Pistarino, Geo - The Genoese in Pera
Pistarino, Geo - The Genoese in Pera
To cite this article: Geo Pistarino (1986) The Genoese in Pera ‐ Turkish Galata, Mediterranean
Historical Review, 1:1, 63-85, DOI: 10.1080/09518968608569502
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The Genoese in Pera - Turkish Galata
GEO PISTARINO
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concealed, between western Christianity and the Ottoman court; this role
was to last until the demographic, urban and institutional developments
led to the incorporation of Pera into the city of Istanbul.
Pera was an important information and espionage centre for indirect
contact with the neighbouring Sultan's court on the one hand, and with
Chios, held by the Genoese Maona on the other. In 1463 the Florentine
Benedetto Dei, although strongly opposed to Venice, was employed
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the letters from the Venetians which Florentine merchants had inter-
cepted in Chios. At that occasion he discussed the matter with the
Florentines Mainardo Ubaldini, Iacopo Tedaldi, Niccolo Ardinghelli and
Carlo Martelli, who were specially summoned from Pera to Istanbul for
the purpose.
In 1462, following the Turkish conquest of Lesbos, the Florentines
in Pera were invited by the Sultan to participate in the celebrations
organized for the occasion. Furthermore, in 1463, after the conquest of
Bosnia, the Florentine population of Pera organized great celebrations at
the Sultan's orders, and Mehmet himself took part in the festivities at the
houses of the wealthiest families - Capello, Capponi and others."
The Venetians were also in a strong position, at least until 1466. The
Sultan granted them a concession to the alum mines at Focea, and
entrusted them with the exploitation of the copper mines, soap pro-
duction, tax collection and the Imperial mints. Most distinguished were
the Zorzi and the Michiel families: of the former an unknown con-
temporary poet wrote that 'in order to have the honour of being received
by the Sultan, you had to behave like a Zorzi: any other contrivance
would be of no consequence'. The more notorious members of the latter
family were Antonio, the big alum merchant in Pera, and Girolamo,
mentioned above, the alum contractor who was very influential at the
Sultan's court until he was arrested in 1465 for tax arrears.
The situation of the Venetians throughout the empire began to
deteriorate after the unfortunate Albanian campaign of 1466, when
Mehmet was informed of their intentions against the infidels. The Floren-
tines and Genoese in Pera stirred up trouble in order to take advantage of
the situation. Apart from Mehmet's persecution of certain individuals,
numerous Venetian firms in Istanbul, Adrianople, Gallinoli, Focea
and Brusa were declared bankrupt. Venetian commerce in the Turkish
Levant diminished rapidly as a result of the crisis, and only began to
recover after 1479, following the peace treaty which was finally signed
between the Serenissima and the Sublime Porte at the beginning of that
year."
Meanwhile relations between the Sultan and Florence flourished to
such a degree that by 1469 there were at least 50 Florentine commercial
firms in the Ottoman empire, and the prospect of large profits continued
66 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
ever, their fondaci did not close altogether, and the consuls Mainardo
Ubaldini, Carlo Baroncelli and Lorenzo Carducci, took great pains to
overcome the difficult economic situation throughout the 1470s.15
As far as the Genoese are concerned Francesco Draperio, who owned
the alum mines, provides an outstanding example. He was such an
influential figure at the courts of Murat II and later of Mehmet'II, that in
1455 the latter ordered his fleet to intervene in Chios, in order to force the
Maonese to pay their debts to Draperio, for which the Sultan had made
himself responsible.16
Domenico Malipiero, military leader and historian, has left us evidence
of the role of Venice in developments in the contemporary Ottoman
world. Benedetto Dei, merchant, adventurer and Florentine chronicler,
who was in direct contact with Mehmet and his Grand Vizier, recorded
interesting observations about the Florentines in Pera." For Genoa our
main sources are the reports of the notaries, who continued to draw up
documents in Pera after it had come under Ottoman administration.
Their reports have mostly survived, with some gaps, and they represent a
valuable and often detailed source of information on Genoese life in Pera
up to 1490. Their recent publication has made an attempt at analysis and
18
reconstruction possible.
A close look at the events reveals that on the morning of 29 May 1453, the
Genoese delegates from Pera offered Mehmet the submission of their
city. On 1 June the Sultan promulgated a charter, signed by Zaganos
Pa§a, guaranteeing the people of Pera their personal freedom, the
possession of their goods and properties, free trade rights in the empire,
and religious freedom for the Catholic Church. He also guaranteed local
self-government, and the right of the Latins of Pera to elect aprotogerus.
Their children would not be conscripted to the Janissaries, and Turkish
citizens and soldiers would not be allowed to set foot in Pera, whose
citizens were, nevertheless, subject to the kharāj, the tax paid by non-
Muslim subjects of the Porte.
In June 1453 Mehmet decreed the confiscation of possessions belong-
ing to residents of Pera who had fled, unless they returned within three
months. Among those who had left before, during or after the fall of
THE GENOESE IN PERA - TURKISH GALATA 67
between the two sides, and the debt was to be repaid by Confortino, who
expressed his willingness to return the money at any time.28
The profusion of legal matters within a short span of time is an indi-
cation of the attempt to reorganize the economy. On 3 August Imperiale
Grimaldi appointed Paolo Grimaldi to take care of his business, collect
debts and deal with court cases;" on 17 August Gregorio Russo issued
a power of attorney to Nicola Paterio, son of the late Lanfranco, for
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shed light on Genoa's concern for Caffa's fate on the one hand, and
pointed to the resumption of normal relations between Caffa and Pera on
the other. Furthermore, on 6 June Antonio Gonela, burgensis of Pera,
appointed Giovanni Gonela and the nobleman Giacomo Grimaldi,
Genoese civis, in order to present the Council of Caffa with a letter from
the protogerus and from the Council of Pera, aimed at collecting 230
perpers, the proceeds for two shares (luoghi) registered in Caffa under
the name of the late Orietta di Santa Croce." Evidently normal financial
relations had also been restored between the Genoese in Turkish Pera
and the administration in Caffa.
On the other hand, an examination of the institutions in Pera itself,
during the early years of Ottoman rule, reveals clear indications of a
return to normality. Not only are the above mentioned Genoese cives
and the burgenses Pere present, but also additional names of Genoese,
Ligurians or others of western origin and higher or lower rank, who
occasionally served as witnesses to notarial documents. These are an
indication of the continuity of the Pera-Genoa relationship. Several are
from one or the other side of the Ligurian Riviera, while others hail from
Pontremoli, Capriata in Monferrato, Florence and Ancona, to mention
only a few.40
Houses and shops owned by Genoese and Latins continued to play
a part in the life of Turkish Pera. Among these were the shops belong-
ing to the late Pietro di Lavagna and Antonio Griffo, both spice mer-
chants; Antonio de Lastrego, a blacksmith; Antonio, the butcher in
the bazaar; Guidoto di Brabante, the tailor. The houses were owned
by Nicola Panicia; Caracosa (in the San Domenico neighbourhood);
Carlo Confortino; Giuliano Spinola (in the alley behind the Church of
San Michele); Francesco de Draperiis - the well-known intimate friend
of Mehmet II - and his son-in-law, Tommaso Spinola, and Antonio
Gombeta, whose house was inhabited by the nobleman Luca Cattaneo.
References to official buildings and landmarks are not lacking either: the
loggia and the column where administrative orders and announcements
were posted up, the seat of the curia, the public road along the loggia of
the curia, and the churches of San Francesco and San Michele"
70 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
'cum primo bono tempore, pro Chio';5' Lodosio Frigono, 'pro partibus
inferioribus, cum primo tempore'.60 These were all men in the prime of
life, their ages ranging between 24 and 33, and they were prepared for
hardship and unforeseen experiences.
The great variety of merchandise was negotiated for and sold at a good
profit, though imbroglios did occur. The notary, Manuele Granello, and
Abramo di Torriglia, both Genoese cives, imported seven skeins of fine,
black carded wool from Milan, which arrived on a ship belonging to
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familia he is captive in Pera and in those parts where 'exire non potest
... nisi sub magno periculo vite'. He is forced to actions he would
not normally take 'si esset in sui libértate'; none of his written evi-
dence, except for his testament, is the product of his own free will,
'sed metu et pro evitandis periculis et aliis de quibus loco et tempore
latius declarabitur': therefore they must be considered as null and void.102
Later Niccolo tried to retrieve the 14,000 aspers of Caffa which he had
entrusted to his nephew, who was by then in Trebizond from where he did
business with La Copa. Niccolo sent messages via merchants who were
going to La Copa, including Meliaduce Spinola and Galeoto Musca, who
were part of the caravana Copparii of 1477. He received nothing, and
learned that his nephew told Meliaduce Spinola that he wanted to keep
the money as payment for a debt Torriglia was said to owe Lorenzo
Spinola, Giovanni's father-in-law; meanwhile he openly confessed to
Galeoto Musca that, concerning the money, he 'intendebat gaudere et
sibi dare bonum tempus'.103
In 1479 Giovanni di Onzo was in Pera. His uncle tried to reach an
agreement with him, and a series of arbitration committees was appointed
on 20 and 28 July, and on 17 August,104 but nothing was concluded;
furthermore, the arbitrators declared that they would give up, as it was
105
impossible to reconcile the parties. Niccolo produced proof and gave
106
evidence, and further sworn testimonies were recorded by a notary.
Niccolo declared that he was unable to say everything, being 'in his
partibus Saracenorum', and that his adversary acted 'per subterfugio et
sugestione testium, ut mos est in his partibus... minando de testibus et de
rebus dominacionis Turcorum';1"7 he even noted that 'in his partibus
108
Saracenorum ... habetur copia falsorum testium'.
Giovanni di Onzo prevaricated, and presented different versions of
what had become of the 14,000 aspers of Caffa, while his uncle turned to
the notary and witnesses who acted in 'loco maģistrātus Christianorum
non existentis in his partibus dicionis regis Turcorum'. "" He then
appealed to the Turkish Kadi in Trebizond, and there Niccolo was
ordered to pay 2,000 Ottoman aspers (in addition to the 14,000) as
compensation for the presumed arbitrary confiscation of a ship owned
by Giovanni's father-in-law, Lorenzo Spinola, which apparently had
80 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
system.
Between the end of 1479 and the beginning of 1480, Niccolo di Torriglia
finally succeeded in emigrating to Chios, presumably having paid the
special imposition for the right to leave Constantinople (avaria) demanded
by the Ottoman government. In Pera (at the request of Niccolo, who
evidently wanted to settle his affairs) Paris de Morde, ex-protogerus of
the populus Latinus Caffè, declared on 2 February 1480 that, during
the period of Mehmet's decree concerning the building of houses in
Constantinople by the Latin population of Caffa, he had been registered
with a building company together with Ottaviano Adorno, and not with
Cristofero de Canevalli. The house of the latter, built together with
Gabriele Pilavicino, had remained unfinished and had been sold by the
Turkish administration to Paolo de Roestropis for 150 Ottoman aspers."2
On the same day Damiano di Gravaigo, son of the late Pietro, declared he
had paid 300 Ottoman aspers, with Niccolo as guarantor, to the above-
mentioned Cristoforo de Canevalli, after the compulsory transfer of the
Latins from Caffa to Constantinople."3
However, the controversy with Giovanni di Onzo does not seem to
have resulted in any positive conclusions. Due to a sentence passed by the
Kadi of Pera and further arbitration by Giovanni Battista Gentile and his
companions, Torriglia's attorney, Pantaleone Coressi, obtained the pay-
ment of 5,000 Ottoman aspers of the 7,000 owed by Giovanni (the
Ottoman asper being twice the value of the asper of Caffa). However,
Giovanni later managed to obtain a letter from the Sultan in Adrianople
which he presented to the Kadi of Pera, and on this basis, using Greeks
from Trebizond as false witnesses and with the help of 'multi viri male
qualitatis et ribaldi, ... periti subterfugiorum iuris Saracinorum in
modum quod omnem rem flectere faciunt prout volunt', he forced poor
Pantaleone Coressi to return the 5,000 aspers, using Niccolo deAmigdola
as mediator. On 13 December 1484 Pantaleone informed Torriglia, via a
notary in Pera, that he had every right to repeat his appeal against his
nephew."4
We do not know how this event, which had even led to the intervention
of the Sultan, came to an end. In February 1490 Primofiore, grand-
daughter of the late Theodoroca de Telicha, waived her claim against
THE GENOESE IN PERA - TURKISH GALATA 81
The documents drawn up in Pera-Galata, which have formed the basis for
this study, are rarer during the later years and come to an end in 1490,
though one cannot exclude the possibility of new discoveries in the years
to come. However, the problem is not only one of documentation; the
Genoese presence as a stable, compact group in Pera-Galata diminished
gradually. Those who persisted always seem to be the members of
the biggest families: Adorno, Campofregoso, Cibo, De Franchis, De
Nigro, De Nigrono, Doria, Fieschi, Giudice, Giustiniani, Grillo, Lercari,
Pallavicino, Pinelli, Salvago, Spinola, Squarciafico, Vivaldi
Among the professionals and artisans mentioned during these later
years, we find the notaries Domenico de Alsario, Nicola de Mauro,
Teramo di Castellazzo; the shoemakers Constantino di Mitilene and
Luca di Voltaggio; the textile merchant Battista de Ripa; the baker
Giovanni di Torriglia and the spice merchant Pietro de Eliano. In 1478 we
encounter an emissary from Chios, Casano Giustiniani, who appeared in
Pera, probably sent by the Maonese government of the island for the
usual negotiations with the Porte."6
The references to Genoese and Latin shops are numerous and include
those of the above-mentioned professionals and artisans. In the list of
householders we find: Antoniotto di Cabella; Bartolomeo Bonaventura,
(in the district of San Francesco); Bartolomeo di Langasco (intus
castellimi); Limbania, widow of Ottaviano Adorno; Giovanni Spinola
and Battista Cibo; Tommaso Spinola and Luca Soffiano; the house of
Nicola de Amigdola, and the house where Camby Sarviati usually lived,
in the district of San Domenico. During these years, publicplaces are also
mentioned frequently: the cloistered church of San Francesco; the church
of San Domenico; the public loggia and the loggia (probably one and
the same) of the merchants (intus castellum); the public road near
the Genoese loggia, the crossroads (carrubeus) retro logiam and the
carrubeusprope logiam;- the carrubeus near the church of San Domenico
and the castellum near the loggia."1
During the late 1470s and early 1480s, when the documents are rarer,
one gets the impression of a persistent Genoese presence and activity in
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NOTES
1. J. Ebersolt, Constantinople byzantine et les voyageurs du Levant (Paris, 1918), p. 48;
A. Vasiliev, Histoire de l'Empire byzantin (Paris, 1932), 2, p. 380.
2. Pera and Galata correspond to the present quarters of Beyoglu and Karaköy in
Istanbul. Galata was the term preferred by the Byzantines and afterwards used by the
Turks. Pera was the name adopted by the Genoese, without any distinction between
the two areas, also after they came under Ottoman administration. In this study we
adopted the denomination Pera, which is normally used in Genoese documents.
3. G. Pistarino, 'La caduta di Costantinopoli: da Pera genovese a Galata turca', in La
storia dei Genovesi (Genoa, 1985), 5, pp. 7-48.
4. Ö. L. Barkan, 'Les déportations comme méthode de peuplement et de colonisation
dans l'Empire ottoman'. Revue de la Faculté des Sciences Economiques de l'Université
d'Istanbul, 2, 1-4 (1949-50), 86 ff.; 101 ff.; I. Beldiceanu - Steinherr, 'Déportation et
THE GENOESE IN PERA - TURKISH GALATA 83
pêche à Kilia entre 1484 et 1508, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
38, 1 (1975) 40-50. Cf. also Fr. Babinger. Maometto il Conquistatore e il suo tempo,
Italian edn. E. Polacco, introd. by D. Cantimori (Turin, 1977), passim. On the depor-
tation of Turkish and Armenian families in order to repopulate Constantinople cf.
Abraham di Ankara, Lamento sulla presa di Coslanlinopoli, in A. Pertusi, La caduta
di Costantinopoli: l'eco nel mondo (Milan, 1976), pp. 410-19 (includes bibliography).
5. Babinger, Maometto, pp. 193-5, 271-2.
6. Ibid., p. 296.
7. Ibid., p. 326.
8. J. Lefort, Documents grecs dans les Archives de Topkapi Sarayi, Contribution à
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l'histoire de Cem Sultan (Ankara, 1981), p. 20 and docs. 16, 18; L. Balletto, 'Nutazioni
genovesi nella storia di gem sultano', Bullettino ligustico, 30, 1-4 (1985), 65-80.
9. Babinger, Maometto, pp. 455-6.
10. Pertusi, La caduta di Costantinopoli, pp. 68-79, 437-8.
11. Babinger, Maometto, pp. 411-13, 459, 556.
12. J. Heers, Gênes au XVe siècle. Activité économique et problèmes sociaux (Paris, 1961),
p. 366.
13. Babinger, Maometto, pp. 227, 267-8, 271-2, 294-5, 351.
14. Ibid., pp. 194, 267, 272-4, 298, 338, 386, 552, 558-9.
15. Ibid., p. 294.
16. Ibid., pp. 30-31, 47-8, 139-41.
17. Domenico Malipiero, 'Annali Veneti dell'anno 1457 al 1500", Archivio Storico
Italiano, ed. F. Longhi, 7, 1 (Florence, 1843); Benedetto Dei, Croniche fiorentine; for
the various editions cf. Repertorium fontium historiac medii aevi, 4 (Rome, 1976), 147-
8.
18. A. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Atti rogati a Pera e Mitilene, 1, Pera,
1408-1490, Collana Storica di fonti et studi, ed. G. Pistarino, 34, 1 (Genoa, 1982).
19. Pistarino, La caduta di Costantinopoli, pp. 19-20.
20. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, doc. 38.
21. Ibid., doc. 47.
22. Ibid., doc. 48.
23. Ibid., doc. 50.
24. Ibid., doc. 54.
25. Ibid., doc. 55.
26. Ibid., doc. 56.
27. Ibid., doc. 49.
28. Ibid., doc. 51.
29. Ibid., doc. 52.
30. Ibid., doc. 57.
31. Ibid., doc. 58.
32. Pistarino. 'La caduta di Costantinopoli', pp. 25, 29.
33. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, doc. 53.
34. Ibid., doc. 59.
35. Ibid., doc. 60.
36. Ibid., doc. 61.
37. Ibid., doc. 62.
38. Ibid., doc. 64.
39. Ibid., doc. 63.
40. Among the names mentioned are: Nicola Panicio, Antonio Confortino, Bartolomeo
di Pontremoli, Giovanni de Pinu, Giovanni Sisno Absalom's, Antonio di Levanto,
Luca Panicio, Bartolomeo de Massa di Ancona, Giovanni Antonio de Ferrariis,
Buzolino and Giogio Terra di Albenga. Pietro de Puteo, Giovanni Francesco di
Firenze, Francesco de Alegro, Antonio Pansano, Raffaele Lomellini, Giovanni de
Serra, Antonio Coca. Lodisio de Lazaris di Castelnuovo. Carlo di Bozolo, Cremete de
Alegro. Antonio de Carmadino, the tailor Antonio Guidoto, Marco Paterio. Stefano
Parisola. Gerolamo de Francis, Giovanni Ponsono, Angelo de Benvenuto, Oberto
Faxolo, Tommaso di Capriata. Augusto di Taggia, Nicola de Monte. Gaspare di
84 MEDITERRANEAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
documents in Pera, cf. G. Pistarino, 'Nota alle fonti sulla caduta di Costantinopoli',
Atti della Accademia ligure di scienze e lettere, 40, 1983 (1984), 279-80.
49. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, doc. 78.
50. Ibid., doc. 72.
51. Ibid., doc. 73.
52. Ibid., doc. 80.
53. Ibid., doc. 81. The partes inferiores is the southern area of Chios.
54. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, doc. 82.
55. Ibid., doc. 83.
56. Ibid., doc. 84.
57. Ibid., doc. 85.
58. Ibid., doc. 87.
59. Ibid., doc. 88.
60. Ibid., doc. 91.
61. Ibid., doc. 67.
62. Ibid., doc. 69.
63. Ibid., docs. 71, 76.
64. Ibid., doc. 77.
65. Ibid., docs. 72, 73. The palamita is a salt-water fish.
66. Ibid., doc. 78.
67. Ibid., doc. 79.
68. Ibid., docs. 80-88.
69. Ibid., docs. 89, 91.
70. Ibid., doc. 90.
71. Ibid., doc. 74. Cf. also L. Balletto, 'Genova sul mare', in La storia dei genovesi
(Genoa, 1985), 5, p. 362.
72. For Gotia cf. Pistarino, Nota alle fonti, p. 282.
73. For the identification of Penderarchia and of the Portus Castellarum cf. C. Desimoni
and L.T. Belgrano, 'L'Atlante idrografico del medioevo posseduto dal prof. Luxoro',
Atti della Società ligure di storia patria', 5 (1867); a new edition of the atlas as an
appendix to Cinquant'anni di storiografia medievistica italiana e sovietica. Gli insedia-
menti genovesi nel Mar Nero: Atti del Convegno storico italo-sovietico e della Tavola
rotonda, Genova, 11-13 novembre 1976 (Genoa, 1982); V. Branca, comp., Lauro
Quirini umanista, ed. K. Krautter et al. (Florence, 1977), p. 185.
74. About Carpi (Kirpe) cf. Branca Lauro Quirini, pp. 185, 229; A. Pertusi. Testi inediti e
poco noli sulla caduta di Costantinopoli. posthumous edn. by A. Carile (Bologna,
1983), p. 79.
75. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, doc. 74.
76. Ibid., passim.
77. Ibid., doc. 106.
78. Ibid., doc. 110.
79. Ibid., passim.
80. Cf. A. Boscolo, 'Il genovese Francesco Pinelli amico a Siviglia di Cristoforo
Colombo', Nuova Rivista Storica, 68, fasc. 3, 4 (May-Aug. 1984), 355-66.
81. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, docs. 25, 26, 27.
82. Ibid., doc. 105.
83. Ibid., doc. 92.
THE GENOESE IN PERA - TURKISH G ALATA 85
84. Ibid., doc. 99. On the monastery of Santa Maria della Cisterna cf. V. Polonio, 'Studi di
storia monastica ligure', in Liguria Monastica, Italia Benedettina 2 (Cesena, 1979),
pp. 359-421.
85. Roccatagliata, Notai genovesi, docs. 97, 98.
86. Ibid., doc. 71.
87. Ibid., doc. 74.
88. Ibid., doc. 93.
89. Ibid., doc. 96.
90. Ibid., doc. 100.
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