‫ﺗﺎﺟﯿﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻦﺍﯾﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﯿﻦ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﮤ ِ‬

‫ڄ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮﹺﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ‪:‬ﻭﺑﮕﺎﻩِﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
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‫ﮐﻠﻴﮥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑەﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻖ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﭘﺎﺱﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺱﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺣ ﹺ‬
 ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬

‫‪۵‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ································‬

‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫‪۱۳‬‬ ‫ﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ·······························‬
‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫‪۲۵‬‬ ‫ﮏ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ·······································‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺮﻣ ِ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫‪۳۳‬‬ ‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ·········································‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ··································· ‪۴۹‬‬
‫ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﹺ‬
 ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺩﺭﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥِﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻝ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﻭ ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﮐە ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﯼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻬﻧﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻗﯽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﲞ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮ ﹺﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺳُﻐﺪِﻳﺎﻧَە‬
‫ﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺐ ﲞﺸﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫)ﺳُﻐﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە )ﺑﻠﺦ( ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳُﻐﺪﻳﺎﻧَە ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﮤ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺧَﺘﻼﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻤﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﲞ ﹺ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳُﻐﺪﻳﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﯽ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﳐﺘﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﺒﺸﺘﮥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺶ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺩﻳﮕ ﹺﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎ ﹺﻧﻴَە ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﮐﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗُﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘَﺮَﺕﺁﻭَﻩ ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗُﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﲞﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣَﺮﻏِﻴﺎﻧَە ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣَﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫَﺮَﻳﻮَﻩ ﮐە‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗُﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﮤ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭَﻧﮕِﻴﺎﻧَە ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺳَﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻏﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳَﮋﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳَﻴﹺﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳُﻐﺪﻳﺎﻧَە ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺳُﻐﺪ‬
‫ﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﲞﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﮤ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﲞﺶ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫُﻮﺍﺭَﺯ ِﻣﻴَە ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﲞﺶ‬
‫ﻝ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺪﮤ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﮤ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﴰﺎ ﹺ‬

‫‪-۵-‬‬
‫ﺗُﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﲞﺸﯽ‬
‫ﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﲞﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﳘﮕﯽ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﻗﻮ ﹺﻡ ﺁﺭﻳَە ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﻳَەﻳﯽ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﳘﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻣﻦ »ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﯽ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﻓﺮﺯﻧ ِﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎ« ﺍﺳﺘﻢ )ﻫَﺨﺎﻣَﻨﹺﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳَەﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺳَەﯼَ ﭘُﺘﺮَ‪ ،‬ﺁ ﹺﺭﻳَەﻳﻲ ﺁ ﹺﺭﻳَەﯼَ ﭼﹺﺘﺮَ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻦ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ِﺩ ﺳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑە ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬
‫ﯽ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳُﻐﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﻫﺮﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺑُﺨﺎﺭﺍ ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫﺶ‬
‫»ﲞﺎﺭﺍﺧﺪﺍ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫَﺶ »ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﹶﻓﺸَﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ﺧﺎﻟﺼَﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻆ ﺩﻳﮕ ﹺﺮ ﺧَﺸﺎﻳﺘَە ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻨﮓﻧﺒﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﯽ ﺑەﺷﮑﻞ »ﺧَﺸﺎﻳﺘﻴَە« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸَﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﮑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻆ ﮐﻬﻦﺗ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﺗَەﯼ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕ ﹺﺮ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺸَﺘﺮَ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺲ »ﺍﹶﺭﺗَە ﺧﺸَﺘﺮَ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻆ ﺧﺸﺎﻳﺘَە ﻭ ﺧﺸَﺘﺮَ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺩَﺷَﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮊﮤ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴ ﹺﺮ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﳘﮥ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺩﺭ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﮕ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﲞﺶ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﯽ ﴰﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﲞﺶ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻝ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﲞﺸﯽ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﮐﺮﺧﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﴰﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺧُﺠَﻨﺪ ﮐە‬
‫)ﻗﺮﻏﻴﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﲞﺸﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻝ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑەﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﴰﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﭘَﺮﺕﺍﹸﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﯽ »ﭘَﺮﱠﮔﺎﻧَە« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻆ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐە ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬

‫‪-۶-‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﮕ ﹺ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭ ِﺩ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﱳ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺧﺠَﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﮐﯽﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑەﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ ﮐە ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﮤ ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﳘﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﮐە ﳘﺴﺎﻳﮥ ﺗﺮﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ »ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯ(‪ .‬ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ« ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ(‪» .‬ﺧﺪﺍ«‬
‫ﯼ«‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﺪﺍ ْ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻝ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ ْ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽﻣﺎﻥ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺱ ﻏﻴﱯ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﻘﺪ ﹺ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺫﺍ ِ‬
‫»ﺑَﮓ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺮﺍﻣَﺰﺩﺍ »ﺑَﮓ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬
‫»ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺑَﮓ َﺀ ﻭُﺯَﺭﮎ َﺀ ﺍﹶﻫﻮﺭﻣَﺰﺩﺍ )ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﯽ »ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑەﺁﺩﻣﻬﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧ ْ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﮐە‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻖ ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻝ ﺩﻗﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ‪ /‬ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﺯﻥ( »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻴﻦ«‬
‫ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﮐﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑەﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ )ﺯ ِ‬
‫ﻝ ﺳﺪﮤ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑەﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺏ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﻋﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻼﻥﺗﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﳔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﺭﺧﺘﯽ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﯼ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﺑُﺮﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮ ْ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯼ«‬
‫ﻞ »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻴﻦ« ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑەﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﲞﺎﺭﺍﺧﺪﺍ ْ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﳘﺸﮑ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﲞﺎﺭﺍﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺳَﻴّﺎﺭ ۔ﻭﺍﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺏ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ۔ ﺑەﻏﺪّﺍﺭﯼ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﳏﻠ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺪﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭﺷِﻨﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍﯼ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﻴﺎﯼ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑە‬
‫ﳘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۷-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﮐە ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﳘﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە )ﺑﻠﺦ(‪:‬‬
‫ﺦ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﮐە ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮤ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﻠﺦ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺋﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺷﺎﻫﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﮥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﻭ ﻟﹸﻬﺮﺍﺳﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‬
‫ﻆ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻭﺭﻭَﻧﺖﺍﹶﺳﭙَە‬
‫ﻆ ﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻭﹺﺷﺖﺍﹶﺳﭙَە‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻟﹶﻬﺮﺍﺳﭗ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫)ﮔﹸﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﮐە ﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﻓﺸﺎ ﹺﺭ ﮐﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﹶﺮﭘَﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺳﻴﺠﺎﻥﹾ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﮥ ﻫﺠﺮﺗﺶ ﺑە ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﲪﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﻭ‬
‫ﳍﺮﺍﺳﭗ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﺎﺳﭗ ﻭ ﻓﹶﺮﺷﻮﺷﺘَﺮ )ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻭﻣﺎﻩﺍﹶﺳﭙَە ﻭ‬
‫ِﻓﺮَﺵﺍﹸﺷﺘُﺮَﻩ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﳒﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﮕﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﺎﺳﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﴰﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﳘﮥ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨَە ﮐە ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ ﺁﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑَﻠﺦ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺋﯽ‬
‫ﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﴰﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐە ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﲞ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ‬
‫ﺏ »ﮔﺎﺗَە« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ ۔ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ۔ ﮔﻮﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺸﯽ ﮐە ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﮐﺘﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَەﻳﯽ )ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﯼ‪ /‬ﺑﻠﺨﯽ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﳘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺸﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺑەﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﯽ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯﲨﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﯽ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ »ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐە ﻧﺴﺨﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﭼﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﯼ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑەﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﲪﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﮥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ِ‬

‫‪-۸-‬‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﮐﺎﻭﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﳘﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ‬
‫ﮐﺎ ﹺﻭﻩ ﺑەﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﺳﭗ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ )ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ‪ :‬ﺍﹶﺭﺟَﺖﺍﹶﺳﭙَە( ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻭﻳﺎﻥﹾ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ » ﹺﻳﻤَە‬
‫ﻆ ﺩﺭﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﲨﺸﻴﺪ ﮐە ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻖ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃ ﹺ‬
‫ﺧَﺸﺎﻳﺘَە« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﻭﹺﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﺗَەﯼ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﮓﻭﺩﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﻝ ﻫِﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑەﺑﺪﯼ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑەﴰﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻫِﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑەﻧﻴﮑﯽ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﭘﺎﺱﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻦ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﮐە ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨَە( ﳕﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻤﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﯼ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﯽ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺦ )ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە( ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﳍﺮﺍﺳﭗ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻬﺑﻤﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺦ )ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑە ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﮐە‬
‫ﺦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑە ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺩﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑەﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ‬
‫ﺦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ْ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻬﺑﻤﻦ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﺎﺳﭗ ﭘﺴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐە ﺳﺎﺳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﳍﺮﺍﺳﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑە ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﮥ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﮒ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﹺﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺰﺭ ْ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳە ﴰﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑەﻋﺒﺎﺭ ِ‬

‫‪-۹-‬‬
‫ﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﯼ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫)ﺑﻠﺨﯽ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﯽ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﯽ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﭼﻮﻥﮐە ﺑﺎﺯﳕﺎﯼ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﲨﻌ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻬﻧﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﮔ ﹺﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﮐە ﻫﻢ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﮥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑەﭘﺎﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮐە ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮ ِﺩ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ­ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﯽ­ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ( ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ )ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ِ‬
‫ﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑە ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﺒﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﯼ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨَە ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐە ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞﮐە‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ِﺩ ﮐﹶﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﯽ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﮐە ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐە ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻫﻢ ﮐە ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐە ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑەﻣﺎ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﳕﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑەﮐﻠﯽ ﻋﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬

‫‪-۱۰-‬‬
‫ﯽ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﯽ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴﺘﻨ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﳘﺨﻮﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ »ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ« ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻢﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﻴﻬ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑەﳘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﮤ ﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣَﮏﮐﹸﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑەﳘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﹸﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﮔﻴﻠﹶﮑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ ﺑەﳘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﳘﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﻳﺎ ﻣَﮏﮐﹸﺮﺍﻧﯽ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺸﯽ ﮐە ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑەﳘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۱۱-‬‬
 ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﹺﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﲞﺸﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﻐﺪﻳﺎﻧَە ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻐﺪﻳﺎﻧَە ﺳُﻐﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﯼ ﻧﻮﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺣﺎﮐﻢﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻐﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﲪﻠﮥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻭَﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە(‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﺦ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺑە ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ )ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﯽ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺘﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮ ْﻡ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﯼ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻦ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳە ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﹺ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐ ﹺﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐە ﻳﺰﺩﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ﹺﺮ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑە‬
‫ﺑﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺷﻐﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑە ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺪﻋﯽ‬
‫ﮐە ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑە ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻣﺎﻫﻮ ﺳﻮﺭﹺﻥ )ﺍﻓﺴ ﹺﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ( ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺑەﻃﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺪﺍﻭ ﹺﻡ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﮔ ﹺﺮ ﺣﺎﮐﻢﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﯼ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻐﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺑەﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺑەﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑەﺯﻭﺩﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﱪ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑە ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﯽ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺧﱪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۹‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑە ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۱۳-‬‬
‫ﺖ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۹۱‬۔‪ ۹۲‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻳ ِ‬
‫ﺶ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﲞ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ­ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻗﹶﺴَﺮﻱ ­ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﻭﻗ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﳘﮥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺪﮤ ﳔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۰۱‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺍﺳﺪ ﻗﺴﺮﯼ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ )ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﭘﺮﺍﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﮤ ﺷﻬﺮ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﮔ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﮐە ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﻋﺮﺑ ْ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺝ( ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑَﺮﻣَﮏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﻬﺗﺎﯼ )ﺑﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍ ﹺ‬
‫ﺕ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻕ ﺑﻠﺦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺑەﺷﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ‬
‫ﯽ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﯽ ﮐە‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺒﺶ »ﺧﻮَﺭﺧُﻮﺭﱠﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺷﮑﻮ ِﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ(‪ .‬ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﮒ ﺍﻓﺸﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻧﻴﺎﯼ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨ ِ‬
‫۔ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﺦ۔ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐە ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻆ ﻫُﺴﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﯽ »ﺧـ« ﻭ »ﻫـ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻆ ﺩﻳﮕ ﹺﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻫُﺴﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻭﺍﮊﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬
‫ﻆ ﻫُﺴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑە ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺑﭽﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ(‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺩَﺭﯼ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ِ .‬‬
‫ﺷﻨَە« ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻆ» ِ‬
‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺸﻬﺎﯼ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﺎ ﳘﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺷَﺴﺘَﻦ« )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺑەﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺕ » ِﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ » ِ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺶ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺒﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺴﱳ( ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻳ ﹺ‬

‫‪-۱۴-‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺩﺭﯼ »ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﮥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ«‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﻈﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﻟﹸﻐَ ﹺﻮﻳَﺶ »ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺪﮤ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻭ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﻮﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺩﻭ ﹺﻡ ﺳﺪﮤ ﺩﻭ ﹺﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻦ‬
‫ﮐﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﺧﻮَﺭﺧُﻮﺭﱠﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭﺷﻨَە ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺐ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﮔﺎ ِﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣِﻬﺮ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﹺﻭ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑەﻣﺎ ﺧﱪ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬
‫)ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍ( ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﮐﺎﻭﻭﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐە ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﮔﺎ ِﻩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﮔﺎ ِﻩ ﻣِﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺘﺼﻢ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑەﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥﮐە ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨَە ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺐ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪﯼ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﺁﺫﹶﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺐ ﻣِﻴﺘﺮﺍﻳﯽ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﻳﮑﯽ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺐ ﭘﻴﺮ ﹺﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨَە ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫ ْ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺬﻫ ْ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺖ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧ ﹺﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﮔﺎ ِﻩ ﮐﹶﺮﮐﻮﻳَە ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺐ ﺁﺫﺭﯼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﳘﻴ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬

‫ﻥ‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﮔﺎ ِﻩ ﻣِﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﻣِﻬﺮﺍﺑَە« ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﳘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﺋﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽﺷﺪﮤ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﯽ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ »ﻣِﺤﺮﺍﺏ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣِﻬﺮﺍﺑَە ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﯽ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣِﻬﺮﺍﺑﺎ‪ /‬ﻣِﺤﺮﺍﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﻬﺗﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﻨﯽﹺ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻂ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﻣِﻬﺮﺍﺑﺎ‪ /‬ﻣِﺤﺮﺍﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﯽ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣِﺤﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۱۵-‬‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﯼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﮐە ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪﯼ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭ ْ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺐ ﺁﺫﺭﯼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﯽ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﮔﺎ ِﻩ ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﹶﻻﻥ )ﺍﹶﺭﺍﻥ( ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺁﺫﺭﯼ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬
‫‪٢‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﱪﯼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻦ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻞ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺷﺎﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﲞﺸﯽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﯽ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﯽ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻧﻴﺰ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻟﻘﺒﺶ »ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺪﮤ ﺳﻮ ﹺﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮ ﹺﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻧﻴﺰ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺪﮤ ﳔﺴﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺑەﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﻃﺎﻫ ﹺﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ )ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑە ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻴَﻤﻴﻨَﻴﻦ( ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﭘﯽﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺼﺮ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﱐ ﻭ ﻣَﻮﻻﮔﹶﺮﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ‬
‫ﯽ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭﺷﻨَە ﻣﯽﮐﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑەﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬
‫ﻑ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺳﺪﮤ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐە ﻫﺮﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﮥ ﳔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﺧﻮَﺭﺧُﻮَﺭّﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﮥ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫ﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻟﺸﮑﺮﮐﺸ ﹺ‬

‫‪» .2‬ﺍﹶﻻﻥ« ﮐە »ﺍﹶﺭﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﹺ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞﹺ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪﮤ ﭘﻨﺠﻢﹺ‬
‫ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺑەﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑەﻣﺮﻭ ﹺﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﹺ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﺪﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﺗﺮﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑەﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮎﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﮐە ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺟﻌﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﯼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ‬
‫ﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻬﻧﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﹶﻻﻥ ﺑەﻫﺪ ِ‬

‫‪-۱۶-‬‬
‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ۔ﺑەﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ۔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﯽ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑەﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﮐﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﮐە ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑەﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺮﻭﺷﻨە ﺑﺎﺯﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﯽ ﮐە ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﯽ ﳘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﮐە ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ‬
‫ﻦ ﺟﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴ ْ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺴ ﹺﺮ‬
‫ﲞﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﳘﭽﻨﺎﻥ »ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﺵ ﺿ ِﺪ‬
‫ﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﻝ ‪ ۲۰۸‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑەﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻡﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﯽ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﲡﺎﻭ ﹺﺯ ﻗﻴﺼ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﻧﺖ ﺷﮑﺴ ِ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﺎﺭﺍ )ﺍﹶﻧﮕﻮ ﹺﺭﻳَە( ﺑەﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐە‬
‫ﺵ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑەﺳﭙﺎﻫﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻟ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐە ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮐە ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮑﻮﻫﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺟﯽ‬
‫ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﮐە ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻬﻧﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫ ﹺﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻳﺎﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ِﺩ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﮐﹶﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﮥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮤ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺿ ِﺪ‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﮥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮤ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭﺷﻨە ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺑەﺗﻮﻃﺌﮥ ﻏﹶﺪّﺍﺭﺍﻧﮥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭﺷﻨە ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﻧﻮﺡ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺪِ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫‪-۱۷-‬‬
‫ﮐە ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍ ﹺﺭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮤ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﻠﺴﮥ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﲪﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﳏﺎﮐﻤﮥ ﭘﺮﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑەﺭﻳﺎﺳ ِ‬
‫ﮏ ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺖ ﳏﻤ ِﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﳌﻠ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺑﯽﺩُﻭﺍﺩ )ﻗﺎﺿﯽﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ( ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫)ﻭﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﻭ ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ )ﻋﻤﻮﺯﺍﺩﮤ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ( ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﱪﯼ ﻣﯽﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺷﻴ ﹺﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﯼ ﮐە ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺳُﻐﺪﯼ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻴﺮﺑ ِﺪ ﺳﻐﺪﯼ‬
‫ﺷﻨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﮐﯽ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍ ِﻩ ﺿ ِﺪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﮕﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﮥ ﳏﺎﮐﻤﮥ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐە ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﮥ ﳏﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ۔ﺑەﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﯽ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ۔ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺳﻐﺪﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە‬
‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﮐﻤﺮﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﯼ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺆﺫﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑەﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻐﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﳕﻮﺩﻩ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻣﺸﺎﻥ؛ ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻐﺪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﮐە ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺒ ِﺪ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺑەﺍﻳﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬
‫ﺑەﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻡ ﮐە ﺑەﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﯼ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﻬﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐە ﺑەﺁﺏ ﺯﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑەﺯﻳﻮﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎ ِ‬

‫‪-۱۸-‬‬
‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﮔﺎﱎ ﺑەﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ؛ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺗﻮ ﮐﻔﺮ ﻣﯽﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻬﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﯽﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﮐە ﺗﻮ ﮐﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺩﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ؛ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑەﺯﻳﻮﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺒﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﳕﯽﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﮐﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﮎﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻨﺎﺗﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ؛ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﱳ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺑەﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﳕﯽﺯﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺮﺑ ِﺪ ﺳﻐﺪﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﮔﻮﺍﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻔﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺮﺑﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐە ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﳎﺒﻮﺭ ﺑەﺧﻮﺭﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺫﺑﺢﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑ ﹺﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﮐﺸﱳ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﴰﺸﻴﺮﯼ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻤﺮﺵ ﻣﯽﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﮏﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑەﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐە ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﯼ‬
‫ﺖ ﺷﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﯼ ﺑەﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﳎﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﮐە ﺑەﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﮔﻮﺷ ِ‬
‫ﲞﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﺑەﭘﺎ ﮐﻨﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑەﺯﻳّﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑەﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺍ ِﻩ ِﺛﻘﹶﻪ )ﻣﻮﺭ ِﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ( ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ؟« ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ!« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐە ﻧﺰﺩ ﴰﺎ ﺛﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﺳﭙﺲ‬
‫ﱳ ﮔﻮﺍﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓ ﹺ‬
‫ﺭﻭ ﺑەﻫﻴﺮﺑﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﺗﻮ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﯼ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﻣﻦ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑەﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ!« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐە ﮔﻔﺘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺯﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﹺﺯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑەﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﯽﻭﺭﺯﯼ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﯽﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺳﺎﺯﯼ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻨﯽ ﮐە ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﮐﹶﺶ )ﺗِﺮﮐﹶﺶ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻫﮕﺎ ِ‬

‫‪-۱۹-‬‬
‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺿ ِﺪ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ؟« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ؟«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﮐﺎﺭ! ﺗﺎ ﮐﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬
‫ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﯼ؟« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺭﻳﺶ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﮐە ﭼە ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺳ ﹺﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﯽ؟« ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺑەﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭼە ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﳘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐە ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﮕﻮ ﮐە ﭼە ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ؟«‬
‫ﺷﻨَەﻳﯽ ﺑەﺗﻮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﳕﯽﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟«‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﯼ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺑە ﺍِﻻ ِﻩ ﺍِﻻﻫﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻋَﺒ ِﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﭘﻮﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣُﺴﻠِﻤﻴﻦ ﲢﻤﻞ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺸﺮﯼ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺑەﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﹶﻧَﺎ ﺭَﺑﱡﮑﹸﻢُ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ؟«‪ ٣‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﮐە‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﮔﺎﱎ ﻋﺎﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑەﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐە ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﳘﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﳕﯽﺑﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﹶﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﮐە ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺑە ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﲞﻮﺭﯼ ﻭ ﲞﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﮐە ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽﮐە ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑەﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﳊﺴﻦ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻋُﺠَﻴﻒ ﺍﺑﻦ‬

‫ﺏ ﺳﻨﺘﯽﹺ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍﯼْ« ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﻳﮏ ﺧﻄﺎ ﹺ‬

‫ﺕ ﺍﻬﺗﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ ِ‬ ‫ﺑەﺷﺎﻫﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﯽﹺ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺮ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦْ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻋَﺒﺪ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝﹺ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۲۰-‬‬
‫ﻋَﻨﺒَﺴَﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﯽ؛ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﭼە‬
‫‪٤‬‬
‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﲞﻮﺍﻧَﺪ!«‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻪ«‪ .‬ﺑە ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺁﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺧَە! ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ«‪ .‬ﺯَﻳّﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﯼ؟« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺐ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺧﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﻮﻫﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﻬﺑﯽ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺍﲪﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﮐﺸﱳ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﯽ ﲪﺎﻗﺘﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﮐﺸﱳ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ؛‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺑەﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺑەﺳﻮﯼ ﺗﻮ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﳘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑەﺗﻮ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻡ‬
‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﯽﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﲜﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ )ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﹺ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻥ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﹺ‬
‫ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻴﻬﺎ )ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺭﺗﺶﹺ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ( ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﺎﻥ )ﻋﻼﻣﺎ ِ‬

‫ﮒ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋُﺠَﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬

‫‪ .4‬ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋَﻨﺒَﺴَﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻫﺸﺎﻡﹺ ﻓﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﹺ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋُﺠَﻴﻒ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋَﻨﺒَﺴَﻪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋُﺠَﻴﻒ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑەﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﳘﮥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫ ﹺﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﮔﻴﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۲۱-‬‬
‫ﺧﻠﻔﻪ(؛ ﻋﺮﺏ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﮑﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬
‫َﺩﮔﹶﻨَﮏ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ‪‬ﺎﻕ( ﺑﺮ ﮐﹶﻠﹼﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﮑﻮﺏ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﯽﻣﺎ َﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻣﮕﺴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐە ﻧﺎﻭﮐﻬﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻳﮏﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﲤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﭗ ﺑﺮﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻥﮐﻦ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻬﺑﯽ ﺑەﳘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻌﯽ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﮐە ﺑەﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭﯼ ﺑﺮﺿ ِﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺿ ِﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﹺﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﭼە ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﮑﹶﺸﺎﱎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ؟ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﮐە ﻣﻦ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺟﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﳘﮥ ﺗﻮﺍﱎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﲪﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﺑەﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﻖ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻢ ﮐە‬
‫ﻒ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻥ ﳐﺎﻟ ِ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑەﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑەﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻢ۔ ﳘﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐە‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﯽﺩُﻭﺍﺩ ﺑەﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻬﻧﻴﺐ ﺯﺩ ﮐە »ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺩﺭﺍﺯﯼ ﻣﮑﻦ!« )ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺕ ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺑﯽﺩُﻭﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﺍﻟﻘﹸﻀﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑە ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﯽﺩُﻭﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﭼە ﻣﯽﮔﻮﺋﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣَﺮﺩ!؟ ﺑﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺋﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﺖ ﻣﯽﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺷﺖ ﻣﯽﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﯼ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﯽﮐە ﺧﻮ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺮﻳﺰﯼ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﳕﯽﮐﻨﯽ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﯽﺩُﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﯼ؟« ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﮐە ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﯼ ﻫﺮﮐە ﺧﺘﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺶ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺭﯼ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﯽﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻢ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺮﮔﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﴰﺸﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﯽ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺖ ﻣﯽﺗﺮﺳﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪-۲۲-‬‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﴰﺸﻴﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﳎﺒﻮﺭﻡ ﺑەﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ‬
‫»ﺿﺮﺑ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ‬
‫ﳎﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ِ‬
‫‪٥‬‬
‫ﳕﯽﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﮐە ﻫﺮﮐە ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﮥ ﳏﺎﮐﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺑﯽﺩُﻭﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑەﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻫﺮﭼە ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﴰﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﮐە ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻬﺗﺎﻣﺎ ْ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺟﻠﺴﮥ ﳏﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺑﻞﮐە ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﮥ ﺍﺯﭘﻴﺶ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﯽﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷﺮﻋ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﳏﮑﻮﻡ ﺑەﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﺍﺯ ﭘﯽﺁﻣﺪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﮑ ﹺﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﻣﯽﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻴﮑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﻨﯽ ﻣﻴﻮﮤ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﮔﻴﻦ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ )ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪۲۱۹‬ﺥ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑەﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻻﺷﮥ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﮤ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺩﺟﻠﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﺧﻄﺎﯼ ﻋﻤﺪﯼ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﯽ ﺑە ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﻗﺎﺿﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻳﺎﻓﱳ ﺗﻮﺟﻴ ِﻪ ﺑﯽﺟﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺯﯼ ﺑەﺁﻥ ﺣﮑﻢ ﮐﻔ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺧﻄﺎﯼ ﻋﻤﺪﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﻳﺐﹺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‬‫ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﻞﮐە ﺭﲰﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑەﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﯽﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺗﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﯽ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺯﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﳎﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺧﺘﻨﻪ‬
‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺧﺘﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮐە ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺶ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۲۳-‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﮐﺎﺥ ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﮥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻦ‬
‫ﺏ ﺯﺭ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﻮﺍﻫﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺯَﺭﺁﻭﻩ )ﺁ ﹺ‬
‫ﳎﻮﺳﺎﻥ )ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﺍﻭ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐە ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻦ ﻗﻮﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﻭ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﴰﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﮔ ﹺﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻋ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﮥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﯽﺷﺎﻥ ﺑە ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﯼ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ۔ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ۔ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﹸﺳﺮﻭﺷِﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە‬
‫ﻝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳ ِﺪ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﭙﺎ ِﻩ‬
‫ﻥ ﻓﺮﻏﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﳕﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻥﮐە ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑەﳘﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ ﺑەﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﹾ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ )ﺑەﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺍﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﮐە ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﳏﻤﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑەﻣﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑەﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﮐە ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﺩﻧﺒﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﳐﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﺐ ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻬﻧﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻟﻘ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺸﻴﺪﯼ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۳۱۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۴۸‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺲ‬
‫ﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ۔ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻋُﺒَﻴﺪﯼ ﮐە ﭼﻨﺪﯼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﴰﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﮒ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻟﺸﮑﺮﮐﺸ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ۔ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑەﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﯽ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۲۴-‬‬
 ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥﺑﺮﻣﮏِﺑﻠﺨﯽ‬
‫ﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﻠﺦ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑەﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧ ﹺﺮ ﺳﺪﮤ ﳔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﮒ ﻣﻐﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺲ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﭘَﺮَﻣَﮕﹶە ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺭﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻆ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑَﺮﻣَﮏ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑَﺮﻣَﮏ ﺭﺍ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ ﴰﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺑ ْ‬
‫ﳎﻠﺴﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺰﺩﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻌﺒ ِﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻬﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑەﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺒ ِﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺑَﻬﺎﺭ )ﮐە ﺗﻠﻔﻆ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﺶ ﻧﻮﻭَﻫﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ( ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳَە ﺑﻞﮐە ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺒ ِﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺑﺮﻣﯽﺁﻳﺪ ﮐە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﳘﺎﳒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﭘﻴﮑﺮﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﻫﻼ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﭼَﭻﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑەﻓﺘﻮﺍﯼ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘًﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻧﻮﻭَﻫﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﯼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬
‫ﯽ ﳕﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐە ﻧﺴﺒﺘﯽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ْ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺒ ِﺪ ﻧﻮﺑَﻬﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑەﺭﻫﱪﯼ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺑەﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺵ ﺿﺪِﺍﻣﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺧﻴﺰ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﳕﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﭘﺴﺮ‬
‫ﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﮏ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﱪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣ ْ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﳘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﲤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺋﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﮐﻮﻓﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﴰﻴﻪ )ﳔﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﻮﻓﻪ( ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑ ﹺ‬
‫۔ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺳَﻔﹼﺎﺡ۔ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨ ِ‬

‫‪-۲۵-‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﻔﹼﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮤ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﲤﺪﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮤ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬
‫ﲤﺪﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﯽ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﮐە ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﯽ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﲤﺪﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺯﻧﺪﮔ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺯ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺯ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑەﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺯ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑەﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺩﻭﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﮐﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐە‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﮥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۴۰‬ﺥ ﮐە ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﮐە ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑَﻎﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﯽِ ﺗﻴﺴﭙﻮ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑەﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﮐ ﹺﺰ‬
‫ﱳ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳﺎﺧ ﹺ‬
‫ﮒ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻪﺭﺍﻫﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﯼ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻳﻮﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮥ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ‬
‫»ﺑَﻎﺩﺍﺩﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻎﺩﺍﺩﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑەﺑﺮﮐ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺕ ﲤﺪﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑەﳘﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﮏ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﯽﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺁﺭﺍﻣﯽﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ‬
‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﯼ ﮐﻮﭼ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ »ﺑَﻎﺩﺍﺩ« ﺳﺎﺧﱳ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻧﻘﺸﮥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻘﺸﮥ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻴﺴﭙﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﻬﺗﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﮐە ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﳒﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﺭﯼ‬

‫‪-۲۶-‬‬
‫ﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﳒﺎ ﻣﯽﻬﻧﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‬
‫ﱳ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﮥ ﺳﺎﺧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﮥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﳘﮥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥﹾ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﮥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑەﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘّﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺑﻴﮕﺎﺭﯼ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺧﻄﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﭼەﮔﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﯼ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺭﻭﯼ ﺗﻌﻤﺪﯼ ﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺑﻎﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﻎﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ »ﺧﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﳘﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮ ِﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﮥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﺴﭙﻮ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺴﭙﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﯽ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔ ﹺﺮ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﯼ ﺟﻮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﺎ ﳘﮥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑەﺯﻭﺩﯼ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﲤﺪ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺷَەﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺳَﺮَﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑەﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﮎ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺮ ِ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﳏﻤﺪ ﮐە ﻭﻟﯽﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﯼ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﯼ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭَﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻣﻬﺪﯼ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﻟﯽﻋﻬﺪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﭘﺴﺮﮐﺶ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺍﻭ ﺑەﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﯽﻋﻬ ِﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﳘﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍ »ﭘﺪﺭ«‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﳕﯽﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬

‫‪-۲۷-‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺶ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ ﻭ ﳘﮥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﲤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﻨﯽﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ ﮐە ﮔﻮﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﯼ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﳘﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺋﯽ ﺑەﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﻫﻢﺳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺥ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑەﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑەﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑەﻓﻀﻞ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑەﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑەﴰﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻞ‬
‫ﯼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺘﺠﮥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﯽ ﮐە ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑە ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ‬
‫ﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷَەﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﺋﯽ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ‬
‫ﺑەﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﳊﮑﻤﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﯽﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﺎﻑ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑە ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﳘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑە ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳊﮑﻤﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺋﯽ ﺑە ﲤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﺛﺮﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ »ﻭﺍﺳﻂ« ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﯼ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺑەﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﮥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﺎﻏﺬﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﳘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﮐە ﺍﺑﻮﺑﮑﺮ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﮐﺮﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺯﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﳒﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺷﺪﻳ ًﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﳘﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮐە‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﻭ ﺑەﻬﺑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﮥ ﳑﮑﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕ ﹺ‬

‫‪-۲۸-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻬﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎ ِ‬
‫ﮓ ﺿﺪِﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑەﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﮐە ﳕﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩﯼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫]ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ[ ﳕﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶﹺ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑەﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺑە ﻣُﺴﻠِﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﺗﺶﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺗﺶﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﳘﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻮﺩ ﻭ ﲞﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑەﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻌﺒﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺗﺶﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﳘﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻮﺩ ﻭ ﲞﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺩ؛ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐە ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﮐﻌﺒﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﯼﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﻣَﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ‬
‫ﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ(‪ .‬ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﳘﮥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﻣَﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﯼ ﺁﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﯼ ﺁﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑەﺟﺰ »ﺟﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺮﺑ ْ‬
‫»ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﳕﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﻬﺎﯼ ﮐﻨﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻣَﻨﺎﺭَﻩ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﻋ ﹺﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﺮﮎ ﺑەﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﮤ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﳎﻠﺴﯽ ﺫﮐﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ِ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﯽ ﳘﻴﻦﮐە ﮐﺴﯽ ﺁﻳﻪﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﯽﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺩﮎ ﻣﯽﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﯼ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑە ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑە ﺑﯽﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭﹺ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﯼْ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺳﺎﺧﱳ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﮤ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﮎ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ۔ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﲤﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥﹾ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ۔ﭘﺴﺮ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﮔﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺭﯼ ﺑەﻣﺎﻧﻨ ِﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎ ِ‬

‫‪-۲۹-‬‬
‫ﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑەﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﳘﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﮤ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﳐﺎﻟﻔﺘﯽ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺑﯽ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﳘﮥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺳَەﺍﺵ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺲ‬
‫ﮐە ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﯼ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐە ﻳﮏﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺑەﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻓﻀﻞ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺑەﺟﺎﯼ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺑەﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑەﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑەﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺪﺭ! ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﲞﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺵ ﳏﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑەﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﺤﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﳘﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑە ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﳌﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐە ﺗﻮ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﹺ ﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﯼ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑەﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﳕﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﯼ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻪﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑەﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐە ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑەﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﺐﹺ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻧﺎﻣﯽ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻥ؛ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺐْ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﻡﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕﺟﻮﻳﯽ ﮐﻦ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﲞﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﯼ‬
‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﮐە ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑەﮐﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﯽ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕﻃﻠﺒﯽ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﲪﻘﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺑﯽﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﻡﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺖ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻬﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺑەﺩﴰﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺸ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫‪-۳۰-‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻬﺑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺖ ﺭُﺷﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺪ؛ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﯼ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑەﻬﻧﺎﻳ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻪﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﳌﻠﻠﯽ ﺑەﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﻬﺗﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﮐە ﺑەﺁﻥ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺰﺍﻧﮥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺑﺮﮐ ِ‬
‫ﳘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻻﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺿﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻬﭘﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﭼە ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﭼە ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﲨﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺯﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﯼ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﳔﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﻗﺮﻧﮥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﻬﺑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﮐﺘﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺑەﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﲤﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑەﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﳘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﯽ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻥ ﺿ ِﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﲢﺮﻳﮑﺎﺗﯽ ﮐە ﻋﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺒﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﺧﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﳏﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﳘﮥ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑەﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥﹾ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑە ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮥ ﻣﻮﺭ ِﺩ ﻧﻈ ﹺﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑە ﲤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬

‫‪-۳۱-‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﯼ‬
‫ﯽ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﻞ ﺳﺮﺧﺴﯽ‬
‫ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﺮﺧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻧﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﯽ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﳘﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣَﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ‬
‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑە ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻬﻧﺎﺩ )ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﻋﺮﺑﯽ‬
‫ﮓ‬
‫ﺖ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺟﻨ ِ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ(‪ .‬ﳘﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﻦ ﻋﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻢ ﺑە ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐە ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮤ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎ ﹺﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮤ ﻓﻀﻞ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺧﺴﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩ ﹺﺭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﺰﺩﺍﻳَﺴﻦ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺎﺩﻏﻴﺲ ﺑەﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ‬
‫ﯽ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺶ‬
‫»ﻣَﺮﺍﮔﹸﻞ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺑەﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳ ْ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧُﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭ ِﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﮑﻮﻩ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑەﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑەﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﲤﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻞﮐە ﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﲤﺪﻥﹾ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﳘﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑەﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑەﳘﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐە‬
‫ﻥ ﲤﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑەﮔﻮﻧﻪﺋﯽ ﺑەﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﯽ ﻬﺗﯽ ﺷﺪ‬
‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﲤﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑە ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ِﻩ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﲤﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﻞﮐە‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﲤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺦ ﻣﯽﺯﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺎﻥ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﻮﺭ ِﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﹺﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ‬
‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻬﭘﻨﺎﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬

‫‪-۳۲-‬‬
 ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥِﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ‬
‫ﺐ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﮐە ﻧﻮﺡ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ ﻟﻘ ﹺ‬
‫ﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﻨﮕﯽ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺳ ِﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﮐە ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺑﻮﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﯼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﯼ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺪﺍﻟﯽ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺣ ِﺪ ﻗﺼ ﹺﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭ ِﺩ ﴰﺎﻟﯽ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﲰﺮﮐﹶﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺡ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺳ ِﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ‬
‫ﺷﻨَە ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﲪﺪ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺍﺳ ِﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺧﺪﺍ ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺡ‬
‫ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﻭﺷﻨَە ﻭ ﻓﹶﺮﻏﺎﻧَە ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺍﲪﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﲪﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﮤ‬
‫ﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺕ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐە ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑەﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻭَﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ )ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۴۶‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ(‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‬
‫ﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻬﻧﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑەﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺣﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﲪﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﯼ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺑەﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺖ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻃﱪﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ( ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧ ْ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﱳ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﳘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﳘﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑە ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻧﱪﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫ﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﻬﺑﺎﺭ ‪ ۲۵۵‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑەﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﮏﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮ ﹺﻡ ﺳﺮﻭﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑەﺍﻣﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﺑەﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬

‫‪-۳۳-‬‬
‫ﻳﮏﺳﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺪﯼﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑەﺳﺨﺘﯽ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮏﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﯼ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﳘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ )ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۲۵۸‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻟﻴﺚ ﮐە ﺑەﺟﺎﯼ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑەﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻬﻧﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﺳ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﺯﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻑ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﲪﺎﻳﱵ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﯼ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺭﮎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﯽ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻐﺪﯼ ﺑەﻧﱪ ِﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺑەﺑﻠﺦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑەﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ )ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫‪ ۲۷۹‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ(‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑەﺯﻭﺩﯼ‬
‫ﺍﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﮥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﯼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺗﺼﺮ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﻬﭘﻨﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﲞﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻏﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺳ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ ﺗُﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬ ‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺭﯼ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺶ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﺭﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺳﺪﮤ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻓﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﮥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑەﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺍﹶﺳﻔﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﻳَە‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻦ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥﹾ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﯼ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻓﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﮥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﻭ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻔﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﻳَە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺑەﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭَﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐە ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﯼ‬
‫ﻦ ﺑﹺﻬﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬

‫‪-۳۴-‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﯼ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻗﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﯼ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﳘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑەﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮤ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﱳ ﺑەﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮ ِﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﯽ ﺑەﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺍﻓﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﯽ ﮐە ﭘﺴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﳘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﭘﻴﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺑﺒُﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﺭﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺗُﺮﮎ ﮐە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺿ ِﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑەﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻬﺎﯼ ﺟَﺸ ﹺ‬
‫ﺶ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﯽﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﺍﺭ ِﺩ ﺍﺭﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺑەﺗﻼﺵ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﯼ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺷﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﹺﺭ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﱪﺩﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑەﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﮐە ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﯼ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﺎﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺷﻢﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺭﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﺩﺭ ﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻮﻳَە‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺴ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﺳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺑەﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐە ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﮥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﻳَە ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎ ِﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳ ْ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑەﻳﺎﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﲣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺷﺪ )ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬

‫‪-۳۵-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﯽ ﺟﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑەﻳﺎﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۳۲۴‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ(‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﯽ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎ ِﻩ ﺧﻼﻓ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻳﻠﻤ ْ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﭼﻮﻥﮐە ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﯼ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮤ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮤ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎ ِﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬
‫ﺖ‬
‫ﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﺳﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻭﻳﺞ ﺑەﺟﺎﺋﯽ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﳕﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑەﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﲪﺎﻳﺖ ﳕﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻞﮐە ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎ ﹺﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﯽﺳُﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺩﻳﻠﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺭﲰ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺏﺗﺒﺎﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﮔ ﹺﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﲰﻴﺖ ﲞﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽﺳُﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﲪﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﮔﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ ﻫﺮﭼە ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﮐﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑەﲤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﺑەﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻣﻨﺪﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﺣ ِﺪ ﺷﺎﻫﮑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺑﯽﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﲪﺎﻳﺘﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑەﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐە ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۳۶-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑەﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﳕﯽﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﮔﺮﭼە ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﻣﯽﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼﹶ‪،‬‬
‫ﳘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻨﻈﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻏﻴﺴﯽ )ﺑﺎﺩﻏﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐ ﹺﺰ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﻌ ﹺﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮥ ﺯﻣﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺯﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻦﺳُﺮﺍﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﮐە ﺍﲪﺪ ﺧُﺠَﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ( ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧ ﹺﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﯼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺑەﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺖ ﺷﻌ ﹺﺮ ﺣﻨﻈﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻏﻴﺴﯽ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﱪﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐە ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻨﻈﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﯼ )ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﱐ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﺴ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ( ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮑﹶﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭗ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﲞﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑە ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﯼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩﮤ‬
‫ﺣﻨﻈﻠﻪ ﮐە ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺭﻭ ﺧﻄـ ـ ــﺮ ﮐ ـ ــﻦ ﺯ ﮐ ـ ــﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺷ ـ ـ ــﻴﺮ ﲜ ـ ـ ــﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘـ ــﺮﻱ ﮔ ـ ــﺮ ﺑەﮐـ ــﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺷ ـ ــﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳ ـ ــﺖ‬
‫ﮒ ﺭﻭﻳـ ــﺎﺭﻭﯼ‬
‫ﻳـ ــﺎ ﭼ ـــﻮ ﻣـ ــﺮﺩﺍﻧـ ــْﺖ ﻣ ـــﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﻋ ـ ــﺰّ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤـ ــﺖ ﻭ ﺟ ـ ـــﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻳـ ــﺎ ﺑـ ــﺰﺭﮔـ ــﻲ ﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺕ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ‬
‫ﯼ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽﮔﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦﻭَﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑەﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻟﻐﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﳘﮥ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺪﮤ ﺳﻮ ﹺﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺳُﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺳﺨﻦﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ۔ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻳﺎﻥ ۔ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑﯽﲪﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻮﺳُﻠﹶﻴﮏ ﺟﺮﺟﺎﻧﯽ )ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮ ﹺﻡ ﮔﹸﺮﮔﺎﻧﻴَە ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺭﻳ ـ ـ ـ ــﺰﯼ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨ ـ ـ ــﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑِـ ـ ـ ــﻪ ﮐە ﺁ ﹺ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺧ ــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔ ــﺮ ﺑ ــﺮﻳ ــﺰﯼ ﺑ ــﺮ ﺯﻣــﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺧـ ـﻮ ِ‬
‫ﭘﻨ ـ ــﺪ ﮔﻴ ـ ــﺮ ﻭ ﮐـ ــﺎﺭ ﺑﻨ ـ ــﺪ ﻭ ﮔـ ـ ــﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﺖ ﭘ ــﺮﺳـ ــﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣـ ــﺮﺩﻡ ﭘـ ــﺮﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﰐ(‪:‬‬
‫ﳏﻤﻮﺩ ﻭَﺭّﺍﻕ ﻫﺮﺍﺗﯽ )ﻭَﺭّﺍﻕ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣ ﹺ‬

‫‪-۳۷-‬‬
‫ﮔـ ـ ــﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺑَﻬ ـ ـ ــﺎ ﺍﹶﺭﺯﺍﻧْـ ـ ــﺖ ﻧَــﺪﻫ ـ ـ ــﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻳﻨـ ـ ـ ــﺎ ﺑەﻧﻘ ـ ـ ـ ِﺪ ﺟﺎ ْﻧـ ـ ــﺖ ﻧَـ ـ ـ ــﺪﻫـ ـ ـ ــﻢ‬
‫ﺩﻫـﻢ ﺟ ــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﮐـﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎ ْﻧﺖ ﻧَــﺪﻫ ــﻢ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻭَﺻ ـﻠﹶﺖ‬
‫ﮔــﺮﻓﺘــﻪﺍﺳ ــﺘﻢ ﺑەﺟــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣـ ـﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻗﯽ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﮐە ﳘـ ـ ــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣـ ـ ـــﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧ ـ ـ ـــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗـ ـ ـــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻟـ ــﺐ ﻭ ﺩَﻧـ ـ ــﺪﺍ ْﻧﺶ ﺑﻨﮕـ ـ ــﺮ‬
‫ﺑە ﺧـ ـ ـ ِّ‬
‫ﻳﮑﯽ ﭼ ــﻮﻥ ﺷــﺎﻳ ـﻮَﺭ ﺑـَﺮ ﮔــِﺮ ِﺩ ﻣﻬﺘ ــﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﯽ ﳘﭽـﻮﻥ ﭘَـﺮَﻥ ﺑـَﺮ ﮔـِﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺭﺷــﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﳔﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺲ ﮐە ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥﹾ ﺳُﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐە‬
‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻘﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﻋﺮﺑﯽﺳُﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﮐە ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﰈ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟«‬
‫ﺑەﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻋ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﺋﯽ(؟!‬
‫)ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣَ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺳُﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻡﺩﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﺳُﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺭﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧ ْ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮤ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑەﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﱪﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑەﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﯽﮐﻪ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﮥ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ‬
‫ﲰﺮﻗﻨﺪﯼ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﴰﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩﺭﻩ ﺩﻩﻫﺰﺍﺭ؛ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺵ‬
‫ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﮐە ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻤﺮﯼ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯﲨﻠﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﺑەﻧﻈﻢ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﮐﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩِﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە‬
‫ﺑەﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺑەﻣﺎ ﺧﱪ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﮐە‬
‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﺑەﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺶ ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑەﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭَﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﹸﺰﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩﺋﯽ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﱳ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﮐﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﻣﯽﺳﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺑەﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑەﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﻧﻈ ﹺﻢ ﮐﻠﻴﻠﮥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫـ ـ ــﻴﭻ ﻧـ ـ ــﺎﻣـ ـ ــﻮﺯَﺩ ﺯ ﻫ ـ ـ ـﻴﭻ ﺁﻣـ ـ ــﻮﺯﮔـ ـ ــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔ ــﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻫ ــﺮﮐە ﻧ ــﺎﻣُﺨ ــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔ ــﺬﺷـ ـ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺷﻨﺎﺳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻼ ﹺ‬

‫‪-۳۸-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﴰﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﹾ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﳘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﯽ ﺑەﻧﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻮﺷﮑﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﯽ ﺑەﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﳌﺆﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ‬
‫»ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑەﻧﻈﻢ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﳘﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺳﺪﮤ‬
‫ﮐﺘﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮔﺮﺷﺎﺳﭗﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑەﻧﺜﺮ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﳔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑەﻧﻈ ﹺﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﮐﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑەﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺑﻮﺷﮑﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ«‬
‫ﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﻌﺮﯼﺋﯽ( ﮐە ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳُﺮﺍﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﯽ )ﻭﺯ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑە ﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﮤ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐە ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﹺﺭ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﮐە ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ »ﻗﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﺮ ِﺩ ﺍﺩﻳﺒﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺑﻮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻮﻧﯽ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐە ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑەﭼﺸ ﹺﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺟﻬـ ـ ــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺩﻳـ ـ ــﺪﺍﺭ ﺗـ ـ ــﻮﺷَـ ـ ــﻪ ﺑ ـ ـ ـﺰﯼ‬ ‫ﻫُ ـ ــﮋﺑ ـ ــﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑە ﮔﻴﻬ ـ ــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧ ـ ــﻮﺷَ ـ ــﻪ ﹺﺑ ـ ــﺰﯼ‬
‫ﯼ ﳘﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﮥ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﺷﺪﻳ ِﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﮐە ﺳﺘﻴﺰﮤ ﻓﮑﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑەﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﳘﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺖ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺑەﻓﺘﻮﺍﯼ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺑەﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﻓﺮﺟﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩﺑﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺨ ﹺ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﮐە ﺑ ــﺎ ﺑ ـ ـ ـــﺪ ﳘـﻴ ــﺸـ ـ ـﻪ ﺑەﭘﻴـــﮑﺎﺭ ﺑـ ـ ـــﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟـ ــﻮﺍﻧﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧـ ـ ــﻮﯼ ﺑـ ــﺪ ﻳـ ـ ــﺎﺭ ﺑـ ـ ـ ـ ـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺖ ﻳﮑ ــﯽ ﺑﻨ ــﺪﻩﺋ ــﯽ ﮐ ــﺸﺘﻪ ﺷ ــﺪ‬
‫ﺑە ﺩﺳــ ِ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺎﻳـ ــﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﲞـ ــﺖ ﺑـ ــﺮﮔـ ــﺸﺘﻪ ﺷ ـــﺪ‬
‫ﯼ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﻮﯼ ﺑﺪ« ﮐە ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﻠﯽﮔﺮﺍﻳﯽ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﮤ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﺘﺎﻳﯽ )ﺑەﺑﻴﺎ ِ‬

‫‪-۳۹-‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﯽ۔ ﻏﻼ ﹺﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﮐﺴﯽ ۔ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﻠﯽﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎ ﹺﺯ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﯽ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﱵ ﺑەﻓﺘﻮﺍﯼ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﯽ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻢﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑە ﺩﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺷﻌ ﹺﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴ ِ‬
‫ﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬
‫ﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺑەﻬﺑﺪﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑە ﮔﻴـ ـ ـﺘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﳘ ـ ـ ـ ــﻪ ﺧـ ــﻮﺑﯽ ﻭ ﺯﺷـ ــﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﭼﺎﺭ ﺧـﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﺶ ﺯَﺭﺩﻫُ ــﺸﺘﯽ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧ ــﻮﻥﺭﻧ ــﮓ ﻭ ﮐ ــﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ِﻣ ـ ﹺ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻳ ـﺎﻗ ـ ـ ـﻮﺕ ﺭﻧــﮓ ﻭ ﻧ ـﺎﻟـ ــﮥ ﭼﻨـــﮓ‬
‫ﻟـ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﯼ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﻃﻮﺳﯽ ﺑەﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﮥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐە ﻧﺎﲤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﮥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﯽﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﺑەﻧﻈﻢ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﻳﮏ ﻬﭘﻠﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﮐە »ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩ« ﻭ »ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻨﺪﮤ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎ ﹺﺭ ﳔﺴﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰ ِﺩ ﻣﺆﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺋﯽ ﻧﺰ ِﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﯼ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ »ﻳﮑﯽ ﻧﺎﻡﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪ ﺑُﻦ« ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐە ﭼە ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﳘﻪ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﮐﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑەﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼە ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑەﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻴﮏﺍﺧﺘﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑەﻧﻈﻢ ﺁﻭﺭَﺩ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﯼ ﺑﺪﯼ ﮐە ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺑەﺍﻭ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﮐﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﲤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐە ﻫﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﳕﺎﻳﺪ ﮐە ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑەﳘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﭼە ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﻣﺎ ﺑە ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ِﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﱳ ﺑەﺧﻮﻳﺸﱳ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫‪-۴۰-‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﯽ ﻟﱪﻳﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺑەﺧﻮﺍ ﹺ‬
‫ﺱ ﮐﯽ«‪ .‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﮐﺎﻭﻭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑەﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐە »ﻣﯽ ﳐﻮﺭ ﺟﺰ ﺑەﺁﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﺑەﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﮤ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﯽ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﮐە ﺟﺰ‬
‫ﺱ ﮐﯽ« ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻦ ﮐﺎﻭﻭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﺴُﺮﺍﻳَﻢ‪» .‬ﺁﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﮐﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﮐﯽ ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑەﺁﺋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﱳ ﺑەﺁﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺱﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﮤ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﮐ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﻳﮑﯽ ﻣﻬﺘﺮﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﻥﻓﺮﺍﺯ« ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﱪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﻧﺰﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑە ﺍﻭ ﺩﻝﮔﺮﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐە ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﮥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﭘﺸﺘﯽﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺳﺘﺮﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻦ )ﺑە ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﺭﺱ ﺑﮑﻮﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺲ(‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﱪﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑەﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻪﺁﻣﺪ )ﻧﻪ ﺯﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻣُﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﺮ ِﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﯼ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﯽ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﮐﹸﺸﺎﻥ«‬
‫ﺖ »ﻬﻧﻨﮕﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔ ِ‬
‫ﮐﺴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﳔﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮐە ﺳﺨﻨﯽ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼ ﺑەﺟﺎﻥ ﲞﺮَﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬
‫ﺽ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﯼ ﺗﮑﻔﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺳُﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺑەﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ ﮐە ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻬﭘﻠﻮﯼ ﳕﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﮐە ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﻬﭘﻠﻮﯼﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﻬﻧﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺯ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻬﭘﻠﻮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺑەﻧﻈ ﹺﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺘﻮ ِ‬
‫ﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﮤ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳﺮﺍﻳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻣﯽﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﳕﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐە ﳔﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﮤ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐە‬

‫‪-۴۱-‬‬
‫ﺷﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﯽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺋﯽ ﺳﻮﺳﻮ ﳕﯽﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻬﺑﺮﺍﻡ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﮐﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﯼ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷَﻮَﻩ )ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺩﻩﭼَﺮﺑﯽ( ﻗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﮑﻪﺋﯽ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﮥ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬
‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﺑﺎﻧَﺪ‪ .‬ﺑە ﻫﺮﺳﻮ ﻣﯽﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﯽ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﮐە ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻪﻣﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺩﻫﻦﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑەﺩﺭﻳﺎﯼ ﻗﻴﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ِﺩ ﺳَﺮﺩﯼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﯽﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﮔﹶﺮﺩﮤ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺮﮔﯽ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە ﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﻭﺍﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﳕﯽﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﺋﯽ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﱳ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑەﺳﺨﺘﯽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺐ ﺳﻴﺎ ِﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﯽ ﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﺭﻓﱳ ﻣﯽﻫﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﻝﺗﻨﮕﻲ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑەﻗﺼ ِﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﯼ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﱎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﴰﻊ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﯼ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺧﻮﺏﭼﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺑﺎﻻ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻬﺑﯽ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻣﯽ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﻬﯽ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﱳ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻨﻮﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺧﻮﺏﭼﻬﺮ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻢ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﲞﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﯼ ﺑ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﻴﮑﯽﺷﻨﺎﺱ! ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺘ ﹺﺮ ﻬﭘﻠﻮﯼ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺑەﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺁﺭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽﺳُﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﯼ ﴰﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦﻭﺭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﮐە ﺟُﻨﺐ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺷﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﲞﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺑەﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﯽﺁﻭﺭَﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﻮﺣﻔﺺ ﺳُﻐﺪﯼ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﹶﺮﺍﻻﻭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺭَﺑﻨﺠَﻨﯽ ﲰﺮﮐﹶﻨﺪﯼ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺒﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﲣﺎﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺍﲪﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﺴﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺷﻬﺮﮤ‬
‫ﺁﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﳌﺆﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﳌﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﺮﻭﺿﯽ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺎﺋﯽ‬
‫ﻣَﺮﻭَﺯﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﻟﻮﮐﺮﯼ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭﯼ‪،‬‬

‫‪-۴۲-‬‬
‫ﺍﻭﺭﻣَﺰﺩﯼ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﺏ ﲞﺎﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺷﻌﻴﺐ ﻫﺮﻭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩﯼ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻮﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﻳﻦﮐﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻴﻢ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮐﺮ ﲞﺎﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﯽ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﯼ‪ ،‬ﳌﻌﺎﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺣﻨﻴﻔﻪ ِﺍﺳﮑﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻏﹶﻮّﺍﺹ‬
‫ﮔﻨﺒﺪﯼ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﻗﺮﻁ ﺍﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﹼﺎﺭ ﻣَﺮﻏﹶﺰﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻋﺎﺻﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻌﻼﺀ ﺷﺸﺘﺮﯼ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺶﺩَﺭﯼ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﹶﺘﺢ ﺑُﺴﺘﯽ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﮐە ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ‬
‫ﺏ ﺩﻳﮕ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﯼ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮐە‬
‫ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﮐﺘﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝ ﺧﺰﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺗﺮﮐﺎﻥ ﺑەﺩﺭﻭ ِ‬
‫ﺑەﺩﻧﺒﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟَﺴﺘَﻪﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﯽ ﺑەﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﮐﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺩﮐﯽ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﺨﯽ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻥ ﻣـ ـ ــﺎ ﺭﻓﺘـ ـ ــﻪ ﮔﻴـ ـ ــﺮ ﻭ ﻣـ ـ ــﯽﺍﻧـ ـ ــﺪﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻭﺍ ِ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺷـ ـ ـ ــﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﻓـ ـ ـ ــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘـ ـ ـ ــﻴﺶ‬
‫ﮐـ ـ ـ ــﺎﺭﻭﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻭَﺯ ﴰ ـ ـ ـ ــﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺧ ـ ـ ـ ــﺮﺩ ﻫ ـ ـ ـ ــﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑ ـ ـ ـ ــﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﴰـ ـ ــﺎ ﹺﺭ ﺩﻭ ﭼـ ـ ــﺸ ْﻢ ﻳـ ـ ــﮏﺗـ ـ ــﻦ ﮐـ ـ ــﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻓﹶﺮﺍﻻﻭﯼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺷ ـ ـ ــﺎﻋـ ـ ـ ـ ْﺮ ﺷ ـ ـ ــﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷُ ـ ـ ــﻬﺮَﻩ ﻓﹶ ـ ـ ــﺮﺍﻻﻭﯼ ﻭﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕـ ـ ـ ـ ــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑەﲨﻠـ ـ ـ ـ ــﻪ ﳘـ ـ ـ ـ ــﻪ ﺭﺍﻭﯼ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﮤ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺖ ﺑـ ــﻮﻃـ ــﺎﻫـ ــﺮ ﺧـ ــﺴﺮﻭﺍﻧﯽ‬
‫ﺑە ﺍﻳـ ــﻦ ﺑﻴ ـ ـ ِ‬ ‫ﺑەﻳ ـ ــﺎ ِﺩ ﺟ ـ ــﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﮐﻨ ـ ــﻮﻥ ﻣ ـ ــﻮﻳ ـ ــﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻳﻐـ ـ ــﺎ ﺟـ ـ ــﻮﺍﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﻐـ ـ ــﺎ ﺟـ ـ ــﻮﺍﻧﯽ«‬ ‫»ﺟـ ــﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﻣـ ــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐـ ــﻮﺩﮐﯽ ﻳـ ــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺧﺴﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺎﻫ ِﺪ ﻟﻐﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﳘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑەﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﯼ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦﺳﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥﮔ ﹺﺮ ﭼﻴﺮﻩﺩﺳﺘ ﹺ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﮤ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ »ﮔﹸﺬﹶﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺑﺮﮔﮥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫ ِﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪-۴۳-‬‬
‫ﮐە ﺳﻮﯼ ﺧﻠﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﳘﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭَﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﮏﺭﺍﻳﯽ ﮐﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﯽ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺑﮑﺮ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﮐﺮﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺯﯼ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﻮﻧﺼﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺍﺑﯽ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻣﯽ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺸﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﲢﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﮥ‬
‫ﺍﲪﺪ( ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﳘﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ )ﺑﻮﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐە ﮐﺘﺎﲞﺎﻧﮥ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﲞﺎﻧﻪﺋﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﯽ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﯽ ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬
‫ﮐﺘﺎﲞﺎﻧﻪ ﺑەﳘﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﲤﺪﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑەﮐﻠﯽ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﮐە ﺑە ﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺮﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺗﻼﺷﯽ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﯼ ﲤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨ ِ‬
‫ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪-۴۴-‬‬
 ‫ﺭﻳﺸﮥ ﻟﹸﻐَﻮﯼﹺﻧﺎ ﹺﻡﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﯽ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﯼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻬﻦﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻬﻧﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﹸﻨ ﹺ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻬﻧﺎﺩﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ﯽ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ‬
‫ﻆ ﺗﻮﺭﮐ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﻗﻮ ﹺﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ«‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮓ ﺗﻠﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ »ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﻝ ﻭﺍﮊﮤ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫»ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ« )ﺑﺎ ﮒ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ ﮐە ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ »ﺗﺎﺯﯼ« ﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﹺ‬
‫»ﻏﺎﺯﯼ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝﮔﺮﻱ ﺑەﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﯽﺗﺎﺯﺩ )ﲪﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﹺﺯ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑەﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑەﺁﻬﻧﺎ »ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ« ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝﮔﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑەﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﯽﺗﺎﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ )ﲪﻠﻪ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﺵﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺑەﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑەﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮ »ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮕﺎﻥ«‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﱪ ﻣﮑﺘﻮ ْ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ )ﺑﺎ ﮒ(‪ .‬ﳔﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺗﺎﺯﺵ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺑە ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺑە ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺕ »ﺍﯼ ﻣﺮ ِﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ« ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﱪﯼ ﮐە ﺑەﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ‬
‫ﻞ »ﺍﯼ ﻣﺮ ِﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﯼ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑەﺷﮑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑە‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﯽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﳎﺎﻫﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻨﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﳘﺮﺍﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﲡﺎﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻆ »ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ »ﺩﴰﻦ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑەﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ« ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻞ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮓ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ« ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼە ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺑەﺷﮑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑەﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ‬

‫‪-۴۵-‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﭼﻮﻥﮐە ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎﻥﹾ –ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻔﻆ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑە ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕ ﹺﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۹۳‬۔‪ ۹۴‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﻴﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﻧﻈ ﹺﺮ ﺍﲰﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳ ِﺪ ﲰﺮﮐﹶﻨﺪ )ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺷﺮﻗ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﻐﺪ( ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻬﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺳُﻐﺪ( ﻭ ﲞﺎﺭﺍﺧﺪﺍﻩ )ﺣﺎﮐ ﹺﻢ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺏ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺝﮔﺰﺍﺭﯼ ﺑەﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﻋﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼە ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﮥ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﯽ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻞﮐە ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ )ﺍﹶﺧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﲞﺎﺭﺍﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡﺷﺎﻩ( ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﯽ ﻗﻠﻤﺮ ﹺﻭ‬
‫ﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﮔﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻕ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺳﻮﯼ ﺭﻭ ِﺩ ﺳﻴﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺍﲰ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺭﻭ ِﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻮﯼ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻬﻧﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﳔﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﯽ‬
‫ﮐﺎﺷﻐﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﮥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﰐ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺣَﺠّﺎﺝ ﺛﹶﻘﹶﻔﯽ‬
‫ﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ۔ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑەﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﹸﺘَﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣُﺴﻠِﻢ‬
‫۔ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﻭﻗ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣَﺮﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻳ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻫِﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐە ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩ ِﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ )ﻭﺍﻟﯽ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺐ ﻗﺘﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﮐﺎﺷﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﰐ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐە ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺩﻭﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥﮐە ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﯼ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮ ﹺﻡ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻳﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑەﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥﹾ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫‪-۴۶-‬‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﺭﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻻﺑەﻻﯼ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬
‫ﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﯽ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑە‬
‫ﻥ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۰۵‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﺍﺳ ِﺪ ﻗﺴﺮﯼ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺑﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺘﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻳ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑەﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍ ﹺﺯ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﯽ ﺑە ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺍﺯ ﺧَﺘﻼﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﯼ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﯼ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻃﱪﯼ ﺑە ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﯽ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺑە ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ‬
‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔ ﹺﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐە ﻋﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎ ﻋﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺑە ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﮐە »ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻪﺁﻭﺭَﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻝ ‪ ۱۱۷‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺎ ﹺ‬
‫ﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﮐە ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑە ﺟﺸ ﹺ‬
‫ﻑ( ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺍﺷﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺕ ﺩﻫﮕﺎﻧﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻬ ﹺﺮ ﺑﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﮐﻼﻧﺘ ﹺﺮ ﻫﻴﺄ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ۔ ﺳﺨﻦﺭﺍﻧﯽﺋﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﯽﺁﻥﮐە‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻗﺴﺮﯼ ۔ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺩﺍ ﹺﺭ ﻭﻗ ِ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻗﺴﺮﯼ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﲨﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺗﺮﲨﮥ ﻋﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﱪﯼ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐە ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﮐە‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﯼ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠ ﹺﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﳘﮕﯽﺷﺎﻥ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺿ ِﺪ ﺍﻣﻮ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻬﻧﻀ ِ‬
‫ﺐ »ﺍﹶﺑﻨﺎﺀ« )ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻘ ﹺ‬
‫»ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺑﻨﺎﺀ« ﺑەﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﮐە ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺩَﺭﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑەﺭﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑەﻗﺒﻴﻠﮥ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻞﮐە ﺑە‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳ ﹺ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﮔﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﳘﭽﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻭﯼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻭﺩﯼ‪ ،‬ﻫَﺮَﻭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺗِﺮﻣِﺬﯼ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭﯼ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﺨﯽ‪ ،‬ﲞﺎﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﯽ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ(‪.‬‬

‫‪-۴۷-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﮥ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﻭ‬
‫ﺖ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﺪﮤ ﳔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺁﻥﮐە ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﮥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺑەﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑەﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺳﺨﻦ‬
‫ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە »ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ« ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺑەﺗﻮﺭﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻥ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺯﻳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐە ﻋﻤﻮ ﹺﻡ ﻋﺮﻬﺑﺎﯼ ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑەﮔﻮﻧﻪﺋﯽ ﺑەﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑە ﳘﮥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﺑە ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﻭ ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮓ« ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺩﻭ ﹺﻡ ﺳﺪﮤ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﺠﺮﯼ ﺑەﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧ ْ‬
‫ﯽ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﻭ ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧ ﹺﺮ ﺩﻫﮥ ‪ ۳۷۰‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﯼ ﺳﻐﺪ‬
‫ﺕ‬
‫ﯼ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﺑەﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﮐە ﺍﻣﺎﺭ ِ‬
‫ﮒ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﹺ‬
‫ﺵ ﺑﺰﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺰ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﯽ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻞ ﻧﻮﻋﯽ ﺳﻠﻄﻨ ِ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻐﺪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺭﮐﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﳘﺴﺎﻳﮥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐە »ﺗﻮﺭﮎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ« ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ‬
‫ﮐە ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻆ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﭼﻴﮏ«‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐە ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﯽ‬
‫ﻆ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﮐە ۔ﮔﻮﻳﺎ۔ ﺩﻭ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺕﭼﻴﮏ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺕﭼﻴﮏﻟﹶﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﺎﺕﭼﻴﮏ«‬
‫ﻆ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺘﯽ ﻬﻧﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻆ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻳﮏ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻆ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﮤ‬
‫ﮑﻴّﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻆ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑەﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘّﺎ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺗﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﮏ« ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪-۴۸-‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﯽ ﺑەﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻥ ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺛﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﳕﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻬﻧﺎ ﺑەﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻗﺰﻟﺒﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺯﻳ ﹺﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﻮﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﻮ ﹺﻡ ﺗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﳘﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐە‬
‫ﻆ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺑﭙﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭ ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﮐە ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﻏﻴ ﹺﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﮎﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺭﮐﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﻏﻴ ﹺﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﻣﯽ ﺭﺍ ﳕﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﮐە ﺑﯽﺗﮑﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﮐە ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺎ ِ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺯﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐە ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺭﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﮐە ﻋﻤﺪﮤ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﹺﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﳘﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻧ ِﺪ‬
‫ﺭَﻭَﻧ ِﺪ )ﭘﹺﺮﻭﺳَﮥ( ﺗﻮﺭﮎﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﺳﻐﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐە ﺯﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺭﮎﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ِ‬
‫ﮎ ﺟﺎﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻢﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳒﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺕ ﺗﻮﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺸﺎ ﹺﺭ ﲨﺎﻋﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯼ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭَﻭَﻧ ِﺪ ﺗﻮﺭﮎﺳﺎﺯ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻥ ﺑﻮﻣ ﹺ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑەﻃﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﻣﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐە ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﯼ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﳘﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐە ﮐﹸﺮﺩﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﯼ ﺩﻭﻟ ِ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺭﮐﻴّﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍ ﹺﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﮥ ﺗﻮﺭﮎﺳﺎﺯ ﹺ‬
‫ﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﺱﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﻮ ِ‬
‫ﻫﻮﻳ ِ‬

‫‪-۴۹-‬‬
 ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻆ »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮓ« ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﯽ ﮐە ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑەﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐە ﻟﻔ ِ‬
‫ﻑ ﺧﺎﺻﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻬﻧﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﯽ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑە ﻫﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕ ﹺ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﺎ ﹺﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺭﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﳎﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻭﻟﯽ‬
‫ﳘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﳒﺎ ﮐە »ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑەﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﻣﺬ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﯽ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﴰﺎﻟ ﹺ‬
‫ﭘﺸ ِ‬
‫ﯽ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺎﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﳘﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﮐﻨﻮﻧ ﹺ‬
‫)ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴ ﹺ‬
‫ﯽ ﮐﺸﻮ ﹺﺭ ﺍﻭﺯﺑﮑﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺯﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻧﺪﮤ ﻧﻴﻤﮥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑ ﹺ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﲞ ﹺ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﮥ ﲞﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﲰﺮﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗِﺮﻣِﺬ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﯽﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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