitors, and what they’re up
to; information about customers and what they want; informa-
tion about the business itself, and how its various divisions are
doing. Governments rise and fall on information—information
16 7
about the opinions and attitudes of their citizens; information

about allies; information about enemies. Information wins wars,
builds cities, heals the sick, enriches the poor, and—most rel-
evant to our purposes—solves and prevents crimes.… Such is
the case with crime analysts. Crime analysts provide informa-
tion to police agencies about crime, disorder, calls for service,
police activities, and other areas of police interest, all with the
goal of helping the agencies do their jobs better … the analyst’s
raw material is data, which might come from numerous sources.
Out of this data, the analyst seeks to create information, which
he then delivers to his “consumer”—the police agency.
Bruce (2008, pp. 7–8)
Introduction
When investigators arrive on the scene of a crime, some information will

be available to them. For instance, the first responders to the scene—
typically patrol officers—will have secured that scene helping to prevent
contamination of the evidence and locating and identifying witnesses and
suspects. Normally, that will mean that the criminal investigators will
have access to a number of sources of information. Those sources will
include the victim, any evidence left behind by the perpetrator(s), wit-
nesses to the crime, and, perhaps, even one or more suspects.
This sometimes considerable amount of information may be all the
investigator needs in order to solve the crime and arrest a suspect.
However, more often than not, there will be insufficient evidence to
lead to an arrest and the suspect will not be known or identified. In
this situation, the investigator or detective will need to draw on other
sources of information to begin the process of investigating the crime
and pursuing the criminal. In this sense, the investigator must rely on
intelligence.
As you learned in previous chapters, intelligence is the information
or data that are collected and evaluated. For an investigation to make
any progress, the intelligence that comes to the investigator must be
reliable and relevant. While the investigator has the usual sources
of information—victim’s statement, forensic evidence, and witness
C o l l eC tIn g In t el lI g en C e 16 9
statements—often other intelligence is required for the blossoming of

an investigation. This is where the intelligence analyst and the tactical
crime analyst play a critical role.
Interplay between the Intelligence Analyst

and the Criminal Investigator
As the role and importance of the intelligence analyst increase, in a

certain sense, there is a synergy and a merging of roles between the
investigator and the analyst. In a perfect police department, the inves-
tigator and analyst would think along the same lines as both work in
tandem to investigate a crime. While the detective is on the scene in
the beginning and has access to his or her direct sources of informa-
tion, the intelligence analyst is away from the actual crime scene but
can access numerous sources of intelligence while taking new data
fed to him or her by the investigator and helping to connect the dots
between a crime and a criminal offender.
The investigator feeds information that he gathers in the field to
the analyst, who can use previously collected and warehoused intel-
ligence to, in turn, send data back to the investigator to help move the
investigation in appropriate directions.
The interplay between the intelligence analyst and the investiga-
tor may start even before the detective arrives on the scene. A skilled
intelligence analyst will begin accumulating information valuable to
the detective early in the process. For example, if the crime is the
armed robbery of a convenience store, the analyst can determine
quickly a number of pieces of information for the investigator:
• The name of the convenience store
• The owners of the store
• Whether there have been previous robberies at this store
• The outcomes of previously reported crimes at the store
• Whether suspects were identified in previously reported
crimes at the store and whether arrests were made
• The names of previous suspects or arrestees
• The addresses of those previous suspects or arrestees
By arriving at the scene with this kind of intelligence, the inves-
tigator can interview victims and witnesses with a more informed
perspective and ask more probing questions. But from that point on,
the investigator can provide feedback to the analyst and can ask more
pointed questions of the analyst. For instance, the investigator may
want to know
• What other robberies have occurred in the area recently?
• Is there a pattern to the robberies over the past few months
or longer?
• What weapons were used in other robberies in the vicinity?
• Who were the suspects in those recent robberies?
• What are the residence addresses of all previous suspects in
local robberies?
• Do any of those suspects have a record of robbery arrests or
convictions?
• Which known criminals live in the vicinity of this and previ-
ous robberies?
• What photographs are available of previous suspects?
• Do these photographs resemble the description of the
perpetrator(s) in this current robbery?
By obtaining answers to these kinds of questions, the investigator can
determine the next steps in the investigation. He may determine that
interviews should be conducted of previous suspects of local robberies to
check on alibis and movements around the time of the latest crime. In
addition, he may decide to solicit information from other police officers
who work in the vicinity of the robbery or from confidential informants
in the area who may be able to share important information.
Sources of Information
In addition to statements from victims and witnesses, and informa-

tion from other police officers and informants, detectives can work
with intelligence analysts to review sources of information available
in databases.
Some of the databases offering treasure troves of information are
the following:
• Department of Motor Vehicles (secretary of state): To obtain driv-
er’s licenses, vehicle registrations, and photos.
C o l l eC tIn g In t el lI g en C e 171
• Department of Corrections: To track convicted felons and

determine their incarceration or parole status; photos from
the time of incarceration are often available.
• Stolen property databases: For instance, Trace is the largest
database of property reported stolen to U.S. law enforcement
agencies. This database holds millions of serial numbers of
stolen goods from thousands of police agencies that can be
searched to identify goods that are recovered.
• Federal, state, and local court information: The database PACER
hosts millions of case file documents and docket information
for all district, bankruptcy, and appellate courts. Furthermore,
most state and local felony courts maintain a database, but
there are databases that cover the entire United States. An
example is Corra’s Nationwide Criminal Records Database, a
powerful search of more than 200 million records nationwide,
including the District of Columbia, which includes criminal
records from statewide repositories and archives, departments
of correction, local county information, traffic violations and
infractions, and administration of court records. This database
also includes the nationwide Sex Offender Registry search.
• Probation, parole, and supervised release data: There are state
and local databases that track offenders who have been placed
on probation or are on parole.
• Prosecutorial information: Transactional Records Access
Clearinghouse (TRAC) has a database for hundreds of
millions of federal charges and convictions. There are fed-
eral databases that list health and safety convictions, elder
abuse convictions, and prosecutions by the Environmental
Protection Agency.
• Gang-related tracking: The National Gang Intelligence Center
(NGIC), operated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI), integrates gang intelligence from across federal, state,
and local law enforcement on the growth, migration, criminal
activity, and association of gangs that pose a significant threat
to the United States. The NGIC supports law enforcement
by sharing timely and accurate information and by providing
strategic and tactical analysis of intelligence. The databases
of each component agency are available to the NGIC, as are
other gang-related databases, permitting centralized access to

information about gangs.
• Sexual predator tracking or Sex Offender Registry: The FBI has on
its website the National Sex Offender Public Website, which
provides access to the latest information from all 50 states,
the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, Guam, and numer-
ous Indian tribes for the identity and location of known sex
offenders.
Besides state and local systems and databases, there are also non-
profit and private sources of information about suspected or known
criminal figures, groups, and businesses, as well as terrorism. For
instance, one such database is operated by the Association of Law
Enforcement Intelligence Units (LEIU). Another is LeadsOnLine, a
private subscription service used by more than 1600 law enforcement
agencies (Swanson et al., 2012). This service provides access to trans-
actions from thousands of reporting businesses, including scrap metal
processors, secondhand stores, Internet drop-off stores, pawnshops,
and eBay.
In addition, there are social network sites, such as FaceBook,
MyYearbook, Twitter, Pinterest, LinkedIn, and Classmates, that con-
tain personal profiles and often valuable personal details about where
people live, work, and vacation, along with information about friends,
associates, and love interests.
As can be readily seen, there are a plethora of databases and sources
of intelligence and data these days. The intelligence analyst and the
tactical crime analyst must be aware of the many sources of useful
data in order to be of the most help to law enforcement.
In Chapter 9, we introduce the concept of data mining and using
information accessed from computers and the Internet to give police
investigators and police administrators actionable intelligence.
1. What do you see as fundamental characteristics of a criminal

investigator?
2. What should be the mindset of the intelligence analyst when
assisting in a criminal investigation?
C o l l eC tIn g In t el lI g en C e 173
Important Terms
Data: Information, especially facts or numbers, collected to be

examined and considered as useful for the investigation of a
crime or for analyzing crime trends.
Database: Set of data grouped together in one location in a com-
puter. A computerized database is much like an electronic fil-
ing cabinet of information arranged for easy access or for a
specific purpose.
through the intelligence analyst or the tactical crime analyst
for use by a police agency.
police officers.

1. The intelligence analyst’s raw material is data.
2. Crime analysts provide information to police investi-
gators about crime, suspects, or other persons of interest in a
criminal investigation.
3. The intelligence analyst’s data only come from one
source.
4. For an investigation to make any progress, the intelligence
that comes to the investigator must be
a. Able to name the criminal offender
b. Absolutely accurate
c. Reliable and accurate
d. Obtained with a search warrant
5. There should be an interplay between the criminal investiga-
tor and the intelligence analyst so that data are
a. Kept secret by the analyst
b. Only relayed when the investigator is stumped
c. Shared back and forth
d. Obtained based on databases that the investigator is
familiar with
6. Some of the databases potentially offering valuable informa-

tion to move an investigation forward may come from
a. The Department of Motor Vehicles
b. The Department of Corrections
c. Stolen property databases
d. All of the above
References
Bruce, C.W. (2008). Fundamentals of crime analysis. In S.L. Gwinn, C.W.
Bruce, J.P. Cooper, and S. Hicks (eds.), Exploring Crime Analysis: Readings
on Essential Skills. Overland Park, KS: International Association of Crime
Swanson, C.R., Chamelin, N.C., Territo, L., and Taylor, R.W. (2012). Criminal
Investigation. 11th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.
9
d ata m inin g and
a naly zin g i ntelli g en Ce
Chapter Outline
1. What is data mining?

2. Understanding data mining
3. Computer-based transaction processing
4. Analytical systems
5. Software available for criminal justice data mining
6. What kinds of relationships can data mining software find?
1. Understand data mining

2. Learn how crime data are analyzed
3. Begin to understand how to explore large databases
4. Explore examples of data mining
A major challenge facing all law enforcement and intelligence-

gathering organizations is accurately and efficiently analyzing
the growing volumes of crime data. For example, complex con-
spiracies are often difficult to unravel because information on
suspects can be geographically diffuse and span long periods
of time. Detecting cybercrime can likewise be difficult because
busy network traffic and frequent online transactions generate
large amounts of data, only a small portion of which relates to
illegal activities. Data mining is a powerful tool that enables
criminal investigators who may lack extensive training as data
analysts to explore large databases quickly and efficiently.
Chen et al. (2003, p. 50)
17 5
Introduction
What Is Data Mining?
Data mining, sometimes called data discovery or knowledge discov-

ery, is the process of analyzing data from different perspectives and
summarizing them into useful information. On a more technical level,
data mining is the process of finding correlations or patterns among
many fields in large relational databases (McCue and Parker, 2003).
For the most part, data mining tells us about very large and com-
plex data sets. And these days, there are many large, complex data
sets available. For instance, in Chapter 8 we listed some data sets—
or databases—that are often used by law enforcement. For instance,
one large database is the motor vehicles department (or secretary of
state) in your state. If, for example, you live in Illinois, the secretary of
state in Illinois manages one of the largest computer databases in the
state, keeping track of approximately 8.7 million drivers, 11 million
registered vehicles, 466,000 corporations, 230,000 limited liability
entities, 159,000 registered securities salespersons, and 16,000 invest-
ment advisor representatives. This one database illustrates something
that most of us know—or, at least, realize on some level: there is far
more information available than anyone can digest, let alone analyze,
without a computer. And that amount of information is growing
every day. The reason for that is simple, because nearly every one of
our transactions leaves a data signature that someone (or more likely
some computer) is capturing and storing.
The sheer scale and volume of the data collected by businesses and
the government defy our imagination; it is beyond our sense-making
capabilities (Furnas, 2012). To try to determine relationships and
patterns, therefore, is often too complex to figure out by trying to look
at the data. For instance, using our example of the Illinois secretary
of state, if you wanted to find a relationship between licensed drivers
who had their license suspended during the years 2008 and 2012 and
who drove a Chevy Impala, you could not possibly determine this by
hand; you could find such relationships, though, with data mining.
In other words, data mining is used to simplify and summarize the
data in a manner that we can understand and use. For example, we are
all familiar with the way Amazon.com or Netflix utilize data mining,
although you may not have known that these companies were using
dAtA mInIn g A n d A n A ly zIn g In t el lI g en C e 17 7
data mining techniques. However, every time you log in to Amazon

to look for a book or a DVD, you will see on the website that Amazon
knows exactly what you previously looked at, what you previously
bought, and what you might like to buy this time. Netflix does exactly
the same thing, recommending what movie you would probably enjoy
watching next. MasterCard and Visa use data mining to target you
for deals or advertising. Most such major companies use sophisticated
data mining software to track your data.
How Does Data Mining Work?
Large-scale information technology (IT) has been evolving for years.

In fact, the term information technology is so common that it is used
in every large organization. Yet, when we typically use the term, we
usually are referring to the IT department of a business or university.
We say, “I should call IT to come and fix my computer” or “See if IT
can install the new software we ordered.” But we generally no longer
question exactly what the term information technology means.
For our purposes, IT is the use of any computers, storage, net-
working, and other physical devices, infrastructure, and processes to
create, process, store, secure, and exchange all forms of electronic
data. The term information technology was coined by the Harvard
Business Review in order to make a distinction between purpose-
built machines designed to perform a limited scope of functions and
general-purpose computing machines that could be programmed for
various tasks (Applegate et al., 1988). As the IT industry evolved
from the mid-twentieth century, it encompassed transistors and inte-
grated circuits, while our computing capabilities make giant leaps
forward.
IT usually includes several layers of physical equipment (hardware),
virtualization and management or automation tools, operating sys-
tems, and applications (software) used to perform essential functions.
User devices, peripherals, and software, such as laptops, smartphones,
or even recording equipment, can be included in the IT domain. IT
can also refer to the architectures, methodologies, and regulations
governing the use and storage of data. But it is important for you to
be aware that IT has over the past two decades been evolving into
separate transaction and analytical systems.
A transaction processing system (TPS) supports the processing of

a company’s or organization’s business transactions. For instance, the
TPS of a university helps perform such tasks as enrolling students in
courses, billing students for tuition, and issuing paychecks to faculty.
In addition, the TPS associated with a university’s large employee and
faculty pension fund may assist stockbrokers in executing buy and sell
orders while also helping with accounting for the transaction (Mahar,
2003).
TPSs keep an organization running smoothly by automating the
processing of the voluminous amounts of paperwork that must be
handled daily. These systems, if we again use the example of a large
university, include the accurate recording of transactions, as well
as control procedures usually used in paychecks, invoices, customer
statements, payment reminders, tuition bills, and student schedules
(Mahar, 2003).
The TPS of an organization may be far reaching, extending com-
pletely throughout the organization, linking together the entire finan-
cial system.
Computer-Based Transaction Processing
Computer-based TPSs are often considered the “bread and butter” of

the management information system application. No matter how ner-
vous upper management in a medium to large organization is about
spending in the information system area, it knows that it cannot pull
the plug on its TPS and survive. Actually, many large companies have
had computer-based TPSs since the 1950s. Most TPSs have been and
still are mainframe oriented. IBM equipment and their compatibles
currently claim the lion’s share of the transaction processing market-
place (Mahar, 2003).
Although many companies consider TPS to be their most impor-
tant computer application, a surprisingly large number of firms have
not carried computer-based information processing far beyond the
transaction processing stage. TPSs in many organizations today are
used in this way as competitive weapons. Additionally, the move
from dumb terminals to intelligent microprocessor-based work-
stations is expected to alter transaction processing in other ways,
such as by distributing certain traditionally mainframe-based
dAtA mInIn g A n d A n A ly zIn g In t el lI g en C e 179
centralized transaction processing functions closer to their own

offices or departments.
As indicated, the TPS supports the processing of an organization’s
many transactions. This includes accounting for the transactions on its
records, as well as providing support activities such as sending out pay-
ment reminders. Recently gaining competitive advantage has become
a TPS concern in some firms, especially those that are working to tie
customers and suppliers together more closely with the organization’s
TPS via electronic linkages.
Role of Information Technology and Transaction Processing
For many businesses, a transaction refers to an exchange of goods or

services for money. The earliest TPSs were manual systems. A clerk
would record transactions in a journal or on numbered, multipart
forms. These transactions would later be transferred manually to a
central system of handwritten records or file folders responding to
individual customers or suppliers. These records would be set up to
trigger statements to customers or checks to suppliers. Many small
businesses still operate with manual TPSs; however, inexpensive and
easy-to-use computer technology is finding its way into more small
businesses (Mahar, 2003).
Analytical Systems
On the other hand, and at the same time, IT has been develop-
ing analytical systems. One strategy for extracting meaning from
large amounts of investigative information is the use of data min-
ing applications. Data mining systematically searches information
to identify relationships and patterns. Although data mining has
been used effectively in private industry for a number of years,
law enforcement has trailed in the application of this technol-
ogy. As an interesting comparison, data mining techniques in the
commercial environment have allowed retailers to know more
about purchasing habits than what the police know about crimi-
nal suspects.
To explore the use of data mining within criminal justice, par-
ticularly criminal investigations, data mining software analyzes
relationships and patterns in stored transaction data. Data mining

software consists of sophisticated search programs, advanced statis-
tical techniques, and innovative graphics features. Search programs
used in data mining software provide users with the ability to make
queries that use varied search criteria and repeatedly redefine those
criteria to make searches as useful as possible. By using data mining
software, investigators can initiate database searches and link analy-
ses that extract information describing relationships between persons,
events, and other aspects of criminal activities. Data mining systems
provide users with graphic displays that make it easier to see the
detected relationships or patterns.
A typical law enforcement data mining application might attempt
to identify a suspect when the only available information is a crime
report and a vehicle description. An investigator could initiate a query
of a regional network database to obtain information that would iden-
tify a suspect. Data mining software would then search information
compiled by all agencies participating in the network. The vehicle
description contained in the crime report submitted by one agency
might match an entry in a field interview report submitted by a differ-
ent agency. The field interview report might indicate the vehicle was
seen a short distance from the crime scene at a time close to the time
of the crime, and that its driver had been questioned and provided a
name and address. Data mining software could then be used to deter-
mine the involvement of the now-identified suspect in other crimes.
Without the advantage of data mining software, information from
the crime report and the field interview information might never be
found or linked.
The 2002 “D.C. sniper” (or “beltway sniper”) case investigation
illustrates the difficulty in searching massive amounts of information
available to law enforcement agencies. Because the various shoot-
ings in this case took place in Washington, D.C., Maryland, and
Virginia, multiple law enforcement agencies were compiling informa-
tion, resulting in the availability of a large amount of data in vari-
ous systems. Review of the investigation revealed that information
on the vehicle used by the snipers had been previously reported by
law enforcement agencies, but the volume of data and their storage in
disparate systems precluded timely searches. Data mining addresses
this kind of problem.
Software Available for Data Mining in Criminal Justice
Several types of analytical software systems are currently available for

use in the criminal justice system. For example, the following sections
cover some categories of software that are suitable for criminal justice
and law enforcement applications,
Statistical
Statistical Analysis System (SAS) is a software suite that can mine,

alter, manage, and retrieve data from a variety of sources and perform
statistical analysis on them. SAS provides a graphical point-and-click
user interface for nontechnical users and more advanced options.
Machine Learning
Machine learning and data mining often employ the same methods
and overlap significantly. Machine learning, by definition, is a type of
artificial intelligence (AI) that provides computers with the ability to
learn without being explicitly programmed. Machine learning focuses
on the development of computer programs that can teach themselves
to grow and change when exposed to new data.
The process of machine learning is similar to that of data min-
ing. Both systems search through data to look for patterns. However,
instead of extracting data for human comprehension—as is the case in
data mining applications—machine learning uses those data to improve
the program’s own understanding. Machine learning programs detect
patterns in data and adjust program actions accordingly. For example,
Facebook’s News Feed changes according to the user’s personal interac-
tions with other users. If a user frequently tags a friend in photos, writes
on his wall, or “likes” his links, the News Feed will show more of that
friend’s activity in the user’s News Feed due to presumed closeness.
Machine learning and data mining can be generally distinguished
as follows:
• Machine learning focuses on prediction, based on known
properties learned from the training data. (The data used
to construct or discover a predictive relationship are called
the training data set. Most approaches that search through
training data for empirical relationships tend to overfit the

data, meaning that they can identify apparent relationships
in the training data that do not hold in general. A test set is
a set of data that is independent of the training data, but that
follows the same probability distribution as the training data.)
• Data mining focuses on the discovery of (previously) unknown
properties in the data. This is the analysis step of knowledge
discovery in databases.
The two areas overlap in many ways: data mining uses many machine
learning methods, but often with a slightly different goal in mind. On
the other hand, machine learning also employs data mining meth-
ods as “unsupervised learning” or as a preprocessing step to improve
learner accuracy. Much of the confusion between these two research
communities comes from the basic assumptions they work with: in
machine learning, performance is usually evaluated with respect to the
ability to reproduce known knowledge, while in knowledge discovery
and data mining (KDD), the key task is the discovery of previously
unknown knowledge. Evaluated with respect to known knowledge,
an uninformed (unsupervised) method will easily be outperformed by
supervised methods, while in a typical KDD task, supervised methods
cannot be used due to the unavailability of training data.
Trying to detect specific patterns of crime and criminal behavior
is extremely challenging. Crime analysts can spend countless hours
sifting through data to determine whether a crime fits into a known
pattern and to discover new patterns. Once a pattern is detected, the
information can be used to predict, anticipate, and prevent crime.
A machine learning method called “Series Finder” was developed
by Wang et al. (2013) to assist the police in discovering crime series.
Initially, Series Finder was trained to detect housebreak patterns, and
it “learned” how to do this using historical data from one police depart-
ment’s crime analysis unit. (Whether you are doing simple multiplica-
tion or a complicated calculus problem, you must use a predetermined
set of rules, called an algorithm, to solve it. An algorithm includes
a finite number of steps to solve any given problem.) The algorithm
used in Series Finder tries to construct a modus operandi (MO) of the
offender. As Series Finder grows the pattern from the database, the
MO for the pattern becomes better defined.
Neural Network
The simplest definition of a neural network, more properly referred

to as an artificial neural network (ANN), is provided by the inventor
of one of the first neurocomputers, Dr. Robert Hecht-Nielsen. He
defines a neural network as “a computing system made up of a num-
ber of simple, highly interconnected processing elements, which pro-
cess information by their dynamic state response to external inputs”
(Borhanazad, 2014).
ANNs are processing devices (algorithms or actual hardware) that are
loosely modeled after the neuronal structure of the mammalian cerebral
cortex, but on much smaller scales (University of Wisconsin-Madison,
n.d.). A large ANN might have hundreds or thousands of processor units,
whereas a mammalian brain has billions of neurons with a corresponding
increase in magnitude of their overall interaction and emergent behavior.
The Artificial Neural Network System for Classification of
Offenders in Murder and Rape Cases project developed two soft-
ware prototypes that demonstrate developed algorithms for analyzing
and comparing large databases of crime data. The Computer-Aided
Tracking and Characterization of Homicides (CATCH) and
CATCHRAPE software applications analyze homicide data and sex-
ual assault data, respectively. Both applications are similar, although
they analyze different databases. CATCH was developed to provide
crime analysts with enhanced means for interpreting large databases
of crime data. These databases store a large number of crimes, with
each case described in great detail. The huge volumes of information
collected for crimes during investigations make it difficult to compare
a crime with other crimes by the investigators alone. CATCH uses
advanced algorithms to facilitate the comparison of crime data to find
crimes that have similar patterns.
What Kinds of Relationships Can Data Mining Software Reveal?
Generally, any of four types of relationships are sought:

1. Entity extractions
2. Clusters
3. Associations
4. Sequential patterns
Entity Extractions
Entity extraction identifies particular patterns from data, such as

text, images, or audio materials. It has been used to identify a per-
son’s addresses, vehicles, and personal characteristics, which means
that entity extraction can provide basic information for crime analysis.
In criminal justice, as in other fields, such as business, there is a
need for collecting and understanding web information about a real-
world entity—a person of interest or a suspect, for example. For most
of us, if we want to find out more about a person, we use a search
engine. However, if you do a Google or Yahoo search to learn more
about an individual (say, Mark Robinson, to pick a name at random),
you will get 174 million hits. To learn more about the particular Mark
Robinson you might be interested in would mean that you would
have to scroll through thousands of web pages. Even if Google or any
other search engine could find all the relevant web pages about Mark
Robinson, how long would it take you to sift through all these pages
to get a complete view of who Mark Robinson is? A few hours? A few
days? Maybe. But it might take even longer.
Entity extraction works at solving this problem. Microsoft came up
with EntityCube to help to search and browse summaries of entities,
including people, organizations, and locations.
Software such as EntityCube or Rosette Entry Extractor (REX)
automatically mine from billions of web pages to extract entity infor-
mation and detect relationships, covering a spectrum of everyday
individuals and well-known people, locations, conferences, journals,
and organizations.
Clusters
A cluster is a subset of objects that are similar. Clustering is the pro-

cess of grouping data into a set of meaningful subclasses, called clus-
ters. For example, in the insurance industry, you may want to group
together certain policy holders, say, for instance, all policy holders
with high average claim requests and payouts. By identifying this
cluster, you can decide how to target that group to reduce its claims.
In criminal justice, crime analysts have started helping detec-
tives and other law enforcement officers to speed up the process of
solving crimes. More specifically, a data mining approach using
clustering-based models can help in the identification of crime

patterns. But providing that help has not been easy because the data
related to crime and criminals are often scattered in various data-
bases and around the Internet. Some data are kept confidential, while
other data are public information. Data about county prisoners are
usually found in the county or the sheriff’s sites. However, data about
crimes related to narcotics or juvenile cases are often more restricted.
Similarly, information about sex offenders is made public to warn oth-
ers in the area, but the identity of the victim is often not accessible.
Thus, as a data miner, the analyst has to deal with various issues—and
databases—to mine crucial data for detectives.
Furthermore, sheriffs’ offices and police departments may use a
computerized reporting system, or they may still use the traditional
paper-based crime reports. Whether these crime reports are comput-
erized or paper, they almost always contain certain basic informa-
tion: the type of crime, the date and time of the crime, the location
of the crime, the names and addresses of the victims, the names and
addresses of the witnesses, and the name and address of the suspect.
Additionally, there is the narrative or description of the crime and
MO, both of which are usually in the form of text. That is, police
officers and detectives use free text to record certain facts, observa-
tions, and conclusions. This is information that cannot be included by
checking boxes on a police department form. While some informa-
tion can be stored in computer databases as numeric, character, or
date fields of tables, the observations and conclusions are often stored
as free text.
And therein lies the challenge in data mining crime data. Combing
through hundreds or thousands (or even more) of crime reports to
locate data (such as a descriptions of crime perpetrators or the names
of suspects) to gather them into data mining categories is not always
an easy job. And that’s where clustering in data mining comes in. A
cluster is a group of crimes or people or other kinds of data that are
similar and may represent a geographical region, a hot spot of crime,
or a possible crime pattern.
Clustering algorithms in data mining are equivalent to the task of
identifying groups of records that are similar between themselves but
different from the rest of the data. In some instances, clusters will
be useful for identifying a crime spree committed by one person or
a group of suspects. Given this information, the next challenge is to

find the variables providing the best clustering. These clusters will
then be presented to the detectives to “drill down” (meaning move
to another, often lower or more basic, level of analysis) using their
expertise as detectives.
However, clustering requires a skilled crime analyst who is
aware that data mining is sensitive to the quality of input data.
What that means is that law enforcement officers’ reports may
be inaccurate or have missing information, or that the data entry
step was flawed because names or locations were misspelled, for
instance. The skilled and experienced data miner must have a good
knowledge of clustering, and know what software will perform the
tasks that he or she requires, all the while working closely with a
detective, at least in the initial phases of the investigation (Nath,
2006).
Associations
In data mining, association rules are useful for analyzing and pre-
dicting customer behavior. They play an important part in shop-
ping basket data analysis, product clustering, catalog design, and
store layout. For example, if a grocery store wished to sell more
1-liter bottles of Coke, they could examine transactions by custom-
ers who bought 1-liter bottles of Coke. By data mining associations,
they might discover that customers who bought 1-liter bottles of
Coke often bought 15-ounce bags of Lay’s Classic Potato Chips.
Once this association is understood, the store could send out cou-
pons for Lay’s Classic Potato Chips and offer a sale on potato chips.
They could, then, be relatively certain that the sales of Coke would
increase.
While the use of data mining and association rules has nothing
to do with selling either Coke or potato chips in criminal justice,
the goal of crime data analysis in law enforcement is to identify and
visualize associations among criminal networks. For example, find-
ings that 80% of individuals released from a particular prison were
subsequently involved in automobile thefts within six months of
leaving that prison would be valuable information for the police to
have. Similarly, if a crime analyst determined that there was a strong
association between young white men in their twenties who applied

to purchase a handgun from a national chain store and rejection of
that transaction with a subsequent murder, this information could
lead to preventative efforts that might save lives.
The Associate Wizard (developed by Microsoft) is one example of
software that helps a crime analyst create a data mining model using
the Microsoft Association Rules algorithm. Such mining models are
particularly useful for creating recommendation systems. How this
works is that the Microsoft Association Rules algorithm scans a data
set comprised of transactions or events, and finds the combinations
that frequently appear together. There can be many thousands of com-
binations, but the algorithm can be customized to find more or fewer,
and to retain only the most probable combinations.
This kind of association analysis can potentially be used to address
several problems, including predicting who is likely to commit cer-
tain crimes and when these crimes might take place. Association rule
mining can be used to generate rules from a crime data set based on
the frequent occurrence of patterns to help lead to recommendations
for preventive action. But, in general, discovering association rules
helps investigators to recognize mutual implications among criminal
occurrences.
Sequentials
Sequential pattern mining is a data mining approach that is con-

cerned with finding statistically relevant patterns between data exam-
ples where the values are delivered in a sequence. There are several
key traditional computational problems addressed within this field.
These include building efficient databases and indexes for sequence
information, extracting the frequently occurring patterns, compar-
ing sequences for similarity, and recovering missing sequence mem-
bers. In general, sequence mining problems can be classified as string
mining, which is typically based on string processing algorithms, and
itemset mining, which is typically based on association rule learn-
ing. String mining has to do with understanding the sequence in
a data set, identifying individual regions or structural units within
each sequence, and then assigning a function to each structural
unit. Itemset mining is used for discovering regularities between
frequently co-occurring items in large transactions. For example, by

analyzing the records of parolees, a rule can be produced that reads,
“If a parolee finds a full-time job within one month of being released
from prison, he or she is likely to keep his appointments with his
parole officer.”
Frequent sequence mining is used to discover a set of patterns
shared among objects that have between them a specific order. For
instance, a retail shop may possess a transaction database that speci-
fies which products were acquired by each customer over time. In
this case, the store may use frequent sequence mining to find that
40% of its customers who bought the first volume of Lord of the
Rings came back to buy the second volume a month later. This kind
of information may be used to support directed advertising cam-
paigns or recommendation systems. In criminal justice, frequent
sequence mining could help determine the interval between certain
types of crimes and the sequence of criminal offenses by offenders
involved in burglary offenses. (The question to be asked and, hope-
fully, answered by the crime analyst might be, after a home break-in
during which a violent crime occurred, what other crimes occurred,
in what sequence, and with what time lapse between those offenses?)
In effect, a huge number of possible sequential patterns are hid-
den in databases, and it is the job of crime analysts to mine those
sequential patterns.
Summing Up
Data mining is the process of analyzing data from different perspec-

tives and summarizing it into useful information. A crime analyst,
using data mining, can extract useful information from very large and
complex data sets. In Chapter 10, we further explore practical intel-
ligence applications.
1. What might be some new and unique applications of data

mining in police work?
2. What might be some of the challenges of data mining for the
intelligence analyst?
Important Terms
Association rules: In data mining, association rules are useful for

analyzing and predicting the behavior of individuals.
Data mining: Process of analyzing data from different perspec-
tives and summarizing them into useful information. Data
mining systematically searches information to identify rela-
tionships and patterns.
Clustering: Process of grouping data into a set of meaningful
subclasses, called clusters.
Entity extraction: Data mining approach that identifies particu-
lar patterns from data, such as text, images, or audio materi-
als. In criminal justice, it has been used to identify person’s
addresses, vehicles, and personal characteristics.
Information technology: Use of any computers, storage, network-
ing, and other physical devices, infrastructure, and processes
to create, process, store, secure, and exchange all forms of
electronic data.
Machine learning: Type of AI that provides computers with
the ability to learn without being explicitly programmed.
Machine learning generally focuses on the development of
computer programs that can teach themselves to grow and
change when exposed to new data.
Sequential mining: Data mining approach that is concerned with
finding statistically relevant patterns within databases.
Transaction processing system: Supports the processing of a com-
pany’s or organization’s business transactions.

1. Data mining is essential in criminal justice because
trying to determine relationships and patterns within data-
bases is often too complex to figure out in other ways.
2. One strategy for extracting meaning from large
amounts of investigative information is the use of video game
applications.
3. To find out information about almost any suspect, an

intelligence analyst need only “Google” that person’s name.
4. To comb through many large databases to find useful infor-
mation in an investigation, the crime analyst may find simi-
larities through
a. Entity extraction
b. Clustering
c. Associations
d. Sequential pattern mining
5. In criminal justice, frequent sequence mining could help
determine the interval between certain types of crimes and
the of criminal offenses.
a. Sequence
b. Violence
c. Motivation
d. Economic variables
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Part IV
C rime a nalysis
10
h istory and tyPes
oF C rime a nalysis
Chapter Outline
1. History of crime analysis

2. Different types of contemporary law enforcement analysis
3. Categories of crime analysis
a. Tactical crime analysis
b. Strategic crime analysis
c. Administrative crime analysis
d. Police operations analysis
4. Tactical crime analysis
a. Definition
b. Descriptions
c. The tactical crime analyst working in a real-time crime
center
d. Training of the tactical analyst
5. Strategic crime analysis
a. Definition
b. Description
6. Administrative crime analysis
a. Definition
b. Description
7. Police operations analysis
a. Definition
b. Description
1. Gain an understanding of the history of crime analysis

2. Be able to place crime analysis in a historical context
19 5
3. Understand the major types of crime analysis

4. Be able to differentiate the goals and purposes of each type of
crime analysis
In 1829, Sir Robert Peel, in bringing about the London

Metropolitan Police in London, England, developed a set of
principles for good policing. One of these principles was “to rec-
ognize always that the test of police efficiency is the absence
of crime and disorder, and not the visible evidence of police
action in dealing with them” (Reith, 1956). In other words, Peel
believed that it wasn’t arrests or use of force that made for good,
effective policing. It was that the police would prevent crime and
disorder in the first place, rather than deal with responding to
and solving crimes.
Introduction
The earliest use of the term crime analysis can be found in the sec-
ond edition of O.W. Wilson’s book Police Administration (1963). In
this book, Wilson, who was the superintendent of the Chicago Police
Department from 1960 to 1971, as well as serving as police chief in
other cities, writes,
The crime-analysis section studies daily reports of serious crimes in

order to determine the location, time, special characteristics, similari-
ties to other criminal attacks, and various significant factors that might
help to identify either a criminal or the existence of a pattern of criminal
activity. Such information is helpful in planning the operations of a
division or district. (Wilson, 1963, p. 103)
Even though the term crime analysis might not have been used prior
to Wilson’s use of it in 1963, it seems likely that the practice of crime
analysis actually goes back to the nineteenth century, although some
criminal justice historians might effectively argue that it dates back to
the beginning of society. While that is debatable, and while it depends
on how you define crime analysis, it seems more certain that August
Vollmer, who has been called “the father of American policing,”
hIs t o ry A n d t y P e s o f C rIm e A n A lysIs 19 7
seemed to be describing some of the early uses of crime analysis when

he talked about pin mapping, the regular review of police reports,
and the formation of patrol districts based on crime volume (Oliver,
2008). Serving as chief of police in Berkeley, California, from 1905
to 1932, Vollmer was an innovator who was among the first police
chiefs to introduce police radios, fingerprints, modus operandi, and
beat analysis by saying that “on the assumption of regularity of crime
and similar occurrences by area within a city and thus determine the
points which have the greatest danger of such crimes and what points
have the least danger” (Stering, 2008, p. 49).
But we can go back even farther to trace the beginnings of crime
analysis. Rudimentary forms of crime analysis can be discovered in the
work of the London Metropolitan Police, founded by Sir Robert Peale
in 1829. By the 1840s, the London Metropolitan Police designated
some officers as detectives, but in 1877, the Criminal Investigations
Department (CID) was formed and 200 detectives were hired; and
hundreds more were hired and assigned to police districts within the
city of London by 1883. However, in the 1840s, the few detectives
who were assigned to different boroughs in London were likely using
some “modern” methods of crime analysis to link different crimes
into patterns (Strickland, 2013). In addition, the concept of modus
operandi and classifying offenses and crimes based on modus ope-
randi was taking place in the second half of the nineteenth century
(Strickland, 2013).
Between 1973 and 1977, the Law Enforcement Assistance
Administration (LEAA) published a series of manuals on crime
analysis. Recognizing the growing importance of crime analysis, it
became one of the four facets of the LEAA’s Integrated Criminal
Apprehension Program (ICAP).
Then, in the 1990s, there was a surge of activities related to crime
analysis. Herman Goldstein, professor emeritus at the University
of Wisconsin–Madison Law School, published his book Problem-
Oriented Policing. Problem-oriented policing is a policing strategy that
involves the identification and analysis of specific crime and disorder
problems, in order to develop effective response strategies. Goldstein
suggested replacing what he termed the reactive, incident-driven
“standard model of policing” with problem-oriented policing—an
approach requiring police to be proactive in identifying underlying
problems that can be targeted to reduce crime and disorder at their

roots (Weisburd et al., 2008). Goldstein’s model was expanded in
1987 by John E. Eck and William Spelman into the SARA model
for problem-solving.
Eck and Spelman (1987) developed a 12-step model of what
problem-oriented policing agencies should do:
1. Focus on problems of concern to the public.
2. Zero in on effectiveness as the primary concern.
3. Be proactive.
4. Be committed to systematic inquiry as a first step in solving
substantive problems.
5. Encourage the use of rigorous methods in making inquiries.
6. Make full use of the data in police files and the experience of
police personnel.
7. Group like incidents together so that they can be addressed as
a common problem.
8. Avoid using overly broad labels in grouping incidents so sepa-
rate problems can be identified.
9. Encourage a broad and uninhibited search for solutions.
10. Acknowledge the limits of the criminal justice system as a
response to problems.
11. Identify multiple interests in any one problem and weigh
them when analyzing the value of different responses.
12. Be committed to taking some risks in responding to problems.
Eck and Spelman (1987) indicate that under the traditional sys-
tem of policing, a patrol officer might answer repeated calls to a cer-
tain problem area or “hot spot” and deal only with each individual
incident. Under problem-oriented policing, however, that officer
would be encouraged to discover the root cause of the problem and
come up with ways of solving it. The goal would be to find a cure
for the ailment instead of merely treating the symptoms. Eck and
Spelman also point out that there is a difference between commu-
nity-oriented policing and problem-oriented policing. The main focus
of community-oriented policing is improvement of the relationship
between law enforcement and the citizens, while problem-oriented
policing depends on information from the citizens and a good rela-
tionship with the community.
In 1990, the International Association of Crime Analysts (IACA)

was founded, and a year later it held its first conference. Today, the
IACA has more than 2500 members from 45 different countries. The
IACA offers an annual training conference, and the conference, held
in different cities around the United States, features several days of
training in crime analysis and policing topics. In 2011, the IACA
offered its first annual international symposium in Vancouver, British
Columbia. The purpose of the symposium each year is to bring
crime analysis training to different parts of the globe. In addition,
the IACA’s Professional Training Series provides classes in the fun-
damentals of crime analysis, crime mapping, computer applications,
tactical analysis, problem analysis, and special topics at different loca-
tions around the United States. Hundreds of analysts have attended
Professional Training Series classes over the last four years.
The IACA also features a Certified Law Enforcement Analyst
(CLEA) credential that has been available since 2005. The CLEA
allows police departments to feel confident that an IACA CLEA
possesses a demonstrated proficiency in crime analysis skills.
The California Department of Justice has also provided a certificate
program in crime analysis; however, this certification program began
in 1992—13 years before the certificate program offered by IACA.
Offered through various California universities and colleges, such as
California State University, Fullerton, the Crime and Intelligence
Analysis Certificate provides specialized training in how to identify
and define crime trends, identify crime problems and patterns, and
use research and analysis to create tactics and strategies that lead to
an effective police response. Graduates receive a certificate from the
California Department of Justice designating them as a Certified
Crime and Intelligence Analyst. The certification is generally recog-
nized in other states.
In 1994, the CompStat program began in the New York City
Police Department (NYPD). CompStat may be short for computer
statistics or comparative statistics—nobody can be sure which according
to its inventor, NYPD deputy commissioner Jack Maple (Dussault,
1999). CompStat is a performance management system that is used to
reduce crime and achieve other police department goals. The program
emphasizes information sharing, responsibility and accountability,
and improving effectiveness. It includes four generally recognized

core components:
1. Timely and accurate information or intelligence

2. Rapid deployment of resources
3. Effective tactics
4. Relentless follow-up (PERF, 2013)
The most widely recognized element of CompStat is its regularly

occurring meetings where department executives and officers discuss
and analyze crime problems and the strategies used to address those
problems. Often, department leaders will select commanders from a
specific geographic area to attend each CompStat meeting.
In the early 1990s, crime was a central concern for New York City
residents, and the issue of crime played a prominent role in the city’s
1993 mayoral election. Lou Anemone, the NYPD’s chief of depart-
ment (top uniformed officer) in 1994, said that during the early 1990s,
“there was very bad violent crime and pervasive fear of crime in the
community, and this likely contributed to Mayor David Dinkins’ loss
to Rudy Giuliani in 1993” (PERF, 2012, p. 3). After his victory at
the polls, Mayor Rudy Giuliani, along with his pick for police com-
missioner, Bill Bratton, laid out his vision for New York City; they
would make the city safe, reduce fear of crime, and improve the over-
all quality of life.
Commissioner Bratton thought there were some problems to mak-
ing New York City safer. One problem was that crime statistics were
collected for the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)—not for
timely crime analysis. Another problem was that the NYPD did not
have any broad, police department–wide focus on preventing crime
(PERF, 2013). And, it was also recognized within the NYPD that
it was dispatchers at headquarters who were the lowest-ranking peo-
ple in the department, who, in effect, controlled field operations. All
police officers seemed to be spending most of their time respond-
ing to 911 calls. There was literally no free time for officers to focus
on crime prevention (PERF, 2012). This situation wasn’t unique to
New York City. Police officers in many cities were answering emer-
gency calls and responding to crimes that had already been commit-
ted. Furthermore, their effectiveness was judged in terms of response
times, arrest statistics, and clearance rates. For the most part, the
police were simply not held accountable for preventing crime. And
that went against the basic dictum of Sir Robert Peel in 1830 London.
Peel said back then that his police should be responsible not for arrests
so much as for preventing crime (Archbold, 2013). In the 1920s in
Berkeley, California, Chief of Police August Vollmer said the same
thing (Oliver, 2008). But most police departments had forgotten what
was the most fundamental tenet of the two most influential founders
of modern policing—that prevention was a key to effective policing.
Perhaps Bratton remembered what Peel and Vollmer said about the
duties of the police. Maybe not. Anyway, Bratton and his command
staff wanted to change the focus of the NYPD and begin to pay atten-
tion to crime prevention. With that goal in mind, they created and
implemented a new data-driven performance measurement system
they eventually called CompStat. Chief Bratton described the earli-
est version of CompStat as a system to track crime statistics and have
police respond to those statistics. The new focus on crime prevention
and implementation of CompStat represented a major shift for the
NYPD. Instead of dealing with reducing police corruption, which
they had done since the 1970s, now it was time to ask an important
question: How can we reduce crime? There may have been a prevail-
ing belief that in New York City—as well as elsewhere—the police
couldn’t do anything about crime (PERF, 2013). It seemed clear to
Bratton and his commanders that the community wanted the police
to do something about the high crime rate.
The four core components of CompStat were developed by NYPD
deputy commissioner Jack Maple, whom New York Magazine called
“perhaps the most creative cop in history” (Horowitz, 2013). With
the principles of CompStat in place, the NYPD began exploring
methods to gather and share timely intelligence. To start mapping
crime, the department received money from the New York City
Police Foundation for the purchase of mapping materials. However,
because of the huge volume of crime, leaders quickly decided that a
computerized mapping program was required. Jack Maple purchased
a computer from Radio Shack, and the name CompStat was born
(Horowitz, 2013). The NYPD began to make use of their own crime
statistics and track indicators of problems, such as the locations of
crime victims and gun arrests.
By 1996, the NYPD—for the first time in its history—was

using crime statistics and regular meetings of key enforcement
personnel to direct its enforcement efforts. Since then, the com-
manders of the NYPD—and other police departments around
the country—watch weekly crime trends with the same hawk-like
attention private corporations pay to profits and loss. Crime statis-
tics have become almost every police department’s bottom line. It’s
the best indicator of how the police are doing precinct by precinct
and citywide.
As the NYPD honed in on solving crime problems, CompStat
became less of a numbers discussion and more of a tactical and strate-
gic discussion (Smith and Bratton, 2001). Moreover, police adminis-
trators realized that CompStat shouldn’t analyze just the performance
of precinct commanders, and began including detectives and repre-
sentatives from narcotics and other specialized units. By bringing in
detectives and officers from specialized units, there was much more
focused direction in all NYPD departments. And as the number of
people who attended CompStat meetings grew, the NYPD made use
of larger meeting spaces and adopted more sophisticated computer
systems (PERF, 2012).
Overall, CompStat was not just a regular meeting and a new use of
technology. Rather, it was a larger system of management, and that
contributed to significant changes within the NYPD’s organizational
structure and culture.
The use of tactical and strategic planning that came with CompStat
began to pay off with crime declines under Commissioner Ray Kelly,
and when Commissioner Bratton took charge of the NYPD, he made
it widely known that he had set a target of cutting crime by an addi-
tional 10% in his first year (PERF, 2013). With CompStat in place,
he met and surpassed that goal, with a drop of 12% (PERF, 2013).
The next year, significant declines continued, and crime dropped in
every one of New York City’s 76 police precincts. From 1993 to 1998,
homicides dropped 67%, burglary was down 53%, and robberies were
down 54% (PERF, 2013). There may have declines in many other cit-
ies, but in no American city were the crime declines more dramatic
than in New York City.
Consequently, following its success in New York, police agen-
cies large and small throughout the country began using CompStat,
hIs t o ry A n d t y P e s o f C rIm e A n A lysIs 203
hoping to replicate the NYPD’s success (PERF, 2013). In a number

of cases, former NYPD officials brought CompStat to other agencies
when they were hired as police chief. For example, Bill Bratton imple-
mented CompStat in the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD),
John Timoney brought CompStat to Philadelphia and updated it
in Miami, Gary McCarthy expanded CompStat significantly in
Chicago, and Edmund Hartnett brought it to Yonkers, New York.
The successes brought about by CompStat were not just reflected
in lower crime rates. Many law enforcement leaders recognized that
CompStat could help focus attention and resources on crime and the
causes of crime, which then could lead to better deployment plans.
CompStat also proved to be a helpful tool to demonstrate that police
resources are monitored and used effectively. And, furthermore, many
agencies report that CompStat has improved information sharing
within their organization (PERF, 2013). Some agencies use CompStat
to assess overtime, budgets, use of force, citizen complaints, and other
measures of police work for which the public and government leaders
hold police agencies accountable. CompStat and the accountability
that comes with it can help chiefs drive organizational change.
In 1997, the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) Crime Mapping
Research Center (CMRC) was founded. Now called the Mapping
and Analysis for Public Safety Program (MAPS), it supports research
that helps agencies use geographic information systems (GIS) to
enhance public safety. The program examines
• How to use maps to analyze crime
• How to analyze spatial data
• How maps can help researchers evaluate programs and policies
• How to develop mapping, data sharing, and spatial analysis
tools
The NIJ established the CMRC using funds from the Omnibus
Appropriations Act of 1996. The center surveyed police departments
to determine how they used analytic mapping in policing and began
developing training programs to enhance the ability of police depart-
ments to use spatial maps and data sets. In 2002, CMRC evolved into
the NIJ’s MAPS program.
MAPS funds research that uses GIS, statistical analysis, and
analysis of spatial data to help police agencies and departments more
effectively deploy officers, make better use of public safety resources,

develop stronger crime policies, and have a greater understanding of
crime (NIJ, 2013).
A year after MAPS was developed by the NIJ, the NIJ started
the National Law Enforcement & Corrections Technology Center’s
(NLECTC) Crime Mapping and Analysis Program. At the core of
the NLECTC system is the idea of linking research with practice.
The NLECTC system is the conduit between researchers and crimi-
nal justice professionals in the field for technology issues. NLECTC
works with criminal justice professionals to identify urgent and emerg-
ing technology needs, while the NIJ sponsors research and develops
best practices to address those needs. NLECTC centers demonstrate
new technologies, test commercially available technologies, and pub-
lish results—all with the intent of linking research with practice.
Originally created in 1994 as a program of the NIJ’s Office of
Science and Technology, the NLECTC system plays a crucial role in
enabling the NIJ to carry out its critical mission to assist state, local,
tribal, and federal law enforcement, corrections, and other criminal
justice agencies in addressing their technology needs and challenges
(Justice Information Technology Center, 2012).
It was the development of LEAA’s ICAP, the research and writ-
ing leading to the SARA model for problem-solving, the founding of
the IACA, the invention and refinement of the CompStat program,
the MAPS, and NLECTC’s starting of the Crime Mapping and
Analysis Program that brought about a proliferation of crime analysts
and crime analysis units. Of course, these developments couldn’t have
taken place without advancements in technology. Today, the technol-
ogy and the interest in crime analysis have brought about many crime
analysis units in police departments.
Classification of Crime Analysis
As law enforcement agencies were beginning to use technology and

develop CompStat programs similar to those used in the NYPD
and LAPD, police agencies decided they needed to be more aware
of public safety analysis or simply police analysis. In general, when
police departments began to initiate technology and intelligence
analysis units, they were interested in processing techniques and
products that would provide information and support for the vari-
ous missions of those agencies. Chief among those missions were
running efficient and effective police departments and reducing
crime. These necessarily morphed into crime analysis units or cen-
ters. Usually, crime analysis functions are assigned to one of four
classifications:
1. Tactical crime analysis
2. Strategic crime analysis
3. Administrative crime analysis
4. Police operations analysis
Tactical Crime Analysis
Tactical crime analysis is a term that describes the daily identification

and analysis of emerging or existing crime patterns. It is the study
of recent criminal incidents and activity by examining characteris-
tics such as how, when, and where crime occurs to develop patterns,
trends, and potential suspects.
Tactical crime analysis offers a police agency the ability to allocate
resources in a most efficient manner. There is something called the
6/68 rule. This states that there are a small amount of offenders (6%)
committing the majority of criminal activity (68%). Tactical crime
analysis helps police agencies to focus on these priority and prolific
offenders by conducting analysis on serial crime. For example, tactical
crime analysts help to find serial criminals using data, mapping, or
more complex calculations. Identifying that a serial criminal is engag-
ing in regular crime incidents, the tactical crime analyst may be able
to predict the next day, date, time, and location of the next offense in
the series. Furthermore, the analyst may be able to predict the offend-
er’s residence location. This all leads to intelligence that police officers
can use in their crime fighting operations.
Tactical crime analysis focuses on information from recent crimes
reported to the police. “Recent” can refer to the last few months or
longer periods of time for specific ongoing problems. Tactical crime
analysis also focuses on specific information about each crime, such
as method of entry, point of entry, suspects’ actions, type of victim,
and type of weapon used, as well as the date, time, location, and type
of location. Field information, such as suspicious activity calls for
service, criminal trespass warnings, and persons with scars, marks,

or tattoos collected by officers, is also considered in the analysis.
Although quantitative analysis is often conducted once a pattern has
been identified, qualitative analysis—that is, critical thinking and
content analysis—is used to identify patterns and trends initially
(Boba, 2001).
Goals of Tactical Crime Analysis
Four goals of tactical crime analysis are (1) linking cases together and
identifying crime patterns and trends as soon as possible, (2) analyz-
ing patterns discovered to identify potential suspects of a crime or
crime pattern, (3) notifying the police department about the existence
of patterns and suspects as soon as possible, and (4) working with the
police agency to develop the best tactics to address the pattern and
clear the case (Boba, 2001).
The Tactical Crime Analyst Working in Real Time
When working in real time, especially at a real-time crime center,

analysts who work directly with their law enforcement counterparts
do so from a tactical perspective. With law enforcement working as
a paramilitary organization, analysts assigned to real-time centers,
working in concert with law enforcement, should follow a para–law
enforcement ideology.
In the following, Glenn Grana explains the role of tactical

analysts:
In the agency where I work as a tactical analyst supervisor, I am
often asked what a tactical analyst does?
My response is that a tactical analyst is an analyst who can
rapidly data mine, and analyze information and intelligence from
multiple data sources, while applying his or her understanding of
the theories and practices that law enforcement follow in order
to create a unique analytical process that works as a real-time
extension of the investigative process. When successful, this cre-

ates a symbiotic relationship between the two parties. This comes
down to a mutual understanding.
Analysts working tactically, as tactual analysts, must shadow

certain procedures that law enforcement implement as a work-
ing protocol, such as working within the prescribed investiga-
tive process and understanding the rules of evidence, to cite two
examples. However, this can only work if the tactical analyst fully
understands his or her law enforcement counterpart’s methodology
and ideology, and, in turn, the law enforcement counterpart fully
understands him or her.
The tactical analyst needs to have:
• A basic understanding of law enforcement principles
• An understanding of criminal behavior
• Experience in crisis management protocol (in order to assist
during crisis situations)
• A grasp of the real-time process of investigations
On the other hand, law enforcement needs to understand the ana-
lytical process and the intelligence available to the analyst.
Understanding is key to tactical analysts doing their job, mainly
because crime analysts are primarily civilians who, unlike their law
enforcement partners, have not been trained to multitask during a
real-time or crisis situation. The need—and urgency—for immedi-
ate information, and actionable intelligence, is crucial to the success-
ful handling of real-time situations. Training, therefore, for both the
analyst and law enforcement, is critical in order for both parties to
achieve the success needed to work together to establish a fluid inves-
tigative process.
While traditional crime analysis often relies on the analyst to
methodically pour over data in order to form conclusions relevant to
crime patterns or trends, this process, while frequently effective, is
also time-consuming. The analysts working in a tactical role, in real
time, need to rapidly data mine, analyze, and disseminate information
and intelligence as the situation, crime, or investigation is unfolding.
Time is of the essence in most situations.
Understanding the process of investigation that their law enforce-

ment counterpart is following would help to expedite the analytical
process. Having a basic understanding as to what investigative pro-
cess the investigator is following can help the tactical analyst in the
data mining of relevant information and transitioning that informa-
tion into actionable intelligence. Once the relevant intelligence is for-
warded to the investigator, it helps to keep the investigative process
moving or, depending on what the information revealed, change the
course of the investigation in order to set it on a more focused path.
This can occur when the analyst understands the investigative mind-
set of the investigator he or she is assisting.
Tactical Analysis, Crisis Management, and Negotiation
For five years, Glenn Grana was assigned to the Sheriff’s Hostage
Response Team (HRT) as a hostage negotiator negotiating situations
ranging from suicidal individuals to barricaded gunmen holding hos-
tages. Regardless of the situation, the process of negotiation relied
heavily on the use of intelligence on the subject, situation, or location,
to help him best maneuver the negotiation to a successful resolution.
From a crisis management perspective, whether the analyst is
involved in a hostage situation, an active shooter situation, or some
other crisis, success is measured simply in terms of the life you save.
One of the most critical stages in the crisis management process—
particularly in terms of the success of crisis negotiations and tactical
operational planning—is the analytical stage; the stage in which intel-
ligence is mined, disseminated, prioritized, and eventually relayed to
the lead negotiator or crisis team leader.
By introducing a tactical analyst into the team as a working com-
ponent related to the law enforcements crisis management protocol,
you can create a position that combines the analytical strengths of
the tactical analyst with the negotiating strengths of the crisis nego-
tiator. What is most important here is the tactical analyst’s ability to
rapidly data mine and analyze information obtained from multiple
data sources, while—at the same time—applying their understand-
ing of the theories and practices that law enforcement crisis managers
follow. If successful, it will create an analytical process unique to the
needs of crisis management.
If a crisis management team is willing to consider utilizing the

skills of a tactical analyst, the process should begin with both par-
ties acknowledging a mutual understanding of each other’s skill sets,
abilities, and roles in order to achieve the comfort zone necessary to
create a cohesive working, and trusting, relationship. Mutual under-
standing leads to that comfort zone.
What the Tactical Analyst Needs to Understand
In order to step into a role as a valuable member of a crisis man-

agement team, a tactical analyst needs to have an understanding and
working knowledge of
• Criminal behavior
• Crisis management protocol
• The “real-time” process of crisis negotiations
On the other hand, in order to accept the contributions of the tacti-
cal analyst, the crisis manager needs to understand
• The analytical process
• The intelligence available to the analyst
The ultimate goal during any crisis situation is to achieve a success-
ful resolution. For this to occur, the negotiation process needs to focus
on the root cause of the crisis. Regardless of whether the motivation
is emotionally, politically, or criminally driven, identifying the sub-
ject’s true reason for creating the situation is critical. Therein lies the
importance of the intelligence process.
Crisis Management Protocol
The crisis management protocol is a set of guidelines or procedures

that define and regulate a police department during a crisis. If a police
department has a Hostage Recovery Team (HRT), for instance, the
protocol indicates the roles and responsibilities of various officers dur-
ing a crisis. A crisis could mean that one or more individuals are sui-
cidal, barricaded, hostage-taking, or engaged in terrorist activities.
Often a protocol will provide the incident commander with nego-
tiators who have been specifically trained and equipped to diffuse
critical incidents involving suspects who are involved in the crisis

activities. The trained negotiator seeks to accomplish their assigned
task by persuasion, thus minimizing the need for the use of force;
yet, they also continually provide the field and tactical (SWAT) com-
manders with intelligence should a tactical solution be required.
By using a tactical analyst in support of the intelligence gather-
ing process, information and actionable intelligence would be readily
available once it is rapidly data mined by the analyst who has been
cross-trained in the skill set involving the negotiation process.
Primary negotiator: The duties of the primary negotiator in a cri-
sis event are to establish contact with the suspect(s) and deal
exclusively with that suspect(s) until relieved.
Secondary negotiator: The secondary negotiator monitors all con-
versations between the primary negotiator and the suspect
and/or hostages.
Intelligence officer: The member assigned to intelligence gath-
ering is charged with the responsibility of gathering intel-
ligence on the suspect and/or hostage(s) for the negotiators,
the team leader, the tactical (SWAT) commander, and the
incident commander. He or she also debriefs those who may
have tactical or intelligence information relating to the critical
incident.
Prior to the advent of today’s technology, intelligence gathering
was a tedious, time-consuming process that did not always yield the
most up-to-date intelligence on the subject. By injecting an analyst
who is tactically trained to multitask, and trained to rapidly data mine
through a crisis, information that may have been lost in previous years
can now be located, analyzed, and disseminated more rapidly.
Tactical Analyst Training Is Crucial
Crime analysts are primarily civilians who, unlike their law enforce-
ment partners, have not been trained to multitask during a real-time
crisis. If the decision is made to utilize tactical analysts during a crisis
management situation, training should be made part of the protocol.
Devising a training curriculum that introduces, and incorpo-
rates, the skills of the tactical analyst, and negotiator, into the crisis
management process helps to build the level of trust needed between

the two in order for there to be a fluid exchange of intelligence dur-
ing an actual crises situation. Most crisis teams (often called either
SWAT teams or hostage teams) have monthly scheduled training
days where they go over scenarios, train on equipment, and discuss
the latest techniques and technology. Incorporating the analyst into
the training can help build the level of trust and respect needed to
establish a strong cohesive relationship.
Training also helps when comparing the roles and responsibilities
of the tactical analyst to those of the crisis manager or negotiator. In
comparing the two roles, both analyst crisis manager/negotiator can
find common ground in what both expects to achieve during a crisis.
Hostage/Crisis Negotiator
The negotiator's first priority, at the beginning of a negotiation, is to

gather information. The negotiator must find out
• Who the subject is
• What the possible motive is
• Who are any other persons associated with the situation that
could help shed light on the subjects’ motives and intents
Most importantly, the negotiator needs to pay close attention to the
hostage-taker's responses, mannerisms, and general attitude, in order
to form a psychological profile of the subject.
Tactical Analyst in a Crisis Situation
The tactical analyst gathers information through data mining and

uses critical thinking based on
• Information
• Research
• Theory
This helps the tactical analyst in creating a profile of the subjects’
criminal behavior.
But, both the analyst and the negotiator/crisis manager need to
gather information to help them create a profile of the subject—whether
that profile is a psychological profile or a profile based on past crimi-

nal behavior.
If successfully cross-trained, the tactical analyst, engaged in a crisis
management situation, can effectively data mine for critical pieces of
intelligence that can be crucial to identifying
• The mindset of the subject
• The motive of the subject
• Ways to effect a resolution
Training of the Tactical Crime Analyst
With any type of cross-training for crime analysts who are assigned
to work in tactical, real-time situations, the goal is to create a hybrid
form of crime analysis, that is, crime analysis that merges the tradi-
tional skills of the crime analyst with the investigative skill set of a
sworn investigator. One way to do this is for crime analysts to work
with their law enforcement partners to create a training course that
mirrors the curriculum of an established investigator’s course.
Using this curriculum as a guide, specific topic instruction (incor-
porating such areas as interviewing and interrogation, rules of evi-
dence, etc.) can be taught to the analyst by a seasoned investigator
with the emphasis on how each specific block of instruction would
directly relate to the tactical analyst’s role.
In New York, for example, most law enforcement agencies follow
a Department of Criminal Justice Services Basic Investigator School
Curriculum, which, over the course of two weeks, is composed of
several different blocks of instruction designed to teach a newly pro-
moted police investigator the tools needed to conduct a proper crimi-
nal investigation.
Here is a sampling of topics and class hours as taught in the Basic
Investigator School Curriculum:
• Case Management/Basic Investigative Techniques and
Canvassing: 3 h
• Interview and Interrogation: 12.5 h
When looking to combine the curriculum for the investigator’s
course with a newly developed training curriculum for the tactical
analyst, a certified instructor can see the value of applying certain

relevant subject matter. When this is done correctly, the subject mat-
ter, combined with case studies specifically related to situations that
would utilize a tactical analyst, becomes an effective learning tool.
The following is an example of how the aforementioned listed top-
ics relate to the role of the tactical analyst:
• Case Management/Basic Investigative Techniques
• Tactical analysis calls for managing and collecting rel-
evant information and transitioning that into actionable
intelligence for the use of investigators in the field.
• Interview and Interrogation
• Tactical analysis calls for close interaction with investiga-
tors in the field, and as such, there needs to be a cohe-
sive exchange of information between the analyst and the
investigator. Knowing how to extract viable information,
as the investigation progresses, is crucial to the data min-
ing process, particularly when sorting through several
databases looking for specific information and intelligence
that can be sent to officers in the field in an expedient
manner.
The goal of this type of training is to help analysts gain insight into
the investigative process and develop a better understanding of their
role as they support a criminal investigation.
Mutual Understanding
In law enforcement, achieving investigative success is a process that can be

measured in many different ways. One of the most critical stages in this
process is the analytical stage, the stage in which intelligence is mined,
disseminated, prioritized, and eventually relayed to the investigator.
Training—and understanding—two different mindsets is a two-
way street once an agency makes the decision to work with a real-time
crime center utilizing tactical analysts. To this point, the law enforce-
ment partner should also gain a better understanding as to the role of
the tactical analyst, primarily, what the tactical analyst brings to the
table in terms of being an asset to the investigative process.
In the following, Glenn Grana gives his thoughts on teaching:

Coming from a law enforcement background made it easier for
me to walk into a classroom of seasoned investigators and sug-
gest to them they include the use of a tactical analyst in their
investigative process. Having come from the same world as them
brought some credibility to my reasoning; however, even with
that I found some of the more tenured investigators still express-
ing reservations about relying on a civilian analyst as they worked
a case.
The comment I heard most was “I like to knock on my own
doors and gather my own intelligence,” to which my response
would always be, “I want you knock on your own doors, too; how-
ever, the tactical analyst is there to help narrow down the number
of doors you need to knock on.”
Then, I state it very simply: the main reason to include a tacti-
cal analyst in your investigation is to
1. Decrease the amount of time spent working on prelimi-

nary investigations
2. Increase proactive time working on the investigation.
I emphasize that less office time equals more time in the
field.
I further point out that the tactical analyst is an investigative

aide, if you will, an extension of the investigative process that, if
used correctly, can help keep you—the investigator—in the field
as the analyst on the intelligence side follows up on leads devel-
oped in the field.
As long as the relationship between the analyst and investi-
gator is a collaborative effort, the flow of information between
the two should be a fluid process that helps create a level of trust
between the two.
Introducing the sworn side to the skill set of the analyst and
the resources the analyst has at his or her disposal goes a long way
toward building that trusting relationship. I find that establishing
a presentation that illustrates the abilities of the analyst, which I
combine with the resources they utilize with case studies and suc-
cess stories, will show the sworn side the value the analyst brings
to investigations. The goal is to have the investigators come away
with a confident understanding of what the analyst can do, how
the analyst understands the investigative process, and the value he
or she brings to their investigations.
Case Study
The tactical analyst was contacted by homicide investigators regard-

ing the homicide of a known gang member. The victim was shot with
a sawed off shotgun in the parking lot of an apartment building.
The analyst was advised that the suspect drove a red Mercedes
Benz and was given a license plate number. The analyst ran the plate
through a vehicle registration database and found it to be registered to
a female. However, the suspect was male.
The analyst also learned that intelligence was developed that the
suspect was known by a nickname on the streets. More importantly,
the analyst was given a possible first name of the suspect. The ana-
lyst data mined the nickname, the actual first name, and the vehicle
license plate through a database that data mines from multiple data
resources. The search yielded more than 600 results.
Understanding that a homicide investigation has its best percentage
of success within the first 48 hours of when the crime was first com-
mitted, and based on her training and knowledge of the investigative
process, the analyst was able to rapidly sift through the 660 results
and quickly locate a documented traffic stop of the suspected vehicle.
This traffic stop occurred in a town that adjoined the jurisdiction
where the murder was being investigated. The analyst also discovered
that on that particular vehicle traffic stop, a male was arrested who
gave the same first name as the first name she was given that might
belong to the murder suspect.
After reviewing the traffic stop arrest report, the analyst now had
a first and last name to research. The analyst discovered the person
arrested in the traffic stop was currently in a street gang, as was the
homicide victim, and that this newly identified male also matched the
physical description of the suspect.
This intelligence, along with a photo of the now-identified male,

was sent to the homicide investigators. Utilizing the intelligence
given to them by the analyst, the investigators created a photo array.
Included in that photo array was the photo of the male that the tacti-
cal analyst sent to the investigators. That male was positively identi-
fied as the shooter by multiple witnesses.
The collaborative effort between the homicide investigators and the
tactical analyst, along with the timeliness of the suspect information
being relayed, data mined, and sent back as actionable intelligence,
resulted in the identification of an originally unknown murder sus-
pect within five hours of the murder being committed. More impor-
tantly, the tactical analyst was now viewed as a viable asset to the
homicide unit, and as a result, her position was permanently assigned
to homicide to work exclusively within that unit.
Strategic Crime Analysis
Strategic crime analysis furnishes information concerning long-range

problems. Strategic crime analysts provide data relative to long-term
increases or decreases in crime (crime trend data). They also prepare
crime statistical summaries—often referred to as exception reports
since they reflect deviations from the norm—and provide resource
acquisition and allocation information.
Strategic crime analysis involves the study of crime and law
enforcement information integrated with sociodemographic and
spatial factors to determine long-term “patterns” of activity, to assist
in problem-solving, and to research and evaluate responses and
procedures.
In general, strategic crime analysis consists primarily of quantita-
tive analysis of aggregate data. That usually means monthly, quarterly,
or yearly compilations of information, such as crime, calls for ser-
vice, and traffic information analyzed in aggregate (as a collection or
a whole) form. That is, general categories such as date, time, location,
and type of incident are analyzed instead of qualitative data, such as
narrative descriptions of incidents. Variables including race, class, sex,
income, population, location, and location type are examined, along
with law enforcement information in the analysis process.
Goals of Strategic Crime Analysis
The two primary goals of strategic crime analysis are (1) to assist in
the identification and analysis of long-term problems, such as drug
activity or auto theft, and (2) to conduct studies to investigate or eval-
uate relevant responses and procedures.
Concerned with operational strategies that seek solutions to ongo-
ing problems, strategic crime analysis can provide information for
resource allocation purposes, including optimized patrol scheduling
and configuration of patrol zones. Its purpose is to identify crime
activities and patterns, identify community conditions, provide police
service more effectively and efficiently by matching demands for ser-
vice with actual delivery, reduce or eliminate recurring problems, and
assist in community policing or problem-oriented policing.
Examples of strategic crime analysis include crime pattern analysis
(examination of the nature and distribution of crime within an area),
crime control methods analysis (investigation of crime control meth-
ods and techniques to determine their usefulness), and general profile
analysis (identification of the typical characteristics of perpetrators of
certain types of crimes).
Administrative Crime Analysis
Administrative crime analysis concerns itself with the presentation

of interesting findings of crime research and analysis based on legal,
political, and practical concerns to inform audiences within the law
enforcement administration, the city government, and citizens.
Administrative crime analysis is different from the previous types
of analysis that we have discussed in that it refers to the presentation
of findings rather than to statistical analysis or research. The deci-
sion of what information to present and how is the primary focus of
administrative crime analysis. The purpose and the audience of the
information determine what is presented, but the primary purpose of
administrative crime analysis is to inform audiences. These audiences
may vary from one situation to the next, which is why the type and
quantity of information will vary as well. Audiences can be police
executives, city council, media, citizens, and neighborhood groups,
or all of these.
Examples of Administrative Crime Analysis
Examples of administrative crime analysis tasks include grant writ-

ing, feasibility studies, and the preparation of special research proj-
ects. In general, administrative crime analysis is not focused on the
immediate or long-term reduction or elimination of a criminal pat-
tern or trend. An example of administrative crime analysis is to post
information on the police department’s website to inform citizens
and the community about an issue. Besides citizens, the audience
of a police department’s website may well include police person-
nel, businesses, victims, criminals, and the media. Thus, the type
of information presented on the website can include crime trends,
police department policy changes, and other updates useful to the
community.
Sometimes, the analyst will conduct a study into a police depart-
ment’s own operations, procedures, and policies. This kind of analysis
is imperative to the operation of a department because it ensures that
the department is operating efficiently and effectively. Administrative
analysis often includes the presentation of findings to the police
administration and to government officials. But the police adminis-
tration and public officials may ask for statistics or data to be sure they
are leading the department or the city in the right direction. Much
like investigative analysis, administrative analysis tasks can range
from small scale, like determining if burglaries declined during a pre-
vention initiative, to large scale, like conducting a workload analysis
to determine if staffing is adequate and if departmental resources are
being efficiently deployed.
Other examples of administrative crime analysis could include
tracking nuisance calls for service to the police department, generat-
ing press releases and other public information materials concerning
crime patterns and crime prevention, and researching new technolo-
gies and services available to police.
Police Operations Analysis
Police operations analysis describes the study of a police department’s

policies and practices. This could include studying a department’s
allocation of personnel, money, equipment, and other resources. The
operations analyst might try to decide the best way to divide a city
into beats, the optimal allocation of officers per shift, or whether the
agency can justify a request for more police officers.
However, many operations decisions are based on long-term crime
trends within a department’s jurisdiction. For instance, a police
department might wish to identify the appropriate staffing of the
agency given its workload and the community demographics and
crime levels. Or, a police department, recognizing that the city has
had a number of new liquor licenses granted to bars and restaurants,
might desire to deploy more officers later in the evening if there are
more drunk and disorderly complaints or other public nuisance prob-
lems that have become more frequent.
Four Types of Crime Analysis
With a better understanding of the four types of crime analysis—

tactical crime analysis, strategic crime analysis, administrative crime
analysis, and police operations analysis—we can now move on in
the next chapters to discuss in more detail the types of tasks, duties,
and specific analysis required in each of the four categories of crime
analysis.
1. What would you consider some crime analysis techniques

that were likely used hundreds of years ago?
2. Which type of crime analysis seems most interesting to you?
Why?
Important Terms
Administrative crime analysis: Presentation of interesting findings

related to crime research and analysis based on legal, politi-
cal, and practical concerns to inform audiences within the
law enforcement administration, the city government, and
citizens.
CompStat: Performance management system that is used to
reduce crime and achieve other police department goals. It
emphasizes information sharing, responsibility and account-

ability, and improving effectiveness.
Hot spot: Certain problem area in a city where there has been
repeated calls to the police.
Police operations analysis: Study of a police department’s policies
and practices. Often, it concerns itself with studying a depart-
ment’s allocation of personnel, money, equipment, and other
resources.
Problem-oriented policing: Policing strategy that involves the
identification and analysis of specific crime and disorder
problems, in order to develop effective response strategies.
Strategic crime analysis: Analysis that has to do with developing
data to better understand long-term increases or decreases in
crime.
Tactical crime analysis: Daily identification and analysis of emerg-
ing or existing crime patterns. It is the study of recent crimi-
nal incidents and activity by examining characteristics such
as how, when, and where crime occurs to develop patterns,
trends, and potential suspects.

1. The police operations analyst might try to find the
best way to divide the city into beats.
2. One of the first uses of the term crime analysis occurred
in a 1963 book by August Vollmer.
3. CompStat can help focus attention and resources on
crime and the causes of crime.
4. Crime analysis functions are generally assigned to all but
which one of these classifications:
a. Tactical crime analysis
b. Strategic crime analysis
c. Administrative crime analysis
d. Arson crime analysis
5. The IACA was founded in
a. 1840
b. 1890
c. 1940
d. 1990
6. The most widely recognized element of CompStat is its
a. Regularly occurring meetings
b. Yearly board meetings
c. Conferences in Hawaii
d. Smoke-filled backroom get-togethers
7. Crime declines in New York City may be attributed to
a. Aggressive stop and frisk policies
b. Concerts in Central Park
c. Introduction of CompStat
d. Mass incarceration
8. The NLECTC’s Crime Mapping and Analysis Program was
started in 1998, and it provides for
a. Scientific and technical support to rural police departments
b. Support for the transfer and adoption of technology into
practice by law enforcement and corrections agencies,
courts, and crime laboratories
c. Distributing military equipment to small police
departments
d. Recruiting crime analysts from Russia
9. The tactical analyst needs to have
a. A basic understanding of financial laws
b. An understanding of managerial principles
c. Experience in crisis management protocol
d. A grasp of the economic forces that drive crime
References
Archbold, C.A. (2013). Policing: A Text/Reader. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Boba, R. (2001). Introductory guide to crimeanalysis and mapping. Report
to the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. Cooperative
Agreement 97-CK-WXK-004. Washington, DC: U.S. Government
Printing Office.
Dussault, J. (1999). Jack Maple: Betting onintelligence. Government Technology.
Available at http://www.govtech.com/magazines/gt/Jack-Maple-
Betting-on-Intelligence.html?page=2.
Eck, J.E., and Spelman, W. (1987). Problem Solving: Problem-Solving Policing

in Newport News. Rockville, MD: National Institute of Justice.
Goldstein, H. (1990). Problem-Oriented Policing. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Horowitz, C. (2013). Remembering Jack Maple. New York Magazine. Available
at http://nymag.com/nymetro/news/crimelaw/features/5087/.
Justice Information Technology Center. (2012). About NLECTC.
Gaithersburg, MD: Justice Information Technology Center. Available at
https://www.justnet.org/About_NLECTC.html.
NIJ (National Institute of Justice). (2013). Mapping and analysis for public
safety. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice, Bureau of Justice
Programs. Available at http://www.nij.gov/topics/technology/maps/
pages/welcome.aspx.
Oliver, W.M. (2008). August Vollmer. In J. Bumgarner (ed.), Icons of Crime
Fighting. Vol. 1. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 83–116.
PERF (Police Executive ResearchForum). (2012). PERF survey shows wide-
spread use of many technologies in policing. Washington, DC: Police
Executive Research Forum.
PERF (Police Executive Research Forum) (2013). CompStat: Its origins, evolution,
and future in law enforcement agencies. Bureau of Justice Assistance.
Washington, DC: Police Executive Research Forum.
Reith, C. (1956). A New Study of Police History. London: Oliver and Boyd.
Smith, D.C., and Bratton, W.J. (2001). Performance management in New
York City: CompStat and the revolution in police management. In D.W.
Forsythe (ed.), Quicker Better Cheaper? Managing Performance in American
Government. Albany, NY: Rockefeller Institute Press, 453–482.
Stering, R. S. (2008). Police Officer’s Handbook: An Analytical and Administrative
Guide. Sudbury, MA: Bartlett and Jones.
Strickland, J. (2013). Introduction to Crime Analysis and Mapping. Colorado
Springs, CO: Simulation Educators.
Weisburd, D., Telep, C., Hinkle, J., and Eck, J. (2008). Effects of problem-ori-
ented policing on crime and disorder. National Institute of Justice. Available
at https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/224990.pdf.
Wilson, O.W. (1963). Police Administration. New York: McGraw-Hill.
11
taCti Cal C rime a nalysis
Chapter Outline
1. Introduction
a. Recap what tactical crime analysis is
b. What does tactical crime analysis entail?
i. Identify emerging crime patterns as soon as possible
ii. Analyze carefully any crime patterns
iii. Notify the police department or agency about the
identified pattern
iv. Work with the police department or agency to address
the identified pattern
2. Identify emerging crime patterns
a. Daily review of crime reports
b. Comparison of crime reports with those in the past—last
week, month, year, or three to five years
c. Crime mapping
d. Statistical comparisons
e. Qualitative research
3. Carefully analyze any emerging patterns
a. Identify commonalities of criminal events
i. By searching databases
b. Identify the who, what, when, where, and how factors that
are common
c. Use an inductive model
4. Notify the police department or agency about the existence of
a pattern
a. Predict future criminal events
b. Work with detectives to address the pattern
c. Use spatial and temporal analysis
5. Work with the police department or agency to develop the
best tactics to address the pattern
223
a. Wrap up
b. A few words about the next chapter
1. Gain an understanding of crime patterns

2. Be able to differentiate between seven types of crime patterns
3. Identify the crime analyst’s role in crime patterns
4. Be aware of different ways of addressing crime patterns
Tactical crime analysis involves pattern detection, linkage analy-

sis for suspect–crime correlations, target profiling, and offender
movement patterns. The main difference between strategic and
tactical crime analysis is the timeliness of the data. Strategic
crime analysis usually involves data covering at least a yearlong
period, whereas tactical crime analysis uses data collected during
several days.
Goldsmith et al. (2000, p. 5)
Introduction
As you learned in Chapter 11, tactical crime analysis involves ana-

lyzing data to develop information on the who, what, and where of
crime; in other words, it’s about identifying crime patterns and help-
ing a police department or investigators within a police department
to better understand a crime pattern or problem and develop the most
effective response.
According to Philip Canter (2000), crime analysis has two broad
functions: strategic and tactical. Strategic crime analysis will be dis-
cussed in Chapter 12, but tactical crime analysis will be the focus of
this chapter. Canter (2000) goes on to say that tactical crime analysis
involves pattern detection, linkage analysis for suspect–crime corre-
lations, target profiling, and offender movement patterns. In other
words, tactical crime analysis involves
• Identifying emerging crime patterns as soon as possible
• Analyzing carefully any identified crime patterns
tAC tI C A l C rIm e A n A lysIs 225
• Notifying the police department or agency about the identi-

fied pattern
• Working with the police department or agency to address the
identified pattern
Identifying Emerging Crime Patterns
Pattern detection occurs when offenses are reported during a relatively

short period of time and the crime analyst is able to identify common
attributes among those offenses. The most likely common attributes
would include the type of crime (e.g., all were armed robberies), modus
operandi (MO) (all of the crimes involved a man who initially feigned
an illness in a convenience store), and type of weapon used (each armed
robbery of a convenience store involved a .22-caliber handgun).
Additionally, a crime pattern can occur over a large geographic
region, say a whole county, or it may be confined to a relatively small
area, perhaps a neighborhood encompassing four blocks. When a
crime pattern occurs in a relatively small area, it is referred to as a
“hot spot” or a cluster.
The tactical analysis of crime patterns is a primary responsibility of
crime analysts at police agencies around the United States and, indeed,
around the world. Every day, analysts search databases and mine data
in an effort to link cases by the key factors we just mentioned above,
and then disseminate information about known and newly discovered
patterns to fellow police personnel. This analysis improves the safety of
communities by facilitating police response, which can, in turn, prevent
and reduce crime. While the pattern identification process is reasonably
standardized, there is a diversity of perspective on what constitutes a
crime pattern (Gwinn, 2011). Unfortunately, the profession lacks a com-
mon language, and the terms crime pattern, crime series, hot spot, crime
trend, and crime problem are often used interchangeably (Gwinn, 2011).
Standards and Definitions Related to Crime Patterns
Given this lack of a common language, before we go any further

in discussing the identification of crime patterns, it is important to
review standards and definitions as promulgated by the Standards,
Methods, and Technology (SMT) Committee of the International
Association of Crime Analysts (IACA).
In 2011, the IACA chartered the SMT Committee to begin to

define “analytical methodologies, technologies, and core concepts rel-
evant to the profession of crime analysis” (Gwinn, 2011). The result-
ing report, entitled “Crime Pattern Definitions for Tactical Analysis,”
began to set standards not only for crime analysis definitions but also
for procedures (Gwinn, 2011). The goals of the report, which was
called a white paper, were to standardize the definition of a crime pat-
tern, differentiate crime pattern types, and define and illustrate each
of the different crime pattern types (Gwinn, 2011).
What Is a Crime Pattern?
According to the IACA report “Crime Pattern Definitions for Tactical

Analysis,” a crime pattern is a group of two or more crimes reported
to or discovered by police that are unique because they meet each of
the following conditions:
1. They share at least one common factor; that common factor
could be the type of crime; the behavior of the offenders or
victims; the characteristics of the offender(s), victims, or tar-
gets; the property taken; or the locations of the occurrence of
the offenses.
2. There is no known relationship between the victim(s) and the
offender(s); this means that it is a stranger-on-stranger crime.
3. The shared common factor or factors make the set of crimes
notable and distinct from other criminal activity occurring
within the same general date range (say, a week or a month).
4. The criminal activity is typically of limited duration—ranging
from a week or more to as long as a month or several months.
5. The set of related crimes is treated as one unit of analysis and is
addressed through focused police efforts and tactics (Gwinn,
2011).
What a Crime Pattern Is Not
Again, according to the IACA, a crime pattern is not a crime trend.

A trend is a persistent, long-term rise or fall in temporally based data
(Gwinn, 2011). Knowing about crime trends is valuable because it can
alert the police and the community to increases or decreases in the

amount of criminal offenses.
However, crime trend analysis does not examine shared similari-
ties between specific crime incidents. For example, when a local police
department reports that homicides in the city have increased by 14%
over the past year, this is not reporting a crime pattern. Sometimes
such reports give no information as to any common factors among the
homicides, the victims, or the offenders. A crime pattern report would
indicate commonalities. Therefore, a crime trend is not a crime pattern.
Also, a crime pattern is not a chronic problem. Ron Clarke and
John Eck have defined a crime problem as “a recurring set of related
harmful events in a community that members of the public expect
the police to address” (Clarke and Eck, 2003, p. 7). Based on this
definition, a crime pattern would technically be classified as a type of
crime problem; however, it would differ from a crime pattern in these
important ways:
1. Scope and length: A crime problem is chronic in duration and
persistent in frequency with occasional acute spikes; a crime
pattern is short term and acute in frequency.
2. Nature of activity: A crime problem is related to “harmful
events” that may include crime, safety, disorder, or quality of
life concerns; on the other hand, a crime pattern is limited to
a specific set of reported crimes.
3. Response: A crime problem requires specialized, strategic
responses that often involve multiagency and community col-
laboration; a crime pattern usually requires routine operational
tactics carried out primarily by the police agency responsible
for that jurisdiction (Gwinn, 2011).
A crime pattern is not just defined by numbers and a summary
report of crimes that are similar in some characteristics and occur
in roughly the same location. Nor is a crime pattern simply a cluster
of incidents on a map. A crime pattern is identified through a sys-
tematic, deductive analytical process, subsequently communicated to
police agencies via some form of bulletin (Gwinn, 2011). The bulletin
clearly and succinctly describes the critical elements of the pattern
and highlights any notable implications for action. More specifically,
crime pattern bulletins typically include analytical elements such as
a geographic profile, a temporal profile, a list of potential suspects

matching physical or MO descriptions, or other information that has
value for an investigation or for a response seeking a solution.
Crime Pattern Types
What are the common shared elements that are necessary to define a
set of crimes as a pattern?
According to Gwinn (2011), there are seven common types of
crime patterns. These types are not mutually exclusive, and some-
times they overlap. Therefore, when a crime analyst is examining a
crime pattern that does not seem to fit neatly in one category, the
analyst should categorize the pattern as the type that appears most
applicable based on the characteristics of the crimes involved and the
nature of the most appropriate potential police response.
The seven primary crime pattern types are as follows:
1. Series: A group of similar crimes thought to be committed
by the same individual or group of individuals acting in con-
cert. An example of a series crime pattern would be five home
invasions in upper-middle-class neighborhoods in a suburban
community. In each, either one person was at home or the
home was empty. The two white males observed by the home
owner or by neighbors were in their 20s, wearing uniforms of
a utility company, and threatening residents with handguns.
They were seen leaving the area in a blue Honda Civic.
2. Spree: A group of similar crimes thought to be carried out
by the same individual or group, but with a high frequency
within a relatively short period of time. The crimes are so
frequent that they appear continuous. For example, a rash of
thefts from automobiles parked on a certain street in a five-
block area occurring during a seven-hour period would be
called a spree. In this spree, all of the cars are broken into
by smashing a driver’s side window, and the offenses all hap-
pen during a period of time from 8:00 p.m. one evening until
3:00 a.m. the next morning.
3. Hot prey: A group of crimes committed by one or more
individuals, involving victims who share similar physical
characteristics or engage in similar behavior. An example of

a hot prey crime would be this series of crimes: five homeless
men in an area comprising 10 square blocks are beaten with
baseball bats over a two-month time frame.
4. Hot product: A group of crimes committed by one or more
individuals in which a unique type of property is targeted for
theft. A hot product example would be when, over a three-
month period of time, more than 20 new construction homes
are broken into and copper wiring and bathroom fixtures are
stolen.
5. Hot spot: A group of similar crimes committed by one or more
individuals at locations within close proximity to one another.
An example of a hot spot would be eight daytime burglaries
that take place in a large condominium development during
a few weeks. No one was home in any of the condominiums
that were broken into, and different items were stolen in each
break-in. There were differences in the method of entry and
the location of the door or window that was chosen for entry.
6. Hot place: A group of similar crimes committed by one or
more individuals at the same location. A hot spot is different
from a hot place. An example of a hot place would be seven
armed robberies that take place at three different banks that
are all located on the same street within a mile of each other.
7. Hot setting: A group of similar crimes committed by one or
more individuals that are primarily related by type of place
where crimes occurred. A hot setting could be illustrated by a
series of robberies of 24-hour service stations that all have con-
venience stores. More than a dozen such robberies take place at
these service stations throughout the city. In each, one person
is working alone late at night and different types of weapons are
used to force the attendant to empty the cash register. In some
of these robberies, the lone person working the service station
is beaten or shot, while in others there are only threats.
The Crime Analyst’s Task in Identifying Emerging Crime Patterns
The primary task of the crime analyst is to identify an emerging crime

pattern as soon as possible. Beyond that, though, it is part of his or
her job to decide which of the seven types of patterns it is, because
this makes the succeeding steps in the tactical crime analysis process
easier.
To identify each type, the analyst must study daily crime reports
and determine which belong to the crime pattern that is her focus. If
she believes it is a crime series, then she may assume that the same
individual or individuals are responsible for each one. By studying the
crime reports of offenses that seem to fit in this series, she may deter-
mine if it is one or more than one individual, and begin to develop a
profile of the likely individual(s) responsible. Also, she can begin to
make predictions about when the next offense is likely to take place.
On the other hand, if the analyst believes it is a hot product pat-
tern, then she must identify the product and learn where that product
is available so she can predict the next target for a burglary of that
product.
By studying crime reports and determining the category of the
crime pattern, the crime analyst will be able to move on to the next
step in the tactical crime analysis sequence.
Analyzing Carefully the Crime Pattern
To analyze the crime pattern carefully, the crime analyst studies

reports and may even have to contact patrol officers or detectives to
ask for more information. It is important to categorize the crime pat-
tern, but it is also very important to pull together all of the available
and relevant information in order to know as much as possible about
the crime pattern, to be able to make predictions about future crime
events, and to be able to offer a profile of the offender or offenders.
Let’s take an example of a series crime pattern that was featured
in the “Crime Pattern Types” section. In this example, there are a
series of home invasions in two upper-middle-class neighborhoods in
a suburban community. They all take place during the day, and two
males, dressed in what appear to be utility company uniforms, go into
homes to rob them. The culprits have been identified as two white
males in their 20s, who wield handguns and make their escape in a
blue Honda Civic.
Having identified this as a series crime pattern, the analyst can use
some inductive reasoning to begin to develop a useful profile. If they are
tAC tI C A l C rIm e A n A lysIs 2 31
daytime burglaries, then the young men are either unemployed or work
night shifts. If they are carrying handguns, then they may have recently
purchased or acquired these guns. If they are driving a blue Honda
Civic, then the car may be registered to one of them. Given this begin-
ning formulation, the analyst can begin to query available databases to
try to learn about men in their mid-20s who might live within a several-
mile radius. They could have been recently paroled, so parole databases
can be reviewed. The motor vehicle department or secretary of state
database can be checked for Honda Civics registered to people in the
area. By putting together this kind of intelligence, when the crime ana-
lyst reports about this crime pattern, she can add other information that
will be helpful to detectives who are investigating this series.
Notify the Police Department about the Identified Pattern
Having identified a crime pattern and gathered more data to give the
police as much information as possible, it is then time to send a bul-
letin or report to the police department.
The way crime pattern intelligence is communicated can vary, and
that variety of formats can be related to the pattern that has been dis-
covered by the analyst. Here are three examples of the way an analyst
can report his results:
1. Repeat incident location report: This is a standardized weekly
report to provide more information for various units in the
police department when the analyst has identified repeat inci-
dent complaints at the same location. The report will gener-
ally consist of addresses that meet a particular threshold (e.g.,
a minimum of four calls for service) within a designated time
period (such as over a period of four weeks). Other informa-
tion that may be included in this report might be the dates
of previous calls for service, the time of day for each call, the
type of call, the disposition of the call, the case number, and
the name of the officer(s) that responded.
2. Crime report data variables used for pattern analysis: This report
is more like a request for help than the identification of an
actual crime pattern. The analyst will, in this communication,
have a list of recommended variables to be included in future
police reports to enhance crime pattern analysis. For instance,

the analyst may ask that police reports in the future give the
time of day and the names of any people (whether complain-
ants or witnesses) interviewed.
3. Crime pattern bulletin: This report summarizes the relevant
information of crimes that have been linked together as a pat-
tern. Although bulletins will vary in their style and format,
each will contain basic information in order to alert other
units within the police department of the essential informa-
tion about the crime pattern. A bulletin may consist of maps,
graphs, addresses, or descriptions or profiles of suspects.
Tools for Analyst Communication
While tactical crime analysts may develop their own format for
reports and bulletins, there is software developed to help crime ana-
lysts create a crime analysis bulletin.
For instance, Microsoft MS Access 2000 is such a program. It can
track “customers” that request the bulletins, multiple crime analysts
or bulletin creators, and multiple crime series, trend, spree, clusters,
or patterns as needed by the police department or agency. This bul-
letin maker product was modeled after an MS Excel version that was
developed by the Phoenix Police Department.
Some police units within police departments, such as the Crime
Analysis Unit in the Criminal Investigations Bureau of the Chesapeake
Police Department in Virginia, have developed a series of bulletins
and reports—each with different functions. Since the Crime Analysis
Unit is responsible for providing detailed and timely crime analysis to
all levels of the Chesapeake Police Department, including command
personnel, supervisors, detectives, and patrol officers, information
from the Crime Analysis Unit gets disseminated in different formats.
For instance, “crime bulletins” identify specific crime problems.
“Crime alerts” indicate that crime problems previously identified in
a crime bulletin are continuing or increasing. “Crime leads” detail
information relating to the identification of suspects in criminal cases
or information related to serial crimes committed by the same sus-
pects. In addition, the Crime Analysis Unit puts out specialized crime
studies and statistical reports.
Some crime analysts also create and disseminate maps depicting

crime hot spots and aerial imaging using the latest mapping technol-
ogy. Or they may update and maintain statistics and mapping for the
various other units, such as a drug offender program. Still other tacti-
cal crime analysts may be responsible for monitoring new laws in their
state and for keeping up with emerging technology within the field of
crime analysis.
Work with the Police to Address the Crime Pattern
Having communicated the existence of a crime pattern through

a bulletin or report, the tactical crime analyst’s job is not necessar-
ily complete. Often, he or she will work with other units within the
department to come up with strategies to address the crime pattern.
But, first, the analyst is in the position that he or she is giving up
control over the process. In effect, having issued a report or a bulle-
tin, the process gets turned over to the operational units. The opera-
tional units may elect not to have the analyst continue to work as part
of a team crafting a strategic response. Then, again, the operational
unit—whether a patrol unit, a detective unit, or a drug program—
has to work with whatever information or intelligence is passed on
to them, regardless of its quality or operational relevance (Bruce and
Ouellette, 2008). Four things may happen at this point. The opera-
tional unit may discover that the analyst failed to turn over sufficient
information or the information is somehow faulty. In other words,
one thing that may happen is that nothing happens: the intelligence
is not actionable. The second thing that could take place is that while
the information may be actionable, the police agency has no process in
place to do anything with the intelligence. So, no action takes place.
Third, the operational unit may take the intelligence and develop
strategies—but without further assistance from the crime analyst. Or,
fourth, the crime analyst is seen as a valuable member of the team to
help develop strategies for dealing effectively with the crime pattern.
Providing Actionable Information
It has been pointed out that crime analysts cannot provide action-
able information if they do not have the time, training, or tools
to implement the latest methods in data querying, spatial analy-

sis, temporal analysis, forecasting, publications, and a host of other
crime analysis skills (Bruce and Ouelette, 2008). To remain at
peak performance, a crime analyst or crime analysis unit needs the
following:
• Adequate staffing: The IACA defines adequate staffing as 1
analyst per 1500 Uniform Crime Reports Part I crimes (agen-
cies with fewer than 1500 Part I crimes should have at least
part-time analysts). Agencies with fewer analysts run the
risk that they will miss some patterns or will be unable to
fully analyze crime and disorder issues (Bruce and Ouellette,
2008).
• Time: The 1:1500 ratio assumes each analyst will have 40
hours a week to devote to crime analysis. Appointing analysts
and loading them up with nonanalytic duties will almost cer-
tainly doom a program to inadequacy.
• Initial and ongoing training: An initial round of basic train-
ing for new analysts should be supplemented with annual
classes and professional conference attendance (Bruce and
Ouellete, 2008).
• Proper equipment: Necessary equipment includes modern
computers; software for data analysis, statistics, and publica-
tions; and a geographic information system (GIS).
Getting Analysts out of the Office
A good first step in orienting the crime analysis unit toward an opera-
tional focus is to make sure crime analysts leave the office sometimes.
Bruce and Ouellette (2008) point out that no good analysis comes
out of an ivory tower or a cloistered computer room. Instead, analysts
must
• Have a true understanding of the nature of crime, criminals,
and the social dynamics of the jurisdiction in which they work
• Know what types of information operational units find
valuable
• Understand what tactics and strategies have a realistic chance
of success
• Plug themselves into the informal intelligence exchange that

happens on the ground level of any agency, discovering rel-
evant facts that do not always make it into police reports
• Get the insight of officers, detectives, and community mem-
bers in the analysis process
If a police officer comes to the job of crime analyst, he or she may
already have much of this knowledge. However, many crime analysts
were civilians first—not police officers or detectives. Therefore, the
analyst who comes from a civilian background should take steps to
develop these resources, but new analysts will likely need the sup-
port and encouragement of police department leaders to get out of the
office now and then. Police agencies should encourage crime scene
visits, ride-alongs, participation in offender interviews, and a regu-
lar, open exchange of information, intelligence, and ideas between
analysts and investigators.
Array of Tactics and Strategies
In many police departments, the typical and usual response to any iden-
tified crime pattern, crime series, hot spot, crime trend, or crime prob-
lem is the directed patrol (Bruce and Ouellette, 2008). A directed patrol
is focused patrol; that is, patrol resources are concentrated at the times
and in the places with the highest risks of serious crime. The hypothesis
is that the more patrol presence that is concentrated at the hot spots and
“hot times” of criminal activity, the less crime there will be in those
places and times (Sherman and Weisburd, 1995). Unfortunately, in
some agencies it is often the only response. Directed patrols can be
valuable for certain issues and can lead to both suppression of crime and
apprehension of offenders (Bruce and Ouellette, 2008). However, there
is a much larger list of potential responses at an agency’s disposal.
As Bruce and Ouellette (2008) point out, tactical analysis and
the identification of crime patterns require tactical responses—fast,
effective responses that stop a crime pattern or series in its tracks.
Generally, this is accomplished through one of three means:
1. Apprehending offenders
2. Hardening potential targets
3. Suppressing underlying opportunities for crime
What is the correct approach for a particular crime pattern? That

depends on the characteristics of the pattern, as determined by the
analysis. There is likely no existing published model for analysis-based
tactical action, but Table 11.1 suggests several tactics based on the
focus of the pattern and the tactical avenue a police department might
choose to pursue.
As is seen in Table 11.1, the police department response could
change based on the focus (whether location, offender, or target) and
based on which tactical avenue (apprehension, target hardening, or
suppression) is selected by the department. For example, if the crime
analyst has a good description of the suspect, or if the analyst was actu-
ally able to identify the offender by name and address, the department
might well choose apprehension as the best tactical avenue. The options
Table 11.1 Police Tactics based on Focus of the Pattern
TACTICAL AVENUE
FOCUS APPREHENSION 1 TARGET HARDENING SUPPRESSION
Location: limited Rapid response Security surveys Security guards or dogs
locations for next Silent alarms Alarms Directed
offense; small Stakeouts patrols Phantom cars
target area Hidden cameras Checkpoints Closures
Channeling Visible cameras
Offender: strong Traditional evidence- General community Profile interview patrols
offender based investingation and media
description or Surveillance information
name; good Suspect-oriented
physical evidence patrol
General community
and madia
information
Taget: limited Decoys Property Market disruption
number of Controlled buys identification
potential targets; Bulletins to
targets easy to potential victims
identify and reach
None: broad Planned response Warning signs Saturation patrols
geography; no Informants Community
suspect; large organization
number of General
available targets community and
media information
Source: Bruce, C.W., and Ouellette, N.F., Closing the gap between analysis and response, Police
Chief LXXV(9), 2008. Available at http://www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/index.
cfm?fuseaction=display_arch&article_id=1604&issue_id=92008.
if apprehension is desired would include traditional evidence-based

investigation to gather evidence against this suspect, surveillance of the
suspect, patrol oriented toward awareness and tracking of the suspect,
or providing community and media information to locate the suspect.
Encouraging Initiative throughout the Police Department
Given that a pattern has been identified, the police department lead-
ership should disseminate information throughout several units while
encouraging initiative at the following levels of their organizations:
• Patrols: Patrols should review crime analysis information and
implement what tactics and strategies they can to address a
particular issue. These might include suspect-oriented patrols,
profile interview patrols, directed patrols, talking to infor-
mants, and warning members of the community.
• Investigators: Investigators can group related crimes, priori-
tizing those that are part of a pattern or series, and implement
such effective tactics as surveillance, stakeouts, and controlled
buys.
• Supervisors: Supervisors should plan and direct more
resource-intensive tactics, such as decoys, saturation patrols,
and planned response.
The Ideal Is a Formal Response Process
Ideally, a police department will support the development of a formal

response process that ensures that something is done about emerg-
ing crime patterns. A few law enforcement agencies allow the crime
analysis unit to recommend assignments, and officers are expected
to follow these crime analysis unit assignments unless a supervisor
countermands them.
For instance, the Shawnee, Kansas, Police Department has a pro-
gram known as Crime Analysis Directed Enforcement (CADE). In
CADE, the crime analyst determines directed patrol locations by
location and shift. In Cambridge, Massachusetts, the Crime Analysis
Unit can assign “park and walks,” which are essentially directed
patrols, to route officers.
Such policies and procedures place a lot of power into the hands of
analysts, but they can generate resentment within the police depart-
ment if not handled carefully. This suggests another reason for crime
analysts to leave their computer screens behind and get to know offi-
cers in other units.
In other police departments, established groups of officers who are
given assignments by crime analysts spend their shifts intervening in
patterns and problems. These officers are detached from regular patrol so
as not to be distracted from their missions with routine calls. One name
given to these officers is “impact teams.” Another name applied to them
by some police departments is the “split-force model.” This term means
that the department has divided its operations divisions into regular
operations units (that respond to calls) and tactical-action or problem-
solving units. Chief Gary Gemme of the Worcester, Massachusetts,
Police Department instituted such an approach in 2005, and the agen-
cy’s Community Impact Division has since been credited with solving
several crime patterns (Bruce and Ouellette, 2008).
But such models are not limited to large police departments. For
instance, the Redmond, Washington, Police Department created a
ProAct Unit with five officers and a detective. The ProAct Unit was
to specifically intercede in auto-related crime. They use offender intel-
ligence from the crime analysis unit as their “to-do list.”
It might be said that the mother of all formal response development
methods is CompStat. As you have learned already in Chapter 10,
CompStat was established by the New York City Police Department
in the 1990s, and it involves getting all of the decision-makers in the
department in a room on a regular basis, reviewing current activity,
deciding what to do about it, and reviewing success or failure at sub-
sequent meetings. CompStat-style systems go under many alternative
names and acronyms, so much so that Lincoln, Nebraska, chief of
police Tom Casady, with tongue in cheek, suggested OOVOC (Our
Own Version of CompStat) as an umbrella term. Various OOVOC
systems are characterized by how they balance accountability with
problem-solving. The New York style of CompStat features a some-
times harsh view of “accountability,” with precinct commanders
expected—under the threat of demotion or transfer—to know the
details of crime volume, as well as individual crimes, in their areas.
The precinct commanders themselves present the current crime
figures and pattern information and are questioned in detail by the

commissioner and chiefs.
Other models care less about who presents the data and more about
facilitating a collaborative process to intercede in emerging patterns
and solve long-term problems. In these models, accountability and
confrontation are less important than effective results.
A properly designed CompStat-style system can make excellent use
of crime analysis. Ideally, the department discusses information that
the crime analysts have prepared and decides how to respond. The best
systems ensure that no pattern or problem goes unaddressed, encour-
age creative thinking, and reward effective (rather than traditional)
strategies and tactics (Bruce and Ouellette, 2008). The Fort Worth,
Texas, Police Department’s CIDAT process, for instance, requires a
written action plan to follow any discussion of a pattern or series.
An important element of CompStat that perhaps should be adopted
by every police agency with a crime analysis unit is the requirement that
all units of the police department must work together. In older models
in police departments, specialized units operated independently from
other units and conducted police operations to achieve their own objec-
tives. In the CompStat model, all units must be represented and held
jointly responsibility for the successes and failures. The benefit is that
much more creative and effective crime control measures are designed
when all units develop and implement the strategy (Schick, 2004).
Process of Investigation: Pattern Crime Investigations
Quality analysis of data, information, and intelligence, when related

to crime patterns, can lead to substantive results being passed along
to the investigating team for consideration as viable leads to follow up
on. It also serves to assist administrators who need to make strategic
and tactical recommendations. So, it’s safe to say that quality pattern
analysis can lead to quality pattern investigative follow-up.
Critical thinking is one of the central components to tactical analysis
and one of the main skills analysts must develop as they investigate the
commonalities that make up pattern crimes. As previously discussed, the
analyst needs to have a firm understanding of the investigative process
that law enforcement follows if he or she is to form hypotheses and draw
conclusions as to who is committing a series of related crimes. As Paulsen,
Bair, and Helms have written, “To identify crime patterns, analysts must
be skilled in critical thinking and be able to recognize commonalities
among characteristics of crime incidents” (Boba, 2009, p. 156).
Investigating a crime pattern, while working directly with the investi-
gative team, can be a daunting task considering that the analyst is an inte-
gral part of the decision-making process and his or her analysis will form
the basis of the reasoning behind investigative team decisions. At the
real-time crime center located in Rochester, New York, several analysts
work in specialty fields, such as homicide or robbery, and as a result work
shoulder to shoulder with their law enforcement counterparts on pattern
crimes. The level of input the analysts have with the investigative team is
largely based on the level of confidence the investigative team has in the
analysts and their investigative, analytical, and critical thinking skills.
Investigating pattern crimes, primarily violent crimes such as armed
robberies, relies on quick action and decisive recommendations being
made by both the investigators and the analyst as they attempt to proj-
ect the next event. These recommendations are drawn from the results
of exhaustive analysis of the data that pertain to the crimes.
Pattern Investigation
Unfortunately, it takes more than two events to consider a series of

related crimes a pattern. During this time, the offenders can become
more emboldened as they have now successfully committed their crime
while eluding law enforcement in the process. This places mounting
pressure for the investigating agency(s) to solve the crime.
However, once the pattern is identified, the investigative process
can now directly focus on the commonalities associated with the
crime pattern. Identifying factors that point to MO can be located in
the data, and the data are only as good as the quality of the report that
documented the crime particulars.
A well-written report should denote several critical details that an
analyst uses when considering—and examining—commonalities:
• Type of crime: For example, armed robbery.
• Temporal concentration: Time(s) of occurrence(s).
• Spatial concentration: Geographical area(s) the crimes were
committed in. This could incorporate space between crime
locations in terms of police jurisdictions or patrol sections.
• Modus operandi: Specifics that directly relate to the crime in

terms of a suspect’s actions, dialogue, weapon, point of entry
or exit, or any other unique aspect that differentiates the crime
from others while tying the crime to those of a similar nature.
• Property taken: It is important to list, as some robberies are
for specific items.
Using Analytical Results for Product Development
The results of the analysis of crime patterns should be incorporated

into a workable product that can be used not only for strategic and
tactical planning, but also as an investigative aid for officers in the
field who need to be made aware of the emerging pattern and the
details surrounding the crime (see Figure 11.1).
When creating a product intended to alert others of an emerging
crime pattern (as well as an investigative aid), the format of the prod-
uct should contain several key features:
Product heading:
• Type of crime
• Pattern analyst involved with the analysis and contact
information
• Date of product creation
City PD
1/1/16
123 Street
Town PD
1/5/16
456 Street
Country Sherif f
1/8/16
789 Street
Figure 11.1 Example of an analytical pattern product.

Product body content:

• Crime summary
• Commonalities
• Incident details
• Photographs (if any)
• Map of the locations involved
• Contact information of an investigator working the case
Crime Summary
A crime summary is a brief synopsis of what the product is about. The

summary should consist of a short narrative advising the reader that a
specific crime pattern is emerging.
Commonalities
As indicated above, the commonality portion of the product should

at least include
• Crime type
• Temporal details
• Spatial details
• MO factors
Incident Details
This portion of the product consists of a chart that details the specifics
of the crime pattern:
• Occurrence date
• Reporting law enforcement agency
• Pattern crimes usually occur in multiple police jurisdictions
and, as such, may have multiple police agencies reporting
them.
• Location type
• Commercial
• Residential
• Location address
• Occurrence time
• Day of the week
• Suspect description(s)
• Suspect vehicle description(s)
• Brief narrative that highlights MO
• For example, suspect 1 held customers and employees at bay with
a handgun while suspect 2 loaded a black duffel bag with phones
The above aspects of a product are not absolute, in terms of format
or content, but the product should highlight most of these areas for
completeness.
Photos
Photographs of suspects, suspect vehicles, and property taken may

lead to an identification.
Map
A map of the crime locations can help the investigative team, analyst
included, with identifying relevance in terms of entry and egress to
and from the crime scene. There may be other factors that may help
to identify why certain actual and geographical locations are being
targeted over others.
Contact Information
The reader needs to have a way to communicate with the point of

contact associated with the investigation.
Purpose of the Finished Product
The purpose of the finished product is to

• Help the reader (usually law enforcement personnel) identify
the principal case and examine the distinctive characteristics
of the pattern.
• Help the reader identify other key elements in the pattern
from other cases that exhibit many of the same characteristics
as the principal case.
• Help the reader identify additional related cases from cases
that exhibit one or more of the same characteristics as the
principal case.
• The following is an actual report showing an example of an

analytical pattern product
Example of an Analytical Pattern Product
Robbery Pattern Crime Bulletin

PD Analysis Center
Analyst Name Date
Product Number Contact Number
Overview: Since 05/01/15 there have been (3) overnight gunpoint robberies of gas stations
located throughout thecounty.
Commonalities:
Type: 3 Commercial Robberies
Temporal Concentration: overnight/early morning. (2100-0500 Hrs.)
Spatial Concentration: Town of Albert, Town of Baker, City of Evertt
Suspect Description: M/B, 5’10-6’0, 20’s-30, wearing all dark clothing, face covered with
a black bandana, armed with a black handgun
Suspect Vehicle: 2 occupants (gunman was passenger), red 2DSD, possibly older
model Saturn, loud muffler, broken right tail light.
Details:
Jurisdiction Date Time Dow Location Address Suspect Description Weapon Displayed Vehicle
Albert PD 5/1/2015 2119 Friday Fuel King 1862 Rogers Ave. M-B/-5-10-6’/20-30’s/ Black Handgun N/A
Dark Clothes-Black Bandana
Sheriffs 5/3/2015 100 Sunday Gas King 25 Baxter Street M-B/-5-10-6’/20-30’s/ Black Handgun Red
Dept. Dark Clothes-Black Bandana Staurn
Evertt PD 5/10/2015 300 Sunday Fuel King 100 East Main Street M-B/-5-10-6’/20-30’s/ Handgun Red
Dark Clothes-Black Bandana Staurn
Map:
Town of Albert PD
1862 Rogers Ave. Town of Baker
5/1/15 2119 hRS. 25 Baxter Street
Sheriffs Dept. 5/3/15
0100 Hrs.
City of Evertt PD
100 E. Main St.
5/10/15 0300 Hrs.
This pattern product reports shows an analysis of a series of gas station

robberies.
1. What can best be learned from the CompStat model?

2. What are some ways that a crime analyst can become part of
an effective team within the police department?
Important Terms
CompStat: Performance management system that is used to

reduce crime and achieve other police department goals. It
emphasizes information sharing, responsibility and account-
ability, and improving effectiveness.
Crime pattern: Group of two or more crimes reported to or dis-
covered by police that are unique because they meet certain
conditions, such as sharing at least one common factor.
Crime pattern bulletin: Report issued by a crime analyst or crime
analyst unit that summarizes the relevant information about
crimes that have been linked together as a pattern.
Crime series: Group of similar crimes thought to be committed by
the same individual or group of individuals acting in concert.
Directed patrol: Focused patrol or patrol resources concentrated
at the times and in the places with the highest risks of serious
crime.
Hot spot: When a crime pattern occurs in a relatively small area,
it is referred to as a hot spot or a cluster.
Linkage analysis: Analysis that integrates information from three
distinct, but interrelated, aspects of a crime pattern perpe-
trated by a single offender.
Pattern detection: Occurs when offenses are reported during a
relatively short period of time and the crime analyst is able to
identify common attributes among those offenses.
Target profiling: Analyst attempt to profile the subject or the sus-
pect, that is, the target.

1. The profession of crime analysis lacks a common lan-

guage and the terms crime pattern, crime series, hot spot, crime
trend, and crime problem are often used interchangeably.
2. A crime pattern is a group of two or more crimes
reported to or discovered by police that are unique because
they involve crime between relatives or friends.
3. A crime series is a group of similar crimes thought to
be committed by the same individual or group of individuals
acting in concert.
4. According to Gwinn (2011), there are common
types of crime patterns.
a. Three
b. Five
c. Seven
d. Nine
5. A hot spot is a group of similar crimes committed by one or
more individuals at
a. Intervals of three months
b. Locations far apart
c. Locations within close proximity of one another
d. Intervals of at least one year
6. A repeat incident location report is designed to provide more
information about
a. Nonrepeat incidents at various addresses
b. Repeat incident complaints at the same location
c. Repeat incident complaints in the same city
d. No-repeat incidents involving no crime
7. A crime pattern bulletin is a report that summarizes the
relevant information of crimes that have been
a. Linked together as a pattern
b. Linked together as a crime spree
c. Linked with other crimes in other states
d. Linked with the Mafia
8. A directed patrol use patrol resources
a. Concentrated in the suburbs
b. Concentrated only after midnight
c. Concentrated by using SWAT teams

d. Concentrated at the times and in the places with the high-
est risks of serious crime
References
Boba, R. (2009). Crime Analysis with Crime Mapping. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Bruce, C.W., and Ouellette, N.F. (2008). Closing the gap between analysis
and response. Police Chief LXXV(9). Available at http://www.policechief
magazine.org/magazine/index.cfm?fuseaction=display_arch&article
_id=1604&issue_id=92008.
Canter, P.R. (2000). Geographic information systems and crime analysis in
Baltimore County, Maryland. In Weisburd D. and J.T. McEwen (eds.),
Crime Mapping and Crime Prevention. Monsey, NY: Criminal Justice
Press pp. 157–190.
Clarke, R., and Eck, J. (2003). Classifying common police problems: A routine
activities approach. Crime Prevention Studies 16: 7–39.
Goldsmith, V., McGuire, P.G., Mollenkopf, J.H., and Ross, T.A. (ed.). (2000).
Analyzing Crime Patterns. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Gwinn, S. (ed.). (2011). Crime pattern definitions for tactical analysis. Overland
Park, KS: International Association of Crime Analysts. Available at http://
www.iaca.net/Publications/Whitepapers/iacawp_2011_01_crime_pat-
terns.pdf.
Schick, W. (2004). CompStat in the Los Angeles Police Department. Police
Chief 71(1). Available at http://www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/
index.cfm?fuseaction=display_arch&article_id=190&issue_id=12004.
Sherman, L.W., and Weisburd, D. (1995). General deterrent effects of police
patrol in crime “hot spots”: A randomized, controlled trial. Justice
Quarterly 12(4): 625–648.
12
taCti Cal C rime a nalysis
and h ot s P ots P oli Cin g
Chapter Outline
1. Introduction to tactical crime analysis and hot spots policing

a. Recap of tactical crime analysis
b. Review of hot spots policing
c. Definition in detail about hot spots
2. Essentials of hot spots
a. Details
3. How analysts identify hot spots
a. Technical
4. Tactical approaches to hot spots
a. Approaches
1. Gain a better understanding of tactical crime analysis and hot

spots policing.
2. Be able to place the history of tactical crime analysis in
perspective.
3. Learn the various kinds of indicators of crime and place.
4. Gain a better understanding of how analysts determine hot
spots.
5. Be introduced to measures of identifying hot spots.
In recent years, crime scholars and practitioners have pointed to

the potential benefits of focusing crime prevention efforts on crime
places. A number of studies suggest that crime is not spread evenly
across city landscapes. Rather, there is significant clustering of
24 9
crime in small places, or “hot spots,” that generate half of all crim-
inal events (Pierce et al., 1988; Sherman et al., 1989; Weisburd
et al., 1992). Even within the most crime-ridden neighborhoods,
crime clusters at a few discrete locations and other areas are rela-
tively crime-free (Sherman et al., 1989). A number of research-
ers have argued that many crime problems could be reduced more
efficiently if police officers focused their attention to these devi-
ant places (Sherman and Weisburd, 1995; Weisburd and Green,
1995). The appeal of focusing limited resources on a small number
of high-activity crime places is straightforward. If we can prevent
crime at these hot spots, then we might be able to reduce total
crime. Hot spots policing has become a very popular way for police
departments to prevent crime. A recent Police Foundation report
found that 7 in 10 departments with more than 100 sworn offi-
cers reported using crime mapping to identify crime hot spots
(Weisburd et al., 2003). A growing body of research evidence sug-
gests that focused police interventions, such as directed patrols,
proactive arrests, and problem-oriented policing, can produce sig-
nificant crime prevention gains at high-crime hot spots (see, e.g.,
Braga, 2002; Eck, 1997, 2002; Skogan and Frydl, 2004; Weisburd
and Eck, 2004). However, critics of place-based interventions
charge that such policing strategies result in displacement—that
is, criminals move to places not protected by police intervention
(e.g., Reppetto, 1976). Given the growing popularity of hot spots
policing, regular systematic reviews of the empirical evidence on
the effects of focused police interventions on crime hot spots are
necessary to assess the value of this approach to crime prevention.
Braga, 2007, p. 4
Introduction
Crime does not occur evenly in either states or cities. Some cities have very
little crime and some have a great deal of crime. But, of course, no city is
crime-free. And because it does not occur in even amounts throughout a
city, it is generally clustered in small areas—hot spots—that account for a
disproportionate amount of crime and disorder. For example,
• In Minneapolis, 3% of the city’s addresses accounted for

50% of calls for service to the police in one study (National
Institute of Justice, 2010).
• In Jersey City, New Jersey, about 4% of streets and intersec-
tion areas generated nearly half of the city’s narcotics arrests
and almost 42% of the disorder arrests (National Institute of
Justice, 2010).
Criminal events, however, are not just about location. In addition
to location, crime and public disorder tend to concentrate at certain
times of the day or week. Assaults, for example, occur most fre-
quently between 3:00 and 7:00 a.m., when streets are largely vacant.
Residential burglaries mostly occur during daytime hours, when resi-
dents are not home. Incidents of driving under the influence occur
more frequently in areas with a large number of bars or liquor stores
(National Institute of Justice, 2010).
The importance of identifying hot spots is that both crime theories
and practical studies support the idea that focusing police efforts at
crime hot spots can effectively reduce crime (Filbert, 2008). As indi-
cated in Chapter 11, once hot spots have been identified, the police
efforts often include such approaches as directed patrols or other types
of problem-solving to decrease the amount of crime in that area.
Police crime analysts work with crime incident data to find and ana-
lyze hot spots and provide information to other departments and units
within the police department. Analysts often work with geographic
information systems (GIS) software to create crime maps to visualize
data and identify patterns and hot spots. GIS and related mapping and
analysis tools have become sophisticated enough to include statistics
software that allows rigorous analysis of crime hot spots.
In this chapter, more details are provided to give you a better
understanding of how analysts identify crime hot spots. But first, we
discuss the theory behind the hot spots approach to crime analysis.
Crime Hot Spot Theories
Crime theories are critical for useful crime mapping because they aid
in the interpretation of data (Eck, 1998). Crime theories also provide
guidance as to what actions are most appropriate in response to the
identification of hot spots. There are several theories of crime and
disorder concentration (another term for hot spots) that need to be

explored. Some of these theories are somewhat contradictory. What
they do, though, is explain different types of crime phenomena that
occur at different geographic levels (Eck et al., 2005).
Theories of crime and place try to offer an understanding of crime
in its physical or spatial environment. These theories explain crime
patterns by the location of targets, offenders’ choice of travel routes,
use of space for various activities, and the innate ability of a place or
target to defend itself. Thus, these theories of crime and place can be
described as belonging together under the umbrella of what is called
“environmental criminology” (Brantingham and Brantingham, 1981).
Such theories trace their origins to the work of the Cartographic
School in the mid-1800s. Henry Mayhew, who is considered to be
the founder of the Cartographic School, pioneered the use of maps in
the analysis of crime. Mayhew’s maps of counties of London showed
spatial relationships between crime and rates of illiteracy, teenage
marriage, and number of illegitimate children (Levinson, 2002).
Other statisticians, including Andre Guerry and Adolphe Quetelet,
were also working with statistics and maps to represent crime patterns
in France in the mid-1800s (Levinson, 2002).
In the United States, the analysis of crime and place is rooted in the
work done by the members of what is known as the Chicago School
early in the twentieth century. Robert Park and Ernest Burgess,
founders of the Chicago School, borrowed from plant ecology to
explain the development of cities. According to Park and Burgess,
cities developed in a process they called “succession,” whereby compe-
tition for scarce resources, primarily land, drove the development of
the city outward from the city core. They proposed that cities develop
in a series of successive concentric zones, with the zones at the interior
being the most deteriorated.
Based on their analysis, Park and Burgess proposed a theory of
crime known as concentric zone theory. They showed that the zones
closest to the inner city had the highest prevalence of social ills, such
as unemployment, poverty, reliance on social assistance, and rates
of disease. Park and Burgess said that the prevalence of these social
problems in the inner zones of the city, where social conflict was
high, led to a condition they called social disorganization (Vold et al.,
1998).
Other work by members of the Chicago School, notably Clifford

Shaw and Henry McKay, explored the theory of social disorganiza-
tion. Shaw and McKay (1969) divided the city into “natural areas.”
These areas shared social and demographic characteristics. Shaw and
McKay went on to examine the locations of residences of juvenile
delinquents and noted that areas with the highest rates of juvenile
delinquents were geographic areas with weak community controls.
Shaw and McKay did not attribute crime problems to the people who
lived in these areas, but instead to characteristics of the areas, includ-
ing physical deterioration, ethnic heterogeneity, and low rental costs
(Vold et al., 1998). Shaw and McKay showed that social disorgani-
zation peaked in the central business district (CBD) (the first zone)
and the zone of transition (the second concentric zone where recent
immigrants first moved to and where industries were located). Social
disorganization was shown to decrease in a linear fashion as one pro-
ceeds through the remaining concentric zones outward from the CBD
(Vold et al., 1986). With each progressive zone away from the CBD,
housing became more desirable and household income increased.
From these origins, many criminologists have sought to continue
the work by these early researchers and attempt to explain or predict
crime based on factors external to the individual and the individual’s
interaction with those factors. One strain of theories—the ecologi-
cal or areal tradition of criminology—is concerned with the environ-
mental, contextual, community, physical, or situational correlates of
crime, or their interactions. Together, these ecological theories aim to
explain the relationships between crime and place at three different
levels of spatial aggregation: the microlevel, the mesolevel, and the
macrolevel.
Often, though not always, the microlevel refers to the actual loca-
tion of a crime. The mesolevel usually refers to a neighborhood or
community. The macrolevel, on the other hand, may refer to a city, or
an area even larger, such as a country. In what follows, we will refer
to these three levels as place theories, street theories, neighborhood
theories, and other large area theories.
Before we discuss these specific theories, we will take a look at
what might be considered competing theories of crime causation, and
the development of environmental theories following the work of
Park and Burgess, and Shaw and McKay.
In a broad sense, we can say that historically—at least since the

early half of the twentieth century—theories of crime can be divided
into those that seek to explain the development of criminal offenders
and those that seek to explain the development of criminal events.
Throughout the development of criminology, theories of—and
research on—offenders have been dominant (Clarke, 1980). It could
even be argued that most research on crime and crime prevention
has been focused on why certain types of people commit crime and
what we can do about them. It is only relatively recently that serious
attention has begun to be paid to explaining crimes—rather than the
criminality of people involved in crime. In trying to explain crime,
criminologists in the past two to three decades have been concerned
with where crime occurs (Eck and Weisburd, 1995).
Although some criminologists might consider theories of crime
places and theories about the criminality of offenders as competing
explanations of the crime problem, Eck and Weisburd (1995) sug-
gested it may be useful to consider that offender explanations and
event explanations are more complementary than competitors.
The reasoning for this may start with this idea: while an offender
may be highly motivated to commit a crime, unless he or she actu-
ally engages in a criminal event, there is nothing to explain. On the
other hand, if a criminal act has occurred, a full understanding of the
event must in some manner include an explanation of the offender.
Offender theories should eventually tell us how people come to be
criminal offenders, and the circumstances under which they either act
or desist from acting as offenders. Such theories may suggest crime
prevention strategies that are focused on those individuals who are
likely to become high-rate offenders or even serious violent offend-
ers. However, to date theories about the development of criminality
do not provide a solid basis for making such predictions, and there is
little consensus as to what such a theory in the future would look like.
Consequently, a preventive strategy based on offender theories is not
near at hand. But even if we were to understand more about the devel-
opment of criminality than we presently do, it is not clear whether all
or even most offenders could be prevented from involvement in crime
(Clarke and Weisburd, 1990).
Thus, as Eck and Weisburd (1995) would conclude, even if we had
a good explanation for the development of offenders, we would still
need a good explanation for criminal events. Specifically, we would

want a theory that could tell us why certain targets are selected by
offenders—why some targets are attractive and others are less attrac-
tive, or even repellent. What are the barriers to offending that are
presented to offenders, and how are they overcome? What types of
routine activities of offenders, victims, and what have sometimes been
termed guardians contribute to the likelihood of crime occurring in
particular places? Though we may not be close to having a compre-
hensive crime event theory that would provide unambiguous answers
to such questions, there is some agreement among some criminolo-
gists who study crime events as to what such a theory should look like.
Moreover, there is growing evidence that event prevention strategies
can have a dramatic and immediate impact on specific crime problems
(Clarke, 1992).
But, in recent years, researchers have begun to describe how crime
and place theories come together and how they can be applied to
crime analysis and crime prevention.
As it turns out, three recent theoretical perspectives—rational
choice, routine activities theory, and crime pattern theory—have
influenced our understanding of the importance of place in crime pre-
vention efforts. A rational choice perspective provides the basic ratio-
nale for defining place as important, since it suggests that offenders
will select targets and define means to achieve their goals in a manner
that can be explained (Cornish and Clarke, 1986). A rational choice
perspective, according to some criminologists, can be used to develop
testable propositions describing crime events and offender behavior,
particularly if a rational choice perspective is used in conjunction with
routine activities theory (Clarke and Felson, 1993).
Routine Activities Theory
Routine activities theory seeks to explain the occurrence of crime

events as the confluence of four circumstances (Cohen and Felson,
1979; Felson, 1986, 1994). First, there must be a motivated offender.
Second, there must be a desirable target. Third, the target and the
offender must be at the same place at the same time. Finally, three
other types of controllers—intimate handlers, guardians, or place
managers—must be absent or ineffective. Intimate handlers are
people who have direct personal influence over an offender (such as

parents, teachers, coaches, friends, or employers). In the presence of
such people, potential offenders do not commit crimes. Most adults
are away from intimate handlers for many hours of the day, and many
offenders, both juvenile and adult, have few or no intimate handlers
(Felson, 1986). People who can protect targets are guardians. They too
must be missing from the place. Guardians include friends (as when
four women decide to walk together to the parking lot after a night
class in order to protect each other) as well as formal authorities, such
as private security guards and public police. People or objects that are
separated from guardians for sustained periods have elevated risks of
victimization. People who take care of the places are place managers.
Place managers, such as janitors and apartment managers, regulate
behavior at the locations they control. For a crime to occur, such peo-
ple must be absent, ineffective, or negligent (Eck, 1994).
Crime Pattern Theory
Crime pattern theory is particularly important in developing an under-

standing of crime and place, as it combines rational choice and rou-
tine activities theory to help explain the distribution of crime across
places. The distribution of offenders, targets, handlers, guardians, and
managers over time and place will describe crime patterns. With the
growth of shopping malls, strip malls, and stand-alone fitness centers,
for instance, there is often an increased number of potential targets,
while the people who can protect those facilities (handlers, guardians,
and managers) and the people who frequent them (potential victims)
may have little or no contact (e.g., in elevators, stairwells, and large
parking areas). Reasonably rational offenders, while engaging in their
routine activities, will note places without guardians and manag-
ers and where their handlers are unlikely to show up. Crime pattern
theory explores the interactions of offenders with their physical and
social environments that influence offenders’ choices of targets.
According to crime pattern theory, how targets come to the atten-
tion of offenders influences the distribution of crime events over time,
space, and among targets (Brantingham and Brantingham, 1993).
This occurs because offenders engage in routine activities. Just like
other, nonoffending individuals, offenders move among the spheres of
home, school, work, shopping, and recreation. As they conduct their

normal legitimate activities, they become aware of criminal oppor-
tunities. Thus, criminal opportunities that are not near the areas
offenders routinely move through are unlikely to come to their atten-
tion. A given offender will be aware of only a subset of the possible
targets available. Criminal opportunities found at places that come
to the attention of offenders have an increased risk of becoming tar-
gets (Brantingham and Brantingham, 1993). While a few offenders
may aggressively seek out uncharted areas, most will conduct their
searches within the areas they become familiar with through non-
criminal activities.
The concept of place is essential to crime pattern theory. Not only
are places logically required (an offender must be in a place when an
offense is committed), but also the characteristics of certain places
influence the likelihood of a crime. Place characteristics highlighted
by routine activities theory include the presence and effectiveness of
managers and the presence of capable guardians. Crime pattern the-
ory links places with desirable targets and the context within which
they are found by focusing on how places come to the attention of
potential offenders.
Although crime pattern theory and routine activities theory are
mutually supportive in many respects, they can give rise to differing
explanations of crime at specific locations. Given a set of high-crime
locations, a crime pattern theorist would focus on how offenders
discover and gain access to the place. A routine activities theorist
would focus instead on the behaviors of the targets and the pos-
sible absence of controllers whose presence could have prevented
the offenses from taking place—guardians, handlers, and place
managers. In other words, for the crime pattern theorist, places are
problematic because of their location and relationship to the envi-
ronment. For the routine activities theorist, places are problematic
because of the types of people present and absent from the location.
Clearly, both explanations can be valid in different contexts and
situations. It would seem that crime-specific explanations may show
that for some events, crime pattern theory is a particularly useful
explanation; for other events, routine activities theory offers greater
insights; and for still a third group of events, some combination of
the two theories is needed.
A Theory of Crime Places
Recent perspectives in criminological theory provide a basis for con-

structing a theory of crime places. However, such a theory must be
developed in reference to a growing literature about the relationship
between crime and place.
Several theories help explain why crime occurs in some places
and not others. The environmental criminology approach was devel-
oped in the 1980s by Paul Brantingham and Patricia Brantingham.
They focused on environmental or context factors that can influence
criminal activity. These factors include space (geography), time, law,
offender, and target or victim. These five components are a neces-
sary and sufficient condition, for without one, the other four, even
together, will not constitute a criminal incident (Brantingham and
Brantingham, 1981).
Despite the obvious multifaceted nature of crime, scholars and
practitioners often attempt to study them separately. For instance,
lawyers and political scientists focus on the legal dimension; soci-
ologists, psychologists, and civil rights groups generally look to the
offenders and victims; and geographers concentrate on the loca-
tion of the event. Environmental criminologists examine the place
and time when the crime happened. They are interested in land
usage, traffic patterns and street design, and the daily activities
and movements of victims and offenders. Environmental crimi-
nologists often use maps to look for crime patterns, for example,
using metric topology (Verma and Lodha, 2002). We discuss met-
ric typology later in this chapter.
The work done on environmental criminology in the 1980s,
spearheaded by Paul and Patricia Brantingham, helped to fuse the
principles of geography with criminology and develop new crimi-
nological theories. Some of the new criminological theories devel-
oped since the early 1980s include
• Routine activities theory
• Situational crime prevention theory
• Broken windows theory
• Crime opportunity theory
• Social disorganization theory
• Crime pattern theory
Routine Activities Theory
While this theory has already been described in this chapter, you
should recall that it suggests that crime occurs when a motivated
offender, a suitable target, and the lack of a capable guardian converge
in the same place at the same time. Criminals choose or find their
targets within the context of their routine activities, such as traveling
to and from work or shopping, and tend not to go too far out of their
way to commit crimes.
Situational Crime Prevention Theory
The situational crime prevention theory suggests that crime and pub-
lic disorder can be prevented by reducing opportunities for crime. For
example, if crime occurs regularly in a dimly lit alley, public works
could improve lighting and increase police presence in the area.
Among the most important contributors to the theory is Ronald
Clarke. In 1983, he defined the core of the theory and focused his
new approach on the event of the crime, instead of the perpetrator.
The event of the crime, to Clarke, has to do with the immediate
physical and social settings, as well as wider societal arrangements.
Clarke summarizes it as the science and art of decreasing the amount
of opportunities for crime using “measures directed at highly specific
forms of crime that involve the management, design, or manipula-
tion of the immediate environment in a systematic and permanent
way” (Clarke, 1983, 225). This approach relies on the assumptions
that more opportunities lead to more crime, easier ones attract more
offenders, and such an existence of easy opportunities makes a “life
of crime” possible.
Broken Windows Theory
This theory, developed by George Kelling and James Q. Wilson,

explains how lesser crimes, untended areas, blight, graffiti, and other
signs of disorder decrease neighborhood residents’ willingness to
enforce social order, which in turn leads to more serious crime (Wilson
and Kelling, 1982). If police target minor transgressions, they may
prevent serious crime from developing in those places.
Crime Opportunity Theory
Crime opportunity theory suggests that when offenders want to

commit a crime, they look for an opportunity or a practical target.
For example, if a city neighborhood or busy CBD offers no guarded
parking or patrolled parking facilities, it may be a prime target for
vehicle thefts. These theories, because there may be several crime
opportunity theories, rest on a single principle: easy or tempting
opportunities entice people into criminal action (Felson and Clarke,
1998). Felson and Clarke (1998), for instance, take the position that
“opportunity makes the thief.” But they go further and suggest that
no crimes can be understood without taking into consideration set-
tings and opportunities.
Social Disorganization Theory
This theory suggests that crime occurs when community relationships

and local institutions fail or are absent. For example, a neighborhood
with high residential turnover might have more crime than a neigh-
borhood with a stable residential community. Current versions of
social disorganization theory assume that strong networks of social
relationships prevent crime and delinquency (Kornhauser, 1978;
Bursik and Grasmick, 1993; Sampson and Groves, 1989). When most
community or neighborhood members are acquainted and on good
terms with one another, a substantial portion of the adult population
has the potential to influence each child. The larger the network of
acquaintances, the greater the community’s capacity for informal sur-
veillance (because residents are easily distinguished from outsiders),
for supervision (because acquaintances are willing to intervene when
children and juveniles behave unacceptably), and for shaping chil-
dren’s values and interests. According to the current theory, commu-
nity characteristics such as poverty and ethnic diversity lead to higher
delinquency rates because they interfere with community members’
abilities to work together. More recent studies continue to specify the
mechanisms by which structural factors influence the ability of com-
munities to enforce collective goals (Uchida et al., 2013). Bursik and
Grasmick (1993) present a systemic model that further elaborates on
the various linkages between ties and levels of social control. Other
current approaches link informal controls with individual expecta-

tions and cultural processes (Uchida et al., 2013).
Crime Pattern Theory
Crime pattern theory integrates crime within a geographic context,

thus demonstrating how the environments people live in and pass
through influence criminality. The theory specifically focuses on
places and the lack of social control or other measures of guardianship
that are informally needed to control crime. For example, a subur-
ban neighborhood can become a hot spot for burglaries because some
homes have inadequate protection and nobody is home to guard the
property. Crime pattern theory is a central component of environ-
mental criminology, and it considers how people and things involved
in crime move about in space and time. This theory fits well with the
routine activities approach and presents three main concepts: nodes,
paths, and edges.
Nodes, a term from transportation, refers to where people travel to
and from. Such places can generate crime not only within, but also
nearby. Each offender searches for crime targets around personal
activity nodes (such as home, school, and entertainment area) and the
paths among them. The paths people take in their everyday activi-
ties are closely related to where they fall victim to crime. This is why
crime pattern theory pays so much attention to the geographical dis-
tribution of crime and the daily rhythm of activity. For example, it
generates crime maps for different hours of the day and days of the
week, linking crime to commuter flows, school children being let out,
bars closing, or any other process that moves people among nodes and
along paths.
The third concept of crime pattern theory—edges—refers to the
boundaries of areas where people live, work, shop, or seek entertain-
ment. Some crimes are more likely to occur at the edges—such as
racial attacks, robberies, or shoplifting—because people from dif-
ferent neighborhoods who do not know each other come together at
edges.
In an important way, crime pattern theorists and other environ-
mental criminologists have shown that the design and management of
town, city, and business areas can produce major shifts in crime rates.
How Are Hot Spots Identified?
Most experienced police officers who have spent any amount of time
working in a city know exactly where the trouble spots are. They know
which neighborhoods are likely to report crimes and at which bars
and taverns fights and public disorders occur.
Before computers came along, police departments stuck pushpins
in maps hung on the wall to better identify where crimes occurred.
But today, because of advancing technology, hot spots can be identi-
fied using
• Maps and GIS
• Statistical tests
Maps and Geographic Information Systems
Analysts can create a variety of maps that visualize different aspects of

a particular location. Density maps, for example, show where crimes
occur without dividing a map into regions or blocks; areas with high
concentrations of crime stand out.
It is very common for crime analysts to use GIS to combine street
maps, data about crime and public disorder, and data about other
features, such as schools, liquor stores, warehouses, and bus stops.
The resulting multidimensional maps produce a visual display of the
hot spots. The GIS places each crime within a grid system on a map
and colors each cell based on how many incidents occurred in that
area.
Crime maps that detect high-crime areas and crime are use-
ful when they answer analytical questions based on crime theories
and subsequently guide appropriate police action (Eck et al., 2005).
For example, if the question has to do with which businesses in the
city have been burglarized more than once in the past year, the best
answer might come from using a point map that suggests potential
tactics that focus on improving place management. In comparison,
questions such as “Which hot streets are characterized by frequent
drug deals and prostitution?” would require a street-level (line) map
that suggests the possible use of high-visibility patrols on key streets.
Finally, if senior police administrators were interested in which police
beat had the most amount of crime in the past month, an area (poly-
gon) map would be most appropriate.
Hot spots and high-crime areas can therefore be illustrated using
varying levels of geography, such as a specific addresses or inter-
sections, single blocks, clusters of blocks, streets, or neighborhoods
(Eck et al., 2005; Paynich and Hill, 2010). Eck et al. (2005) sug-
gest that analysts begin their exploration of hot spots by plotting
points before examining larger areas of geography, since maps show-
ing hot streets and areas may hide more minute point patterns of
concentration.
Repeat addresses point maps can be useful for a variety of purposes,
such as demonstrating repeat incidents at a single location. However,
using single points to represent multiple incidents at the same location
would be misleading, as it does not distinguish among locations that
have single versus multiple incidents (Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005;
Boba, 2009). Instead, multiple incidents at a single location (repeat
addresses) can be represented using graduated symbols or colors
(Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005; Eck et al., 2005; Boba, 2009; Paynich
and Hill, 2010), in which differing symbol colors or sizes represent a
count or range of values. Many times, these multiple locations are at
apartment complexes, shopping complexes, or office buildings. For
example, one would expect a large symbol might exist at an address
for a large shopping mall, as all of the stores and restaurants share the
same address. The analysis would be much better if the analyst could
pinpoint the specific locations within these complexes, which would
also provide better intelligence for further police action.
Different Kinds of Maps Generated by GIS
Up to this point, we have been discussing theories in this chapter.

These theories will help you better understand why geography, place,
and hot spots are important. You can see that to understand the prob-
lems of crime, each form of crime occurrence requires its own form
of mapping. For instance, victim maps would be different from hot
streets or place maps. Various maps are needed so that police com-
mand can make appropriate decisions as to what action to take to
deal with the particular type of crime concern. The following are the
different kinds of maps crime analysts can generate and the unique
way each depicts hot spots.
Dot Map A dot map can show a particular place, a store or gas sta-
tion, for instance, where crime problems have occurred. The specific
address of the relevant place of a crime occurrence helps to distinguish
between addresses that have had crime problems versus those that
have not. A dot map or a dot distribution map is simply a map that
uses dots or other symbols to represent the presence, quantity, or value
of a phenomenon or thing in a specific area, such as a crime or crime
victimization. In a dot distribution map, the size of the dots may be
scaled in proportion to the intensity of the problem. For example, if
two or more robberies occurred at the same convenience store, the dot
may be larger than the dot depicting a convenience store experiencing
only one robbery.
Line Maps Line maps are used when the hot spots are along
streets. If, for example, robberies and holdups occur in the streets
leading up to a stadium where sports and entertainment events are
held, a dot map would be less relevant than a line map. The crimes
do not occur at the stadium, but along routes leading to and from
the venue. Some of the streets may not have parking, and so few
people would be walking to and from the stadium on those streets.
But knowing which streets have crime and which ones don’t would
be important for the police to know in terms of addressing the
problems.
Ellipse and Choropleth Maps These maps are used when the hot spots
cover broader areas and include neighborhoods. Ellipse and chorop-
leth maps imply that the areas within the designated hot spots share
the same risk level, so a specific street or a certain address within that
district is less relevant (Eck et al., 2005). Ellipses are common in
physics, astronomy, and engineering. For example, the orbit of each
planet in the solar system is an ellipse. One of the earliest crime map-
ping software applications that became widely available to practitio-
ners for crime analysis was Spatial and Temporal Analysis of Crime
(STAC). STAC is not a GIS, but instead acts as an aid to persons
who already have a GIS or desktop mapping capability. STAC is
a spatial tool to find and examine hot spot areas within the study
area. In concise terms, this means that STAC first finds the dens-
est concentration of points on the map (hot clusters), and then fits
a “standard deviational ellipse” to each one. The ellipses themselves
indicate through their size and alignment the nature of the underly-
ing crime clusters.
Examples of the use of STAC include a study of how to reduce
incidents in Detroit’s infamous Devil’s Night period (Martin et al.,
1998). An advantage of STAC is that it derives hot spots without rely-
ing on defined boundaries such as census units or police administra-
tive boundaries. However, a limitation is that crime hot spots do not
naturally form into convenient ellipses; thus, STAC hot spots do not
represent the actual spatial distribution of crime and can sometimes
be misleading (Eck et al., 2005).
Choropleth mapping or geographic boundary thematic mapping
is a way of representing spatial distributions of crime events. The
boundary areas that are used for this type of thematic mapping are
usually arbitrarily defined for administrative purposes, since they
can be police beats, census blocks, wards, or districts. Offenses as
points on a map can be aggregated to these geographic unit areas
and are then shaded in accordance with the number of crimes that
fall within them. This map allows for quick determination as to
which areas have a high incidence of crime, and allows further
diagnosis of the problem by “zooming in” on those areas (Eck et
al., 2005). Areas are shaded according to their data values, by either
rate or frequency.
Isoline maps are, by definition, maps with lines that join points of
equal value. Physical geography often uses isoline maps as isobars to
show barometric pressure or isotherms to show temperature, but the
form most likely to be used in crime analysis is the isopleth (equal
crowd), in which data for areas, such as crimes per neighborhood or
population density, are calculated and used as control points to deter-
mine where the isolines will be drawn.
Grid Thematic Mapping In order to combat the problems associ-

ated with different sizes and shapes of geographical regions, uni-
form grids (or quadrats) can be drawn in a GIS as a layer over
the study area and thematically shaded. Therefore, all areas used
for thematic shading are of consistent dimensions and are com-

parable, assisting the quick and easy identification of hot spots.
This approach does have some limitations; the usage of grids still
restricts how the hot spots can be displayed. Spatial detail within
and across each quadrat is correspondingly lost because the crime
events have to conform to one specific quadrat, which can then
lead to inaccurate interpretation by the map user. Additionally,
they often have a “blocky” appearance, which is related to grid cell
size (Eck et al., 2005).
Kernel Density Estimation Kernel density estimation (KDE) is

regarded as the most suitable spatial analysis technique for visualizing
crime data (Chainey et al., 2002; Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005; Eck
et al., 2005). It is an increasingly popular method due to its grow-
ing availability, the perceived accuracy of hot spot identification, and
the aesthetic look of the resulting map in comparison with other
techniques (Eck et al., 2005). Offenses are aggregated within a user-
specified search radius, and a continuous surface that represents the
density or volume of crime events across the desired area is calculated.
A smooth surface map is produced, showing the variation of the crime
density across the study area, with no need to conform to geometric
shapes such as ellipses. But it is the most visually impressive and has
the capability of identifying hot spots through a statistically robust
methodology (Chainey et al., 2002; Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005; Eck
et al., 2005).
Polygon Map Polygon mapping is the cartographic display of regu-

larly or irregularly shaped polygons and their attributes. Typically,
this capability includes shading, symbology, and numeric labeling,
as well as other map cosmetic functions for generating alphanumeric
labeling of polygons. Polygons are multisided but closed figures
that may indicate a large geographical area or an area as small as a
building.
Hot Streets
Hot streets are slightly more challenging to demonstrate with most

commonly used GIS. This is because they do not easily allow users to
depict hot streets (Eck et al., 2005). Alternatively, analysts can plot
crime incident locations and match them to street layouts. Another
method to identify hot streets would be to join the points file to the
street segments file of the map (for those unfamiliar with joins, the
process essentially aggregates the count of incidents that occur within
a street segment). If geocoding is based on a street file, there will be
no issues. If geocoding is based on addresses, there will be an issue,
as many points will not overlay the street segments and hence not join
properly. One option is to set the join for an approximate distance
between the point and the street segment. This may cause the points
to be assigned to a street segment that is not part of the actual street
address. Careful review of these results is suggested. Once the points
and street segments are joined, there will be a count of points per
street segment. Analysts can display the hot streets by line width or
color of the street segments. This type of analysis assists in narrowing
the size of a targeted neighborhood or area of your jurisdiction police
district (Gwinn et al., 2008). Finally, recall that this technique is lim-
ited in that the boundaries are argued to be artificial and rarely reflect
actual criminal patterns.
Hot Areas
Hot areas can be depicted using bounded areas such as polygons

(e.g., see choropleth and standard deviation ellipse maps discussed
in the sections below). However, analysts need to be aware that these
bounded areas are artificial. Eck et al. (2005) argue that criminal
activity does not necessarily conform to geographic boundaries. As
such, hot area maps are not useful for showing crime patterns that
cross boundaries (Eck et al., 2005). Boba (2005) also points out that
these boundaries are usually artificially created administrative or
political boundaries, which are constant or static (Eck et al., 2005).
Analytical methods such as grid cell mapping or density analysis (dis-
cussed below) can be used to compensate for this limitation. These hot
areas could develop at the block level, a set of blocks, neighborhoods,
schools, and so forth. They might be affected by natural boundar-
ies (rivers, cliffs, forests, etc.), government boundaries, man-made
boundaries (highway, walls, fences, etc.), and social boundaries like
gang territories.
Standard Deviation Analysis
This approach involves determining the mean center of the series and
drawing rectangles or ellipses around the mean center showing the
areas that represent one or two standard deviations away from the
mean (Boba, 2009). They are drawn to demonstrate clusters of points
that would not be expected from random chance (Paynich and Hill,
2010).
Like choropleth mapping, a limitation to depicting hot spots using
ellipses is that hot spots are rarely depicted accurately with bounded
polygons (Eck et al., 2005; Paynich and Hill, 2010). However they can
be useful for making comparisons of hot spots across time (Paynich
and Hill, 2010). For example, an analyst can be tasked with evalu-
ating the effects of a police operation on a hot spot. As part of his
or her evaluation, the analyst creates standard deviation ellipses with
incident data before and after a police operation. The analyst can then
determine whether there was a reduction or displacement in crime.
Grid Cell Mapping Analysis
This method is sometimes described as density analysis and com-

pensates for the limitations noted above with choropleth mapping
and standard deviation analysis. This approach uses surface estima-
tion techniques and illustrates the surface of a geographical area
(Ratcliffe, 2004) with rasters (Gorr and Kurland, 2012). This process
first involves an analyst calibrating two parameters, specifically cell
size and search radius, so that the results are meaningful and useful.
The method involves placing a grid or fishnet on top of a map (creat-
ing a matrix of cells). Then a mathematical function visits the center
of each cell and performs a calculation on that cell, as well as within a
predetermined search radius or bandwidth (Harries, 1999; Eck et al.,
2005; Paynich and Hill, 2010).
In simple density analysis, when the mathematical function is applied
to each cell, the number of incidents within a given radius are added
together and then divided by the area of the radius; this value is then
assigned to the cell (Harries, 1999; Mitchell, 1999; Eck et al., 2005;
Boba, 2009; Gwinn et al., 2008). Therefore “a cell’s score does not rep-
resent the number of incidents in that cell but the number of incidents
‘near’ that cell divided by the area ‘around’ that cell, approximating the
concentration of activity” (Boba, 2009, p. 271). In other words, the cell’s
density value is an estimate and is influenced by incidents found within
the search radius placed on top of the grid cell (Boba, 2009).
Kernel Density Interpolation
Another approach to density analysis is kernel density interpolation

or smoothing techniques. Instead of simply adding up all the points
within a radius as with simple density analysis, a bell-shaped func-
tion or kernel is applied over every cell (Gorr and Kurland, 2012). In
other words, greater weight is given to incidents closer to the center
of the radius (Eck et al., 2005; Gwinn et al., 2008; Paynich and Hill,
2010). Dual kernel density interpolation is similar but involves pro-
ducing “a risk value associated with crime density” (Paynich and Hill,
2010, p. 378) and allows for comparative density analysis. In other
words, comparisons can be made between two different crime types
or crimes at two different time periods (Paynich and Hill, 2010). It is
apparent that density analysis does not depict physical boundaries and
is consequently a “much more realistic image of the shape of the hot
spot distribution” (Paynich and Hill, 2010, p. 378). It is also advanta-
geous over point maps because overlapping points or stacked points
are added together and represented with a single color (Harries, 1999).
However, analysts must still consider three parameters when con-
structing density maps. First, the analyst must determine a threshold
for what defines a hot spot. Values are assigned to the output raster
cells, and it is at the discretion of the analyst to determine the numeri-
cal value at which a location is considered a hot spot. In other words,
those areas of greater density above this threshold are then consid-
ered hot spots (Gorr and Kurland, 2012). Second, changes to either
the search radius or grid cell size can yield different maps (Harries,
1999; Boba, 2009). A smaller search radii will reveal greater local
variation or more specificity (Eck et al., 2005), while a larger selec-
tion will show long rolling hills for the surface (Gorr and Kurland,
2012). Likewise, the choice of cell size or spatial resolution (Gwinn
et al., 2008) will affect the smoothness of the surface, with smaller
cell sizes showing finer resolution. A third consideration is the size
of the study area. Choosing different study areas can have an effect
on the appearance of the computed density surface. As an example,

an analyst could choose as his or her study area an artificially drawn
square on a GIS map to represent a city’s boundaries. Alternatively, if
an analyst uses a more accurate GIS shape file containing the official
boundaries of a city, kernel density calculations would then be more
accurate, but they would produce a different type of map.
Currently, there are no hard rules for how analysts decide on setting
these parameters in a GIS. Analysts first study crime points and visu-
ally determine the boundaries of hot spots. The analyst then calibrates
parameter values in the GIS for density analysis until they resemble
the analyst’s expert judgment as to where the boundaries are (Gorr and
Kurland, 2012). One limitation of density analysis, and another reason
why density maps need to be calibrated manually, is that they do not con-
sider “natural or manmade barriers that may affect directionality of data
density” (Gwinn et al., 2008, p. 303). In other words, the radius or cell
grid that is placed on top of a map does not conform to the presence of
nature or man-made barriers, such as a body of water, a freeway, or a wall.
A potential solution to this problem is to incorporate raster mask-
ing in GIS. The analyst builds a mask around areas that are not appro-
priate for inclusion in the density analysis. For example, a large body
of water is unlikely to have many crimes occurring in the center. A
mask for this body of water would exclude that area in calculating the
density surface. The result is a density surface based on a more realistic
risk of crime. A final consideration of analysts when producing den-
sity maps is their audience. If audience members are not familiar with
density analysis, it is recommended that a legend with labels such as
“low density” or “medium density” be used.
Although high-crime areas can easily be identified based on the
past experiences of police officers or based on the characteristics of
those areas, GIS allows police departments to more accurately pin-
point hot spots to confirm trouble areas, identify the specific nature of
the activity occurring within the hot spot, and then develop strategies
to respond.
Statistical Testing for Hot Spots
In addition to crime mapping approaches, analysts are also able to

draw upon spatial statistical testing to help crime analysts understand
general patterns in the crime data. In addition, statistical tests can

objectively determine the presence of high-crime areas or hot spots.
These tests generally help the analyst decide whether clustering is
occurring and whether the clustering is attributable to random
chance.
Point Pattern Analysis
One approach to identifying a high-crime area is to use a point map.

A map of points can demonstrate patterns of points that are clustered,
uniform, or randomly distributed (Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005; Boba,
2009). Point pattern analysis involves analysts developing a graduated
point map and confirming clusters with spatial correlation statistics
(Gorr and Kurland, 2012). Such statistical tests identify whether clus-
tering of crimes is random (National Institute of Justice, 2010); points
that cluster together more than what would be expected from random
chance would then be considered a hot spot.
Tests for Clustering
Analysts searching for hot spots or high-crime areas can test for clus-
ters of points, lines, or polygons. There are at least two methods to
test for clustering: the nearest-neighbor index (NNI) and the test for
spatial autocorrelation:
1. Nearest-neighbor index: Test that compares the actual dis-
tribution of crime data with a randomly distributed data
set of the same sample size (Eck et al., 2005). For both
the actual and randomly distributed data sets, distances are
calculated between a point and its nearest neighbor. The
process is repeated for all of the points. The average dis-
tance is then calculated for both the actual and randomly
distributed sets. The NNI is the ratio between the average
distance for the actual data set and the random data set.
Overall, the results of the NNI test examine whether points
are closer than expected under spatial randomness (Eck et
al., 2005); one limitation, though, is that this test does not
directly point out where clusters are, but instead answers
the question about whether they exist. Some computer pro-

grams, such as CrimeStat III (Levine, 2010), allow users to
perform hierarchical clustering where analysts can search
for clusters of clusters based on nearest neighbors. Analysts
first identify initial clusters using ellipses (i.e., first-order
clusters). After initial clusters are identified, hierarchical
clustering then attempts to identify clusters of clusters (i.e.,
second-order clusters) (Eck et al., 2005; Paynich and Hill,
2010). This is done until “all crime points fall into a sin-
gle cluster or when the grouping criteria fails” (Eck et al.,
2005, p. 22).
2. Test for spatial autocorrelation: Spatial autocorrelation is
another term for spatial dependency (Chainey and Ratcliffe,
2005). Spatial autocorrelation techniques assume that “crim-
inal events that occur in different locations (yet in close prox-
imity) are related” (Paynich and Hill, 2010, p. 382). Positive
spatial autocorrelation suggests that areas with high crime
rates are clustered together, and areas with low crime rates
are clustered together (Paynich and Hill, 2010; Eck et al.,
2005).
There are several tests for spatial autocorrelation. Moran’s I and

Geary’s C are spatial autocorrelation statistics that require aggregate
data (Eck et al., 2005; Paynich and Hill, 2010).
Moran’s I: This is a global statistic that shows whether the pattern
is clustered, dispersed, or random (ESRI, 2009). An intensity value
is assigned to each aggregate point and requires some variation in the
values for this statistic to be computed. Points that have similar values
are reflected in high Moran’s I values (positive or negative) (Eck et al.,
2005). A Moran’s I closer to +1 indicates clustering, while a Moran’s I
closer to –1 reflects dispersion. Significance can be tested by compar-
ing it with a normal distribution.
Geary’s C: This statistic is used for analyzing small neighborhoods
and for describing the dispersion of hot spots (Eck et al., 2005).
Computations for Geary’s C are similar to those of variance in non-
spatial statistics (Paynich and Hill, 2010) in that it “is a measure of
the deviations in intensity values of each point with one another” (Eck
et al., 2005, p. 19). Like Moran’s I, the Geary’s C coefficient can also
be tested for significance (Eck et al., 2005). Results indicate positive
or negative spatial autocorrelation (Eck et al., 2005).
Global Statistical Tests
A number of simple-to-use global statistical tests can be used to help

analysts understand general patterns in the crime data. These have to
do with spatial statistics. Unlike traditional statistics, spatial statis-
tics use distance, space, and spatial relationships as part of the math
for their computations. These statistics serve as spatial distribution
and pattern analysis tools. They are used by analysts to answer such
questions as “Where is the center?” and “How are features distributed
around the center?”
Why use spatial statistics?
They help analysts assess patterns, trends, and relationships. In
addition, they can lead to a better understanding of geographic phe-
nomena while assisting in pinpointing causes of specific geographic
patterns.
These statistical tests include the following:
• Mean center: The mean center is a point constructed from
the average x and y values for the input feature centroids.
The mean center point can be used as a relative measure
to compare spatial distributions between different crime
types or against the same crime type for different periods
of time (Eck et al., 2005). A crime analyst might want to
see if the mean center for burglaries shifts when evaluat-
ing daytime versus nighttime incidents. This information
could be used to make recommendations for reallocating
resources.
• Standard deviation distance: Standard deviation measures the
distance of features around the mean. Measures of standard
deviation distance help explain the level and alignment of dis-
persion in the crime data. By comparing crimes within one
standard deviation, the analyst can determine which crimes
are least dispersed and which are most dispersed.
• Standard deviation ellipse: The standard deviation ellipse is a way

of presenting the information found by using the measures of
standard deviation. The size and shape of the ellipse help to
explain and illustrate the degree of dispersion of different crimes.
Another group of spatial association statistics is the local indicators
of spatial association (LISA) statistics. Two statistics from this group
are Gi and Gi*, which perform computations on a grid cell output, such
as those of a density map or at least aggregate data. You may recall that
the output of a density map is a grid of raster cells (a set of cells arranged
in rows and columns, and a commonly used data set in GIS). These
tests examine each cell in the grid and assume initially that the values
within that cell and its surrounding neighbors are similar to the values
anywhere else on the grid; that is, they are not unusually different than
would be expected from random chance (Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005).
On the other hand, if local spatial autocorrelation exists as well as clus-
tering, we would see spatial clustering of high values with high values
and low values with low values (Chainey and Ratcliffe, 2005).
One parameter that analysts need to calibrate when using LISA
statistics is determining the distance from the target cell and its
neighbors (Eck et al., 2005); in other words, how far is and what is
considered a “neighbor”? In sum, LISA statistics reflect the idea that
a single block may have a high crime count, but it is not considered a
hot spot unless there are other nearby blocks that also have high crime
counts (i.e., there is a significant positive spatial correlation) (Gorr
and Kurland, 2012).
Analysts can use statistical software to determine whether an area
with a high number of crimes is a hot spot or whether the clustering
of those crimes is a random occurrence. CrimeStat III and GeoDa are
two computer software programs for hot spot analysis.
CrimeStat III: CrimeStat is a spatial statistical program used to analyze
the locations of crime incidents and identify hot spots.
GeoDa: The GeoDa Center for Geospatial Analysis and Computation

at Arizona State University develops state-of-the-art methods for geo-
spatial analysis, geovisualization, geosimulation, and spatial process
modeling, and implements them through software tools.
What Is Hot Spots Policing?
Over the past two decades, a series of rigorous evaluations have sug-
gested that police can be effective in addressing crime and disorder
when they focus on small units of geography with high rates of crime.
These areas are typically referred to as hot spots, and policing strate-
gies and tactics focused on these areas are usually referred to as hot
spots policing or place-based policing.
This place-based focus stands in contrast to traditional notions
of policing and crime prevention more generally, which have often
focused primarily on people. Police, of course, have never ignored
geography entirely. Police beats, precincts, and districts determine the
allocation of police resources and dictate how police respond to calls
and patrol the city. With place-based policing, however, the concern
is with much smaller units of geography than the police have typically
focused on. Places here refer to specific locations within the larger
social environments of communities and neighborhoods, such as
addresses, street blocks, or small clusters of addresses or street blocks.
Crime prevention effectiveness is maximized when police focus their
resources on these microunits of geography.
Hot spots policing covers a range of police responses that all share
in common a focus of resources on the locations where crime is highly
concentrated. Just as the definition of hot spots varies across studies
and contexts (from addresses to street segments to clusters of street
segments), so do the specific tactics police use to address high-crime
places. There is not one way to implement hot spots policing. The
approaches can range rather dramatically across interventions (Braga
et al., 2012).
Crime Prevention through Environmental Design
According to this perspective, areas within a city emit “cues” about

their characteristics that offenders use to select suitable targets. Urban
settings can discourage crime and limit the number of targets that
are perceived as “suitable” by motivated offenders through physical
design that incorporates cues that show how the living space is well
maintained, well cared for, and hence well controlled. Under such
conditions, the potential offenders realize that they will be (1) easily
recognized and (2) not tolerated (Newman, 1972).
In this chapter, we covered hot spots policing from history to iden-
tification to implications of locating where hot spots exist. At this
point, you should have an increased understanding of what hot spots
are, how crime analysts locate and identify hot spots, and the role of
tactical crime analysts in hot spots policing. In Chapter 13, you will
learn more about strategic crime analysis.
1. Could you make a case for the use of place in crime analysis
and the use of hot spots policing as a factor in the reduction of
crime in this country?
2. What is the difference between individual theories of crime
causation and geographic theories of crime causation?
Important Terms
Broken windows theory: Theory proposed by Wilson and Kelling

that links disorder and incivility within a community to sub-
sequent occurrences of serious crime. Serious crime, in this
theory, is the final result of a lengthy chain of events emanat-
ing from disorder.
Crime opportunity theory: Theory that suggests that when offend-
ers want to commit a crime, they look for an opportunity or
a practical target.
Crime pattern: Group of two or more crimes reported to or dis-
covered by police that are unique because they meet certain
conditions, such as sharing at least one common factor.
Crime pattern theory: Theory that integrates crime within a geo-
graphic context, thus demonstrating how the environments
people live in and pass through influence criminality.
Dot map: Show a particular place, a residence or store, for
instance, where crime problems have occurred.
Ellipse and choropleth maps: Used when the hot spots cover
broader areas and include neighborhoods.
Environmental criminology: Various theories of crime and place.
Geographical information system (GIS): System designed to cap-

ture, store, manipulate, analyze, manage, and present all
types of spatial or geographical data. In criminal justice, geo-
graphical information systems help to create crime maps to
visualize data and identify patterns and hot spots.
Grid thematic mapping: Used to cope with the problems associ-
ated with different sizes and shapes of geographical regions.
Uniform grids (or quadrats) can be drawn in a GIS as a layer
over the study area and thematically shaded.
Hot spot: When a crime pattern occurs in a relatively small area,
it is referred to as a hot spot or a cluster.
Hot spots policing: Policing that covers a range of police responses
that all share in common a focus of resources on the locations
where crime is highly concentrated.
Kernel density estimation: Spatial analysis technique that is seen
by many as the most popular and suitable for visualizing
crime data.
Line maps: Used when hot spots are along streets.
Nearest-neighbor index (NNI): Test that compares the actual dis-
tribution of crime data with a randomly distributed data set of
the same sample size.
Point pattern analysis: One approach to identifying a high-crime
area is using a point map; a map of points can demonstrate
patterns of points that are clustered, uniform, or randomly
distributed.
Polygon map: Cartographic display of regularly or irregularly
shaped polygons and their attributes.
Routine activities theory: Developed by Cohen and Felson, a the-
ory that seeks to explain the occurrence of crime events as
the confluence of four circumstances: a motivated offender;
a desirable target; the target and offender being in the same
place at the same time; and intimate handlers, guardians, or
place managers being absent or ineffective.
Situational crime prevention theory: Theory that suggests that
crime and public disorder can be prevented by reducing
opportunities for crime.
Social disorganization theory: Theory that suggests that crime
occurs when community relationships and local institutions
fail or are absent. Contemporary versions of social disorgani-

zation theory assume that strong networks of social relation-
ships prevent crime and delinquency.
Spatial autocorrelation: Has to do with statistical techniques that
assume that criminal events that occur in different locations
(yet in close proximity) are related.
Theories of crime and place: Theories that provide an understand-
ing of crime in its physical or spatial environment.

1. The importance of identifying hot spots is that both
crime theories and practical studies support the idea that
focusing police efforts on crime hot spots can effectively
reduce crime.
2. Theories of crime and place suggest that the personal-
ity of the offender is the most important factor in understand-
ing crime.
3. There are many theories of crime and place, but they
all tend to fall under the umbrella of what is called “environ-
mental criminology.”
4. The analysis of crime and place is rooted in the work
done by the Chicago School.
5. Three theoretical perspectives are important in the develop-
ment of current crime prevention efforts. They are
a. Crime, time, and place
b. Geographical information systems, computer graphics
theory, and gaming theory
c. Routine activities theory, rational choice theory, and crime
pattern theory
d. Crime analysis theory, hot spots policing theory, and Blue
Bloods theory
6. The environmental criminology approach was developed in
the 1980s by Paul Brantingham and Patricia Brantingham,
who focused on environmental factors that can influence
criminal activity. These factors include space (geography),
a. Time, law, offender, and target

b. Time, hot spots, convenience stores, and court decisions
c. Time, body, and mind
d. Time, civil rights, and victim restitution
7. In the theory developed by George Kelling and James Q.
Wilson, it is explained that minor transgressions may lead to
more serious crime. This theory is known as
a. Repeated addresses theory
b. Hot spots policing theory
c. Crime pattern theory
d. Broken windows theory
8. Hot spots policing is based on the theory that the police can
be more effective in preventing crime if they
a. Concentrate their resources in the suburbs
b. Focus on small geographical units with high crime rates
c. Cover wider areas and scatter their resources in all
neighborhoods
d. Employ paramilitary tactics even in low-crime areas
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13
s tr ateg iC C rime a nalysis
Chapter Outline
1. What is strategic crime analysis?

a. Definition of strategic crime analysis
b. Focus of strategic crime analysis
c. Long-range perspective of strategic crime analysis
d. How is it similar to tactical crime analysis?
e. How is it different from tactical crime analysis?
2. What crime trends are analyzed?
a. Data analyzed
3. Strategic crime analysis and its methods
a. Qualitative versus quantitative methods
b. Qualitative methods
c. Field research
4. Strategic crime analysis process
a. Analyzing research
i. Environmental assessment
ii. Scanning, analysis, response, and assessment (SARA)
model
iii. Formulating hypotheses
5. Strategic crime analysis and its reports
a. Types of reports
b. How reports are disseminated
6. Conclusion
a. End result of strategic crime analysis
b. Looking ahead to the next chapter
1. Understand strategic crime analysis

2. Be able to differentiate strategic crime analysis from tactical
crime analysis
283
3. Learn the various qualitative research methods of strategic

crime analysis
4. Understand the historic significance of the SARA model
5. Be able to apply the SARA model to a practical crime prob-
lem or crime trend
Because so much effort has been concentrated on crude group-

ings of crime types, such as burglary, robbery or auto theft, it
has been virtually impossible to find truly common facts about
the conditions which lead to each of these groups of crimes. This
implies that we have to be very patient and try to solve the prob-
lems of crime gradually and progressively, piece by piece.
Barry Poyner (1986)
Introduction
In contrast to tactical crime analysis, strategic crime analysis is the

analysis of data in order to develop long-term strategies, policies, and
prevention techniques. The subjects most often associated with strate-
gic crime analysis include long-term statistical trends, hot spots, and
chronic problems.
Although strategic crime analysis often starts with data from police
records systems, strategic analysis usually includes the collection of
primary data from a variety of other sources through both quantita-
tive and qualitative methods.
The notable processes and techniques of strategic crime analysis
include trend analysis, hot spot analysis, and problem analysis. While
there is overlap between tactical crime analysis and strategic crime
analysis, it is helpful to think of strategic crime analysis as trying to
understand and solve long-standing crime problems (International
Association of Crime Analysts, 2014).
Focus in Strategic Crime Analysis
As indicated, strategic crime analysis focuses on long-term crime

trends and involves projecting or forecasting increases or decreases
in crime. In addition, it looks at geographical changes by crime type,
s t r At egI C C rIm e A n A lysIs 285
identified hot spots, or other areas of concern. Strategic crime analysis

takes into account factors such as population, demographics, and geo-
graphic changes and is an important part of planning for the future.
Again, the contrast between tactical crime analysis and strategic
crime analysis is that the former focuses on short-term and imme-
diate problems, such as crime patterns, series, and sprees. Tactical
crime analysts assist officers and investigators with developing poten-
tial leads and suspects following a crime, identifying the relationship
between a suspect and one or more crimes, attempting to predict the
date, time, and location of the next hit of a crime series.
Tactical crime analysis will typically concentrate on information
from recent crimes reported to the police. The term recent can refer
to the last few months or longer periods of time for specific ongoing
problems. Similarly, tactical crime analysis will also focus on specific
information about each crime, such as method of entry, point of entry,
suspect’s actions, type of victim, and type of weapon used, as well as
the date, time, location, and type of location. Field information, such
as suspicious activity calls for service, criminal trespass warnings, and
persons with scars, marks, or tattoos, collected by officers is also con-
sidered in the analysis.
Tactical crime analysis attempts to link cases together and identify
the notable characteristics of patterns and trends, identify potential
suspects of a crime or crime pattern, and, ultimately, assist in clearing
cases. By examining data daily in order to identify patterns, trends,
and investigative leads for recent criminal and potential criminal
activity, the tactical crime analyst compiles information and dissemi-
nates it to patrol units or investigators to try to effect an arrest.
On the other hand, strategic crime analysis consists primarily of
quantitative analysis of aggregate data. That is, the strategic crime ana-
lyst will examine monthly, quarterly, or yearly compilations of crimi-
nal and noncriminal information such as crime, calls for service, and
traffic information. General categories such as date, time, location,
and type of incident are analyzed, as are variables such as race, class,
sex, income, population, and location of crimes. But strategic crime
analysts also use qualitative research to gather other information that
will help them accomplish their primary goals. The two major goals or
purposes of strategic crime analysis are (1) to assist in the identifica-
tion and analysis of long-term problems, such as drug activity or auto
theft, and (2) to conduct studies to investigate or evaluate relevant

responses and procedures as part of a problem-solving process.
Long-Range Perspective of Strategic Crime Analysis
The collection and analysis of data spanning a long period of time

is the essence of strategic crime analysis. This type of analysis is
research focused because it includes the use of statistics to make
conclusions (Canter, 2000). This form of analysis can be useful to
police departments in terms of crime trend forecasting, or using
data to estimate future crime based on past trends (Canter, 2000).
With crime trend forecasting, important decisions can be made as
to the deployment of patrol as a reflection of the changing volume
of criminal activity. Another important benefit of strategic crime
analysis is the analysis of changing community dynamics and risk
factors that might be contributing to the particular crime trends of
a specific area (Canter, 2000). Once again, this type of analysis over
time can result in more informed decision-making that can lead to
police partnerships with other city and community agencies that
can help create more long-term, sustainable reductions in criminal
activity.
Crime Trends Analyzed by Strategic Crime Analysis
Strategic crime analysis and tactical crime analysis differ in that tac-
tical crime analysis looks at current crime patterns, whereas strate-
gic crime analysis examines long-term trends or chronic problems
in crime and disorder. Examining those long-term trends generally
takes longer and requires the analyst to collect his or her own data
instead of relying exclusively on police reports.
In Chapter 12, you learned about crime patterns, but now it is time
to learn about trends. A crime pattern is not a crime trend. In general,
crime trends are long-term increases and decreases in crime, or simply
changes in the characteristics of a crime over a period of time. Crime
trends can occur over months, years, decades, or even centuries, but
are rarely discussed in terms shorter than a month or longer than a
decade. Sometimes, they can be traced to a single cause (e.g., a new
shopping mall or a shortage of heroin), but at other times they have
numerous obscure and indirect social, environmental, economic, or

political causes.
Positive crime trends represent increases in crime, while negative
crime trends represent decreases in crime. Neutral crime trends have
to do with a consistent volume of crime, although there may be shifts
in the characteristics of crime from time to time.
Another term that is important to define is problems, which is to be
distinguished from trends. A crime problem usually refers to multiple
crime or disorder incidents with common causal factors. Some experts
have suggested that trends can be viewed as the symptoms, while
problems should be perceived as the underlying causes. Problems
occur over the long term and keep returning each year or are commit-
ted by multiple offenders.
Crime trend information can be useful in alerting the police to
increases and decreases in levels of activity. However, since crime
trend analysis does not examine shared similarities between specific
crime incidents, a crime trend is not a crime pattern. A crime pattern
is not a chronic problem. The most all-encompassing definition of a
crime problem comes from Ron Clarke and John Eck, who define a
problem as “a recurring set of related harmful events in a community
that members of the public expect the police to address” (Clarke and
Eck, 2005, p. 40).
By analyzing trends and chronic problems, strategic crime ana-
lysts hope to contribute to new ways of dealing with ongoing crime
problems.
Data That Strategic Crime Analysts Examine
The primary purpose of tactical analysis is to effect an arrest and gather

adequate evidence for a conviction. Strategic crime analysis looks at
more long-term goals, such as crime reduction plans that might be
implemented by an agency or in cooperation with municipal officials.
Many police agencies are trying to implement problem-solving
approaches to understand crime and address trends and patterns of
criminal activity. But problem-solving works best with an infusion
of both crime analysis and intelligence gathering (Peed et al., 2008).
As with tactical crime analysis, strategic crime analysis may start
with police data. However, too often police data are inadequate in
trying to explain the root causes and underlying opportunity factors

associated with problems. Analysts must collect qualitative data using
qualitative methods, such as interviews, surveys, focus groups, envi-
ronmental assessments, and external research. Initially, analysts use
police data to form hypotheses and then test these hypotheses with
further field research.
Qualitative versus Quantitative Research
Two predominant types of methods are available for crime analysts,

as well as other criminologists. Those are quantitative and qualitative
methods. Quantitative research is typically considered to be the more
scientific approach to doing social science (Tewksbury, 2009). The
focus in quantitative research is on using specific definitions and care-
fully operationalizing what particular concepts and variables mean.
Quantitative research usually involves statistics and data that can be
scored and presented easily on graphs or in tables. Qualitative research
methods, on the other hand, provide more emphasis on interpretation
and providing consumers with complete views, looking at contexts,
environmental immersions, and a depth of understanding of concepts
(Tewskbury, 2009).
Tewskbury (2009) argued that because of the differences in data,
how data are collected and analyzed, and what the data and anal-
yses are able to tell us about our subjects of study, the knowledge
gained through qualitative investigations is more informative, richer,
and offers enhanced understanding compared with that which can be
obtained via quantitative research.
At its most basic, qualitative research focuses on the meanings,
traits, and defining characteristics of events, people, interactions, set-
tings and cultures, and experience.
Strategic crime analysts must use qualitative methods in order to
gain a true understanding of the social aspects of how crime occurs
and how the agents, structures, and processes of responding to crime
operate in culturally grounded contexts. Thus, qualitative methods
provide a depth of understanding of issues that is not possible through
the use of quantitative, statistically based investigations. Therefore, if
trends are to be understood and lead to problem solutions, then quali-
tative methods must be utilized.
Qualitative Methods
Strategic crime analysis is, then, the systematic study of crime and
disorder trends and problems in order to assist the police in crime and
disorder reduction, crime prevention, and evaluation. Crime analysis
is not haphazard or anecdotal; rather, it involves the application of
social science data collection procedures, analytical methods, and sta-
tistical techniques.
While crime analysts employ both qualitative and quantitative
data and methods, strategic crime analysts use qualitative data and
methods when they examine nonnumerical data for the purpose of
discovering underlying meanings and patterns of relationships. The
qualitative methods specific to crime analysis include
• Field research
• Content analysis
• Interviews
• Surveys
• Focus groups
• Environmental assessment
Field Research
If a crime analyst is going to help deal with a crime trend, he or she is

most likely going to have to get off the computer and get out and do
research. While police data have always been available, and while var-
ious units or command personnel have discussed the particular trend
or problem, no solution has been found. Continuing to go over the
same data is not going to be productive for the strategic crime analyst.
He or she has to do something different. That something different is
likely to involve field research.
Field research can mean observing the characteristics of various
crime locations or immersion in a setting where crime occurs so as
to better understand the what, how, when, and where of the social
structure or the action and interaction of a neighborhood, a group, or
victims.
Observation, the actual looking at and breaking down of actions
and interactions of people, is an approach to data collection that looks
quite simple and straightforward (after all, we all do this as we go
through our daily lives), but is actually a very challenging method

for gathering systematic information about people, places, and things.
Researchers who draw on observational data do so in one of two gen-
eral ways: overtly, in which they openly acknowledge to those being
observed that this is what the researcher is doing, and covertly, when
the researcher “spies” on the people, places, and things that she is
studying. The approach that is used varies by the setting in which
observations are conducted and, most importantly, by the research
questions being addressed (which will necessitate different things to
be observed, some of which may not be accessible to an “outsider” who
appears and proclaims that he or she wants to see what is going on).
The challenge of observational data collection methods is to be able to
simultaneously see the obvious (e.g., large and surface-level) actions
involved and look beyond the obvious and see those things that might
always be present, but are so “normal” and taken for granted that the
observer typically fails to note their presence. These challenges are
most difficult in settings and with people and things for which the
researcher is most familiar. That which is known to us on a regu-
lar basis is often seen with little attention to detail, or a failure to
realize that details are important to the larger scheme of actions and
interactions.
The actual data that a crime analyst observes are generally notes
that the researcher takes while doing observation. To be able to take
notes on everything one sees, and to be sure to get beyond the obvi-
ous, surface level of structures and events can be very challenging.
Especially for researchers observing things covertly, identifying a
means to simultaneously watch, think about what one sees, make
notes that capture the details of actions and structures, and manage
their own presence so as not to be detected presents a serious chal-
lenge that requires significant degrees of both intellectual abilities and
expenditures of energy.
Immersion in a setting, for purposes of gaining an understanding
of how that setting operates, is the data collection method that drives
the production of ethnography. Originally advanced by anthropolo-
gists, ethnographic methods combine observational skills with inter-
personal skills of navigating a new environment so as to find one’s
way through a new world while learning how to be a nondisruptive
presence in that new world. If a crime analyst was taking on the task
s t r At egI C C rIm e A n A lysIs 2 91
of analyzing gang violence or crack addiction, she would likely end

up living in the world of a gang or spending time in rundown crack
houses. While the analyst may have a new appreciation for the prob-
lems of adolescent gang members or crack addicts, the observations are
likely to be indelibly etched in the mind of the analyst, or the inherent
dangers of the environment may cause chills—if not nightmares.
Content Analysis
Content analysis is the examination of some kind of document or

report for identifying and analyzing patterns or series. Crime ana-
lysts who engage in content analysis take as their data police reports,
magazine articles, newspaper articles, blogs, suicide notes, or criminal
confessions. Analysts may do this to develop knowledge about a cer-
tain problem or trend.
Content analysis is said by some experts (e.g., Fritz et al., 2008) to
be the primary method of qualitative analysis. But the data utilized in
content analysis are almost always text or narrative, and the analyst is
always searching for a specific subject, such as a person’s name, a loca-
tion, or a common pattern. The emphasis remains on the information
sought or the meaning of text; this distinguishes it from quantitative
methods, which usually concern statistics.
The effective crime analyst must read reports and documents care-
fully, looking for details and patterns. By doing this with rapt atten-
tion to detail, the analyst may be able to not only identify trends but
also propose solutions.
Interviews
Interviews are typically structured conversations that researchers have

with individuals. Just as in everyday life, one of the most produc-
tive ways to learn about a person, place, or set of activities is to actu-
ally ask questions of people who have knowledge about that topic.
Interviews are used to solicit information from people, just as quanti-
tative researchers ask questions with surveys. However, the difference
is that when a qualitative researcher asks questions of a person, he or
she is interested in understanding how the person being interviewed
understands, experiences, or views some topic (Tewksbury, 2009).
Strategic crime analysts may interview police officers, criminal

offenders, witnesses, and citizens, which will add information for
analysis, but can lead to valuable insights. Essentially, interviews can
provide a richer, more in-depth picture of the phenomenon under
study (Fritz et al., 2008). For instance, by asking additional questions,
the analyst may learn more about a crime or series of crimes than an
officer may have written in a report. Similarly, although a witness may
have made a statement to a detective right after a crime, a follow-up
interview may elicit observations that were not stated at the time of
the original interview.
Intensive interviewing consists of open-ended, relatively unstruc-
tured questioning in which the interviewer seeks in-depth information
on the interviewee’s feelings, experiences, or perceptions (Schutt, 1999).
Unlike the participant observation strategy, intensive interviewing
does not require systematic observation of respondents in their natural
setting.
Surveys
Surveys are the most frequently used mode of observation within the
social sciences, including criminology (Maxfield and Babbie, 1995).
Basically, survey research involves the collection of information from
a sample of individuals through their responses to questions (Schutt,
1999). Survey research can be carried out through mail or email, by
telephone, or in person.
Typically, surveys contain a combination of open- and close-ended
questions. Open-ended questions ask the respondent to provide an
answer to a particular question. For example, the respondent may be
asked, “What do you think is the most important problem facing resi-
dents in your neighborhood today?” Then, in his or her own words,
the respondent would provide his or her answer. On the other hand,
close-ended questions ask the respondents to select an answer from a
list of choices provided. For example, the question asked above would
read exactly the same, only now respondents are provided with a list
of options to choose from: “What do you think is the most important
problem facing residents in your neighborhood today? (a) Crime, (b)
drugs, (c) education, or (d) employment.”
Surveys offer a number of attractive features that make them a

popular method of doing research. They are versatile, efficient, inex-
pensive, and generalizable. At the same time, survey methods may be
limited due to problems in sampling, measurement, and overall survey
design. When creating a survey, researchers should take care in mak-
ing sure that the items in the survey are clear and to the point.
A crime analyst might survey residents in an apartment building
where there have been a number of burglaries in order to determine
the rate of victimization and what methods residents have used to
protect themselves from becoming victims.
Focus Groups
Focus groups, sometimes referred to as group interviews, are guided

conversations in which an analyst meets with a collection of similarly
situated, but usually unrelated persons for purposes of uncovering
information about a topic.
The advantage of a focus group over a series of one-on-one inter-
views is that in the group setting, the comments and statements of
each participant are available to all other participants. Thus, the state-
ments of participants can serve to stimulate memories, alternative
interpretations, and more depth of information than is likely to come
from individual interviews. The focus group therefore provides not
only the data that likely would be generated in a series of individual
interviews, but also, when it works well, more in-depth information
from the participants interacting among themselves and engaging
with one another.
Typically, the researcher asks specific questions and guides the dis-
cussion to ensure that group members address these questions, but
the resulting information is qualitative and relatively unstructured
(Schutt, 1999).
For example, an analyst might conduct a focus group with a num-
ber of liquor store managers to learn more about armed robberies and
the perpetrators of those robberies. Often, a focus group, in situations
like this, can provide a context for a more complete understanding of
the robberies than might be provided in just reading police reports of
those incidents.
Environmental Assessment
Environmental surveys are used to systematically observe the physical

features of a location. This direct observation could include observing
the lighting, the parking, and the physical conditions of the build-
ings. The analyst would want to know from direct observation how
the space is used, what types of people are generally present, how they
congregate, and the potential for criminal activity (Santos, 2013).
In other words, environmental assessments or surveys seek to assess,
as systematically and objectively as possible, the overall physical envi-
ronment of an area. A physical environment may include the build-
ings, parks, streets, transportation facilities, and overall landscaping
of an area, as well as the functions and conditions of each of these.
The crime analyst is concerned with figuring out how the physical
environment affects the social environment—how do the features of
the physical environment contribute to crime and disorder?
Therefore, environmental surveys are a component of a larger
problem-solving process. In analyzing the environment where crime
problems occur, analysts can use the information they gather from
the environmental survey, along with other intelligence they’ve col-
lected, to gain an understanding of conditions contributing to a
problem. By analyzing an area, the analyst may conclude that poor
lighting contributes to nighttime holdups, or that graffiti on several
buildings, along with a litter-strewn environment, might encourage
drug dealers and prostitutes to congregate in the area (Taylor and
Harrell, 1996).
The data that are collected in qualitative research come from a
range of collection methods. These methods usually require the stra-
tegic crime analyst to get out from behind his or her computer screen
and interview people, hold focus groups, observe citizens and places,
examine the contents of documents, and assess the location of crime
problems. All of this is done to further the ultimate goal of the strate-
gic crime analyst—pulling together information to help in identifying
and solving crime problems and crime trends.
After Identifying Crime Trends, Then What?
Data analysis and field research will lead to some hypotheses or con-
clusions about a crime problem or a crime trend. The hypotheses or
conclusions will be contained in a report, along with recommendations,

to the command of the police department.
It is not enough for the strategic crime analyst to identify a crime
trend. He or she must go beyond this and make recommendations
for amelioration of the problem or trend. Usually, unlike the reports
or recommendations of the tactical crime analyst, the report of the
strategic crime analyst will not result in the capture or arrest of crime
suspects or perpetrators. Instead, the report that emanates from the
strategic crime analyst will lead to recommendations for action. That
action might involve the police administration, community leaders,
business associations, the city council or mayor, and even other legis-
lative bodies.
Recommendations for Crime Trend Solutions
In order to make recommendations for the amelioration of crime

trends, the analyst must analyze the trend and come up with a strategic
plan. Fortunately, a process for analyzing and determining a strategy
has been proposed and evaluated. First, Professor Herman Goldstein
described the problem-oriented approach to policing in a 1979 article,
which he expanded upon in his 1990 book, Problem-Oriented Policing.
Others—especially John Eck and Ronald Clarke—would be inspired
to implement and advance problem-oriented policing in police agen-
cies around the world. It would be John Eck who took problem-
oriented policing to a new level.
John Eck, a professor of criminal justice at the University of
Cincinnati, began contributing to problem-oriented policing in the
1980s, when he studied the first full-scale attempt to implement the
concept in the United States at Newport News, Virginia. Since then,
he has helped to develop a number of now-standard techniques in
problem-solving, including the SARA model and the crime analysis
triangle. Eck, along with Ronald Clarke, has, through SARA, pro-
vided an agenda for the crime analyst. Clarke and Eck (2005) have
basically outlined a role in which the crime analyst invests heavily in
seeking new responses to the problems that are diagnosed and par-
ticipates directly in efforts to test and implement them. The primary
program is called problem-oriented policing, and the process used is
the SARA model.
In the SARA model, the strategic crime analyst will collect the
data, define the scope of the problem-solving effort, find an effec-
tive response, and set up the project so that it can be evaluated and
the police can learn from the results. This necessarily means that the
crime analyst is not waiting patiently by his computer for a unit in the
police department to ask for his or her help. Instead, the analyst is an
integral member of a team that will investigate and propose solutions
to crime trends.
In the following pages, we will describe the four stages of SARA,
a problem-oriented program to provide viable solutions to trends.
But first, we will provide further background on problem-oriented
policing.
It has become clear since the 1970s that effective police work
requires both focused attention and diverse approaches. The least
effective policing uses neither element (Clarke and Eck, 2005). The
explanation for this is also clear. If diverse approaches are used with-
out focus, it is difficult to apply the appropriate approach to the places
and people who most require it. If police are focused on hot spots,
but only enforce the law, they limit their effectiveness. A fully effec-
tive police agency must diversify its approaches to crime and disorder
(Clarke and Eck, 2005). That is, policing must address crime and
disorder using a greater range of tools than simply enforcing the law.
The second element necessary to highly effective policing is focus.
There is generally solid evidence that geographically concentrated
enforcement at crime or disorder hot spots can be effective, at least in
the short run (Clarke and Eck, 2005). That is, focused patrolling of
very small high-crime places (e.g., street corners and block faces) has
a modest effect on crime and a large effect on disorder. Also, if a few
individuals are responsible for most crime or disorder, then removing
them should reduce crime. Though sound in principle, the research
testing this idea is very poor, so we do not know whether repeat
offender programs work in actual practice, or if they are a seemingly
promising notion that cannot effectively be carried out. Certainly, we
know that mass incarceration has not worked to reduce crime and
produced many adverse side effects (Petersilia, 2011).
While mass incarceration has proven to be ineffective, so has much
of traditional policing. What this really means is that much police
work is carried out to meet public expectations, and this is of limited
value in controlling crime (Clarke and Eck, 2005). Today, the police
need to find new and better ways to control crime, while continuing
aspects of their traditional work that is still effective. The innova-
tions that have come along since the 1990s have been trying to do
just that. For instance, police leadership across the country has been
experimenting with CompStat, zero tolerance, community policing,
and, more recently, problem-oriented policing to get smarter about
controlling and preventing crime.
While crime analysts have a role in all these innovations, problem-
oriented policing thrusts them into the limelight and gives them an
important team function. Herman Goldstein originated the concept
of problem-oriented policing in a paper published in 1979. His idea
in “Improving Policing: A Problem-Oriented Approach” (Goldstein,
1979) was simple. That simple idea was this: policing should funda-
mentally be about changing the conditions that give rise to recur-
ring crime problems and should not simply be about responding to
incidents as they occur or trying to forestall them through preventive
patrols.
Goldstein stated that police officers find it demoralizing to return
repeatedly to the same place or to deal repeatedly with problems
caused by the same small group of offenders. They feel overwhelmed
by the volume of calls and rush around in a futile effort to deal with
them all. To escape from this trap, Goldstein said the police must
adopt a problem-solving approach in which they work through the
following four stages:
1. Scan data to identify patterns in the incidents they routinely

handle.
2. Subject these patterns (or problems) to in-depth analysis of
causes.
3. Find new ways of intervening earlier in the causal chain so
that these problems are less likely to occur in the future. These
new strategies are not limited to efforts to identify, arrest,
and prosecute offenders. Rather, without abandoning the use
of the criminal law when it is likely to be the most effec-
tive response, problem-oriented policing seeks to find other
potentially effective responses (that might require partnership
with others), with a high priority on prevention.
4. Assess the impact of the interventions and, if they have not

worked, start the process all over again (Clarke and Eck,
2005).
SARA is the acronym used to refer to these four stages of problem-
solving: scanning, analysis, response, and assessment. The SARA
acronym was not created by Goldstein, but by Eck and Spelman
(1987). Eck and Spelman defined SARA as a strategy consisting of
four parts:
1. Scanning. Instead of relying on broad, law-related concepts—
robbery and burglary, for example—officers are encouraged to
group individual related incidents that come to their attention
as “problems” and define these problems in more precise and
therefore useful terms. For example, an incident that typically
would be classified simply as a “robbery” might be seen as
part of a pattern of prostitution-related robberies committed
by transvestites in center-city hotels.
2. Analysis. Officers working on a well-defined problem then
collect information from a variety of private and public
sources—not just police data. They use the information to
illuminate the underlying nature of the problem, suggesting
its causes and a variety of options for its resolution.
3. Response. Working with citizens, businesses, and public and
private agencies, officers tailor a program of action suitable to
the characteristics of the problem. Solutions may go beyond
traditional criminal justice system remedies to include other
community agencies or organizations.
4. Assessment. Finally, the officers evaluate the impact of these
efforts to see if the problems were actually solved or alleviated
(Eck and Spelman, 1987, p. 2).
Although using the stages of SARA can be difficult, the greatest
challenges will almost always be found at analysis and assessment.
But, as Eck and Clarke (2005) suggest, it is precisely at these stages
where the strategic analyst can make the greatest contribution. From
the very first, Goldstein has argued that problem-oriented policing
depends crucially on the availability of high-level analytic capacity in
the department (Goldstein, 1979).
Indeed, the role of the strategic crime analyst is crucial. Using

problem-oriented policing, the analyst must (1) carefully define
specific problems, (2) conduct in-depth analyses to understand
their causes, (3) undertake broad searches for solutions to remove
these causes and bring about lasting reductions in problems, and
(4) evaluate how successful these activities have been (Eck and
Clarke, 2005). This is a form of action research in which analysts
work alongside practitioners, helping to formulate and refine inter-
ventions until success is achieved. This is not the usual role of the
researcher, in which he or she often works apart from practitio-
ners, collects background information about problems, and con-
ducts independent evaluations. In action research, however, the
researcher is an integral member of the problem-solving team. This
is the role of the crime analyst, who must inform and guide action
at every stage.
Here is a brief overview showing what is essential to each stage of
SARA:
Scanning
• Identifying recurring problems of concern to the public and
the police
• Identifying the consequences of the problems for the com-
munity and the police
• Prioritizing those problems
• Developing broad goals
• Confirming that the problems exist
• Determining how frequently the problems occur and how
long they have been taking place
• Selecting problems for closer examination
Analysis
• Identifying and understanding the events and conditions that
precede and accompany the problem
• Identifying relevant data to be collected
• Researching what is known about the problem type
• Taking inventory of how the problem is currently addressed
and the strengths and limitations of the current response
• Narrowing the scope of the problem as specifically as possible
• Identifying a variety of resources that may be of assistance in

developing a deeper understanding of the problem
• Developing a working hypothesis about why the problem is
occurring
Response
• Brainstorming for new interventions
• Searching for what other communities with similar problems
have done
• Choosing among the alternative interventions
• Outlining a response plan and identifying responsible parties
• Stating the specific objectives for the response plan
• Carrying out the planned activities
Assessment
• Determining whether the plan was implemented (a process
evaluation)
• Collecting pre- and postresponse qualitative and quantitative
data
• Determining whether broad goals and specific objectives were
attained
• Identifying any new strategies needed to augment the original
plan
• Conducting ongoing assessment to ensure continued effec-
tiveness (Eck and Clarke, 2005)
Using the Problem Analysis Triangle
Many, if not most, of the criminological theories focus on what makes

people criminals. Some of these theories find causes of criminality
in such factors as child-rearing practices, genetic makeup, and psy-
chological or social processes. These theories are very difficult to test,
are of varying and unknown scientific validity, and yield ambiguous
policy implications that are mostly beyond the reach of police prac-
tice (Eck and Clarke, 2005). But crime analysts have found that the
theories and concepts of environmental criminology are very help-
ful in understanding crime patterns and crime trends and formulat-
ing strategies for solutions. This is because the theories and concepts
s t r At egI C C rIm e A n A lysIs 3 01
of environmental criminology deal with the immediate situational

causes of crime events, including temptations, opportunities, and
inadequate protection of targets. Crime analysts will typically be
stronger members of the problem-oriented team if they are familiar
with these concepts.
The problem analysis triangle (also known as the crime tri-
angle) comes from one of the main theories of environmental
criminology—routine activities theory. This theory, originally for-
mulated by Lawrence Cohen and Marcus Felson (and previously
discussed in this book), states that predatory crime occurs when a
likely offender and suitable target come together in time and place,
without a capable guardian present. It takes the existence of a likely
offender for granted since normal human greed and selfishness are
sufficient explanations of most criminal motivation. It makes no dis-
tinction between a human victim and an inanimate target since both
can meet the offender’s purpose. And it defines a capable guardian
in terms of both human actors and security devices. This formulation
led to the original problem analysis triangle, with the three sides
representing the offender, the target, and the location or place (see
inner triangle of the figure).
Ma
ler
der
nd
na
Pla
Ha
ger
en
ce
Off
Problem
Target/victim
Guardian
By directing attention to the three major components of any prob-

lem, the inner triangle helps to ensure that an analysis covers all three.
Police are used to thinking about a problem in terms of the offend-
ers involved; the usual focus is almost exclusively on how to identify
and arrest them. But problem-oriented policing requires exploring a
broader range of factors, and this requires information about the vic-
tims and the places involved.
The latest formulation of the problem analysis triangle adds an

outer triangle of “controllers” for each of the three original elements
(see figure):
• For the target/victim, this is the capable guardian of the orig-
inal formulation of routine activities theory—usually people
protecting themselves, their own belongings, or those of fam-
ily members, friends, and coworkers. Guardians also include
public police and private security.
• For the offender, this is the handler, someone who knows the
offender well and who is in a position to exert some control
over his or her actions. Handlers include parents, siblings,
teachers, friends, and spouses. Probation officers and parole
officers may augment or substitute for normal handlers.
• For the place, the controller is the manager, owner, or des-
ignee who has some responsibility for controlling behavior
in the specific location, such as a bus driver or teacher in a
school, bar owners or bartenders in drinking establishments,
landlords in rental housing, or flight attendants on commer-
cial airliners.
Formulating Hypotheses
Whenever an analyst confronts some new and perplexing crime

trend or crime problem, that analyst should form hypotheses about
its causes. Unfortunately, newly formed hypotheses will often be
based on incomplete information. But the experiences, training, and
background of an analyst will be relevant in the initial formulation of
hypotheses.
However, the initial hypothesis should be clear, although you
should not be wedded to it, and you should use data to objectively
test it. It is important to expect all hypotheses to be altered or dis-
carded once relevant data have been examined because no hypothesis
is completely right. For this reason, it is often best to test multiple
conflicting hypotheses. A set of hypotheses is a road map for analysis.
Hypotheses suggest types of data to collect, how these data should
be analyzed, and how to interpret analysis results (Eck and Clarke,
2005).
For example, if you were investigating carjacking episodes at

particular service stations, you might begin with the question, “How
many service stations are in problem locations?” Based on common
sense and the 80/20 rule (Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, 2015),
you would state the hypothesis that some service stations will have
many carjackings, but most will have few or none. You would then test
this hypothesis by listing the service stations in the city and counting
the number of carjacking reports at each over the last 12 months.
If your hypothesis was supported, you might ask, “What is differ-
ent about the service stations with many carjackings compared with
the service stations with few or no carjackings?” The concept of risky
facilities (Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, 2015) would help
you form a set of three hypotheses:
1. Risky service stations have more customers.
2. Risky service stations have features that carjackers find attractive.
3. The management or staff in risky service stations either fail to
control behaviors, allow loitering, or provoke carjacking.
These hypotheses can be tested by gathering data on the number of
customers at high- and low-risk service stations, analyzing the num-
ber and rate of carjackings per customer or per automobile, observ-
ing the interactions of people at troublesome and trouble-free service
stations, and interviewing management, staff, and customers. If your
first hypothesis was contradicted by the data, and you found that there
was no great difference in the number of carjackings across all ser-
vice stations, then you might ask, “Why are so many service stations
troublesome?” But, this suggests another hypothesis: it’s a perception
problem; the city has about as many carjackings as other comparable
cities. This hypothesis suggests that you will need data from compa-
rable cities. If, after you collected the relevant data, you found that
your city has an abnormally high number of problem service stations,
you might ask, “What is common to most service stations in the city
that produces a large number of carjackings?”
One hypothesis is that it is the way service stations are run in the
city and the way customer behavior is regulated at service stations.
Another hypothesis is that there is something about the nature of
service station customers in this city. Testing each would require you
to collect relevant data and assess the validity of the hypothesis.
You will note how the questions and hypotheses structure the
analysis. As you test each hypothesis, no matter what the results of
the testing, new, more specific questions will come to you. The objec-
tive is to start with broad questions and hypotheses and, through a
pruning process, come to a set of highly focused questions that point
to possible answers.
Hypotheses suggest the type of data to collect. In the carjackings at
service stations example, the test of each hypothesis requires specific
data. Sometimes, the same data can test multiple questions. In the end,
when enough data are collected and all of the questions are answered,
a strategy should present itself. Following our carjacking problem to a
conclusion, the analyst may decide, based on the data gathered, that
carjackings are most likely to occur at a small number of service sta-
tions, but only at certain hours of the night, and only when a small
number of staff are on duty. Furthermore, observation may tell the ana-
lyst that carjackings occur at these service stations only near gas pumps
where the lighting is very poor and when young people are allowed to
loiter both inside and outside of the service station. The analyst’s recom-
mended plan would include meeting with the city and the management
of the problem service stations and strongly recommending stricter reg-
ulation of young customers, improvement of the lighting at all pumps,
and that security staff be stationed outside the service stations.
Although this kind of problem-solving project may sound easy,
it is usually more complex and difficult. But in action research, the
analyst and others who constitute a team should persist until success
is achieved. That typically means refining and improving proposed
interventions in the light of what is learned from earlier experiences.
The process is not necessarily completed once the assessment has been
made. If the problem persists, or has changed its form, the analyst and
the team may have to start over. This is indicated by “Assessment” in
the SARA problem-solving process. Assessment may read to starting
over with “Scanning” (see Figure 13.1).
Final Report
In-house research, field research, and data analysis will generally lead
to a final report and recommendations to the police department com-
mand. When the hypotheses have been proposed and tested, and a
Scanning Analysis
Assessment Response
Figure 13.1 SARA problem-solving process.
plan for amelioration of the crime trend or crime problem has been
decided, there must be a report to the police department’s command
so that action can be considered.
But, what kind of report should be written, and how should both
the data and the recommended solution be presented?
According to Christopher W. Bruce, an International Association
of Crime Analyst certified crime analyst, there are basically two kinds
of reports that come from strategic crime analysts. One is publications
that track and describe trends; the other is publications that analyze
crime problems (Bruce, 2008).
The publications that track and describe trends include periodic sta-
tistical reports that might be issued on a weekly, monthly, quarterly,
or annual basis. These periodic reports typically show increases and
decreases in crime, and ideally analyze the most important changes
(Bruce, 2008). On the other hand, reports that analyze problems usu-
ally combine police data with primary data collected by the analyst to
explore the underlying causes and recommended solutions of long-term
crime problems or crime trends. These, in fact, might be called “stra-
tegic analysis reports” or “problem analyses” (Bruce, 2008). In general,
these strategic analysis reports aim to assist long-term planning and
direct problem-solving efforts. Thus, they are written not for the gen-
eral public, but with the higher-level police administrators in mind.
The following is a sampling of the kinds of reports strategic crime
analysts might write:
• Identifying problems report: This report details information

related to the systematic identification of long-term prob-
lems, such as the locations of problem areas, specific offenders
known to be suspects in crime problems or crime trends, vic-
tims of crime problems, and property involved in crime trends
or problems. It could be a list of the top addresses, streets,
areas, offenders, victims, or products by either the number
of calls or percent of calls for service or crime over at least a
one-year period.
• Identifying problems or 80/20 analysis report: This report is an
extended analysis that might be a follow-up to an identifying
problems report. In addition to frequency and percent of crime
at certain locations or on certain streets, an 80/20 analysis
could include computation of the cumulative percentage of
crime, as well as the unit of analysis (e.g., addresses and areas)
to determine the cumulative percentage of repeat offenses, as
well as the cumulative percentage of repeat targets.
• Problem location analysis guidelines: This report contains guide-
lines for different types of analysis products that are relevant
in an in-depth analysis of a problem location. Using citizen-
generated calls for service data for at least a 12-month period,
the crime analyst can report on the frequency and percent
of types of calls at the location, the frequency of calls by
month, the time of day and day of week analysis for all calls,
the time of day and day of week for selected calls, and the
frequency and percent of dispositions of the calls. These sta-
tistics can be displayed in various kinds of charts or graphs for
easy interpretation. In addition, this kind of report could also
analyze police officer–generated calls for service for at least
a 12-month period. The report could display the frequency
and percent of types of calls at the location, the frequency of
calls by month, the time of day and day of week analysis for
all calls, and the frequency and percent of disposition of the
calls. Finally, this report can provide crime report and arrest
data at the location for at least a 12-month period. The report
might well include the frequency and percent of crime types;
the frequency of crime by month; the frequency and percent
of arrest types; the frequency of arrests by month; the arrests
by age, sex, and race; and the report of any crime patterns at
specific locations.
• Compound problem report: This report gives information and
recommendations about the highest-level problems that stra-
tegic crime analysts face. These are crime problems or crime
trends that encompass various locations, offenders, and vic-
tims and, in many instances, exist throughout an entire juris-
diction. The analyst may end with a recommendation for a
tailored crime prevention response for the agency in order to
achieve a reduction in the problem.
• Three-year crime or disorder trend chart: This report evaluates
the success of crime reduction strategies overall, as well as
helps to identify emerging long-term problems. A three-year
crime trend chart may include a line chart that depicts the
frequency of a specific type of crime or disorder by month for
three years, as well as a trend line for the entire time period.
• Three-year seasonal crime or disorder trend chart: This report
identifies trends of seasonally reoccurring problems. It could
be a line chart that displays the frequency of a specific type of
crime or disorder by month, comparing each month with the
same month in the previous two years.
• Comparison crime trend chart: This report shows the success of
crime reduction strategies overall, as well as helps to identify
emerging long-term problems by comparing the jurisdiction’s
crime rate with that of other entities. The other entities could
be other jurisdictions, cities, or states. Often a line chart,
this report compares monthly or yearly rates (by population)
of specific crime types or disorders of the analyst’s jurisdic-
tion with those in other similar jurisdictions, the state, or the
nation.
• Change in crime or disorder density map: This report is a den-
sity map that compares two periods of time (baseline time
period and target time period) and displays areas where the
selected crime or disorder has increased or decreased. This
report could also use other kinds of maps, such as a graduated
area map (a map that consists of aggregated data displayed in
groupings with visual variables used to denote specific data).
These groupings can be graduated by size or by color, and
graduated maps could be created separately for each type of

crime or disorder addressed in the agency’s goals or by geo-
graphic area.
Writing and Distributing Reports
The reports generated by strategic crime analysts may be distributed

to personnel in a variety of ways. In some police agencies, reports
may be disseminated as emails or even memos that are sent to vari-
ous units or administrators. In some police departments, reports are
simply placed in officers’ mailboxes. In some instances, reports can
be passed out by roll call supervisors or read during the shift-change
staffing by briefing officers.
In some instances, the crime analyst may attend briefing sessions
and verbally describe the report and strategic recommendations. This
would be particularly important to do if requested by police command
or if the recommendations are vital for patrol officers to know.
Although most reports may be distributed in printed form in the
mailboxes of the police staff, it can be particularly useful for crime
analysts to deliver their reports in person. This not only enables the
analyst to discuss the report, but also can be useful for soliciting feed-
back while at the same time building personal relationships that may
be crucial to future collaborations and networking.
Final Goal of Crime Analysis
The final goal of crime analysis is to help with the evaluation of police
efforts by determining the level of success of programs and initiatives
implemented to control and prevent crime and disorder, and measur-
ing how effectively police organizations are run. In recent years, local
police agencies have become increasingly interested in determining
the effectiveness of their crime control and prevention programs.
Furthermore, strategic crime analysts also assist police departments
in evaluating internal organizational procedures, such as resource
allocation (i.e., how officers are assigned to patrol areas), realign-
ment of geographic boundaries, the forecasting of staffing needs,
and the development of performance measures. Police agencies keep
such procedures under constant scrutiny in order to ensure that the

agencies are running effectively.
When all is said and done, however, the primary objective of crime
analysis is to assist the police in reducing and preventing crime and
disorder. Present cutting-edge policing strategies, such as hot spot
policing, problem-oriented policing, disorder policing, intelligence-
led policing, and CompStat management strategies, are centered on
directing crime prevention and crime reduction responses based on
crime analysis results. In Chapter 14, we move on to discuss admin-
istrative crime analysis.
1. Think of a crime problem or crime trend in your commu-

nity. How could you apply the SARA model to that trend or
problem?
2. Why does routine activities theory make sense as an operat-
ing system for strategic crime analysts?
Important Terms
Compound problem report: Gives information and recommenda-

tions about the highest-level problems that strategic crime
analysts face, crime problems or crime trends that usually
encompass various locations, offenders, and victims.
Crime problems: Usually refers to multiple crime or disorder inci-
dents with common causal factors.
Crime trends: Long-term increases and decreases in crime, or
simply changes in the characteristics of a crime over a period
of time. Crime trends can occur over months, years, decades,
or even centuries. Often, crime trends have numerous obscure
and indirect social, environmental, economic, or political
causes.
Field research: Observing the characteristics of various crime
locations or immersion in a setting where crime occurs so as
to better understand the what, how, when, and where of the
social structure or action and interaction of a neighborhood,
a group, or victims.
Focus groups: Sometimes referred to as group interviews, focus

groups are guided conversations in which an analyst meets
with a collection of similarly situated, but usually unrelated
persons for purposes of uncovering information about a topic.
Identifying problems report: Report that details information
related to the systematic identification of long-term prob-
lems, such as the locations of problem areas, specific offend-
ers known to be suspects in crime problems or crime trends,
victims of crime problems, and property involved in crime
trends or problems.
Interviews: Typically structured conversations that researchers
have with individuals to learn more about crime problems or
crime trends.
Problem analysis triangle: Also known as the crime triangle, the
problem analysis triangle comes from one of the main theo-
ries of environmental criminology—routine activities theory.
This theory states that predatory crime occurs when a likely
offender and suitable target come together in time and place,
without a capable guardian present. The problem analysis
triangle is a graphic description of routine activities theory.
Problem-oriented policing: Professor Herman Goldstein first
described the problem-oriented approach to policing in a
1979 article, which he expanded upon later in his 1990 book,
Problem-Oriented Policing.
Qualitative research: Qualitative research methods, as opposed to
quantitative research, provide more emphasis on interpreta-
tion and usually look at contexts, the environment, and the
people involved in a crime problem.
Quantitative research: Usually involves statistics and data that can
be scored and presented easily on graphs or in tables.
Routine activities theory: Developed by Cohen and Felson, a the-
ory that seeks to explain the occurrence of crime events as
the confluence of four circumstances: a motivated offender; a
desirable target; the target and the offender being in the same
place at the same time; and intimate handlers, guardians, or
place managers being absent or ineffective.
SARA model: In the SARA model, the strategic crime analyst
will collect the data, define the scope of the problem-solving
effort, find an effective response, and set up the project so that

it can be evaluated and the police can learn from the results.
Strategic crime analysis: Analysis of data in order to develop long-
term strategies, policies, and prevention techniques. In con-
trast, tactical crime analysis deals more often with short-term
and current crime problems.
Surveys: Survey research involves the collection of information
from a sample of individuals through their responses to ques-
tions, which may be submitted through the mail or email, by
telephone, or in person.

1. One of the major goals of strategic crime analysis is to
assist in the identification and analysis of long-term problems,
such as drug activity or auto theft.
2. Crime trends are long-term increases or decreases in
crime.
3. Ron Clarke and John Eck define a crime problem as
a recurring set of related harmful events in a community that
members of the public expect the police to address.
4. Initially, strategic crime analysts use information
from the public library as their data.
5. One of the two major goals of strategic crime analysis is to
conduct studies to investigate or evaluate relevant responses
and procedures as part of a problem-solving process
a. To find short-term solutions to short-term crime problems
b. To investigate corruption within the police department
c. To conduct studies to investigate or evaluate relevant
responses and procedures as part of a problem-solving
process
d. To conduct studies to determine why there are so many
poor drivers on the highways
6. The qualitative research methods specific to crime analysis
include field research, content analysis, interviews, surveys,
and
a. Statistical analysis of data

b. Talking to Supreme Court justices
c. Meditation
d. Focus groups
7. Although the SARA model is based on the problem-oriented
policing work of Herman Goldstein, the acronym SARA
actually was developed by and in .
a. Eck and Spelman in 1987
b. Clarke and Eck in 1998
c. James Q. Wilson and George Kelling in 1982
d. Elliot and Spitzer in 1995
8. There are basically two kinds of reports that come from strate-
gic crime analysts. One is publications that track and describe
trends; the other is publications that
a. Describe geopolitical crime mapping
b. Analyze crime problems
c. Are distributed to convenience stores
d. Focus on the data provided in the Uniform Crime Reports
References
Bruce, C.W. (2008). Crime analysis publications. In S.L. Gwenn, C. Bruce,
J.P. Cooper, and S.R. Hick (eds.), Exploring Crime Analysis: Reading on
Essential Skills. Overland Park, KS: International Association of Crime
Canter, P.R. (2000). Geographic information systems and crime analysis in Baltimore
County, Maryland. In Weisburd, D. and McEwen, J.T. (eds.), Crime Mapping
and Crime Prevention. Monsey, NY: Criminal Justice Press, pp. 157–190.
Center for Problem-Oriented Policing. (2015). Learn if the 80-20 rule applies.
Albany, NY: Center for Problem-Oriented Policing. Available at http://
www.popcenter.org/learning/60steps/index.cfm?stepNum=18.
Clarke, R., and Eck, J. (2005). Crime Analysis for Problem Solvers: In 60 Small
Steps. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community
Oriented Policing.
Eck, J.E., and Spelman, W. (1987). Problem-oriented policing. Research in
Brief. Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice. Available at https://
www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/102371NCJRS.pdf.
Fritz, N.J., Baer, S., Helms, D., and Hick, S.R. (2008). Qualitative analysis. In
S.L. Gwenn, C. Bruce, J.P. Cooper, and S.R. Hick (eds.), Exploring Crime
Analysis: Reading on Essential Skills. Overland Park, KS: International
Association of Crime Analysts, pp. 128–157.
Goldstein, H. (1979). Improving policing: A problem-oriented approach.

Crime & Delinquency 25(20): 236–243.
International Association of Crime Analysts. (2014). Definition and types
of crime analysis. Standards, methods & technology methods. White
Paper 2014-02. Overland Park, KS: International Association of Crime
Analysts.
Maxfield, M.G., and Babbie, E. (1995). Research Methods for Criminal Justice
and Criminology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Peed, C., Wilson, R.E., and Scalisi, N.J. (2008). Making smarter decisions:
Connecting crime analysis with city officials. Police Chief LXXV(9).
Available at http://www.policechiefmagazine.org/magazine/index.
cfm?fuseaction=display_arch&article_id=1603&issue_id=92008).
Petersilia, J. (2011). Beyond the prison bubble. NIJ Journal 268, October.
Poyner, B. (1986). A model for action. In G. Laycock and K. Heal (eds.),
Situational Crime Prevention. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office.
Santos, R.B. (2013). Crime Analysis with Crime Mapping. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage Publications.
Schutt, R.K. (1999). Investigating the Social World: The Process and Practice of
Research. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.
Taylor, R.B., and Harrell, A.V. (1996). Physical environment and crime.
National Institute of Justice. Research Report. Available at https://www.
ncjrs.gov/pdffiles/physenv.pdf.
Tewksbury, R. (2009). Qualitative versus quantitative methods: Understanding
why qualitative methods are superior for criminology and criminal jus-
tice. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Criminology 1(1): 38–58.
14
a d ministr ati v e
C rime a nalysis
Chapter Outline
1. What is administrative crime analysis?

a. Definition of administrative crime analysis
b. Focus of administrative crime analysis
c. Differences from strategic crime analysis and tactical
crime analysis
2. What administrative crime analysts do
a. Data analyzed
b. Reports produced
3. Administrative crime analysis and its methods
a. Quantitative methods
4. Administrative crime analysis process
a. Data and analyzing research
5. Administrative crime analysis and its reports
a. Types of reports
b. How reports are disseminated
6. Conclusion
a. End result of administrative crime analysis
1. Understand administrative crime analysis

2. Be able to differentiate administrative crime analysis from
strategic crime analysis from tactical crime analysis
3. Learn the various ways data are analyzed in administrative
crime analysis
4. Know the audience for administrative crime analysis reports
315
The largest difference between administrative crime analysis and

the other types of crime analysis is that administrative crime
analysis focuses on the presentation of information rather than
pattern identification, statistical analysis, or evaluation. The cre-
ation of a crime bulletin for departmental use only is an exam-
ple of administrative crime analysis. This crime bulletin would
likely identify a problematic offender the agency is trying to cap-
ture, and would provide incident information as well as contact
information for the lead investigator or analyst working the case.
Providing information to citizens about a crime spree in a
local neighborhood is another example of a task an admin-
istrative crime analyst would partake in. (Stevenson, 2013,
pp. 34–35)
Introduction
Administrative crime analysis is different from the previous types of

crime analysis—tactical crime analysis and strategic crime analysis—
that we have discussed so far. By definition, administrative crime
analysis is the presentation of interesting findings of crime research
and analysis based on legal, political, and practical concerns to inform
audiences within the police administration, the city government or the
city council, and citizens.
Therefore, the major difference from those previously discussed
crime analysis types is that administrative crime analysis refers to
presentations of findings rather than to statistical analysis or research.
Administrative crime analysis is not about solving crimes or deter-
mining crime trends. Instead, it is more about the decision of what
information to present and how to do so. Often, the type of infor-
mation that is presented represents the “tip of the iceberg” of all the
work and analysis that has previously been done (Santos, 2013). For
example, in administrative crime analysis an executive summary of a
report might be presented, rather than a full report.
Why Is It Called Administrative Crime Analysis?
There is a simple explanation as to why administrative crime analysis is

so named. And that is because administrative crime analysis is analysis
A d mInIs t r AtI v e C rIm e A n A lysIs 317
directed toward the administrative needs of the police department, its

government, and its community (International Association of Crime
Analysts, 2014). As a type of crime analysis, it can include a wide
variety of techniques and products, performed both regularly and on
request. These techniques and products include statistics, data print-
outs, maps, and charts. They also include workload calculations by area
and shift, officer activity reports, responses to media requests, statis-
tics provided for grant applications, reports to community groups, and
cost–benefit analyses of police programs. However, as you will learn in
Chapter 15, some of the later reports may fall into a fourth category of
crime analysis, often called operations crime analysis or police opera-
tions analysis (International Association of Crime Analysts, 2014).
Are There Areas of Administrative Crime Analysis

That Have Little to Do with Analysis?
The brief answer to this question is yes. Administrative crime analysis,

while a valid and valuable category of crime analysis, exists to support
a police agency’s efforts in planning, community relations, and fund-
ing, among many other areas (International Association of Crime
Analysts, 2014). The reality of the profession of crime analyst is that
analysts often do many things unrelated to analysis. Processes and
techniques of administrative crime analysis include
• Districting and redistricting analysis
• Patrol staffing analysis
• Cost–benefit analysis
• Resource deployment for special events (International
Association of Crime Analysts, 2014)
What Reports Do Administrative Crime Analysts Present?
Although the administrative crime analyst will prepare reports and

products based on the requests and needs of the police administration,
the type of report is basically determined by the audience for which
the report or presentation is intended.
The primary purpose of administrative crime analysis might be said
to be to inform audiences. These audiences may vary from one situ-
ation to the next, which is why the type and quantity of information
will vary as well. The audiences that administrative crime analysts may
be preparing a presentation for can be police executives, city council,
media, citizens, and neighborhood groups, or a combination of these
audiences. The type of information prepared and presented should
be appropriate for the intended audience. However, in all instances,
the information should be simple, clear, and concise and should not
disclose sensitive information (Boba, 2001).
Since there is an eclectic selection of administrative and statistical
reports, research, and other projects not focused on the immediate
or long-term reduction or elimination of a pattern or trend, reports
and presentations can be diverse. Here are more examples of the
type of product the administrative crime analyst might expect to be
asked to produce, along with the audience for which the product is
intended:
PRODUCT AUDIENCE
Report on demographic changes in the jurisdiction Police administration/city council
Historical research project on crime during the College lecture/city council
Prohibition period
Miscellaneous crime statistics to support grant Police agency/city grant writers
applications
Preparation of Uniform Crime Reports or Incident- Police administration/FBI
Based Reporting System (IBRS) reports
Creation of charts and graphs to support the chief’s Chief of police/city council
year-end summary of police activities presentation
to the city council
Creation of patrol deployment maps for a special Police administration/mayor/city council
event
List of individuals with warrants by police beat and Police command
seriousness of offense
Charts and maps showing trends in business Police command/business association/
robberies during past six months mayor/city council
Statistics on a series of residential break-ins and Police command/city council/neighborhood
rapes association
Homicides and burglaries during the past two years Police administration/mayor/city council/
in the city citizen groups
Presentation on police–community relations City council/citizen groups
As can be seen in the above table, often administrative crime anal-

ysis is conducted to educate and assist law enforcement administration
and city government officials about the extent of crime and the effect
crime and disorder have on the city and the citizens. At times, the
police administration and city council will request long-range com-
parisons (quarterly, semiannually, or annually) of various categories of
crime in the city.
Administrative Crime Analysis: Low-Priority Analysis?
Administrative crime analysis has, according to some experts in the

field (Bruce, 2008), received a bad rap over the years. It has been sug-
gested that it is a low-priority category (Bruce, 2008). On the other
hand, this is a type of crime analysis that may, in fact, keep many
analysts employed. As Christopher Bruce (2008) points out, having
an individual in the police department who can answer virtually any
question, provide information on demand, and arrange data in an
appealing format is of tremendous value. Also, when the products of an
administrative crime analyst might substantially affect public safety or
lower crime, both the product and the analyst become valuable assets.
How Administrative Crime Analysts Gather Data
While a great deal of the data that administrative crime analysts may
use in preparing reports and presentations may come from the data
contained in police files, because of the nature of many of the products
of the administrative crime analyst, qualitative information is often
useful.
For example, if the analyst was asked to put together a presenta-
tion on police–community relationships over the past three years,
there may be just a few traditional police reports related to this assign-
ment. If there were reports about incidents in which the police were
the target of violent protests, or if there were formal complaints to the
department about police brutality, the analyst may be able to find those
reports and use them as data. However, in order to put together a more
comprehensive report, the analyst may need to use qualitative meth-
ods, such as interviews, focus groups, researching archived newspaper
stories, or reading public email forums or blogs by local residents.
The analyst may interview patrol officers or officers who might work
in the community policing unit. Asking them questions and getting
their candid views of the state of police–community relations and how
it has changed over the past three years may yield valuable insights.
Similarly, putting together focus groups of police officers or commu-
nity leaders may also produce important observations and recommen-
dations. However, newspapers usually have their fingers on the pulse
of the community, and exploring newspaper stories and editorials over
the past three years may give the analyst a broad perspective of how
the police are viewed by the community.
Newspapers and news broadcasts, as well as Internet forums and
blogs, are likely to show with much more insight what is important to
the citizens in the local community. Then, after gathering information
about what has been printed or said in Internet forums or blogs, the ana-
lyst can compare this with the messages, mission statements, and stated
goals of the police administration to provide an accurate picture of what
the true state of police–community relations is at present, what it’s been
over the past three years, and what still needs to be done to improve it.
In regard to the qualitative research method to gather the kinds of
data we have used in this example, the analyst should have access to
LexisNexis as a comprehensive database. If there are certain Internet
blogs that would provide a steady stream of possible useful informa-
tion, the analyst might best follow them. To find those blogs in the
first place, there are Google directions for doing so at https://support.
google.com/blogger/answer/104226?hl=en. In addition, an analyst
can figure out what topics are trending using Twitter or other tools:
http://blog.hootsuite.com/5-ways-find-trending-topics/. Finally,
there is a database called iPoll that can be searched by topic to find
opinion polls on all kinds of subjects from many different sources
(https://ropercenter.cornell.edu/CFIDE/cf/action/ipoll/index.cfm).
Crime Mapping and Administrative Crime Analysis
As Santos (2013) points out, crime mapping (which was discussed in

Chapter 12) is useful in all forms of crime analysis. It does, in fact,
play an important role in administrative crime analysis, as it often
helps to convey essential information to the media and the public.
A police department could—as many police agencies these days do—
post maps on their website to show areas of crime.
Using geographic information system technology, the crime ana-
lyst can not only transform information into actionable intelligence,
A d mInIs t r AtI v e C rIm e A n A lysIs 3 21
but also educate the public with visual information to clarify crime
concerns and enlist community action.
Using the Internet
Like the rest of society, police departments must make use of the
Internet and social media these days to communicate with the com-
munity. While there may be some disadvantages to using the Internet
to communicate with the public (it is impersonal and requires resources
to keep updated), the benefits, many police departments have decided,
outweigh any potential drawbacks.
Police departments, with presentations developed by crime ana-
lysts, can do much to communicate important information to citizens.
This kind of information dissemination can include lists or maps of
criminal activities in particular neighborhoods, recommendations for
public safety, current or ongoing dangerous situations, or emergency
alerts.
Below is an example of an administrative crime analysis report.
This report was prepared for the administration of a police depart-
ment that wanted more information about the use of tasers by the
officers in the department in order to properly respond to questions
from the city council about taser usage.
Administrative Analysis report Taser usage

Example of an administrative crime analysis report:
Taser Usage Study PD Analysis Center
The center studied data regarding Taser Usage, To Include;

• The ratio of Taser deployments to Tasers in service
• Level of resistance by the subject,
• Areas of the body hit
• Hospitalization of subjects
Data and Methods:

To accomplish the analysis, data was drawn from two sources.
• Internal Affairs reports related to subject resistance reports
• The original Subject Resistance Reports logged into the RMS system
Also included is the number of Tasers that were in service, and their issued dates.
Tasers in service, and Taser deployments per year:

Table 1: Tasers in Service by Year
TASER Number in
Year model service
2015 X2 218
2014 X2 235
2013 X2 82
2012 X26 90
2011 X26 80
2010 X26 68
2009 M26 - X26 60
2008 M26 48
2007 M26 59
2006 M26 58
2005 M26 48
2004 M26 35
2003 M26 35
Type of subject action:

Table 2: Subject Resistance Actions
No Yes
Verbal 13.1% 86.9%
Passive 81.5% 18.5%
Active 5.6% 94.4%
Armed 81.1% 18.9%
Area of the body in which subjects were hit:

The front torso was the most common area of the body hit by Taser deployments.
Table 3: Location of Taser strikes on subjects, if any
No Yes
Upper limb 90.0% 2.2%
Lower limb 69.0% 18.6%
Back torso 47.3% 38.2%
Front torso 44.3% 35.2%
Missed subject 89.0% 4.5%
Taser use was threatened 89.0% 1.6%
Hospitalization:
Table 4: Hospitalization, compared to injuries suffered during the SRR. Note, all persons
injured were either admitted to the hospital, treated and released, or refused treatment
(with one unknown and one deceased).
Not injured Injured

Admitted to hospital 39 45
Deceased 0 2
N/A 0 0
Not Treated 22 0
Refused 15 8
Treated & released by hospital 168 128
Unknown 6 5
Totals 250 188
This administrative crime analysis reports provides information about taser usage
by police officers which may help lead to administrative policy decisions.
Next Chapter
In Chapter 15, you will learn about a final type of crime analysis:
operations crime analysis.
1. Why do you think administrative crime analysis has been

considered low-priority crime analysis? Should it be consid-
ered low priority? Why or why not?
2. How would you go about gathering and analyzing research
if you, as a crime analyst, were assigned to do a presentation
on whether your police agency should request military equip-
ment from the Department of Defense?
Important Terms
Administrative crime analysis: Presentation of interesting find-

ings of crime research and analysis based on legal, political,
and practical concerns to inform audiences within the police
administration, the city government or the city council, and
citizens.
Focus groups: Sometimes referred to as group interviews, focus
groups are guided conversations in which an analyst meets
with a collection of similarly situated, but usually unrelated
persons for purposes of uncovering information about a
topic.
Interviews: Typically structured conversations that researchers
have with individuals to learn more about crime problems or
crime trends.

1. The reality of the profession of crime analyst is that

analysts often do many things unrelated to analysis.
2. The type of report the administrative crime analyst
will produce is often determined by the audience for which
the report or presentation is intended.
3. Administrative crime analysis is all about solving
crimes or determining crime trends.
4. Like other crime analysts, administrative crime ana-
lysts may start a project by reviewing police data.
5. Often, the type of information that is presented by adminis-
trative crime analysts represents just the tip of the iceberg of
all the work and analysis that has previously been done. This
is because their presentations are
a. Short
b. Just for citizens
c. Quickly done
d. Summaries and intended to give the highlights of research
and analysis
6. Qualitative research methods are used in adminis-
trative crime analysis.
a. Never
b. Seldom
c. Often
d. Always
7. The primary purpose of administrative crime analysis might
be said to be to
a. Inform audiences
b. Detect crime patterns
c. Solve violent crimes
d. Locate hot spots
References
Boba, R. (2001). Introductory Guide to Crime Analysis and Mapping. Washington,
DC: Community Oriented Policing Office, U.S. Department of Justice.
Available at http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-w0273-pub.pdf.

International Association of Crime Analysts. (2014). Definition and types
of crime analysis. Standards, methods & technology methods. White
Paper 2014-02. Overland Park, KS: International Association of Crime
Analysts.
Sage.
Stevenson, M.R. (2013). Crime analysis: The history and development of a discipline.
Western Oregon University. Digital commons@WOU. Available at http://
digitalcommons.wou.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1076&context=
honors_theses.
15
P oli Ce o Per ati ons
C rime a nalysis
Chapter Outline
1. What is police operations crime analysis?

a. Definition of police operations crime analysis
b. Focus of operations analysis
c. Differences from other types of crime analysis
2. What police operations analysts do
a. Data analyzed
b. Audience for police operations analysts’ reports
c. Reports produced
3. Police operations analysis and its methods
a. Analyzing police data
4. Police operations analysis reporting
a. Types of reports
b. Examples of reports and recommendations
5. Conclusion
a. End result of police operations analysis
1. Understand police operations analysis

2. Be able to differentiate police operations analysis from other
types of crime analysis
3. Learn about the various data analyzed in operations analysis
4. Know the audience for police operations analysis reports
327
The Ontario Police Department does not currently maintain any

dedicated detective personnel or criminal investigations unit.
Additionally, there is no single supervisor designated to supervise
and coordinate the efforts of all patrol officers conducting extended
investigations or follow-ups. Officers will coordinate, to what-
ever degree possible, investigative efforts bearing similar offender
characteristics or modus operandi. All investigations maintained
in-house by the OPD are investigated by patrol officers.… This
organizational structure is contrary to best practices, marginal-
izes patrol effectiveness and agility, and facilitates recidivism
as investigative resources are necessarily limited by the ongoing
demands placed upon patrol. It is not reasonable to assume that
patrol officers are either equipped or available to conduct criminal
investigations in a manner that would increase clearance rates and
thus appreciably reduce crime. OPD staffing should be increased
to provide at least three full-time detectives to investigate crimes
within Ontario city limits. These detectives should not be affiliated
with any task force. Additionally, a revised Table of Organization,
described elsewhere in this document, would provide defined
supervision for these detectives and better coordination of effort
between patrol, detectives, and any OPD personnel assigned to a
task force or specialized unit external to the OPD.
The three detectives should receive advanced training in inves-
tigative techniques including general principles of investigation,
interview and interrogation, crime scene processing, and the col-
lection and preservation of evidence. OPD should then provide the
necessary equipment for these detectives to carry out their duties.
Under current practice, OPD assigns a patrol officer to respond
to a reported crime. Typically, that officer will remain as the pri-
mary investigating officer. The department does have one patrol
officer with expertise in computer-related crime, but the officer
does not have any formal certifications. There is also one officer
certified as a drug recognition expert, or DRE. Reporting thresh-
olds, such as the value of a stolen item, are not used in determin-
ing whether an incident will receive additional investigation.
ICMA (2014, p. 41)
P o lI C e o P er AtI o ns C rIm e A n A lysIs 329
Introduction
Police operations analysis describes the study of a police department’s

policies and practices—including its allocation of personnel, money,
equipment, and other resources, geographically, organizationally,
and temporally—and whether these operations and policies have the
most effective influence on crime and disorder in the jurisdiction.
Operations analysis is often defined as the analysis of police opera-
tions, including workload distribution by area and shift (IACA, 2014).
By defining operations analysis as concerning itself with a police
department’s policies and practices, it is relatively easy to see how this
type of crime analysis differs from the other types of crime analysis
that have been discussed in this book: tactical crime analysis, stra-
tegic crime analysis, and administrative crime analysis. However,
operations analysis goes hand in hand with strategic crime analysis, as
many operations decisions (including geographic and temporal alloca-
tion of officers) are based on long-term crime trends.
Because many operations analysis tasks require good evaluative
research, analysts who engage in it should have a solid understanding
of social science research methods (Bruce, 2008). Some questions that
operations analysis might seek to answer are
• What is the best way for the police agency to divide the city
into beats?
• What is the optimal allocation of officers per shift?
• What effect has the department’s mandatory arrest policy
for misdemeanor domestic assault had on domestic violence
recidivism?
• Can the agency justify a request for more police officers?
• How much time and money would the department save if it
enacted a policy that limited its response to unverified burglar
alarms (Bruce, 2008)?
What Techniques and Methods Are Used by Operations Analysis?
The techniques associated with these processes are varied, but basi-
cally involve police records, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
data, and several qualitative research methods.
Analysts who perform operations analysis tasks may begin by

looking at the calls for service and raw data from the department’s
dispatch system. By sorting and analyzing service calls, the data can
be compared with that of other cities the same size. But there are a
number of areas that are usually critical to an analysis of operations—
response times, workload of patrol officers, and peak times of the
most critical calls.
Following a look at dispatch data, the analyst might collect and
review a number of key operational documents. These operational
documents often include the police department’s policies and proce-
dures manual, a list of the department’s assets, and personnel lists.
The qualitative methods will include interviews, often with the
police department’s management and supervisors, as well as rank-
and-file officers. In some instances, there may be interviews with
the mayor, the city council, and other city staff. Other qualitative
approaches will include observations, surveys, and focus groups.
Depending on the exact nature of a particular operations assign-
ment, the analyst will be looking for strengths, weaknesses, defi-
ciencies, and under- or overutilized staff, related to each unit and
the department as a whole. What the analyst will want to determine
based on the analysis of data is whether the department’s operations
are comparable to those of departments in other similarly sized cities,
and whether the department is effectively and adequately meeting the
needs of the community.
Often, the data provided by the police agency will be compared
with information obtained from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports,
where the amount of crime in various categories can be compared
with the city being analyzed.
Many times, operations analysis will rely on intensive interviews
with the police department’s personnel to determine the effectiveness
of operations, morale, and even such things as the labor management
climate in this particular department.
As you learned in Chapter 13, focus groups are unstructured group
interviews in which the analyst actively encourages discussion among
participants. A focus group can be helpful to explore issues that are
difficult to define. Group discussion permits greater exploration of
topics, and various police department staff might be asked to sit in
and contribute to a focus group.
P o lI C e o P er AtI o ns C rIm e A n A lysIs 3 31
Analysts might solicit and collect documents from the police agency
related to strategic plans, personnel staffing and deployment, evalu-
ations, training records, and performance statistics. These kinds of
documents will be helpful for the analyst to determine whether there
is adequate staff (particularly at critical times of the day or night),
whether officers are deployed to hot spots, whether officers are being
adequately trained for the duties they are expected to carry out, and
whether the performance evaluations are utilized to make personnel
decisions.
Finally, observations can be carried out by the analyst to see how
patrol officers carry out their assignments, whether special enforce-
ment duties are done, how officers handle special event assignments,
how detectives work investigations, and how trainings are conducted.
What Kinds of Recommendations Do Operations Analysts Make?
Police operations analysts may make any kind of recommendation

that they see as important or necessary to improve the functioning
and efficiency of the police department. Operations analysis may
also include pointing out deficiencies in police–community relations,
problems in living up to the department’s own mission statement, and
changes in the community that may require concomitant changes
within the police department. That could mean adding or changing
the focus of some units within the department or reassigning com-
mand staff or officers to other tasks or units. But, the recommenda-
tions that are made are also related to the assignment given to the
operations analyst.
Examples of Recommendations
In an analysis of one Midwestern city’s police department, it was

found that there were no specific crime prevention activities con-
ducted by this particular police department. Having experienced a
reduction in staff because the city was forced to lay off police officers,
as well as other city employees, the police department was struggling
to keep up with calls for service. While the analyst conceded that
the department was doing a good job of responding to citizen calls
for service, there were no resources directed at crime prevention. The
analyst, responding to a city council request for an overall appraisal

of the police department’s functioning, in the final report stated that
crime prevention could be a valuable approach to community safety
and community relations. Arising from this was a recommendation
for a full-time position to be dedicated to crime prevention, with the
ultimate goal of crime reduction in the city (ICMA, 2012).
The same report concerning the same Midwestern city also pointed
out problems in terms of where calls for service in the downtown busi-
ness district occurred and the deployment of officers. The analysis of
police operations determined that of the more than 800 calls for ser-
vice in the downtown business district during one 120-month period,
55% of those calls for service occurred at just 5 of the 58 establishments
serving alcohol. So, just 10% of the establishments generated 50% of
the workload for the police department in that district (ICMA, 2012).
Furthermore, it was determined by analysis data available within that
state that only two of the five establishments received sanctions from
the state, and that there was no incentive to make changes to reduce
calls for service.
The recommendation from the analyst was that there would be
appointed a supervisor within the department to be dedicated to fol-
lowing up on enforcement of sanctions after calls for service and when
it was found that the establishment was responsible in some way (e.g.,
serving alcohol to already intoxicated patrons or allowing intoxicated
patrons to engage in assaults on the premises). The supervisor, it was
suggested, would supervise officers at the scene and then do aggres-
sive follow-up with both the state and the owners of the establishment
(ICMA, 2012).
For another Midwestern city, the operations report addressed the
identification and property unit of the police department. The report
pointed out that the identification and property unit is staffed by one
police officer and one community service officer. However, these two
individuals were responsible for maintaining a 1500-square-foot facil-
ity to label and track property stored for safekeeping. This property
consists of the physical, photographic, digital, and forensic property
and evidence that comes into the custody of the police department.
In any one year, that could mean that the unit would handle more
than 6600 items related to almost 2900 new cases. In addition to
property management, the unit is also responsible for processing
subpoenas, expunging documents processed by the records unit, pro-

viding fingerprinting services to the public, processing licenses for cab
drivers, and processing video and digital evidence required by offi-
cers for presentation in court (ICMA, 2014). In one recent year, that
amounted to photo or video evidence for 1100 cases (ICMA, 2014).
The report went on to indicate that although regular unannounced
inspections of the property are carried out, the property room has
not been subject to a rigorous inventory in recent years. This led to a
recommendation that a complete and thorough inventory of the prop-
erty room needs to be conducted. Furthermore, it was recommended
that more community service officers (civilian employees) be hired
to replace the one police officer and beef up the staff to handle the
workload (ICMA, 2014). Specifically, the recommendation was to
fully staff the identification and property unit with nonsworn person-
nel and provide appropriate training in criminalistics and information
technology.
In an operations report for a West Coast city, an analysis recom-
mended that the police department establish a credible intelligence
function within the department. The report stated that the police
agency needs to develop an intelligence function to sift through the
enormous amounts of information processed daily to identify crime
patterns and trends, help locate offenders, and support proactive mis-
sions with intelligence information (ICMA, 2012). It was further rec-
ommended that a new intelligence unit work hand in hand with the
patrol and investigative units of the department.
For one of the Midwestern cities mentioned above, the operations
analysis report made statements regarding patrol staffing. The report
stated that, in general, a “rule of 60” can be applied to evaluate patrol
staffing. The report explained that this rule has two parts. The first
part states that 60% of the sworn officers in a department should be
dedicated to the patrol function (patrol staffing), and the second part
states that no more than 60% of their time should be committed to
calls for service. This commitment of 60% of their time, the report
stated, is referred to as the patrol saturation index (ICMA, 2014).
The report explained that the rule of 60 for patrol deployment does
not mean the remaining 40% of time is downtime or break time.
It is a reflection of the extent to which patrol officer time is satu-
rated by calls for service. The time when police personnel are not
responding to calls should be committed to management-directed

operations (ICMA, 2014). This is a more focused use of time and can
include supervised allocation of patrol officer activities toward proac-
tive enforcement, crime prevention, community policing, and citizen
safety initiatives.
This report recommended that fewer sworn officers be assigned to
patrol. A specific number of officers for patrol duty was suggested,
along with a specific number for traffic duty.
Operations analysis can extend to the maintenance of facilities and
the acquisition and maintenance of equipment. If there is too great
a reliance on military equipment, or if the resources, such as police
automobiles, are not properly maintained, that could lead to recom-
mendations, too.
In Chapter 16, the final chapter of this book, we will discuss the
education and training needed to become a skilled crime analyst.
1. How is police operations analysis different from other types

of crime analysis? And how could you argue that in some
ways it is the most critical of all types of crime analysis?
2. If you were assigned the task of assessing how the police
department you worked for handled training officers about
use of force, where would you start? And what methods would
you use to gather the data you would need for a final report
and recommendations?
Important Terms
Administrative crime analysis: Presentation of interesting find-

ings of crime research and analysis based on legal, political,
and practical concerns to inform audiences within the police
administration, the city government or city council, and
citizens.
Patrol saturation index: Related to the rule of 60, the patrol
saturation index means that 60% of the time, officers in a
police department should be dedicated to responding to ser-
vice calls.
Police operations analysis: Analysis of police operations, including

workload distribution of officers, the efficiency of units, and
various other aspects of police department functioning.
Rule of 60: Rule related to patrol staffing. The rule states that
60% of the sworn officers in a department should be dedicated
to the patrol function (patrol staffing), and that no more than
60% of their time should be committed to calls for service.
For questions 1–4, indicate whether the statement is true or false:

1. Operations analysis concerns itself with a police
department’s policies and practices.
2. It can be said that operations analysis goes hand in
hand with strategic crime analysis, as many operations deci-
sions are based on long-term crime trends.
3. Police operations analysis is all about solving crimes
or determining crime trends.
4. Operations analysis may include examining FBI
data.
5. Which question is appropriate for assignment to an opera-
tions analyst?
a. Should the city hire more fire department staff?
b. Should citizens be allowed to apply for concealed carry
permits?
c. Should more officers be hired for the police department?
d. Should bars and taverns sell alcohol to minors?
6. Qualitative research methods are used in police
operations analysis.
a. Never
b. Seldom
c. Often
d. Always
7. An operations analyst’s final report would almost never

include recommendations for
a. Higher pay for police officers
b. Improving police–community relations
c. Methods to be used to solve a series of arsons
d. Hiring more detectives
References
ICMA (International City/County Management Association). (2012). Police
operations analysis and data analysis. Washington, DC: ICMA. Available
at http://www.ci.royal-ak.mi.us/sites/default/files/meetings/City%20
Commission/2012/RO%20Police%20Final%20Report.pdf.
ICMA (International City/County Management Association). (2014).
Operations analysis report for the Skokie Police Department.
Washington, DC: ICMA. Available at http://www.egovlink.com/public_
documents300/skokie/published_documents/Police%20Department/
Police_Operations_Analysis_Report.pdf.
IACA (International Association of Crime Analysts). (2014). Definition and
types of crime analysis. Standards, methods and technology methods.
White Paper 2014-02. Overland Park, KS: International Association of
Crime Analysts.
Part V
C rime
a nalysis and
the Future
16
C rime a nalysis and the
Future o F P oli Cin g
Chapter Outline
1. Brief recap of book

a. Areas we have covered
b. Importance of crime analysis
2. Becoming a crime analyst
a. Education
b. Training
c. Employment opportunities
3. Crime analysis in the future
a. Need for trained analysts
b. Integration of crime analysis into policing
c. Future of technology
d. Real-time crime centers
e. Future of policing
4. Concluding remarks about crime analysis
1. Understand the requirements for crime analysts

2. Gain a better understanding of the future of crime analysis
3. Be knowledgeable about the future of policing
Police departments have increased their investments in technol-

ogy and the results are beginning to show. Robert Davis, direc-
tor of research at the Police Executive Research Forum, said
officers are becoming more professional in how they operate
and that includes how they apply technology. “They are getting
339
better at procuring technology that can deliver capabilities they

didn’t have before,” he said.
Newcombe (2014, p. 1)
So what does the 2008 mapping of the entire human genome

have to do with law enforcement? Well, for one, the tech-
nology is now available to code the DNA from a cigarette
butt and use the profile to compose a computerized three-
dimensional image of the donor’s face. Couple that with
the steadily advancing facial recognition programs, and you
could have a suspect identified with very little effort. Gone
are the days of combing a file drawer full of photo mug shots
(Clark, 2013, p. 1).
Predictive technologies are being used to support police
operations … Although some of the methods are promising and
describe the current state of field, they are still more academic
than practical (Perry et al., 2013).
Introduction
This book has been about the past—and the future—of American
policing. In many ways, the future of policing is here today. In other
ways, we can only imagine at this point what we will have the capac-
ity to do in the future. But what we do know is that crime fighting
and policing are rapidly changing and discovering new and innovative
ways to make communities safer while being better able to predict
crime, respond to emergency situations, and make the lives of crimi-
nal offenders more perilous.
We have written at various times in this book that routine activi-
ties theory and environmental approaches to crime prevention pay
off dividends in terms of preventing crime—rather than invest-
ing time and resources in crime detection and apprehension of
offenders.
As you will recall, routine activities theory holds that crime
takes place when a motivated offender and a suitable target coincide
C rIm e A n A lysIs A n d t he f u t ure o f P o lI CIn g 3 41
in time and space with the absence of a committed guardian.

Traditional policing pays attention to the offender and apprehend-
ing and trying to make sure the offender gets his comeuppance.
And the traditional thinking is that if you put away enough crimi-
nals, then the supply of motivated offenders will be reduced and
crime will go down.
A great theory—however, there are two problems with this tra-
ditional policing approach. One is that the police, in general, have
a pretty dismal rate of solving crimes; it ranges from about 14% for
motor vehicle thefts to 48% for violent crimes (FBI, 2013). The sec-
ond problem is that locking up more people than any other country,
we haven’t seemed to run out of motivated offenders. Therefore, we
need another approach.
Routine activities theory and other environmental approaches hold
out greater promise for the future. And that’s where crime analysis
can play a role in our society. Crime analysts can detect crime prob-
lems, crime patterns, and hot spots of crime, and make recommen-
dations that lead toward solutions of problems—instead of trying to
view every crime as an isolated event that requires the detection, solu-
tion, and (if things go extremely well) arrest and (hopefully, eventu-
ally) conviction of one criminal offender.
Crime analysts with their technology have a much better chance for
reducing crime and crime rates than do patrol officers and detectives.
And that’s what this book has tried to emphasize. By introducing
you to the technology, methods, and goals of different types of crime
analysis, we hope that we can influence students to become acquainted
with crime analysis, find it fascinating, and go on to greater training,
with the end goal of becoming a crime analyst in a police department.
There, we believe, you can become an integral member of both a unit
and the department in order to serve as a beacon for what the future
of policing is all about.
The Need for Crime Analysts
The police departments of the future, as is becoming clearer each year,

will be about integrating technology with policing. But, as technol-
ogy becomes more sophisticated and increasingly critical to police
department operations, departments will need to hire more trained

and professional crime analysts. In fact, crime analysts are an increas-
ingly necessary resource in today’s policing agencies (Bond, 2015).
As we discussed the different types of crime analysis in this book,
it is clear that crime analysts may bring needed skills and insights
into the various tasks of today’s police agency. Although each police
department has specific requirements, responsibilities, and needs, at
a minimum most departments require skilled crime analysts who can
optimize crime mapping software, discover crime trends, pinpoint
crime hotspots, and produce informative reports for the agency and
the public (Bond, 2015).
More police departments are developing crime analysis units and
real-time crime centers (RTCCs, or fusion centers, as they are some-
times called), which must be staffed by qualified and skilled crime
analysts. Many departments choose to hire civilian (nonsworn) crime
analysts to manage crime mapping efforts, gather and analyze data,
and present information in a visual-friendly display for department
supervisors to use for tactical, operational, and strategic planning
(Bond, 2015).
However, as more crime analysis courses are taught in criminal
justice and criminology departments around the United States, more
students will be trained to play roles in either crime analysis units or
RTCCs. But, to be sure, the role of the crime analyst will continue to
evolve as technology advances. Educated and well-trained crime ana-
lysts who want to make a career supporting the needs of law enforce-
ment agencies and the community should find many opportunities
(Bond, 2015).
What Makes for a Good Crime Analyst?
Are you thinking about becoming a crime analyst after you leave col-
lege? Do you have what it takes to be a competent crime analyst?
Opinions differ somewhat concerning what makes a “good” crime
analyst. And what some people believe makes for a good crime ana-
lyst may differ depending on their experience and background. Some
crime analysts who were formerly police officers may hold the notion
that a good analyst should be a police officer first. A civilian ana-
lyst may, on the other hand, believe that an analyst needs to be free
C rIm e A n A lysIs A n d t he f u t ure o f P o lI CIn g 343
of traditional “cop” thinking. Certainly, there are some people who

believe that no matter what, a good crime analyst needs a strong
background in computers and technology.
While we subscribe to none of these positions in a firm and rigid
way, we are of the opinion that a good crime analyst must bring
three things to the job: (1) an educational background in criminol-
ogy or criminal justice, (2) a working knowledge of policing and
investigation, and (3) training and skills in computers and statistical
analysis.
Yet, one of the drawbacks of this nascent field of crime analysis is
that many crime analysts are civilians who are viewed as entry-level
employees lacking professionalism (Santos, 2013). This tends to mean
that for the most part, and in most police departments, there is little
room for advancement, especially for the crime analyst who is not a
police officer. So, in order for many crime analysts to get a promo-
tion, they must move to a larger police agency, particularly one with a
fusion center or real-time crime center (RTCC).
With these limitations stated, there are important skills that
are needed in order to be a successful crime analyst. Certainly the
three elements of a good crime analyst listed above are essential,
but also to be successful in the job, a crime analyst must be able to
communicate complex ideas in a clear and down-to-earth manner.
Furthermore, the crime analyst must be able to relate to police offi-
cers, work within the police culture, think clearly under pressure,
defend his or her views on important issues, and keep a sense of
humor (Santos, 2013).
Crime Analyst Qualifications and Job Descriptions
Here are two announcements for crime analyst jobs we found recently.
The first comes from the website Monster.com and concerns a crime
analyst position opening in West Allis, Wisconsin:
Crime Analyst I
Duties: A Crime Analyst prepares, analyzes, and disseminates infor-

mation and recommendations relevant to actual and anticipated
criminal activity for the purpose of increasing the effectiveness
the effectiveness of patrol deployment, crime prevention, criminal
investigations, and the apprehension of suspects. An employee in this

classification must be adaptable to address changing trends in both
technology and crime.
Typical duties include: assists in researching, analyzing, and collect-
ing data from a variety of sources to identify and evaluate crime series,
patterns, and trends; reviews police officers’ crime and arrest reports,
field interviews, and pawn slips for content; provides statistical infor-
mation to supervisory and management staff as necessary; performs
tactical analysis, strategic crime analysis, and administrative analysis
dependent on situational demands; conducts and evaluates searches
of databases and other information systems to assist in locating sus-
pects and victims and to identify stolen property; provides timely and
valuable investigative assistance to sworn law enforcement personnel
for the purpose of identifying victims and offenders; assists sworn
law enforcement personnel in developing target profiles; uses profiles
to track criminals; utilizes a variety of databases and computer pro-
grams to generate maps, hotspots, reports, and statistical and tacti-
cal information; assists in reviewing and responding to requests for
information related to crime analysis from other divisions, depart-
ments, outside agencies, and the public; attends community meet-
ings, department in-service/training programs, and patrol briefings
to discuss crime patterns and review current events; reviews crime
data to ensure proper reporting to state, regional, and federal agen-
cies; communicates with other jurisdictions regarding mutual crime
problems; notifies detectives of possible multi-jurisdictional links
between crimes and criminals; assists in preparing and developing
crime summaries, statistical reports, spreadsheets, charts, maps, dia-
grams, graphs, and related materials in order to track and present
findings related to criminal activity, patterns, and trends; prepares
predictions based upon previous reported activity and an analysis of
typical behavior patterns; communicates/coordinates with the City
of West Allis (COWA) GIS Coordinator regarding the tracking and
mapping of information on COWA Internet and Intranet; maintains
records and develops reports concerning crime analysis; maintains
records for in-house statistics; maintains and files crime analysis and
management reports; prepares statistical reports as required; provides
staff assistance to Shift Commanders, Crime Prevention Commander
and COWA Neighborhood Services staff; attends meetings to
maintain awareness of new developments in the field of crime analysis

and to share information with others; prepares and assists in the admin-
istration of grants and accreditation process, including the preparation of
quarterly and annual reports, and other special administrative projects;
maintains prompt, predictable, and regular physical attendance; provides
truthful and accurate written and verbal communications; maintains the
ability to competently and credibly testify in court; performs other related
duties as required.
Desirable knowledge, skills, and abilities: Knowledge of the principles
and practices of management, research methodology, organizational
planning, and statistical analysis; law enforcement and criminal jus-
tice systems; laws applicable to record keeping and dissemination of
restricted information; microcomputer systems, applications, and
software; and training techniques. Ability to communicate clearly
both orally and in writing; apply principles, practices, methods, and
techniques of public administration, management analysis, and sta-
tistics to the gathering, organization, and analysis of data; prepare
technical reports with a high degree of skill and clarity; use main-
frame and PC based computer systems, including creating, maintain-
ing, and accessing database files; prepare statistical charts, graphs,
and exhibits; and establish and maintain effective work relationships
with supervisors, other employees, the public, and other government
officials; maintain physical condition appropriate to the performance
of assigned duties and responsibilities which may include sitting for
extended periods of time and operating assigned office equipment;
maintain effective audiovisual discrimination and perception needed
for making observations, communicating with others, reading and
writing, and operating assigned office equipment; maintain mental
capacity which allows for effective interaction and communication
with others.
Minimum requirements: Associates Degree in Criminal Justice,
Crime Analysis or related field or at least 60 college credits from an
accredited college or university and/or attendance at an approved crime
analyst certification program; or an equivalent combination of educa-
tion and experience that would likely provide the required knowledge
and abilities; or three to five years of recent responsible paid work expe-
rience in criminal justice crime analysis, research, or a combination
thereof.
Competent in the use of office computers and applicable software,

including but not limited to, Microsoft Office Suite, GIS, SQL,
report management systems, graphing programs, and statistical
programs.
Pass a police background check due to access to confidential Police
Department information.
Possess the physical capacity to perform the duties of the position
including, but not limited to, continuous sitting, walking, and standing;
occasional lifting/carrying up to 20 lbs.; continuous stretching/reaching
of arms; continuous arching of neck; the ability to occasionally bend,
kneel, twist, stoop, squat, pull, push, etc.; and the ability to continu-
ously focus for long periods of time on projects or while working on
computers.
Salary: The 2015 West Allis resident hourly rate range is $20.86
to $23.47. The non-West Allis resident hourly rate range is $20.43 to
$23.00.
Benefits: Benefits include vacation accrual upon date of hire based
on the vacation schedule; a sickness disability benefit plan; twelve (12)
paid holidays; a comprehensive health insurance plan (which is con-
tributory) covering the employee and his/her family, with eligibility
the first of the month following thirty (30) days of service; fully paid
dental insurance covering the employee and his/her family, with eli-
gibility the first of the month following six (6) months of service; a
dual pension system comprised of the Wisconsin Retirement Fund* and
federal Social Security (both of which are contributory); after six (6)
months of service, a fully paid life insurance program* with coverage in
the amount of the employee’s annual salary adjusted to the next high-
est one thousand dollars, with the option for additional coverage; an
educational reimbursement plan for the pursuit of job related courses;
and voluntary benefit programs consisting of Section 125: Flexible
Benefits for Dependent Care and Medical Reimbursement, Section
457: Deferred Compensation, TreasuryDirect Payroll Savings Plan for
Savings Bonds, Employee Assistance Program (EAP), and Employee
Wellness Program.
* The Wisconsin Retirement Fund and Life Insurance program benefits are provided
according to plan guidelines of the State of Wisconsin Department of Employee
Trust Funds.
Here is one from the San Jose, California, Police Department:
Job title: Program Manager—Crime Analysis (Full Time)
Salary Min: $87838.40

Salary Max: $108160
Full/Part Time: Full Time
Regular/Temporary: Regular
About the department: The City of San Jose, the Capital of Silicon
Valley, is one of the nation’s best managed cities and one of the top
ten cities in which to live, work, and do business. Moreover, San
Jose is the center of cultural, government and economic activity for
the region. The employees of the City of San Jose have embraced the
following values: Integrity, Innovation, Excellence, Collaboration,
Respect and Celebration. The San Jose Police Department is seek-
ing an individual whose values align with the values of the City’s
employees. The mission of the San Jose Police Department is
to create safe places to live, work and learn through community
partnerships.
Position and duties: The San Jose Police Department (SJPD) is
recruiting to fill a Crime Analysis Program Manager in the Research
and Development Unit (R&D). R&D is in the Office of the Chief
of Police and is responsible for research and preparation of complex
reports and specialized projects involving inter-Departmental issues
and intergovernmental topics. The Crime Analysis team analyzes
crime data, produces crime-related reports, and ensures accurate
and timely reporting of crime data to the Department of Justice, the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, other City departments and police
management.
Under the direction of a Lieutenant, the Crime Analysis Program
Manager is responsible for managing all functions of the Crime
Analysis Unit by performing work of considerable difficulty in plan-
ning, coordinating, and directing the utilization of complex comput-
erized systems for crime analysis functions; insures the accuracy and
integrity of the various databases; provides management support and
specialized expertise to users of crime data, systems analysts, and oper-
ations personnel.
The essential functions of this position are as follows:
Plan, implement, and manage the Crime Analysis Program; estab-

lish objectives; maintain project timelines for various projects;
ensure efficient utilization of resources; and administer program
budget. Establish and/or direct the development of detailed pro-
cedures to retrieve, integrate, and analyze crime data, including
data sharing and data transfer. Perform complex statistical anal-
yses to monitor crime levels throughout the City and to support
strategic deployment of police resources. Summarize statistics
into concise reports for review by the Mayor and Council, City
Manager’s Office and Police Command personnel. Supervise
subordinates and professional staff in a manner which they are
able to prioritize assigned work; conduct performance evalu-
ations, and ensure that staff member(s) are properly trained.
Anticipate, plan and implement actions to solve problems effec-
tively. Performs related work as required.
This recruitment may be used to fill multiple positions in this, or
other divisions or departments. If you are interested in employ-
ment in this classification, you should apply to ensure you are
considered for additional opportunities that may utilize the
applicants from this recruitment.
Minimum qualifications:
1. Education: Bachelor’s Degree from an accredited college or

university in public or business administration, information
management, criminal justice, statistics, computer science or
other related field.
2. Experience: Five (5) years of paid, increasingly responsible
experience in crime analysis, including two (2) years of super-
visory experience.
3. Background: Submit to and successfully pass a comprehensive
background investigation as required by the SJPD.
4. Employment Eligibility: Federal law requires all employees to
provide verification of their eligibility to work in this country.
Please be informed that the City of San Jose will not prepare
or file a labor condition application with the Department of
Labor.
Desirable qualifications: Possession of certification in Crime and

Intelligence Analysis from the California Department of Justice with
the designation of Certified Crime and Intelligence Analyst for the
State of California or its equivalent.
Competencies: The ideal candidate will possess the following com-
petencies, as demonstrated in past and current employment history.
Desirable competencies for this position include:
• Job Expertise—demonstrates knowledge of and experience

with applicable professional/technical principles and practices,
Citywide and departmental procedures/policies and federal
and state rules and regulations including but not limited to:
law enforcement systems and software; theory, principles,
practices, and methods of crime analysis; geographic informa-
tion systems (GIS) and intelligence applications.
• Supervision—sets effective long and short-term goals based on
sound leadership and management practices; establishes real-
istic priorities within available resources.
• Analytical Thinking—approaches a situation or problem by defin-
ing the problem or issue; identifies a set of features, parameters, or
considerations to take into account, collects and analyzes data, uses
logic and intuition to arrive at conclusions and recommendations.
• Communication Skills—Communicates and listens effectively
and responds in a timely, effective, positive, and respectful
manner; written reports and correspondences are accurate,
complete, current, well-organized, legible, concise, neat, and
in proper grammatical form.
• Team Work and Interpersonal Skills—Demonstrates a posi-
tive attitude and flexibility along with the ability to develop
effective relationships with staff, colleagues, and the City’s
departments by helping others accomplish tasks and using col-
laboration and conflict resolution skills.
• Collaboration—develops networks and builds alliances;
engages in cross-functional activities.
• Change Management—demonstrates support for innovation
and for organizational changes needed to improve the organi-
zation’s effectiveness; facilitates the implementation and accep-
tance of change within the workplace.
• Planning—acts to align own unit’s goals with the strategic

direction of the organization.
Selection process: The selection process will consist of an evaluation of the

applicant’s training and experience based on the application and responses
to the Job-Specific Questions. Only the candidates whose backgrounds
best match the position will be invited to proceed in the selection process.
Additional phases of the selection process will consist of one or more
interviews, one of which may include a practical/writing exercise.
You will be prompted to answer the following job-specific questions during the
online application process:
• Do you have a Bachelor’s Degree from an accredited college

or university in public or business administration, information
management, criminal justice, statistics, computer science or
other related field? If yes, please indicate the name of the col-
lege or university and degree.
• Do you have at least five (5) years of paid, increasingly respon-
sible experience in crime analysis? If yes, describe your duties
and list where you obtained your experience (your answer
must correspond to the detailed information provided in your
application).
• Do you have two (2) years of experience supervising staff? If
yes, please describe the number of staff you have supervised
and where you obtained this experience (your answer must
correspond to the detailed information provided in your
application).
• Do you possess a Crime and Intelligence Analysis Certification
from the California Department of Justice or equivalent? If so,
please list any and all relevant certification(s) you possess.
• Do you have experience using computer applications for crime
and intelligence analysis? If so, describe your experience
including the applications you have used for crime and intel-
ligence analysis, your level of expertise with the application(s),
and examples of the work performed.
• Do you have experience managing a program? If yes, please
describe the program you managed, the number of personnel
you managed for the program, and include the level and scope
of all other related responsibilities.
• Do you have experience in summarizing statistics into accu-
rate, well-organized, written reports or correspondence? If so,
please describe the nature of the reports and to whom they
were presented or ultimately utilized.
You may answer these questions directly in the on-line application

system or on a separate document and then cut and paste your answers
into the appropriate spaces when prompted.
You must answer all job-specific questions in order to be consid-
ered for this vacancy or your application will be deemed incomplete and
withheld from further consideration.
Application instructions: Submission of a resume is optional. The
Education History and Work History sections of the application must
be completed or the application will be considered to be incomplete and
may be withheld from further consideration.
Application must be completed or the application will be con-
sidered to be incomplete and may be withheld from further
consideration.
E-mail is the default method of communication with applicants. To
ensure that you receive timely notification regarding your application
status, please provide a current e-mail address when submitting your
application. It is also recommended that you adjust any spam filters to
ensure that you can receive e-mails from @sanjoseca.gov.
The application deadline is 11:59 PM on the final filing date. Please
allow adequate time to complete the application and submit before the
deadline or the system may not save your application.
If your online application was successfully submitted, you will receive
an automatic confirmation email to the email address you provided (San
Jose Police Department, 2015).
As is evident from these two crime analyst job postings, the job
market is varied in terms of different types of positions available and
with divergent salary ranges. However, as is also readily apparent
from these job descriptions, the skills and qualifications for a crime
analyst can be analyst are extensive and broad.
Education for Crime Analysts
It has been emphasized at places in this book that crime analysts

should possess an overview of the investigative process from the law
enforcement perspective. With that in mind, what follows is an ideal
curriculum, based on the classes Glenn Grana teaches to crime ana-
lysts in New York. He refers to it as a basic criminal investigations
course for crime and intelligence analysts, and the intent is to intro-
duce the analyst to the investigative mindset that a police officer/
investigator uses when conducting a real-time criminal investigation,
interview, or follow-up investigation. The goal, upon completion of
the curriculum, is to help the analyst better understand the investi-
gative process that their law enforcement counterparts follow while
developing an investigative skill set that can help enhance their own
investigative process at the same time.
Course curriculum:
• Introduction to criminal investigations
• Historical
• The analyst’s role
• Basic investigative techniques/locating suspects
• Creating actionable intelligence from information
• Understanding solvability factors
• Working and creating leads
• Interview techniques
• Active listening
• Command of Q and A process when extracting informa-
tion from LE
• Pattern investigations: beyond traditional analysis
• Understanding commonalities and their relevance to MO
• Case management
• Follow-up
• Closing the case out
• Courtroom testimony
• Demeanor
• Understanding Brady and Rosario
• Case study: homicide investigation
• Understanding the analyst’s role in a large-scale, multiple
homicide investigation
The follow-up to this course would be courses to provide essential

knowledge, similar to what has been featured throughout this book,
about analysis criminal intelligence.
Where to Go for More Information about Crime Analyst Jobs
The first place to go for information is the International Association of

Crime Analysts (IACA). This is probably the most well-known pro-
fessional association for the crime analyst field. It maintains a Current
Job Opportunities page on its website that lists crime analyst jobs
(http://www.iaca.net/resources.asp?Cat=Job). You may want to note
the types of requirements listed. Many require at least a bachelor’s
degree or some other combination of college and experience. Usually,
the degrees required are in criminal justice, sociology, public admin-
istration, or computer sciences. IACA also offers a variety of training
courses and professional conferences.
Technology and the Future of Policing
Getting a job and working in criminal justice today means hav-

ing the opportunity to utilize robots, global positioning systems
(GPS), advanced cameras, and high-powered computer systems.
These important technologies have improved investigation, sur-
veillance, and analysis procedures. But, as with all technology in
all fields, technology works great so long as it is being utilized by
workers with the requisite skill set and intelligence to properly
use it.
Every aspect of law enforcement has a computer program associ-
ated with the job, from DNA testing to robotic cameras to automatic
license plate recognition systems—just to name a few. The number of
electronics now available to make criminal justice jobs more effective
is rapidly growing. Of course, criminals also utilize these technolo-
gies, so professionals in the industry have to remain one step ahead in
technology to combat illicit usage.
As we hope has been made clear in this book, one of the most
important technological tools in the field today is the computer data-
base. There are now database systems for DNA testing and profiling,
fingerprints, and hot spot crime mapping programs. For each type
of database that exists, there have been corresponding technological

advancements in that niche.
Everyone is familiar with computers, but the criminal justice field
also gets to see more unique forms of technological advancements,
such as the following:
• Robots, robotic cameras, and flying drones. Instead of send-
ing in an officer to check out a dangerous situation or diffuse
a bomb, it’s now possible to send in a robot. There are even
flying robotic drones that give officers a bird’s-eye view of a
crime scene without a person having to go up in the air.
• Gunshot detection system (GDS). This system of electronic
sensors installed in high-crime areas helps police quickly
detect where any gunshots come from. They allow for an
improved response time that helps reduce crime.
• GPS and GIS. Police departments can use GPS and geo-
graphic information systems (GIS) in so many ways these
days. They can help officers get to a crime scene using the
most effective route, and they can pinpoint where a suspect is
located. One great way GPS is used is to track fleeing crimi-
nals without having to engage in a dangerous high-speed
chase. GIS can be used to track police vehicles so depart-
ments always know where they are located.
• Automatic license plate recognition (ALPR). There are now
cameras inside police cars that can automatically run every
single license plate the camera sees. An officer immediately
sees if the car is stolen or if the driver has warrants out for his
or her arrest.
But, as you have learned, police departments, through the skills
and expertise of crime analysts, can use data mining and predictive
analytics to identify crime trends and highlight “hidden” connections
between disparate events. This helps the police gain a more complete
picture of crime, predict patterns of future criminal behavior, and
identify the key causal factors of crime in their area.
Just over the horizon of coming law enforcement technologies is
biometrics, including facial recognition. The same software that has
been used to identify high rollers and cheats in casinos, for example,
can now be used to single out people banned from football stadiums
or terrorists on a watch list at key border control points. Biometrics,

including iris recognition, is ready to be used to match passengers
to their digital images on e-passports at border crossings all over
the world. This wasn’t even imagined as possible in the twentieth
century.
The most exciting news is that the potential for technology to
reduce crime is real and proven. However, all law enforcement agen-
cies must prepare their officers to embrace new technologies as they
become available. It is apparent that our future safety and security
depends on this.
One important tool in the present—and future—arsenal of police
departments is predictive policing. As the ability to collect, store, and
analyze data becomes cheaper and easier, law enforcement agencies
are adopting techniques that harness the potential of technology to
provide more and better information. But while these new tools have
been welcomed by law enforcement agencies, they’re raising concerns
about privacy, surveillance, and how much power should be given
over to computer algorithms.
Jeffrey Brantingham, a professor of anthropology at the University
of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), helped develop the predictive
policing system that is now licensed to dozens of police departments
under the brand name PredPol (Hoff, 2013). PredPol’s technique and
proprietary algorithm is all about predicting where and when crime
is most likely to occur, although not necessarily who will commit it.
PredPol is now being used in a third of the Los Angeles Police
Department’s 21 geographic policing divisions, and officers on
patrol are equipped with maps sprinkled with a dozen or more red
boxes indicating high probabilities of criminal activity (Hoff, 2013).
Dozens of other cities across the United States are using the PredPol
software to predict crime, including gang activity, drug crimes, and
shootings.
Challenges to Integrating Crime Analysis into Policing
Even though there are numerous advantages to using technology in

police work, there are still barriers and challenges to implementation.
One of the most significant barriers is an incomplete understanding on
the part of police department leadership of how to use both intelligence
analysis and crime analysis more effectively (Peed et al., 2008). In one
study, Taylor et al. (2013) found that while most police agencies have
at least one staff member conducting crime analysis, and while most
police departments consider crime analysis a priority and critical to
achieving the agency mission, there still is much work to be done to
bring about an integrated approach within police organizations to make
crime analysis an important part of how patrol operates. Taylor et al.
discovered that few patrol officers make use of crime analysis or have
contact with crime analysis personnel, many police agencies have no
feedback mechanism for the impact of crime analysis, and analysts only
infrequently make use of opportunities (e.g., roll call briefings or ride-
alongs) to better understand the operations and culture of patrol (Taylor
et al., 2013).
Other research suggests that training for both intelligence analysts
and crime analysts is often inadequate and limited (Peed et al., 2008).
However, development of what Peed et al. describe as an integrated
crime analysis model is not out of reach, given the right leadership
direction and proper resources and training. They recommend that
police management should tailor crime analysis training to support
the specific missions and products most needed by command staff
members and line officers.
Although many law enforcement administrators and managers have
not yet fully grasped the full potential of what skilled crime analysts
can do, and they have not quite figured out how to apply crime ana-
lyst skills effectively and efficiently, ultimately we believe that police
departments will come to appreciate the extraordinary benefits of
crime analysis. By making greater use of crime analysts working in
RTCCs or fusion centers, the services of crime analysts will enhance
the safety and efficiency of the police to better serve and protect their
communities.
1. Would you like to be a crime analyst? Why or why not?

2. Based on what you have learned throughout this book and
based on what you know about the steady advances in tech-
nology, how would you envision technology will revolutionize
policing in the next 25 years?
Important Terms
Biometrics: Measuring and analysis of such physical attributes

as facial features and voice or retinal scans, often used for
identification.
Crime analysis unit: Police department unit responsible for crime
analysis.
Fusion centers: Information sharing centers, which were first
developed by the U.S. Department of Justice. Now the term
fusion center is often used as another name for real-time crime
center.
Predictive policing: Any policing strategy or tactic that develops
and uses information and advanced analysis to lead to for-
ward-thinking crime prevention.
PredPol: Jeffrey Brantingham, a professor of anthropology at
UCLA, helped develop the predictive policing system that is
now licensed to dozens of police departments under the brand
name PredPol.
Real-time crime center (RTCC): Centralized technology center
that gives field officers and detectives instant information to
help identify patterns and stop emerging crime.
Routine activities theory: Theory that holds that crime takes place
when a motivated offender and a suitable target coincide in
time and space with the absence of a committed guardian.

1. Routine activities theory and other environmental
approaches hold great promise for the future of policing and
crime prevention.
2. The authors of this book take the position that crime
analysts with their technology have a much better chance for
reducing crime and crime rates than do patrol officers and
detectives.
3. The police departments of the future, as is becoming
clearer each year, will be about integrating technology with
policing.
4. Although more police departments are developing

crime analysis units and RTCCs, these units do not have to
be staffed by qualified and skilled crime analysts.
5. As technology becomes more sophisticated and increasingly
critical to police department operations, police agencies will
need to
a. Be led by traditional police administrators
b. Hire more trained and professional crime analysts
c. Hire more detectives
d. Become more militarized
6. A good crime analyst must bring three things to the job: (1)
an educational background in criminology or criminal justice,
(2) a working knowledge of policing and investigation, and
(3) .
a. An ability to put a positive spin on crime
b. Skills in fighting the war on drugs
c. Training and skills in computer analysis
d. Skills in accounting and business practices
7. To be successful in the job, a crime analyst must be able to
communicate complex ideas in
a. A clear and down-to-earth manner
b. A way that sounds impressive
c. A way so that no one really understands what the police
are doing
d. Double-talk
References
Bond, M. (2015). Crime mapping technology and its impact on law enforce-
ment intelligence. In Public Safety. Available at http://inpublicsafety.
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enforcement-intelligence/.
Clark, M. (2013). Are you ready for the future of policing? Police: The Law
Enforcement Magazine. Available at http://www.policemag.com/blog/
technology/story/2013/12/future-trends-in-accelerating-technology-
conference.aspx.
FBI. (2014). Crime in the United States, 2013. Uniform Crime Report. FBI.
Available at https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2013/crime-in-the-
u.s.-2013/offenses-known-to-law-enforcement/clearances/clearanc-
etopic_final.pdf.
Hoff, S. (2013). Professor helps develop predictive policing by using trends

to predict, prevent crimes. Daily Brun. Available at http://dailybruin.
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trends-to-predict-prevent-crimes/.
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police-technology-changes-2015.
Newcombe, T. (2014). Forecasting the future for technology and policing.
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Perry, W.L., McInnes, B., Price, C.C., Hollywood, J. S., and Smith, S.C. (2013).
Predictive policing: The role of crime forecasting in law enforcement
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dam/rand/pubs/research_reports/RR200/RR233/RAND_RR233.pdf.
Sage.
Taylor, B., Boba, R., and Egge, J. (2013). The integration of crime analysis into
patrol work: A guidebook. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice,
Community Oriented Policing Services. Available at http://ric-zai-inc.
com/Publications/cops-p209-pub.pdf.
Index
ADAM II, see Arrestee Drug Abuse Amazon, 177

Monitoring II (ADAM II) American Bar Association, 22
Administrative crime analysis, Analysis stage, 155
217– 218, 315– 324 Analytical systems, 179– 180
crime mapping and, 320– 321 ANN, see Artificial neural network
data using, 319– 320 (ANN)
low-priority analysis, 319 APB, see Advisory Policy Board
processes, 317 (APB)
reports, 317– 319 ArcGIS, 46– 47
techniques and products, Arizona State University, 274
316– 317 Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring II
using Internet, 321– 322 (ADAM II), 39
Advisory Policy Board (APB), 28, Arrest rates, UCR and, 31– 32
29 Arson, Explosives, and Incident
AEXIS, see Arson, Explosives, and System (AEXIS), 139
Incident System (AEXIS) Artificial intelligence (AI), 181
Age-graded theory, 62 Artificial neural network (ANN),
Agnew, Robert, 61, 62 183
A History of Crime and Criminal Artificial Neural Network System
Justice in America , 86 for Classification of
AI, see Artificial intelligence (AI) Offenders in Murder and
Aichhorn, August, 59 Rape Cases project, 183
Algorithm, 182 Associate Wizard, 187
ALPR, see Automatic license plate Association of State UCR Programs
recognition (ALPR) (ASUCRP), 28
3 61
362 In d e x
ATF, see Bureau of Alcohol, Bureau of the Census, 36

Tobacco, Firearms, and Burgess, Ernest, 252
Explosives (ATF) Bush, George W., 113
Athenian law, 10 Byrd, James, Jr., 28– 29
Aurora Police Department, 82– 83
Automatic license plate recognition CAD, see Computer-aided dispatch
(ALPR), 354 (CAD)
CADE, see Crime Analysis Directed
Barger, Mel, 12 Enforcement (CADE)
Basic Investigator School California Department of Justice,
Curriculum, 212 199
Beccaria, Cesare, 11, 56 Carroll Doctrine, 109
Behavioral Research and Instruction Carroll v. United States , 109
Unit (BRIU), 142 Cartographic School, 252
Behavioral Science Unit (BSU), 142 Casady, Tom, 238
Bentham, Jeremy, 56 CATCH, see Computer-
Big Red, 151– 152 Aided Tracking and
Bill of Rights, 110 Characterization of
Biological theories, 57 Homicides (CATCH)
BJS, see Bureau of Justice Statistics CATCHRAPE software, 183
(BJS) Central business district (CBD), 253
Blocked opportunity, 60 Certified Crime and Intelligence
Brantingham, Jeffrey, 355 Analyst, 199
Brantingham, Patricia, 258 Certified Law Enforcement Analyst
Brantingham, Paul, 258 (CLEA), 199
Bratton, Bill, 200, 201, 202, 203 Chapters from My Autobiography , 42
Bratton, William J., 94 Chesapeake Police Department, 232
BRIU, see Behavioral Research and Chicago Police Department, 196
Instruction Unit (BRIU) Chimel v. United States , 107
Broken windows policing, 68, 259 Choropleth mapping, 264– 265
Brown, Michael, 5 CID, see Criminal Investigations
Bruce, Christopher W., 305 Department (CID)
Brussel, James, 141 Circumstantial evidence, 133– 134
BSU, see Behavioral Science Unit City of West Allis (COWA), 344
(BSU) CJIS, see Criminal Justice
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Information Services (CJIS)
Firearms, and Explosives Clarke, Ronald, 64, 227, 259, 287
(ATF), 139 Classical theories, 56– 57
Bureau of Investigation, 22 CLEA, see Certified Law
Bureau of Justice, 34 Enforcement Analyst
Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), 9, (CLEA)
23, 33, 34, 38 Clearances, UCR and, 30
In d e x 363
Clustering, 184– 186, 271– 274 community policing, 67– 68

CMRC, see Crime Mapping decreasing, 72– 73
Research Center (CMRC) intelligence-led policing,
Cohen, Lawrence, 64, 65, 301 69– 70
Collection stage, 154– 155 modus operandi of criminal
Commission on Law Enforcement offender, 71
and Administration of nature vs . nurture, 62– 63
Justice, 7, 23 positivists, 57– 60
Community Impact Division, 238 problem-oriented policing,
Community policing, 67– 68 68– 69
Comparison crime trend chart, 307 sociological explanations,
Compound problem report, 307 60– 62
CompStat, see Computer statistics/ standard model, 67
comparative statistics tactical crime analyst, 65– 66
(CompStat) theories about origins of,
Computer-aided dispatch (CAD), 55– 57
44, 45– 46, 47, 136 theories for, analyst, 63– 65
Computer-Aided Tracking and comparing results of UCR,
Characterization of NCVS, and self-report
Homicides (CATCH), 183 measures, 40– 41
Computer-based transaction CompStat, 42
processing, 178– 179 computer-aided dispatch (CAD),
Computer statistics/comparative 45– 46
statistics (CompStat), 42, National Crime Statistics
47, 94– 95, 199, 201, 202, Exchange (NCS-X), 34– 35
203, 204, 238, 239 National Crime Victimization
Concentric zone theory, 252 Survey, 35– 38
Conduct disorder, 59 results of, 37– 38
Conflict theories, 61 strengths and drawbacks of,
Content analysis, 291 37
Control theories, 62 National Incident-Based
Cornish, Derek, 64 Reporting System, 33– 34
Corpus delicti, 133 problem, 3– 18
Corra’ s Nationwide Criminal analyzing, 10– 12
Records Database, 171 criminal behavior, 12– 13
COWA, see City of West Allis definitions of terms and
(COWA) concepts, 14
Crime technology and, 14– 16
analyst and statistics, 42– 43 in United States, 7– 9
ArcGIS, 46– 47 process of data collection and
causation, 53– 75 storage, 44– 45
broken windows policing, 68 records management system, 46
364 In d e x
reporting on amount of, 26 history and types of, 195– 221

self-report data, 38– 40 administrative crime analysis,
drawbacks of, 40 217– 218
results of, 39– 40 classification of, 204– 205
statistical data and law crisis management and
enforcement, 24– 26, 43 negotiation, 208– 216
Uniform Crime Reports, 26– 33 police operations analysis,
and arrest rates, 31– 32 218– 219
changes in, 28– 29 strategic crime analysis,
and clearances, 30 216– 217
and crime rates, 30– 31 tactical, 205– 208
drawbacks of, 32 types of, 219
and property crime, 30 police operations, 327– 336
results from, 32– 33 kinds of recommendations,
statistics for, 29 331– 334
and violent crime, 29– 30 techniques and methods,
viewing, through prism of 329– 331
statistics, 41 strategic, 283– 312
working collected data using data crime trends analyzed by,
sets, 47– 48 286– 287
Crime, and hot spot theories, data that, examine, 287– 288
251– 255 final goal of, 308– 309
Crime analysis final report and
administrative, 315– 324 recommendations, 304– 308
crime mapping and, 320– 321 focus in, 284– 286
data using, 319– 320 formulating hypotheses,
low-priority analysis, 319 302– 304
processes, 317 long-range perspective of, 286
reports, 317– 319 qualitative methods, 289– 294
techniques and products, qualitative vs . quantitative
316– 317 research, 288
using Internet, 321– 322 recommendations for crime
and future of policing, 339– 357 trend solutions, 295– 300
becoming crime analyst, report of, 294– 295
342– 343 using problem analysis
challenges to integrating, triangle, 300– 302
355– 356 writing and distributing
education for, 352– 353 reports, 308
information about jobs, 353 tactical, 223– 247
need for, 341– 342 array of tactics and strategies,
qualifications and job 235– 237
descriptions, 343– 351 commonalities, 242
technology and, 353– 355 contact information, 243
In d e x 365
crime summary, 242 crime opportunity, 260

encouraging initiative crime pattern, 261
throughout police grid cell mapping analysis,
department, 237 268– 269
example of analytical pattern hot areas, 267
product, 244 hot spots identifying, 262
formal response process, hot streets, 266– 267
237– 239 kernel density interpolation,
getting analysts out of office, 269– 270
234– 235 kinds of maps generated by GIS,
incident details, 242– 243 263– 266
map, 243 dot, 264
patterns, 225– 233, 239– 241 ellipse and choropleth,
photos, 243 264– 265
providing actionable grid thematic mapping,
information, 233– 234 265– 266
purpose of finished product, kernel density estimation, 266
243– 244 line, 264
tools for analyst polygon, 266
communication, 232– 233 maps and geographic
using analytical results for information systems,
product development, 262– 263
241– 242 point pattern analysis, 271
Crime Analysis Directed routine activities, 259
Enforcement (CADE), 237 situational crime prevention, 259
Crime Analysis Program Manager, social disorganization, 260– 261
347 standard deviation analysis, 268
Crime Analysis Unit, 232 statistical testing for hot spots,
Crime analyst, and police 270– 271
investigations, 135– 138 Crime prevention, 275– 276
Crime mapping, and administrative Crime rates, UCR and, 30– 31
crime analysis, 320– 321 CrimeStat III, 274
Crime Mapping and Analysis “ Crime: The Unsolved Problem” , 12
Program, 204 Crime trends, 286– 287, 295– 300
Crime Mapping Research Center Crime triangle, see Problem analysis
(CMRC), 203 triangle
Crime opportunity theory, 260 “ Crime Victimization in the United
“ Crime Pattern Definitions for States” , 36
Tactical Analysis” , 226 Criminal event perspective, 12
Crime pattern theory, 255, 256– 257, Criminal investigations, 92,
261 113– 117, 129– 131
Crime places, theory of, 258– 271 Criminal Investigations Department
broken windows, 259 (CID), 127, 197
366 In d e x
Criminal justice, data mining in, Department of Justice, 9, 23, 27, 34,
181– 183 35, 82, 347
machine learning, 181– 182 Department of Motor Vehicles, 170
neural network, 183 Detroit Police Department, 8
statistical, 181 Developmental, and life course
Criminal Justice Information theories, 62
Services (CJIS), 27, 29 Devil’ s Night period, 265
Criminal offending, 63 Differential association, 60
Criminal personality theory, 65 Dinkins, David, 200
Critical/radical criminology, 61 DIR, see Domestic incident report
Critical thinking, 239 (DIR)
Direct, and circumstantial evidence,
D’ Amico, Joseph, 151 133– 134
Darwin, Charles, 57 Disorder density map, 307
Data collection, and storage, 43, 45 Disruptive behavior disorder, 59
Data mining, and intelligence, Dissemination stage, 156
156– 157, 175– 190 DNA testing, 353
analytical systems, 179– 180 Dolree Mapp, 105
computer-based transaction Domestic incident report (DIR), 158
processing, 178– 179 Dot map, 264
in criminal justice, 181– 183 Drug Enforcement Administration
machine learning, 181– 182 (DEA), 139
neural network, 183 Drug problem, 8
statistical, 181 Dual kernel density interpolation,
overview, 176– 177 269
relationships, 183– 188 Durkheim, Emile, 57
associations, 186– 187
clusters, 184– 186 Early theories, 55– 56
entity extractions, 184 Eck, John, 198, 227, 287, 298
sequentials, 187– 188 Edges, 261
role of information technology Edward I, King, 11, 81
and transaction processing, 80/20 analysis report, 306
179 Ellipse, and choropleth maps,
working, 177– 178 264– 265
Davis, Robert, 339 EntityCube, 184
DEA, see Drug Enforcement Entity extractions, 184
Administration (DEA) Environmental assessment, 294
Defective intelligence, 59 Environmental criminology, 252,
Density analysis, 268 258
Department of Corrections, 171 Environmental Protection Agency,
Department of Criminal Justice 171
Services, 212 Escobedo, Danny, 112
In d e x 367
Escobedo v. Illinois , 112 Geographic boundary thematic

ESRI, 46 mapping, see Choropleth
mapping
Geographic information systems
Facebook, 181
(GIS), 42, 44, 45, 46, 264,
“ Father of American policing” , see
270, 320, 344, 354
Vollmer, August
to create crime maps, 251
FBI, see Federal Bureau of
to enhance public safety, 203
Investigation (FBI)
kinds of maps generated by,
Federal Bureau of Investigation
263– 266
(FBI), 22, 23, 26, 27, 29,
dot, 264
30, 31, 33, 34, 82, 83, 139,
ellipse and choropleth,
141, 142, 160, 171, 200,
264– 265
329, 330, 347
grid thematic mapping,
Felson, Marcus, 64, 65, 301
265– 266
Field interview form (FIF), 155, 158
kernel density estimation, 266
Field research, 289– 291
line, 264
Field training officer (FTO), 89
polygon, 266
FIF, see Field interview form (FIF)
Geographic profiling software
Fifth Amendment, 110, 113
packages, 143
Fingerprints, 353
GIS, see Geographic information
Florida v. Bostick , 110
systems (GIS)
Florida v. Jimeno , 108
Giuliani, Rudy, 200
Focus groups, 293
GIWG, see Global Intelligence
Follow-up investigation, 132– 133
Working Group (GIWG)
Fourth Amendment, 101, 103, 105,
Global Intelligence Working Group
106– 107, 113
(GIWG), 157, 162
Frequent sequence mining, 188
Global positioning systems (GPS),
Freud, Sigmund, 58
354
FTO, see Field training officer
Goldstein, Herman, 14, 197, 198,
(FTO)
295, 297, 298
Good faith exception, 110
Gallup Inc., 9 Goring, Charles, 58
Gang-related tracking, 171 Gottfredson, D. M., 62
GDS, see Gunshot detection system GPS, see Global positioning systems
(GDS) (GPS)
Geary’ s C, 272– 273 Grana, Glenn, 88, 127, 206, 208,
Gemme, Gary, 238 214, 352
Gender-based theories, 61 Great American crime decline, 93
GeoDa Center for Geospatial Grid cell mapping analysis, 268– 269
Analysis and Computation, Grid thematic mapping, 265– 266
274 Gross, Hans, 141
368 In d e x
Guerry, Andre, 252 crime pattern, 261

Gunshot detection system (GDS), grid cell mapping analysis,
354 268– 269
hot areas, 267
Hammurabi, 10 hot spots identifying, 262
Harris v. United States , 107 hot streets, 266– 267
Hartnett, Edmund, 203 kernel density interpolation,
Harvard Business Review , 177 269– 270
Hate Crimes Prevention Act, 29 kinds of maps generated by
Health Committee, 8 GIS, 263– 266
Hecht-Nielsen, Robert, 183 maps and geographic
Hilgenberg, J. F., 86 information systems,
Hirschi, Travis, 62 262– 263
Hobbs, Sam, 83 point pattern analysis, 271
Hobbs Act Task Force, 83 routine activities, 259
Holder, Eric, 7 situational crime prevention,
Holmes, James, 81, 82 259
Homeland Security Act, 162 social disorganization,
Hoover, Herbert, 22, 86 260– 261
Hostage Response Team (HRT), standard deviation analysis,
208, 209 268
Hot areas, 267 statistical testing for hot
Hot place, 229 spots, 270– 271
Hot prey, 228– 229 Hot streets, 266– 267
Hot product, 229 HRT, see Hostage Response Team
Hot setting, 229 (HRT)
Hot spot analysis, 42, 229
Hot spot crime mapping programs, IACA, see International
353 Association of Crime
Hot spots policing, tactical crime Analysts (IACA)
analysis and, 249– 279 IACP, see International Association
crime and hot spot theories, of Chiefs of Police (IACP)
251– 255 ICAP, see Integrated Criminal
crime pattern theory, 256– 257 Apprehension Program
prevention through (ICAP)
environmental design, IJIS, see Integrated Justice
275– 276 Information Systems (IJIS)
routine activities theory, 255– 256 Institute
strategies and tactics, 275 Impact teams, 238
tests for clustering, 271– 274 Information technology (IT), and
theory of crime places, 258– 271 transaction processing, 177,
broken windows, 259 179
crime opportunity, 260 Institute for Social Research, 39
In d e x 369
Integrated Criminal Apprehension and tactical analyst, 149– 163

Program (ICAP), 197, 204 assisting with identification of
Integrated Justice Information out-of-state murder suspect,
Systems (IJIS) Institute, 34 154– 156
Integrated theories, 62 data mining, 156– 157
Intelligence, 14, 114, 123– 147 -led policing, 157– 158
collecting, 167– 174 process, 152– 154
interplay between, analyst real-time crime centers, 151
and criminal investigator, responsibilities, 157
169– 170 robbery investigation,
sources of information, 151– 152
170– 172 shots fired, 158– 159
confidential informants, and terrorist threat, 159– 162
138– 139 time– event charting and link
crime analyst and police analysis, 144
investigations, 135– 138 Intelligence-led policing, 69– 70
criminal investigations, Intelligence officer, 210
129– 131 International Association of Chiefs
criminal profiles, 141– 143 of Police (IACP), 21, 22,
data mining and, 175– 190 26, 27, 34, 160
analytical systems, 179– 180 International Association of Crime
computer-based transaction Analysts (IACA), 199, 225,
processing, 178– 179 226, 305, 353
in criminal justice, 181– 183 Interviews, 291– 292
overview, 176– 177 Investigators, 237
relationships, 183– 188 iPoll, 320
role of information Isoline maps, 265
technology and transaction IT, see Information technology (IT)
processing, 179 Itemset mining, 187
working, 177– 178
direct and circumstantial
Johnson, Corey, 8
evidence, 133– 134
Johnson, Lyndon B., 7, 23
evidence, 133
Journal of Criminal Law and
follow-up investigation,
Criminology , 22
132– 133
Justice Systems Improvement Act,
geographical profiling, 143– 144
23
investigative leads and
informants, 134– 135
preliminary investigation, Kansas City Preventive Patrol
131– 132 Project, 87
reports, 141 Katzenbach, Nicholas, 7
role of databases in KDD, see Knowledge discovery and
investigations, 139– 141 data mining (KDD)
3 70 In d e x
KDE, see Kernel density estimation McVeigh, Timothy, 113

(KDE) “ The Mad Bomber” , 141
Kelling, George, 68, 259 Madoff, Bernard, 82
Kelly, Raymond, 151, 202 Maple, Jack, 199, 201
Kernel density estimation (KDE), 266 Mapping and Analysis for Public
Kernel density interpolation, 269–270 Safety Program (MAPS),
Kirk, Paul, 141 203, 204
Knowledge discovery and data Mapp v. Ohio , 105
mining (KDD), 182 MAPS, see Mapping and Analysis
for Public Safety Program
Labeling theory, 60 (MAPS)
Landrieu, Mitch, 8 Mayhew, Henry, 252
LAPD, see Los Angeles Police Mazoli, Jeremiah, 6
Department (LAPD) Mean center, 273
Laub, 62 Microsoft, 184
Law enforcement, 81, 114 Microsoft Association Rules
Law Enforcement Assistance algorithm, 187
Administration (LEAA), Miranda, Ernesto, 111
197 Miranda v. Arizona , 111, 112
Law Enforcement Intelligence Units Modus operandi (MO), 71, 114,
(LEIU), 172 135, 182
LEAA, see Law Enforcement Monitoring the Future surveys, 39
Assistance Administration Moore, David, 156
(LEAA) Moran’ s I, 272
LeadsOnLine, 172 MS Access 2000, 232
Learning theory, 61 MS Excel, 232
LEIU, see Law Enforcement Mueller, Robert, III, 29, 160
Intelligence Units (LEIU) Municipal Police Department, 85
LexisNexis, 320
Line maps, 264
Local indicators of spatial NamUs, see National Missing
association (LISA), 274 and Unidentified Persons
Lombroso, Cesare, 57, 58 System (NamUs)
London Metropolitan Police, 11, 84, Napolitano, Janet, 160
196, 197 National Commission on
Los Angeles Police Department Law Observance and
(LAPD), 203, 204, 355 Enforcement, 22, 86
Low-priority category, 319 National Commission on Terrorist
Attacks, see 9/11
McBride, Renisha, 5 Commission Report
McCarthy, Gary, 203 National Consortium for Justice
Machine learning, 181– 182 Information and Statistics
McKay, Henry, 253 (SEARCH), 34
In d e x 3 71
National Crime Information Center NCS-X, see National Crime

Advisory Policy Board, 28 Statistics Exchange
National Crime Information Center (NCS-X)
(NCIC), 139 NCVS, see National Crime
National Crime Statistics Exchange Victimization Survey
(NCS-X), 34– 35 (NCVS)
National Crime Victimization NDPIX, see National Drug Pointer
Survey (NCVS), 23, Index (NDPIX)
35– 38 Nearest-neighbor index (NNI),
results of, 37– 38 271– 272
strengths and drawbacks of, 37 Netflix, 177
National Criminal Intelligence Neural network, 183
Sharing Plan, 157, 162 New Orleans Police Department
National Drug Pointer Index (NOPD), 8
(NDPIX), 139 News Feed, 181
National Gang Intelligence Center New York City Police Department
(NGIC), 171 (NYPD), 42, 89, 94, 128,
National Incident-Based Reporting 151, 199, 200, 201– 202,
System (NIBRS), 33– 34 203, 204, 238
National Institute of Justice (NIJ), New York City Police Foundation,
113, 139, 203 201
National Institute on Drug Abuse, New York Magazine , 201
39 NGIC, see National Gang
National Institutes of Health, 39 Intelligence Center
National Integrated Ballistics (NGIC)
Information Network NIBIN, see National Integrated
(NIBIN), 139 Ballistics Information
National Law Enforcement & Network (NIBIN)
Corrections Technology NIBRS, see National Incident-
Center (NLECTC), 204 Based Reporting System
National Missing and Unidentified (NIBRS)
Persons System (NamUs), NIJ, see National Institute of Justice
139 (NIJ)
National Police Academy, 141 9/11 attacks, 160
National Sex Offender Public 9/11 Commission Report, 113,
Website, 172 162
National Sheriffs’ Association NLECTC, see National Law
(NSA), 17 Enforcement & Corrections
National Survey on Drug Use and Technology Center
Health (NSDUH), 39 (NLECTC)
NCIC, see National Crime NNI, see Nearest-neighbor index
Information Center (NNI)
(NCIC) Nodes, 261
3 72 In d e x
NOPD, see New Orleans Police PERF, see Police Executive Research
Department (NOPD) Forum (PERF)
NSA, see National Sheriffs’ Personal crimes, 36
Association (NSA) Phoenix Police Department, 232
NSDUH, see National Survey on Photographing, 102
Drug Use and Health Pinkerton detective agency, 100
(NSDUH) Place-based policing, see Hot spots
NYPD, see New York City Police policing
Department (NYPD) Planning stage, 154
Point pattern analysis, 271
Police, and law enforcement, 79– 97
Obama, Barack, 7
criminal investigations, 92
Office of Justice Programs, 23
dual system of, 84– 85
Office of National Drug Control
first, departments, 85– 86
Policy (ONDCP), 39
investigative process, 92
Office of Science and Technology,
investigator, 92– 95
204
eras of police reform leading
Oliver, W.M., 86
to change, 93– 94
Omnibus Appropriations Act, 203
CompStat, 94– 95
Omnibus Crime Control and Safe
patrol function, 90– 91
Streets Act, 23
peacekeeping and order
On Crimes and Punishment , 11, 56
maintenance, 91
ONDCP, see Office of National
research on policing and
Drug Control Policy
prevention of crime, 87– 88
(ONDCP)
response to crimes, 81– 82
Ontario Police Department, 328
role of police officers, 88– 89
OOVOC, see Our Own Version of
state/federal, 82– 83
CompStat (OOVOC)
traffic enforcement functions, 91
Operations analysis, 331
transitional policing, 86– 87
Oppositional defiant disorder, 59
in 2000s, 95
The Origin of Species , 57
Police Administration , 196
Our Own Version of CompStat
Police Executive Research Forum
(OOVOC), 238
(PERF), 34, 339
Police investigations, in twenty-first
PACER, 171 century, 99– 119
Park, Robert, 252 criminal investigation and
Pat-down search, 109 intelligence, 113– 117
Paths, 261 exceptions to search warrant
Patrol, 237 rule, 106– 110
function, 90– 91 consent to search, 108
saturation index, 333 exigent circumstances, 108
Pattern recognition, 63 good faith exception, 110
Peel, Sir Robert, 11, 196, 197, 201 plain-view searches, 107– 108
In d e x 3 73
public safety exceptions, Problem-Oriented Policing , 197, 295

109– 110 Problem-oriented policing, 68– 69,
search incident to lawful 197– 198
arrest, 107 Problem-solving approaches, 287
search of automobile, Processing stage, 155
108– 109 Professional Training Series, 199
search of person, 109 Profiler , 142
exclusionary rule, 105– 106 Property crime, UCR and, 30, 36
fruit of the poisonous tree Prosecutorial information, 171
doctrine, 106 Psychoanalysis, and psychology, 58
interrogation of suspects, Public Law 337, Title 28, § 554, 22
110– 113
procedural law, 104
Qualitative analysis, 206
rules of evidence, 104– 105
Qualitative methods, 289– 294, 330
rules of procedure in collecting
content analysis, 291
evidence, 101– 103
environmental assessment, 294
search and seizure, 103
field research, 289– 291
stop and frisk, 103– 104
focus groups, 293
Police officers, role of, 88– 89
interviews, 291– 292
Police operations crime analysis,
surveys, 292– 293
218– 219, 327– 336
Quetelet, Adolphe, 252
kinds of recommendations,
331– 334
examples of, 331– 334 Radical Islamic extremists, 115
techniques and methods, RAND Corporation, 161
329– 331 R&D, see Research and
Polygon map, 266 Development Unit (R&D)
Positivists, 57– 60 Rape, 29
other psychological theories, Rational choice theory, 63– 64, 255
58– 60 Real-time crime analysis, 136
psychoanalysis and psychology, 58 Real-time crime center (RTCC),
Post-9/11, 161– 162 150, 151, 342, 343
Powell v. Alabama , 112 Record management system (RMS),
Precinct detective bureaus, 128 44, 46, 47
PredPol’ s technique, and proprietary Research and Development Unit
algorithm, 355 (R&D), 347
Preliminary investigation, 131– 132 RMS, see Record management
Primary negotiator, 210 system (RMS)
Private harm, 10 Robbery investigation, 151– 152
ProAct Unit, 238 Robinson, Mark, 184
Probation, parole, and supervised Robotic cameras, and flying drones,
release data, 171 354
Problem analysis triangle, 300– 302 Roman Tribune, 10
3 74 In d e x
Roman Twelve Tables, 10 Serpas, Ronal, 8

Rossmo, D. Kim, 143 Sex Offender Registry, 171
Routine activities theory, 64– 65, Sexual predator tracking, 172
255– 256, 257, 259 Shaw, Clifford, 253
RTCC, see Real-time crime centers Shepard, Matthew, 28
(RTCC) Shepard– Byrd Act, 29
RTI International, 34 Sheppard, Sam, 141
Shots fired call, 158– 159
Samenow, Stanton, 11, 12, 60, 65 information derived from field,
SAMHSA, see Substance Abuse 158
and Mental Health strategic planning based on
Services Administration developed intelligence, 159
(SAMHSA) threat identified, 158
Sampson and Laub’s theory, 62 The Silence of the Lambs , 142
San Jose Police Department (SJPD), Silver, Sheldon, 82
347 Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United
San Leandro Police Department, States , 106
141 Situational crime prevention theory,
SARA, see Scanning, analysis, 259
response, and assessment SJPD, see San Jose Police
(SARA) Department (SJPD)
SAS, see Statistical Analysis System “ Smart on Crime” , 7, 8
(SAS) Smith, David, 158, 159
Scanning, analysis, response, and Smith, Matthew, 6
assessment (SARA), 14, 69, Smooth surface map, 266
204, 295– 296, 298, 299 SMT, see Standards, Methods, and
Schlossberg, Harvey, 142 Technology (SMT)
Scottsboro Boys, 112 Social bonding, and strain, 61
SEARCH, see National Consortium Social disorganization, 252,
for Justice Information and 260– 261
Statistics (SEARCH) Spatial and Temporal Analysis of
SEC, see Securities and Exchange Crime (STAC), 264– 265
Commission (SEC) Spatial autocorrelation, 272
Secondary negotiator, 210 Spatial statistics, 273
Securities and Exchange Spelman, William, 198, 298
Commission (SEC), 82 Split-force model, 238
Self-report data, 38– 40 Spree, 228
drawbacks of, 40 STAC, see Spatial and Temporal
results of, 39– 40 Analysis of Crime (STAC)
Sellin, Thorsten, 22 Standard deviation analysis, 268
Sequential pattern mining, 187– 188 Standard deviation distance, 273
Series crime pattern, 228 Standard deviation ellipse, 274
Series Finder, 182 Standard model, 67
In d e x 375
Standard operating procedure, 134 Succession, 252

Standards, Methods, and Suicide , 57
Technology (SMT), 225, Supervisors, 237
226 Surveys, 292– 293
Statistical Analysis System (SAS), Sutherland, Edwin, 60
181
Statistical tests, 270– 271, 273– 274 Tactical analysis, 208– 216
Statute of Winchester, 81 case study, 215– 216
Stolen property databases, 171 crisis management protocol,
Strategic crime analysis, 216– 217, 209– 210
283– 312 in crisis situation, 211– 212
crime trends analyzed by, hostage/crisis negotiator, 211
286– 287 mutual understanding,
data that, examine, 287– 288 213– 215
final goal of, 308– 309 roles and responsibilities,
final report and 210– 211
recommendations, 304– 308 training of, crime analyst,
focus in, 284– 286 212– 213
formulating hypotheses, understanding, 209
302– 304 Tactical crime analysis, 14,
long-range perspective of, 286 205– 208, 223– 247, 285
qualitative methods, 289– 294 analyst working in real time,
content analysis, 291 206– 208
environmental assessment, array of tactics and strategies,
294 235– 237
field research, 289– 291 commonalities, 242
focus groups, 293 contact information, 243
interviews, 291– 292 crime summary, 242
surveys, 292– 293 encouraging initiative
qualitative vs . quantitative throughout police
research, 288 department, 237
recommendations for crime trend example of analytical pattern
solutions, 295– 300 product, 244
report of, 294– 295 formal response process,
using problem analysis triangle, 237– 239
300– 302 getting analysts out of office,
writing and distributing reports, 234– 235
308 goals of, 206
String mining, 187 and hot spots policing, 249– 279
Subculture theories, 61 crime and hot spot theories,
Substance Abuse and Mental Health 251– 255
Services Administration crime pattern theory,
(SAMHSA), 39 256– 257
3 76 In d e x
crime prevention through TPS, see Transaction processing

environmental design, system (TPS)
275– 276 TRAC, see Transactional Records
routine activities theory, Access Clearinghouse
255– 256 (TRAC)
strategies and tactics, 275 Tracing, 133
tests for clustering, 271– 274 Traffic enforcement functions, 91
theory of crime places, Transactional Records Access
258– 271 Clearinghouse (TRAC), 171
incident details, 242– 243 Transaction processing system
map, 243 (TPS), 178, 179
patterns, 225 Tsarnaev, Dzhokhar, 5
analyzing, 230– 231 Twain, Mark, 42
crime analyst’ s task in
identifying, 229– 230 UCLA, see University of California,
and crime trends, 226– 228 Los Angeles (UCLA)
identifying emerging, 225 UCR, see Uniform Crime Reports
investigations, 239– 241 (UCR)
report to police department, Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), 21,
231– 232 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 34,
standards and definitions 36, 37, 40, 26– 33, 330
related to, 225– 226 and arrest rates, 31– 32
types, 228– 229 changes in, 28– 29
working with police, 233 and clearances, 30
photos, 243 and crime rates, 30– 31
providing actionable drawbacks of, 32
information, 233– 234 and property crime, 30
purpose of finished product, results from, 32– 33
243– 244 statistics for, 29
tools for analyst communication, and violent crime, 29– 30
232– 233 Uniform Criminal Statistics Act, 22
using analytical results for University of California, Los
product development, Angeles (UCLA), 355
241– 242 University of California–Berkeley, 141
Terry v. Ohio , 104 University of Cincinnati, 295
Teten, Howard, 141 University of Michigan, 39
Three-year crime/disorder trend University of Wisconsin–Madison, 14
chart, 307 University of Wisconsin– Madison
Time– event charting, and link Law School, 197
analysis, 144 Unsupervised learning, 182
Timoney, John, 203 USA Patriot Act, 161
Title 18, Section 2332b, 159 U.S. Code of Federal Regulations, 159
In d e x 377
U.S. Congress, 26, 84 Wafer, Theodore, 5

U.S. Constitution, 101 Weeks v. United States , 105, 106
U.S. House of Representatives Wickersham, George W., 22, 86
Committee on Homeland Wickersham Commission, 22, 87
Security, 160 Wilson, Darren, 5
U.S. Judiciary Act, 84 Wilson, James Q., 68, 259
U.S. Marshals Service, 84 Wilson, O. W., 87, 196
U.S. Supreme Court, 104, 105, 106, Wiretap investigations, 129
111 Wolf v. Colorado , 106
Workup, 15
Vancouver Police Department, 143 Worldwide Law Enforcement
Victim precipitation theory, 71 Consulting Group, 92
Victims, and witnesses, 135
Violent crime, UCR and, 29– 30 Yochelson, Samuel, 11, 12, 60, 65
Vollmer, August, 87, 196, 201
Volstead Act, 22 Zimring, Franklin, 93

Crime and Inteligence Analysis

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Crime and

Boca Raton London New York

CRC Press is an imprint of the

© 2017 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

No claim to original U.S. Government works

Printed on acid-free paper

International Standard Book Number-13: 978-1-4987-5172-8 (Paperback)

Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data

Names: Grana, Glenn, author. | Windell, James O., author.

Visit the Taylor & Francis Web site at

and the CRC Press Web site at

PA r t I crIme And the tw e n t y -F I r s t c e n t u ry

chAPter 2 w h At d o w e k n o w About crIme? 21

Where Do the Statistics for the UCR Program Come From? 29

The Standard Model 67

PA r t II l Aw e n F o r c e m e n t —th e n And now

Stop and Frisk 103

PA r t III IntellIgence And I n t e l l I g e n c e A n A lys I s

chAPter 7 IntellIgence And the tA c t I c A l A n A ly s t 14 9

chAPter 8 collectIng IntellIgence 167

chAPter 9 d AtA m I n I n g And A n A ly z I n g I n t e l l I g e n c e 175

How Does Data Mining Work? 177

Important Terms 219

c h A P t e r 12 tA c t I c A l c r I m e A n A ly s I s And hot sPots

Crime Pattern Theory 256

PA r t V c r I m e A n A lys I s And the Fu t u r e

Glenn would also like to acknowledge two of the most skilled

• Analyzing trends, patterns, and hot spots to let both officers

It is one thing to be able to mine data; it’s quite another to think

tactical crime analysts working in RTCCs need to do the kind of job

Crime and Intelligence Analysis: An Integrated Real-Time Approach is

What You’ll Find in This Book

about the problems of crime in our society, the measurements of crime,

Pedagogy of This Book

problem-solving. They are followed by a glossary of important terms,

1. The crime problem

Learning Objectives for Chapter 1

1. Become familiar with the crime problem

understanding of the investigative process, the intelligence examina-

Michael Brown, an African American, was 18 when he was shot

policeman and carjacked an SUV, there was an exchange of

Is There a Crime Problem in the United States?

Lyndon B. Johnson (1966)

It was President Johnson who appointed the President’s Commission

occasions concerns about drug addiction and its relationship to the

is murder, Serpas says candidly, and the Landrieu administration has

Analyzing the Crime Problem

middle of the nineteenth century, we would have to conclude that

This Book Is an Introduction to Crime Analysis

This book is about crime analysis, which means there must be a

Figure 1.1 Analysis triangle as it relates to criminal behavior.

Definitions of Terms and Concepts

The first term is intelligence. Intelligence is the data available to,

Technology and Crime

analysts are expected to do. Some of the tasks of a crime analyst

• Reviewing all police reports daily with the goal of identifying

It is one thing to be able to mine data; it’s quite another to think

Questions for Discussion

1. What role would a crime analyst likely play in a terrorist situ-

Intelligence: Data available to, collected by, or disseminated

intelligence in order to provide practical and useful on-the-

Study Guide Questions

1. It was President Lyndon B. Johnson who appointed the

5. The tactical crime analyst is the trained analyst whose job it