The Sea Peoples and Their World

Eliezer D. Oren

Published by University of Pennsylvania Press

Oren, Eliezer D.
The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment.
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
Project MUSE.muse.jhu.edu/book/26954.

For additional information about this book

https://muse.jhu.edu/book/26954

Access provided at 1 Apr 2020 02:37 GMT with no institutional affiliation

 13

Cultural Innovations in Cyprus

Relating to the Sea Peoples

Vassos Karageorghis
Anastasios G. Leventis Foundation, Nicosia

By far the largest part of my archaeological activi- being influenced, or of being accused of having
ties during the last fifteen years, both in the field been influenced in my scholarship by present-day
and in publications, has been devoted to the prob- politics in Cyprus. A Syrian, an Israeli, or an Egypt-
lems of the end of the Late Bronze Age with partic- ian is in a much easier position in their research
ular reference to Cyprus. I, therefore, run the risk into the cultural changes, if any, in their respective
of repeating myself. In fact, about one year ago a countries at the time of the Sea Peoples.
colleague, reviewing the proceedings of a recently This having been said, I will attempt an "overview"
held international conference on the end of the of the subject, as far as possible, without entering
Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron into detail on chronological controversies or into
Age, referred to my contribution as "Karageorghis problems relating to the ethnic identity of the vari-
summarizes his often expounded views on the end ous branches of the Sea Peoples. In this respect, how-
of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprus," without sup- ever, I am tempted to mention a suggestion that was
porting or refuting them (Rupp 1993:802). I am made recently by Merrillees: that the Sea Peoples
fully aware that the few decades around 1200 B.C.E. were pirates who were disrupting the economic and
constitute a slippery ground for all those who at- commercial life in the Eastern Mediterranean ca.
tempt to tread over it, and we have not yet reached 1200 B.C.E., as a result of the expansion of maritime
a consensus as to how the cultural changes that trade. "The marauders became settlers, establishing
came about in the Levant and Cyprus should be in- the roots of the Greek-speaking community which
terpreted; who caused them, if they were really was destined to supplant all other linguistic groups,
changes, and when exactly did they occur. There is both indigenous and imported" (Merrillees 1992:91).
no doubt that Cyprus is situated right at the heart Though this speculation leaves quite a number of
of the problem, the more so because these cultural questions as to how the marauders become settlers
changes had a lasting effect on the political and (or should one say the marauders were followed by
cultural evolution of the Cypriots; if the U.N. has Greek-speaking settlers?), we mention it here be-
been called upon, for the last 30 years or so, to cause of its novelty.
solve what is known as the "Cyprus Problem," a his- In this overview I will inevitably have to repeat
torian should seek its roots in what happened quite a number of arguments and ideas that I have
around 1200 B.C.E. Of all the lands visited by the expressed elsewhere in print. I shall try to be very
Sea Peoples, only in Cyprus do we witness the ef- brief on matters on which I have already published
fects of their activities more than 3000 years after- my ideas, and devote more time to exploring some
ward. Being a Cypriot, I often find myself in an em- new directions. Various aspects of the cultural
barrassing position, always running the risk of changes referred to above will be surveyed in turn.
256 SEA PEOPLES

Pottery
The appearance in Cyprus of new ceramic styles ant. A few fragments and one complete skyphos from
just after ca. 1200 is a fact that nobody denies. Analy- Enkomi may be classified as Myc.IIIB:2 (Kara-
ses have shown that at least some of the Mycenaean- georghis and Demas 1984:47). Thus it seems clear
style pottery found in Cyprus, imitating the forms that Myc.IIIC:lb-type pottery was not imitated by
and the decoration of vessel types known from the Cypriots following imported models, but rather was
Aegean, was made with Cypriote clay at the begin- created by potters who were accustomed to this style
ning of the 12th century B.C.E., as it was also locally in their own homelands. It is true that the Cypriots
made in several sites in the Levant (see recently a started imitating Mycenaean pottery, especially the
general survey by Stager 1995:334-336). This pottery, shallow conical bowls, at the very end of LCIIC, at a
often referred to as Myc.IIIC:lb locally made, almost time when Mycenaean pottery was becoming rather
completely ousted the traditional Cypriote fabrics, rare. The assemblage of such vases found in a well at
the Base-ring and White Slip wares, which for cen- Kalavassos is a good example; most of the bowls and
turies had been the dominant local fine wares (Figs. cups are true Mycenaean but there were also several
13.1,2). local imitations (South 1988:228, fig. 2, pl. XXXV).
It must be stressed that no imported Myc.IIIC: 1 Several scholars have underlined elements of "con-
pottery has yet been found in Cyprus or in the Lev- tinuity" in ceramic production from the LCIIC to the

1 • - - - .. em.

Figure 13.1.1Jla-Kokkinokremos. Myc.IIIC:lb skyphoi.

Figure 13.2. Palaepaphos-Mantissa. Skyphos and bowls, locally made.

 KARAGEORGHIS 257

LCIIIA period, minimizing the importance of the

stylistic changes that occurred with the massive ap-
pearance of the new, Myc.IIIC:1b style (cf. Kling
1989a, 1989b; Sherratt 1991). It is not surprising,
however, that neither in pottery production nor in
any other aspect of material culture was there an im-
mediate and total eclipse of local style. The newcom-
ers did not eradicate the existing Cypriote material
culture, which had reached a high level of develop- ··-·.·:.
ment during LCIIC-LCIIIA and was deeply rooted in . . . : .: ~
the island. . .. ·
·.:•
The affinity of the new types to Aegean pottery .. · ·.
cannot be disputed, and they can hardly be dissociat- ..
·.. ·.··.
ed from the bulk of the other cultural changes that ·-·.· ..
occurred at the same time in the island. It should be
said, however, that up to now we cannot pinpoint
one particular region in the Aegean with which the
Myc.IIIC: 1b-style pottery of Cyprus may be associated.
Much more work is needed before this becomes fea- Figure 13.3. Maa-Palaeokastro.
sible. When the LHIIIC pottery of Crete, the Cy- Handmade Burnished Ware jar.
clades, and the Dodecanese becomes better known,
perhaps such comparisons will become more con-
vincing. But I agree with Susan Sherratt and others Some useful conclusions may be drawn from a re-
that the change of pottery styles alone does not nec- cent study of the so-called Trojan Grey Ware that was
essarily prove the presence of a new population in found at Tell Miqne-Ekron (Heuck Allen 1994). Its
the island (for a general discussion see Karageorghis appearance in Cyprus has been observed at various
1994:2-4). sites, even in levels that may be dated after 1200 B.C.E.
Since 1986, when the appearance of Handmade This very rightly induced Heuck Allen to suggest that
Burnished Ware in Cyprus was first recognized and "contacts between the east and the Aegean did not
associated with the arrival of a new population at sites cease entirely after 1200 B.C.E. as has been generally
such as the newly fortified military outpost of Maa- believed" (ibid., p. 44). Thus Cyprus, and possibly
Palaeokastro (Karageorghis 1986) (Fig. 13.3), much Syria, where such pottery is found in early 12th-cen-
ground has been covered in identifying and inter- tury contexts, "may have participated longer in the
preting its appearance in the island soon after 1200 Aegean's dwindling contacts in the east" (ibid.). She
B.C.E. (for a bibliography see Pilides 1992:183-184). finds that Muhly, who sharply criticized attempts to
We shall not repeat the arguments we expressed at relate the occurrence of such ware in the east with
that time. The situation has been summarized in are- the presence of Trojans at these sites "has gone too
cent study by Pilides (1992:182-183; see also idem far by rejecting any relationship between the Grey
1994) as follows: Ware vessels in Cyprus and those at Troy" (ibid., 45).
Her own interpretation of the evidence is:
Since HBW is a new ware on the island and since
its introduction into the Cypriot ceramic reper-
toire coincides with the influx of locally made the latest vessels (of this ware) found in 12th
LHIIIC painted pottery on three sites (Sinda, century B.C.E. contexts and contemporary with
Enkomi, Maa-Palaeokastro) and continues to Troy VIla, represent trophies seized or the trea-
occur, some of it probably imported, with locally sured personal possessions of a Trojan diaspora.
made painted pottery of Late LH IIIC affinities, . . . So we may in part be discussing Troy VIla in-
its arrival in Cyprus may be connected with the habitants, refugees from Troy VIh, victors, or
arrival of Aegean population elements .... What possible groups of marauding Sea Peoples ...
the HBW evidence from Cyprus indicates is that Trade and migration hypotheses appear to indi-
a special group of people amongst the Myce- cate a small number of individuals with a few
naeans for some reason favoured the use of this personal possessions who left Troy and ended up
handmade pottery. Whatever their function or in Cyprus and the Levant (ibid.).
role in Mycenaean society, or whatever the func-
tions of this pottery were, it arrived in Cyprus in The importance of these conclusions is self-evi-
association with the Mycenaean painted wares dent. They support the idea that a foreign ethnic
from the beginning of the LC Ill, and remained presence appeared in Cyprus as well as in the Levant
in use in small quantities down to the end of the (see recently Stager 1995) early in the 12th century
Bronze Age and into the Early Cypro-Geometric. B.C.E.
258 SEA PEOPLES

Coroplastic Art
Turning now to coroplastic art, we notice pro- period in order to legitimise and further cement
found changes, which may be connected with the their position. The external symbols of this situa-
radical social and religious innovations that occurred tion can be found in the shape of foreign-de-
in Cypriote society during the Late Cypriote IliA pe- rived iconographical objects-Types I and III fig-
riod. Whereas before ca. 1200 B.C.E. the predominant urines, while the lower strata of society could
types of figurines (usually placed in tombs) were only claim access to rather socially ubiquitous
nude female figurines and bull-shaped rhyta, both as- good-luck charms in the shape of Type II fig-
sociated with fertility, we now witness the appearance urines (ibid., p. 53).
of new styles of anthropomorphic figurines that were Who were these elite people in Cypriote society of
either imported from the Aegean or imitated Aegean the LCIII period? Certainly they did not derive from
types, as well as bovine figurines with strong Aegean old aristocratic levels, which existed in earlier peri-
typological affinities (Fig. 13.4) . Patrick Begg pro- ods, but were a new economic elite, who were seek-
posed a theory according to which the figurines of fe- ing the assistance of religious cult in order to suc-
male figures (his Type II) were used as personal ceed and justifY their role. The life-blood of the econ-
amulets in tombs, or as symbols in foundation de- omy of the island, as Begg suggests,
posits ensuring the continuing good fortune of a
structure, while figurines of his Types I (anthropo- was provided by metallurgical and agrarian in-
morphic, Aegean-inspired representations) (Fig . dustries, and both appear to have required a very
13.5) and III (Aegean-inspired bovid examples) (Fig. deliberate ritual involvement. What it is impor-
13.6) are associated mainly with ritual structures tant to realise is that the cultic representations
(Begg 1991:32). He stresses the foreign-inspired present in these situations are those with a basis
iconography of his Type I and III figurines and sug- in the elite levels of worship. Bearing this in
gests that: mind, it is certainly plausible to posit the connec-
tion between Types I and III figurines, cult, Late
an elite level of Late Cypriot society cultivated Cypriot elites, and industrial/economic institu-
strong links with the dominant religion of the tions. Clearly, therefore, religion-and by exten-

I
I
-- =--=-

(photo Paul Astrom).

'
Figure 13.4. Terracottafigurinefrom Hala Sultan Tekke Figure 13. 6. Terracotta figurine from Enkomi, Musee du
Louvre, AM2100 (photo Reunion des Musees Nationaux) .
 KARAGEORGHIS 259

Figures 13.5a, b. Terracotta figurine from Cyprus, Musee du Louvre, AMI 59

(photo Reunion des Musees Nationaux).

sion its physical manifestation-was vital not only and shoulder hump. Similar figurines existed during
in a spiritual, but also in a very secular sense to the same period in the Aegean (Karageorghis
Late Bronze Age Cypriots' (ibid., p. 54) . 1993:35-43).
A similar observation may be made about the new
Within this social and religious context we may in- types of anthropomorphic figurines. The changes are
terpret the appearance of the important and impos- manifested both in the style of some of the new types
ing sanctuaries of Enkomi, Kition, and Myrtou-Pigad- of figurines, recalling features of Aegean figurines,
hes (Figs. 13.7, 8), with their respective cult symbols, but also in the increased numbers of male figurines,
particularly the figurines of Begg's Types I and III compared to the LCII period (ibid., pp. 26-32) .
mentioned above, but also the two well-known These changes were already noted by Catling in 1971
bronze figurines that were used as cult statues at (Catling 1971:30-31; cf. also idem, 1994a:l49). Partic-
Enkomi, the "Horned God" and the "Ingot God," the ularly worthy of mention are two female figurines of
latter quite clearly justifYing Begg's theory. This is a Aegean type, which are made of Cypriote clay and
theme that has been expounded in great detail on have matte-painted decoration; both were found in
several occasions by Knapp and others (for refer- Cyprus. The first is in the Louvre (Karageorghis
ences, see Begg 1991; see also Knapp 1988). Such 1993:no. K(i) 10); it has been described by Catling
profound social, economic, and religious changes (1994a:l50) as Mycenaean rather than an imitation,
could not have occurred so suddenly had it not been but he obviously has not examined the clay and paint
for new ideas that were due to a new ethnic element of the figurine.' The other was discovered at Hala
that settled in Cyprus just after 1200 B.C. E. Sultan Tekke (Astrom et al. 1983:68, N 2000, figs.
In our recent study of the coroplastic art of Cyprus 285 and 286).
in this period attention was drawn to the Mycenaean Female figurines of Aegean appearance are also
and Minoan affinities of the bull figurines with known in the 12th century B.C.E. in the Levant (Ash-
wheel-made bodies (cf. also Kourou and Karetsou dod, Ashkelon, Ekron , and Tell Qasile (Dothan
1994). They have painted decoration, and are natu- 1982:234-249).
ralistically rendered, with a dewlap, genitals, muzzle,
260 SEA PEOPLES

Figure 13. 7. Enkomi. The Sanctuary of the Horned God (photo Cyprus Museum).

Bronzework
Ever since the publication of Catting's basic work We have already referred to the Aegean connec-
on Cypriote bronzework during the Late Bronze Age tions of the two bronze statues (the Horned God
it has been clear that the flourishing of metalworking and Ingot God) from Enkomi, though their Lev-
in Cyprus during the 12th century B.C.E. may have antine connections (as well as those of other
owed much to the technological skills of the new bronze figurines of the same period) canno t be
Mycenean immigrants, as well as to Levantine influ- denied. There was also a considerable increase in
ences ( Catling 1964:299-302; idem 1984, 77-78; idem production of other bronze figurines , both an-
1986). At the same time Cyprus was a center of inno- thropomorphic and zoomorphic, mainly of bulls.
vation in ironworking, which again may be partly at- Furthermore we should mention the introduction
tributable to the metallurgical skills of the new immi- of weapons of a Mycenaean type (Naue 11-type
grants (Karageorghis 1994:4-6). The question of swords and bronze greaves) (Fig. 13.9), both ne-
ironworking in Cyprus has been extensively discussed cessitated as a result of the adoption of the rail-
by various scholars (for references see ibid.) . The type chariot, which was introduced from the
possibility that Italy may have been the source of iron Aegean. To these may be added items of personal
may be strengthened if we consider that this area use, such as fibulae, which constitute an innova-
may also have provided other commodities, in addi- tion, gradually replacing the traditional Cypriote
tion to metals: for example, alum, "an important pin. It is not necessary to expand in detail on
mineral in leath er working, textile dyeing, pharmacy these new elements in Cypriote bronzework,
and wood construction Uones and Vagnetti which have already been discussed elsewhere
1991:141). (Karageorghis 1990a:27-30; idem. 1992:81)
 KARAGEORGHIS 261

Figure 13.8. Myrtou-Pigadhes. The sanctuary (photo Cyprus Museum).

Religious Symbols
Although the ground plans of sanctuaries erected tic trough from Pyla-Kokkinokremos (Karageorghis
just after ca. 1200 B.C.E. are based on Levantine archi- 1976:76-78) and as part of the decoration of a locally
tectural tradition, as seen at Kition, at the same time made crater from Hala Sultan Tekke (Karageorghis
there were some interesting innovations in the use of 1990a:16, pl. X:1) (Fig. 13.10). Religious symbols ap-
religious symbols. In some of the major sacred areas pear very frequently on LMIIIB sarcophagi (e.g.,
of the island, namely at Kition, Palaepaphos, and Kanta 1980: pis. 36.1 and 113.1) as well as on LMIIIB
Myrtou-Phigadhes "horns of consecration" have been vases (e.g., Tzedakis 1970:111-112; Popham 1970:
found, in association with monumental altars (Kara- fig. 3); one such vase was found at Pyla-KokhinokrPmos
georghis 1990a:28). This symbol also occurs on a cui- in Cyprus (Dikaios 1969: pl. 237:1).

Ship Iconography
Ten years ago when Basch and Artzy studied the engravers. However, they compared the representa-
graffiti of ships engraved on the south wall of Temple tions with Mycenaean ships of the end of the Late
1 at Kition (Basch and Artzy 1985) (Fig. 13.11), they Bronze Age, and did not exclude their identification
hesitated to pronounce on the identification of the with the ships of the Sea Peoples (ibid., p . 336),
262 SEA PEOPLES

: -~
r_._

~!

Figure 13. 9. Bronze swords from Enkomi Figure 13.11. Drawings of ships engraved on stones
(after Schaeffer 1952:410, fig. 18) . at Kition.

Figure 13.10. Two fragments from a crater from Hala Sultan Tekke (photo Cyprus Museum).
 KARAGEORGHIS 263

with their inwardly curved "fan" on the stem. In a rower's gallery that finds its closest parallels in con-
communication read in an international symposium temporary Aegean (Mycenaean) ships. The bird-head
in 1994 Wachsmann was more explicit. In studying device capping the stems of the Medinet Habu ships
five depictions of Sea Peoples' vessels as they appear finds exact parallels in Aegean stem devices" (Wachs-
in Rarnesses III's sea battle relief at Medinet Habu, he mann 1997:35, and in this volume; see also Basch
concludes: "these ships' architecture indicates that 1994).
their prototype was an oared vessel with an open

Loom weights
A large number of reels of unbaked clay, almost al- scholars consider them loomweights. Stager consid-
ways in association with loomweights, have been ers that these reels, identified as loomweights, which
found at sites such as Kition and Enkomi. A satisfac- occur also at Tel Miqne-Ekron at the same period,
tory interpretation of these objects has not yet been provide "persuasive evidence" that they were "made
reached. L. Stager found 150 such reels at Ashkelon, and used by immigrant weavers" of Mycenaean ori-
in levels dating to the 12th century B.C.E. He com- gin. Though this proposal is very attractive, and the
pared them with those of Enkomi and Kition, but occurrence of these reels in the Aegean, Cyprus, and
also with similar objects from Tiryns, Pylos, and the Levant at the same time cannot be a coincidence,
Mycenae (Stager 1991:36-37, and n.l2 for refer- we need further research as to their possible use. Bar-
ences; idem 1995:346). We may mention also some ber, in her excellent survey on ancient textiles, also
identical objects found at Knossos in Late Minoan associates these loomweights with the Sea Peoples
Illc levels, which have been associated with "gaming (Barber 1991:302-303).
tables" (Warren 1982-1983:85, figs. 58, 73). Other

Tomb Architecture
Dikaios was very preoccupied by the appearance of contrast to contemporary sites in the east of the
the pit or shaft grave in the tomb architecture of island. The Tomb in the Fosse contained three
Enkomi in the LCIIIA and B periods (Fig. 13.12), significant Mycenaean IIIC:l deep bowls; not far
and he tried to explain it with various scenarios: that from it the burial with exclusively Mycenaean
these tombs were used for emergency burials or for IIIC: 1 pottery was excavated; the Mycenaean pot-
the autochthonous or less important people, and tery found in the Gate area on Site KA, coming
that the regular burials of more important people most likely from destroyed tombs, yielded more
were made in separate cemeteries, perhaps outside Mycenaean IIIC:l material. All this seems to pro-
the city wall, which have not yet been found. He real- vide evidence for the possible cemetery of the
ized, however, that "the problem is complex and Achaeans. It is tempting to think that the new
pending further investigation ... final judgement settlers preferred the higher burial grounds of
should be withheld" (Dikaios 1969:431-433). A simi- Marcello and upper Kaminia, while the local pop-
lar pit burial was found at Kition, which we dated to ulation continued to bury their dead on the
the end of the LCIIIA to the beginning of the LCIIIB slopes of lower Kaminia and Mantissa, but this is
period (Karageorghis 1960:514, 568-569). Dikaios a somewhat speculative hypothesis (Maier, in
stressed the fact that in some of these tombs no gifts Maier and Karageorghis 1984:79).
at all were found, and in others all the gifts were
It is unfortunate that a considerable proportion of
Cypriote, with no Myc.IIIC:1b-type pottery. It is true
the material (21 out of a total of 47 tombs) is not yet
that this problem is evident at other Late Bronze Age
published. We have in mind the 21 shaft graves exca-
sites in Cyprus.
vated at Palaepaphos-Kaminia by the British Mission
At Palaepaphos, however, the picture is different.
of the St. Andrews and Liverpool Museums in
The excavator, F. G. Maier, reports:
1950-1954 and which, forty years afterward, still re-
Part of the cemetery of the first Achaean immi- mains unpublished (Gatling 1979). These tombs are
grants has been discovered at Palaepaphos, in even more intriguing in the light of the short ac-
264 SEA PEOPLES

SECTION CD
... ·-· ·...... ·
.· .. ·. ::-.-·... .. .
. . -·. :·_:
: ·.. . ·....... -: ·. . c;;::: ....... : .. .... '' :-.:

,:.- . · · ·~·~· ·. • . ~ :.·.~i.o~ ·~ .·. . f

. ·.. ·.

0~~~~~~1==========~2========~3M

EN KOMI T. 15

Figure 13.12. ShajtgravefromEnkomi (after Schaeffer 1952:231,fig. 85).

 KARAGEORGHIS 265

count of them published by Catling (ibid.), who Niklasson-Sonnerby is not specific as to how these
dates the cemetery to the LCIIIA-IIIB periods and changes carne about. She would rather agree with
underlines its "great potential interest" and "its sug- Dikaios that those buried in the shaft graves, at Enko-
gestion of a marked distinction, whether of race or rni at least, were Cypriots who remained in the town
class, within the 12th century B.C.E. population of after the destruction of Level IIC and the erection of
Kouklia" (ibid., p. 273). the Level IliA buildings (ibid.). This explanation is
At Hala Sultan Tekke a shaft grave was excavated, not very satisfactory, however, if we consider that the
Tomb 23, which has been dated to "the transition be- phenomenon of the shaft graves is not one isolated
tween LCIIIA1 and LCIIIA2, c.ll75 B.C." (following at Enkorni, but that it occurs also at Kition, Kourion,
Astrorn's dating of the LCIIIA period; Astrorn et al. Palaepaphos, and Hala Sultan Tekke. Although we
1983:183). Niklasson, who excavated this tomb, pro- have nothing more precise to offer, we would record
poses that the burial it as yet another novelty in the culture of Cyprus in
LCIIIA, without excluding an influence from the
took place immediately or a short time after Aegean. Whether this was the result of unstable con-
some of the buildings in the settlement had col- ditions of poverty in the island (Iacovou
lapsed; this destruction seems to coincide with a 1994:158-159) or a result of uncertainty until the
series of catastrophes attested at several other, final abandonment of earlier cemeteries and the es-
Late Cypriote IIIA1, occupation sites. It may be tablishment of new ones, with the specifically Myce-
possible to connect these events with the rav- naean-type tombs as seen at Alaas and elsewhere
aging of the so-called Sea Peoples, whose raids (ibid.) is a matter that should be investigated further.
were ended by their defeat by Rarnesses III in his In the meantime it is interesting to note that similar
eighth regnal year, c. 1176 B.C. (ibid., p. 185). phenomena (pit graves or cists) existed also in LHII-
IC Greece, alongside reused chamber tombs (Iaco-
Karin Niklasson-Sonnerby made a useful general vides 1970:22-25; Dickinson 1983:66-67; idem
survey of all the shaft graves of the LCIII period hith- 1994:228, 231; Hood 1991:910), and in LMIII Crete
erto found (Niklasson-Sonnerby 1987). A brief sum- (Evans 1906:11-15; Hood 1958-1959).
mary may be given here. The shaft graves are either In this respect we should also like to mention a
rectangular or mere pits, dug in the rock or in earth, type of tomb that is known in LMIII Crete (Khania
just large enough to provide room for the dead to be and Knossos) and that also appears in the 11th cen-
buried in a dorsal outstretched position with a few tury B.C.E. cemeteries of Alaas and Lapithos in
tomb gifts. Some are elaborately constructed, entirely Cyprus. In the publication of the cemetery of Alaas
or partially lined with rubble or masonry. The dead we suggested that this type of tomb was probably an
were accompanied by only a few personal objects, un- adaptation of local Cypriote traditions. Hallager and
like the abundance of gifts attested to in the cham- McGeorge (1992:45), commenting on this type of
ber tombs of the preceding period. The only excep- tomb as it appears at Khania and Knossos, suggested
tions are the rich burial in a shaft grave at Hala Sul- a Cypriote origin, while Catling (1994b:35) very re-
tan Tekke (mentioned above), where an adult was cently proposed that this is an Aegean-type tomb, a
buried with a large number of rich gifts, and another suggestion to which we would subscribe. At Zapher
rich shaft grave found at Kourion-Kaloriziki, Tomb Papoura (Evans 1906:15-21, figs. lla, b, and c) this
40, dating to the end of the LCIII period, where a type appears as early as the LMIIIA2 period. The "pit-
rich assemblage of objects was found, including the cave" could also be compared with a type occurring
famous gold and enamel scepter. The dead were cre- at Perati in the 12th century B.C.E. (Iakovides 1970:
mated and there is strong evidence that the people 24-25), for which, however, Catling proposes a dif-
buried in this tomb were of Greek origin (McFadden ferent ancestry (personal communication, 9.3.95). At
1954:134; Niklasson-Sonnerby 1987:224). While ad- Knossos, the pit-cave also appears in the 11th century
mitting that this change in funerary architecture in B.C.E. for the internment of cremated remains, which
the LCIII period may be interpreted as "based on makes the connection with the Alaas tomb even
changes due to external factors" (ibid. 1977:225), more direct (Catling, 1994b:135).

Military Architecture
We have argued elsewhere that the introduction of Palaeokastro was (Fig. 13.13) due to the arrival of
"Cyclopean"-type walls at the very beginning of the Mycenaean settlers in Cyprus (Karageorghis and
LCIIIA period at Enkorni, Kition, Sinda, and Maa- Demas 1988:63-64; Karageorghis 1992:81). Is it acci-
266 SEA PEOPLES

dental that this major architecture should occur at non, taken together with all these changes (ibid., pp.
sites where quite a number of other cultural changes 80-81), is significant for determining the identity of
occurred during the same period? This phenome- those who caused it.

Hearths 2

The appearance in Cyprus in the LCIIIA period of 60-62) similar hearths appear in "assembly halls," in
free-standing hearths, prominently positioned in which people gathered mainly for eating and drink-
large rooms, has already been remarked as one of ing (Fig. 13.15). A hearth was recently brought to
the novelties that occurred at the beginning of the light in a room of a large ashlar building at Alassa-
12th century B.C.E. (Karageorghis and Demas Paliotavema, most probably dating to the LCIIIA peri-
1988:60-61; Karageorghis 1992:81). Recently I had od (Hadjisavvas 1994; see now Hadjisavvas and Had-
the opportunity to elaborate on this theme during an jisavvas 1997). A hearth with substratum of pithos
international conference on the Sea Peoples held in sherds was found at Hala Sultan Tekke in the center
Jerusalem; thus I shall give here only a brief summary of a large hall dating to the early 12th century B.C.E.
of that paper. (mentioned here with the kind permission of the ex-
Dikaios stressed the importance of free-standing cavator, Prof. Paul Astrom).
hearths at Enkomi, and drew comparisons with In the Aegean, hearths appear in palaces (Myce-
hearths in "megaron"-type buildings in the Aegean nae, Pylos, Tiryns, Mallia), but also in ordinary hous-
(Dikaios 1969; 1971:48-49, 106, 112, 113, 174-175, es, e.g., in Mycenae and Khania (Crete) (for a gener-
183, 186). Such hearths occupy a prominent place in al account see Werner 1993). The free-standing
large rooms at Enkomi, occasionally in association hearths in the Levant, namely at Tel-Miqne, Tell
with benches where people could sit (Fig. 13.14). At Qasile, and Ashkelon are well known.3
Maa-Palaeokastro (Karageorghis and Demas 1988:

Bathrooms and Bathtubs

In publishing the limestone bathtub found in an tained ashes and burnt bones (Astrom 1972:1). It is
11th-century B.C.E. tomb at Palaepaphos (Kara- not certain whether this basin was ever used as a
georghis 1983:437-438), I suggested that the intro- bathtub, or whether it really resembled a bathtub. It
duction of baths and bathtubs in Cyprus in the 12th has not survived, as far as we know, and the pub-
century B.C.E. might be associated with the arrival in lished photographs (Gjerstad et al. 1934:360, figs.
the island of new ethnic elements from the Aegean, 136 and 137) are not very helpful in reconstructing
who introduced a number of novelties as described the original shape.
above. In this paper I will attempt to strengthen the Enkomi, as might be expected, has provided a
arguments in favor of this proposal, in the light of number of examples of bathtubs, in association with
further evidence that has come to light since then. bathrooms. One, carved out of a single block of lime-
The earliest terracotta "bath-shaped basin" so far stone, was found in a LCIIIA context text, inside a
known from Cyprus was found on the floor of the bathroom(?) in a private house within the complex
Ayios Iakovos Sanctuary, dating to the 14th century of the large ashlar building known as "Batiment 18."
B.C.E. The excavators describe it as a "terracotta bath- It was found by Schaeffer and was published by Cour-
shaped basin, placed in a shallow pit in the rock. The tois (1992); its present location is not known. It mea-
edges rose 0.33 m above the floor. The exterior di- sures 1.23 x 0.68 x 0.64 m, with four rectangular pro-
mensions of the basin are 1.28 x 0.63 x 0.47 and the jections below the rim forming the handles.
average thickness of the wall is 0.05 m .... The bot- Four examples of terracotta bathtubs were also
tom of the basin consists of a flat, sawn piece of con- found during Schaeffer's excavations. One was found
glomerate" (Gjerstad et al, 1934:356, 358 no. 52). east of Batiment 18, in a house that may be consid-
The main accumulation of votive gifts was found in ered as an annex of the latter building. It measures
and around this basin (ibid., p. 359), which also con- 1.40 m x 0.58(w.), and had only two handles, one in
 KARAGEORGHIS 267

...............
..n .......

.. _____ ...... -----

-·- ---
....... __10-------

---

MAA
PALAEOKASTRO
10 20 30 40 50
" !twe+w;4 !rwees! METRES

Figure 13.13. The peninsula of Maa-Palaeokastro with excavated areas (I, II, III)
and the Northern and Southern Fortifications.
 hD
Vi
00

/-- --- --...--. ---...-·

I
p
I II
II
I II
II
II
I
I 11
/I
;:~.:~:~:~.~ I II
II
HEARTH I /I
II
BENCH II
89A I 11 77
II
L
$,J,, ~
"':I
M
II 0
11
. ,/1 ~
(/)

I oyu.
B,1NCOH

ENKOMI. AREA Ill

\\ I .·:::rt
o.
a '
0 II
1

II
\ II HEARTH
d
I II
II

I 0
__j

ENKOMI.AREA Ill

Figure 13.14. Hearths at Enkomi (after Dikaios 1969).

 2.69

( \

~HEARTH
I \

61
I-
I J
I I
I I
L

Figure 13.15. Hearths at Maa-Palaeokastro.

270 SEA PEOPLES

the middle of each side. It was found next to a large the floor surface; the floor itself was a hard white
built well. The second one, measuring 1. 75 m x plaster (South 1980:38-39) . The tub has an outlet
0.70(w.) was found in a house west of Batiment 18, hole, two vertical loop handles on each side, and it is
resting against a wall; only two handles on one side decorated with four parallel relief bands on the exte-
were recorded. Schaeffer showed both these bath- rior. As South rightly remarks, it is unlikely that this
tubs on the general plan of the site but described large room was used as a bathroom, and the bathtub
them as "sarcophages" (Schaeffer 1952: pis. IX and must have been put there for some other purpose
LXXXVII). We have not been able to trace the (ibid., p. 39).
whereabouts of these two bathtubs.
A third bathtub, also of terracotta, was found in a
house in Quartier 4E (Courtois 1992:152-153, n. 2)
and a fourth in Quartier 5W, this time upside down ALASSA-PALIOTAVERNA
(Courtois and Lagarce 1986:52, pl. XIV.4). The
fourth bathtub measures 1.10 x 0.54 x 63.5(h.) and In a room of the large ashlar building that was re-
has a hole as an outlet at the bottom, in the middle cently uncove red (see also hearth room in the same
of one of the short sides. It is quite probable that it building, mentioned above) a clay bathtub is report-
may be the one we published as possibly from Enko- ed almost identical with that found in the sanctuary
mi (Karageorghis 1983:435, fig. 1) . A fifth clay bath- atPalaepaphos (Hadjisavvas 1994:112, pl. XIX:2).
tub may also have been found; a photo of it was kind-
ly sent to me by E. and J. Lagarce, but its present lo-
cation is not knwon.
Bathtubs were also found at Enkomi by Dikaios. MAA-PALAEOKASTRO
Two limestone bathtubs are recorded in Area III,
Level IliA: one of them measures 0.76 x 0.50 m and Though a large number of fragments of terracotta
was found in an area paved with slabs, near a well bathtubs were found at this site, both on Floors I and
(Dikaios 1969:107) . The other one, also in Area III, II (LCIIIA) (Karageorghis and Demas 1988,:226, 235,
was found in Level IliA, on a concrete floor, but may 249-251), it is only in one room that an almost com-
also have continued to be used in Level IIIB (ibid. , p. plete specimen was found, Room 79 of Building III,
141). Two other bathtubs, one of them fragmentary, no. 588. It was found smashed within the debris of
were found in the Ashlar Building in Levels IliA and Floor II, above the pithos paving (ibid. 1988:29) . It
IIIB respectively, the first one in fragments (ibid., p. has straight sides, with two vertical loop handles on
181). The other is recorded as rectangular, 0.80 x each side; it is perforated at the base through one of
0.45 m , and was found in the reconstructed Ashlar the short sides (0.995 m x 0.51(w.) x 0.567(h.) ; ibid.,
Building. In the same building a very interesting fea- pis. LXI, CLXXXIV). Though no doubt some of
ture is recorded. In Room 40 a toilet was found: a these bathtubs may have been used originally for
slab with a central perforation, 50 em in diameter, bathing, in some cases they may have been simply
was placed over a pit; at a later stage a wall screened used to hold water or another liquid.
off the toilet; the re maining part of the room was
covered with a fine concrete floor and, according to
Dikaios, was presumably used as a bathroom (ibid., p.
205). This feature demonstrates the high degree of
progress in hygienic installations at Enkomi. Other
bathrooms with fine cement floors are recorded at
Enkomi, mainly in Level IliA (ibid., pp. 98, 107,
148).
Bathtubs of terracotta have been recorded from
other Late Bronze Age sites in Cyprus, as follows:

KALAVASSOS-AYIOS DHIMITRIOS

A bathtub was discovered in a large "official" room

11.50 x 3.90 m, of LCIIC date, not far to the south of
the "palatial" Building X (Fig. 13.16). In the north-
east corner of the room was a terracotta bathtub
(1.00 m x 0.65(w.) x 0.63(h .)), sunk below floor Figure 13.16. Kalavassos-Ayios Dhimitrios. Bathtub in
level, with its rim projecting a short distance above situ (after South 1980:36,fig. 4) .
 KARAGEORGHIS 271

::=::::
'
\\

l
\

\\ ________________ -------------

: . r--.. ~
.J__ -- _;, __ -- -------------- --- --- ___________ L--l
-------- .... __________ ...

''
\
-------- -----------------

-----,7-

( ,'-~,
I',_,
'\ :
'
\I
·;
'
''
'I
I
I
I
I
I
I I
' I
I I

I '
1 i
I I
I I
I I
I \
I I
I I
1 I

l :::-::-::~~:::0 ,,,,,,,,,,,,'''''''''em.

Figure 13.17. Bathtubs found at J)la-Kokkinokremos.

272 SEA PEOPLES

PYLA-KOKKINOKREMOS 78). Its function in the sanctuary cannot be defined

with certainty (cf. Karageorghis 1983:438).
The limestone bathtub from an 11th-century B.C.E.
Within the relatively small area that was excavated at
tomb at Palaepaphos-Skales is already well known. It is
this site, three terracotta bathtubs have been found:
the most elaborate limestone bathtub found up to
nos. 30, 30A, and 117 and one (fragmentary) in lime-
now in Cyprus. Its dimensions are larger than those
stone (Karageorghis and Demas 1984:35, 52, 59, pis.
of the majority of the clay bathtubs described above,
XXI, XLII) (Fig. 13.17). The terracotta examples
and it is slightly larger than the limestone bathtub
have four handles and an outlet hole. No. 30 is the
from Enkomi. It was not used as a coffin (cf. bathtubs
only more or less complete example, measuring 74
from Kourion-Bamboula, below), but its function in
em. in length, 57.4 em in height, and 46 em in width.
the tomb is not absolutely certain. We suggested that
It is too short for an adult to have lain flat, but one
like the bathtubs found in sacred places, it may have
could have sat in it.
been used for purification rituals (ibid., p. 438).

KITION KOURION-BAMBOULA
Only one fragment of a terracotta bathtub has been
found at Kition (Karageorghis and Demas 1985:Part In a tomb recently excavated at Bamboula a clay
II, 30, 34, no. 913/1) in the residential-industrial bathtub was found (Fig. 13.18). It is dated to the end
Area I, in a LCIIIA context. In the same area there is of the LCIIIB-beginning of the Cypro-Geometric I
a room with a finely cemented floor, which may be period. It has two loop handles on either side and
identified with a bathroom (Karageorghis and Demas measures 0.92 x 0.62 x 0.63 m. (h.) Like the Palaepa-
1985:Part I, 9-12). There is a similar case at Enkomi phos-Skales bathtub, it was not used as a coffin for a
(Dikaios 1969:57-58), where a bathroom is located in burial; several tomb-gifts were found in it (Christou
the midst of an industrial quarter. 1994:180-183, figs. 6, 9:6; and personal communica-
tion).
From the foregoing it is quite clear that the LCIIIA
period coincided with the appearance in Cyprus,
HALA SULTAN TEKKE apart from the communal halls with hearth, of anoth-
er feature, the extensive use of bathtubs, mainly in
There is no published evidence for bathtubs from domestic quarters but also occasionally in association
this site. A room with a stone slab floor and with walls with sacred areas and tombs. Such bathtubs are
revetted with regular plaques of limestone, dating to known in the Aegean (for references, see Kara-
the LCIIIA period, has been identified as a bathroom georghis 1983:437 n. 16).
or well-house (Astrom et al. 1977:78-79, figs. 73-77). We mention in particular the bathrooms of the
At one end of this room a ''well" was found, covered palaces of Tiryns and Pylos. At Tiryns the three-room
by a slab with a hole in the middle; this was obviously bathroom complex was located near the main
used as a latrine. The identification as a bathroom is megaron (Muller 1930:150). It is not certain that a
by no means certain, although the association of this bathtub sherd found on the Acropolis belonged to
example with Minoan bathrooms or lustral basins is this bathing complex. At the Palace of Pylos a bath-
very tempting (cf. Graham 1987:255-269). If this is tub was found in a bathroom, Room 43, near the
correct, it is yet another example of influence from throneroom. It may have been used by the king and
Crete, which adds to the other cultural elements of a also by important visitors (Blegen and Rawson
Cretan nature (e.g., pottery and religious symbolism) 1966:186-189). The bathtub, with handles, was small,
mentioned above. like most of the Cypriote bathtubs, in which the
bather sat while water was poured over him by an at-
tendant (ibid., p. 188). Another bathtub was found
in the House of the Frescoes at Mycenae (Taylour
PALAEPAPHOS 1964:55), but it must have had a sacred or ritual
function. An oval hearth is set in the center of the
A terracotta bathtub, 72 em long, was found in the room, with a bench nearby. The ritual use of this
Late Cypriote III "Sanctuary of Aphrodite;" it was dis- bathtub may be compared with that of the bathtub
covered in fragments in a deep, narrow, rock-cut found in the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Palaepaphos.
trench in the Hall of the sanctuary. It has an outlet Several possible bathrooms in Mycenaean houses
hole, and its size may be compared with that of Pyla- have been suggested, but the only certain examples
Kokkinokremos, described above (Maier 1976:95-96, are those lying within palatial complexes. Bathtubs,
pl. XIX.4; Maier and Karageorghis 1984:94-96, fig. however, have been found at several sites, mainly dat-
 KARAGEORGHIS 273

SECTION 1•1'

Fig;ure 13.18. Kourion-Bamboula. Bathtub found in tomb 35.

ing to the LHIIIB period (e.g., at Mycenae, Pylos, Zy- 100, pl. XXXVI), which does not differ much from
gouries, and Midea4), though there were earlier those of Cyprus. It was found broken, but in position,
bathtubs in Crete (Vandenabeele and Olivier 1979: in Stratum III (1100-925 B.C.E.).
177-179). A clay bathtub in secondary use was found in Stra-
Bathrooms were known in Minoan Crete from the tum XII at Ashdod (Dothan and Porath 1963:72, pl.
MMIII period onward and were used both as ordi- 2.2-3).
nary bathrooms for cleaning the body as well as "lus- The recent excavations at Tel Miqne-Ekron have
tral basins" for ceremonial and ritual purposes (Gra- brought to light a fragmentary stone bathtub "found
ham 1987:255-269). Clay bathtubs were used in bath- in one of the rooms of a building adjacent to a large
rooms, but the same type of basin was also used for megaron-type building. The bathtub is from Stratum
burials (Ginouves 1962:29-32). Ginouves righdy sug- VI, dated to the last two thirds of the 12th century
gests that they were primarily used as bathtubs and B.C.E." (personal communication from Dothan and
that their form made them suitable also to be used as Gitin, 23.8.94).
sarcophagi (ibid., p. 29 and n. 1; see also Rutkowski A clay bathtub from Akko, with four loop handles
1968). and four horizontal parallel ridges all round below
It seems reasonable to propose that bathtubs and the handles-very similar to that found at Kalavassos-
bathing were yet another innovation that came from Ayios Dhimitrios (see above)-was also found in a
the Aegean, together with so many other ideas that tomb that is dated, according to the excavator, to the
were introduced at the same time. Apart from the 14th century B.C.E. (Ben-Arieh and Edelstein 1977:19,
real bathtubs of clay and limestone, attention should pl. XV.10). It is attributed to "the Aegean cultural
be drawn to a number of miniature bathtubs of stone sphere" (ibid.). (Not having seen the object, or the
and ivory found in Cyprus and dating to the same pe- material found in the tomb, we cannot pronounce an
riod (Karageorghis 1983:437, nn. 14 and 15; idem opinion on the date of the tomb, but from the pub-
1990b:107). The LCIIC date of the bathtub from lished photos of the Cypriote vases it seems that the
Kalavassos does not change the overall impression. suggested date may be too high).
Apart from Cyprus and the Aegean, bathtubs are The chest-shaped larnax from Gezer, found in a
also known in the Levant. We mention one in terra- tomb, is not a bathtub but a real coffin, dating to the
cotta from Tell Abu Hawam (Hamilton 1935:24, no. LBAI period (for references, see ibid., p. 19, n. 44).
274 SEA PEOPLES

A large terracotta bathtub, measuring 1.41 m x room with a cemented floor, which has been identi-
0.82 x 0.65(h.), was found at Tel Dan. According to fied by the excavators as a wine or oil press, in Stra-
the excavator, it "served some cultic purpose" (Biran tum VI and is dated to 1150-1100 B.C.E. (Loud
1994:174, fig. 136), and had a raised flat seat at one 1948:45, fig. 386, Room 2022). There is also another
end. It may be contemporary with the bathtub from clay bathtub from Megiddo Stratum III-II (Lamon
Gezer (1Oth century B.C. E.). A fragment of a clay and Shipton 1939: pls. 18.91 and 54). For a possible
bathtub was found in the old excavations at Tell stone bathtub from Megiddo Stratum VIA, see Loud,
Qasile (mentioned here with the kind permission of op. cit. 45, fig. 87.
A. Mazar). At Megiddo a clay bathtub was found in a

Conclusions
An important aspect of the problem of the Sea "Myc.IIIC:1b"-style pottery of the Levant and that of
Peoples is that of the origin of these newcomers. The Crete (cf. Deger:Jalkotzy 1994:17). It can be convinc-
question arises whether the cultural changes ob- ingly argued that the newcomers did not come to
served in Cyprus can be linked with one or more re- Cyprus immediately after the destruction of the
gions in the Aegean or elsewhere. Pottery should be palaces on the Mycenaean mainland (ibid.), but
more helpful than other aspects of material culture, rather that their arrival in Cyprus may have occurred
but the existing evidence does not seem to offer con- sometime after these destructions. In the meantime
clusive results. they may have sought refuge in other places in the
Jalkotzy has recently suggested, perhaps rightly, Aegean before sailing further east to Cyprus and the
that the newcomers "either had been natives of the Levant5 (see also Stager 1995:348). Finally it must
Aegean, or else ... had been acculturated to the again be stressed that the changes described above
Mycenaean civilization" (Deger:Jalkotzy 1994:19). It did not alter the local Cypriote culture completely
is true that the newcomers to Cyprus did not bring and overnight, but there was certainly continuity and
with them the Linear B script of the Aegean. This cohabitation. It is significant that these changes did
may suggest that they came to the island from other not all occur at the same time, or indeed in the same
regions of the Aegean, having in the meantime lost way. Some towns were destroyed (such as Enkomi),
the art of writing. The fact that "horns of consecra- others abandoned (Kalavassos-Ayios Dhimitrios), and
tion," which is a distinctly Minoan religious symbol, is others rebuilt (Kition), while at least two new military
among the new introductions may support the hy- outposts were built (Maa-Palaeokastro and Pyla-Kokki-
pothesis that some may have come from Crete. Fur- nokremos). But we cannot overlook the extent of the
thermore all the other cultural changes that oc- cultural changes that took place all over the island,
curred in Cyprus at the beginning of the 12th centu- and the permanence of their effect, which was to be
ry B.C.E., including free-standing hearths and "Bar- felt even more deeply in the 11th century B.C.E.
barian" ware, are also found on Crete. It may not be The preceding discussion does not solve the prob-
accidental that, in addition to the Peloponnese (Ar- lems related to the Sea Peoples, neither that of their
cadia), from where the bulk of the Greek-speaking identity, nor the exact time of their activities. The
immigrants may have come in the 11th century B.C.E., discussions about the nature of their involvement in
some of them may also have originated from Crete, Cyprus and the extent of their responsibility for the
bringing with them the "Goddess with uplifted arms" changes observed at the close of the Late Bronze Age
and other elements of their culture (Karageorghis on the island will no doubt continue to cause contro-
1968; Deger:Jalkotzy 1994:23-24). In this respect we versy. But as was stated at the beginning of this
should underline what has already been suggested by paper, the only hope of one day finding a solution,
Goldstream (1994:144-145) that the 12th-century or at least a relative consensus, is to examine the evi-
B.C.E. establishment of Aegeans in Cyprus was well or- dence as a whole, not just pottery or bronzes in isola-
ganized, following their earlier commercial relations tion, and place it within a broad Mediterranean con-
with Cyprus. This no doubt helped them to choose text, comparing it with similar events elsewhere in
their new homes during the 11th-century migrations. the Levant. I hope that this paper offers a small con-
More research is necessary to find out whether there tribution in this direction.
are particularly close resemblances between the
 KARAGEORGHIS 275

Notes
1. Elizabeth French commented on this figurine as 4. For this section of my paper on Aegean bathtubs, I
follows: "The banding can be paralleled on the main- have profited considerably from the unpublished
land in LHIIIC but the uneven arms not-this is an doctoral thesis of Thea K Smith, who kindly sent me
earlier rare feature. The type is Mycenaean but it is the relevant chapters. For further references, see also
clearly locally produced. This would suit the overall Vandenabeele and Olivier 1979:176-180. Also worthy
LHIIIC picture very well." (personal communication of mention is a clay sarcophagus in the shape of a
13.4.95). bathtub found in a chamber tomb at Khania; it re-
calls the bathtubs from Palaepaphos and Kourion,
2. Thanks are due to my Research Assistant Maria but this one, unlike the Cypriote examples, was used
Philokyprou, who collected much of the bibliography for a burial (Godart and Tzedakis 1992:55).
on hearths as well as bathtubs for our weekly semi-
nars at the Archaeological Research Unit of the Uni- 5. I have profited greatly by a discussion of these mat-
versity of Cyprus. ters with SigridJalkotzy in Salzburg, in March 1995.

3. For references see the Proceedings of the Jeru-

salem Conference referred to above.
276 SEA PEOPLES

Bibiliography
Astrom, P. Alasia I. Paris. Mission archeologique d'Ala-
1972 The Late Cypriote Bronze Age. Architecture and sia. Paris. Klincksieck.
Pottery. The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, Vol. IV, 1979 The St. Andrews-Liverpool Museums Kouk-
Part 1C. Lund. Swedish Cyprus Expedition. lia Tomb Excavations, 1950-1954. Report of
the Department ofAntiquities, Cyprus: 270-275.
Astrom, P.; Hult, G.; Strandberg Olofson, M. S. 1984 Workshop and Heirloom: Prehistoric
1977 Hala Sultan Tekke 3. Excavations 1972. Stud- Bronze Stands in the East Mediterranean.
ies in Mediterranean Archaeology 45:3. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus:
Goteborg. Paul Astroms Forlag. 69-91.
1986 Cypriot Bronzework-East or West. Pp.
Astrom, P.; Astrom, E.; Hatziantoniou, A.; Niklasson, 91-103 in Karageorghis, ed. 1986.
K.; and Obrink, U. 1994a Review of Karageorghis 1993. The Classical
1983 Hala Sultan Tekke 8. Excavations 1971-79. Review 44: 148-151.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 45:8. 1994b Cyprus in the 11th Century B.c. An End or a
Goteborg. Paul Astroms Forlag. Beginning? Pp. 133-141 in Karageorghis,
ed. 1994.
Barber, E. J. W.
1991 Prehistoric Textiles. The Development of Cloth in Christou, D.
the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Special Refer- 1994 Kourion in the 11th Century B.C. Pp.
ences to the Aegean. Princeton. Princeton Uni- 177-187 in Karageorghis, ed. 1994.
versity Press.
Coldstream,J. N.
Basch, L. 1994 What Sort of Aegean Migration? Pp.
1994 Un navire grec en Egypte a l'epoque d'Uly- 143-147 in Karageorghis, ed. 1994.
sse. Neptunia 195:19-26.
Courtois, J.-C.
Basch, L., and Artzy, M. 1992 Une baignoire monolithe en calcaire du
1985 Ship Graffiti at Kition. Pp. 332-336 in Kara- Bronze Recent a Enkomi. Pp. 151-154 in
georghis and Demas 1985, Part I. Ioannides 1992.

Begg, P. Courtois,J.-C.; and Lagarce,J. and E.

1991 Late Cypriot Terracotta Figurines: A Study in 1986 Enkomi et le Bronze Recent a Chypre. Nicosia.
Context. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeol- Leventis Foundation.
ogy Pocket-book 101. Jonsered. Paul
Astroms Forlag. Deger:Jalkotzy, S.
1994 The Post-Palatial Period of Greece: An
Ben-Arieh, S., and Edelstein, G. Aegean Prelude to the 11th Century B.C. in
1977 Akko, Tombs Near the Persian Garden. Atiqot Cyprus. Pp. 11-30 in Karageorghis, ed. 1994.
12. Jerusalem. Israel Department of Antiqui-
ties and Museums. Dickinson, 0. T. P. K
1983 Cist Graves and Chamber Tombs. Annual of
Biran, A. the British School at Athens 78:55-67.
1994 Biblical Dan. Jerusalem. Israel Exploration 1994 The Aegean Bronze Age. Cambridge. Cam-
Society. bridge University Press.

Blegen, C. W., and Rawson, M. Dikaios, P.

1966 The Palace of Nestor at Pylas in Western 1969 Enkomi, Excavations 1948-1958. Mainz am
Messenia, Vol. I. Princeton. Princeton Uni- Rhein. Von Zabern.
versity Press.
Dothan, M., and Porath, Y.
Catling, H. W. 1963 Ashdod V: Excavation of Area G. The
1964 Cypriot Bronzework in the Mycenaean World. Fourth-Sixth Seasons ofExcavations 1968-1970.
London. Oxford University Press. Atiqot 23.Jerusalem.Jerusalem. Israel Antiq-
1971 A Cypriot Bronze Statuette in the Bomford uities Authority.
Collection. Pp. 15-32 in C. F.-A. Schaeffer,
 KARAGEORGHIS 277

Dothan, T. 1991 Review of M. Iacovou, The Pictorial Pottery of

1982 The Philistines and Their Material Culture. Eleventh Century B. c. Cyprus. Studies in
Jerusalem. Israel Exploration Society. Mediterranean Archaeology 79. Bibliotheca
Orientalis 48 (5/6): 910-911.
Evans, A.J.
1906 The Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos. Archaeologia Iacovides, Sp.
Vol. 59. London. Quaritch. 1970 llepar~. T6 NeKporarpeiov. B. FeVlKai napa-
7:1Jp~aw;. Archaeological Society of Athens
Ginouves, R. Vol. 67. Athens.
1962 Baleneutike. Recherches sur le bain dans l'antiq-
uite g;recque. Bibliotheque des ecoles franr;aises Iacovou, M.
d'Athenes et de &me Fasc. 200. Paris. Boccard. 1994 The Topography of 11th Century B.C.
Cyprus. Pp. 149-165 in Karageorghis, ed.
Gjerstad, E.; Lindros,J.; Sjoqvist, E.; and Westholm, A. 1994.
1934 Finds and Results of the Excavations in Cyprus
1927-1931. The Swedish Cyprus Expedition Vol. Ioannides, G. C., ed.
I. Stockholm. Swedish Cyprus Expedition. 1992 Studies in Honour of Vassos Karageorghis,
KvnpzaKai Enovt5ai, Nil'-NE'. Nicosia. Soci-
Godart, L., and Tzedakis, Y. ety for Cypriot Studies.
1992 Temoignages archeologiques et epig;raphiques en
Crete Occidentale du Neolithique au Minoen Re- Jones, R. E., and Vagnetti, L.
cent III B. Incunabula Graeca 93. Rome. Grup- 1991 Traders and Craftsmen in the Central
po Editoriale Internazionale. Mediterranean: Archaeological Evidence
and Archaeometric Research. Pp. 127-147
Graham, J. W. in N. H. Gale, ed., Bronze Age Trade in the
1987 The Palaces of Crete. Princeton. Princeton Mediterranean. Studies in Mediterranean Ar-
University Press. chaeology 90. Jonsered. Paul Astroms For-
lag.
Hadjisawas, S.
1994 Alassa Archaeological Project 1991-1993. Re- Kanta, A.
port of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus: 1980 The Late Minoan III Period in Crete. A Survey of
107-114. Sites, Pottery and Their Distribution. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 58. Goteborg.
Hadjisawas, S., and Hadjisawas, I. Paul Astroms Forlag.
1997 Aegean Influence at Alassa. Pp. 143-148 in
D. Christou et al., eds., Cyprus and the Aegean Karageorghis, V.
in Antiquity. Nicosia. Department of Antiqui- 1960 Fouilles de Kition 1959. Bulletin de Correspon-
ties. dance Hellenique 84:504-588.
1968 Ai crx~crEt~ !l~>tasu Kunpou Kai Kpl']tTJ~
Hallager, B. P., and McGeorge, P.J. P. Kata 'tOV llov ai. 1t. X. llenpayj1eva rov B'
1992 Late Minoan III Burials at Khania. The Tombs, !1ze8vovc; KpiJroAoyzKov Evvet5piov, T611o~ A',
Finds and Deceased in Odos Palama. Studies in Athens, 180-185.
Mediterranean Archaeology 93. Goteborg. 1976 Kypriaka III. Report of the Department of Antiq-
Paul Astroms Forlag. uities, Cyprus: 75-83.
1983 Palaepaphos-Skales. An Iron Age Cemetery in Cy-
Hamilton, R. W. prus. Ausg;rabungen in Alt-Paphos auf Cypern
1935 Excavations at Tell Abu Hawam. Qy,arterly of Band 3. Konstanz. Deutsches Archaologis-
the Department ofAntiquities Palestine IV:1-69. ches Institut/Universitiitsverlag Konstanz.
1986 "Barbarian" Ware in Cyprus. Pp. 246-262 in
Heuck Allen, S. Karageorghis, ed. 1986.
1994 Trojan Grey Ware at Tell Miqne-Ekron. Bul- 1990a The End of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprus.
letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Nicosia. Pierides Foundation.
293:39-51. 1990b Kypriaka XII. Report of the Department of Antiq-
uities, Cyprus: 107-110.
Hood, S. H. 1992 The Crisis Years: Cyprus. Pp. 79-86 in Ward
1958-59 A Minoan Shaft-Grave in the Bank with Hog- andJoukowsy 1992.
arth's Tombs. Annual of the British School at 1993 The Coroplastic Art of Ancient Cyprus, Vol. II.
Athens 53-54: 283-284. Late Cypriote II-Cypro-Geometric III. Nicosia.
Leventis Foundation.
278 SEA PEOPLES

1994 The Prehistory of an Ethnogenesis. Pp. 1-10 port of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus:
in Karageorghis, ed. 1994. 92-97.

Karageorghis, V., ed. Maier, F. G., and Karageorghis, V.

1986 Acts of the International Symposium, "Cyprus Be- 1984 Paphos, History and Archaeology. Nicosia. Lev-
tween the Orient and the Occident. "Nicosia. De- entis Foundation.
partment of Antiquities.
1994 Proceedings of the International Symposium, McFadden, G. H.
"Cyprus in the 11th Century B. c. "Nicosia. Lev- 1954 A Late Cypriote III Tomb from Kourion
en tis Foundation and University of Cyprus. "Kaloriziki" No. 40. American journal of Ar-
chaeology 58:131-142.
Karageorghis V., and Caubet, A.
1996 Mycenaean or "Mycenaean." Report of the De- Merrillees, R. S.
partment of Antiquities, Cyprus: 83-86. 1992 The Crisis Years: Cyprus, a Rejoinder. Pp.
87-92 in Ward andJoukowsky 1992.
Karageorghis, V., and Demas, M.
1984 Pyla-Kokkinokremos. A Late 13th Century B.C. Muller, K
Fortified Settlement in Cyprus. Nicosia. Depart- 1930 Tiryns III. Augsburg. Deutsches Archaologis-
ment of Antiquities. ches Institut, Athens/Dr. Benno Filser Ver-
1985 Excavations at Kition V. The Pre-Phoenician Lev- lag.
els: Areas I and II Parts I and II. Nicosia. De-
partment of Antiquities. Niklasson-Sonnerby, K
1988 Excavations at Maa-Palaeokastro 1979-1986. 1987 Late Cypriote III Shaft Graves: Burial Cus-
Nicosia. Department of Antiquities. toms of the Last Phase of the Bronze Age.
Pp. 219-225 in R. Laffineur, ed., Thanatos,
Kling, B. Les Coutumes funeraires en Egee a l'Age du
1989a Mycenaean IIIC: 1 b and Related Pottery in Bronze. Aegaeum I. Liege.
Cyprus. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeolo-
gy 87. Goteborg. Paul Astroms Forlag. Pilides, D. M.
1989b Local Cypriot Features in the Ceramics of 1992 Handmade Burnished Ware in Cyprus: An
LC IliA. Pp. 160-170 in E.J. Peltenburg, ed., Attempt at Its Interpretation. Pp. 179-189 in
Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh. Edinburgh Ioannides 1992.
University Press. 1994 Handmade Burnished Wares of the Late Bronze
Age in Cyprus. Studies in Mediterranean Ar-
Knapp, A. B. chaeology 105. Jonsered. Paul Astroms For-
1988 Copper Production and Eastern Mediter- lag.
ranean Trade: The Rise of Complex Society
on Cyprus. Pp. 149-169 inJ. Gledhill et al., Popham,M.
eds., State and Society. One World Archaeology 4. 1970 A Late Minoan Shrine at Knossos. Annual of
London. Unwin Hyman. the British School at Athens 65:191-194.
1979 Connections Between Crete and Cyprus be-
Kourou, N., and Karetsou, A. tween 1300-1100 B.C. Pp. 178-191 in Acts of
1994 To Ic:p6 TOU EpJ.Lo6 Kpavaiou crn]v IlaTcro the International Archaeological Syposium "The
AJ.Lapiou. Pp. 81-84 in L. Rocchetti, ed., Relations between Cyprus and Crete, ca.
Sybrita. La valle di amari fra Bronzo e Ferro. In- 2000-500 B.C." Nicosia. Department of An-
cunabula Graeca, Vol. 96. Rome. tiquities.

Lamon, R. S., and Shipton, G. N. Rupp,D. W.

1939 Megiddo I. Seasons of 1925-34. Oriental Insti- 1993 Review ofV. Karageorghis, ed., Proceedings of
tute Publications Vol. 42. Chicago. Universi- an International Symposium: "The Civilizations
ty of Chicago Press. of the Aegean and Their Diffusion in Cyprus and
the Eastern Mediterranean, 2, 000-600 B. c. "
Loud, G. 18-24 September 1989. Larnaca 1992. Ameri-
1948 Megiddo II. Seasons of 1935-39. Oriental Insti- can]ournal ofArchaeology 97:802-803.
tute Publications Vol. 62. Chicago. Universi-
ty of Chicago Press. Rutkowski, B.
1968 The Origin of the Minoan Coffin. Annual of
Maier, F. G. the British School at Athens 63:219-227.
1976 Excavations at Kouklia (Palaepaphos).
Eighth Preliminary Report: Season 1975. Re- Schaeffer, C. F.-A.
1952 Enkomi-Alasia I. Paris. Klincksieck.
 KARAGEORGHIS 279

Sherratt, E. S. Vandenabeele, F., and Olivier, J.-P.

1991 Cypriot Pottery of Aegean Type in LC II-III: 1979 Les ideogrammes archeologiques du Lineaire B.
Problems of Classification, Chronology and Paris. Ecole fran~aise d'Athenes/P. Geuth-
Interpretation. Pp. 185-198 in]. A. Barlow, ner. Librairie Orientaliste.
D. L. Bolger, and B. Kling, eds., Cypriot Ce-
ramics: Reading the Prehistoric Record. Universi- Wachsmann, S.
ty Museum Monograph 74, University Muse- 1997 Were the Sea Peoples Mycenaeans? The Evi-
um Symposium Series 2. Philadelphia. Uni- dence of Ship Iconography. Pp. 339-356 in S.
versity Museum Publications, University of Swiny, R. L. Hohfelder, and H. W. Swiny, eds.,
Pennsylvania. Res Maritimae Cyprus and the Eastern Mediter-
ranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity. Cyprus
South, A. K American Archaeological Research Institute
1980 Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios 1979: A Summary Monograph Vol. I. Atlanta, GA. Scholars
Report. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Press.
Cyprus: 22-53.
1988 Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios 1987: An Impor- Ward, W. A., andJoukowsky, M.S., eds.
tant Ceramic Group from Building X. Report 1992 The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C.-From
of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (Part Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. Dubuque, lA.
1): 223-228. Kendall/Hunt.

Stager, L. Warren, P.M.

1991 When Did the Philistines Arrive in Canaan? 1982-83Knossos: Stratigraphical Museum Excava-
Multiple Clues Help Unravel the Mystery. tions, 1978-1982, Part II. Archaeological Re-
Biblical Archaeology Review XVII: 10-19. ports 29:63-87.
1995 The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan
(1185-1050 B.C.E.). Pp. 332-348 in T. Levy, Werner,K
ed., Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land. 1993 The Megaron During the Aegean and Anatolian
New York. Facts on File. Bronze Age. Studies in Mediterranean Ar-
chaeology 108. Jonsered. Paul Astroms For-
Taylour, W., Lord lag.
1964 The Mycenaeans. London. Thames and Hud-
son. Wright,]. C.
1994 The Spatial Configuration of Belief: The Ar-
Tzedakis, Y. chaeology of Mycenaean Religion. Pp. 37-78
1970 MtvcoiK6~ Kt9apco06~. ApxawJ..,oyzKa Ava- in S. E. Alcock and R. Osborne, Placing the
Alxra AOYJVWV, 111-112. Gods: Sanctuaries and Sacred in Ancient Greece.
Oxford. Oxford University Press.