Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 20:489–506, 2010

Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

ISSN: 1091-1359 print/1540-3556 online
DOI: 10.1080/10911350903275069

Erikson’s Healthy Personality,

Societal Institutions, and Holocaust Survivors

ROBERTA R. GREENE and SANDRA A. GRAHAM

School of Social Work, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas

CARMEN MORANO
School of Social Work, Hunter College, City University of New York,
New York, New York

The researchers conducted a content analysis of transcripts of in-

terviews with survivors of the Nazi Holocaust. They coded relevant
passages as representing favorable or unfavorable outcomes of
each of eight psychosocial crises according to Eriksonian criteria.
Data also included survivors’ self-assessments of their success in
meeting Erikson’s eight stages of development and their evaluations
of other survivors’ ‘‘success’’ at each stage. Transcripts were also
read to obtain an impression of broad environmental influences at
the time of the Holocaust. Survivor quotes are included to illustrate
their life transitions.

KEYWORDS Psychosocial crises, healthy personality, Holocaust

survivors

Part of a larger study titled ‘‘Forgiveness, Resiliency, and Survivorship Among

Holocaust Survivors’’ (hereafter, the Templeton study) funded by the John
Templeton Foundation, this article assesses the degree to which survivors of
the Nazi Holocaust successfully met Erik Erikson’s eight psychosocial crises,
culminating in the healthy personality. The researchers conducted a content

This research was funded by Grant 10282 from the John Templeton Foundation: Roberta
R. Greene (principal investigator); Marilyn Armour, Harriet L. Cohen, Constance Corley,
and Carmen Morano (co-investigators); Shira Hantman (statistical consultant); and Sandra A.
Graham (project manager). The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s)
and do not necessarily reflect the views of the John Templeton Foundation.
Address correspondence to Roberta R. Greene, School of Social Work, University
of Texas, 1 University Station D3500, Austin, TX 78712-0358, USA. E-mail: rgreene@mail.
utexas.edu

489
490 R. R. Greene et al.

analysis of interview transcripts and coded relevant passages as represent-

ing a favorable or unfavorable outcome. Data also included survivors’ self-
assessments of their success at each of Erikson’s eight life stages and their
evaluations of other survivors’ ‘‘success’’ at each stage. Finally, transcripts
were read to obtain an impression of broad environmental influences at
the time of the Holocaust. Survivors’ quotes are included here to illustrate
descriptions of Erikson’s life transitions.

INTRODUCTION

Erik Erikson (1959) is the most widely know theorist to delineate a life
stage approach to human development. His perspective gave more attention
to middle and old age than did, for instance, the Freudian perspective,
and a more positive understanding of personality development through late
adulthood (Greene, 2008b). Practical application of his theory allows mental
health practitioners to map a client’s psychosocial history and determine how
well a client has negotiated the challenges associated with life transitions
(Greene, 2008b).
Erikson contended that as people resolve the challenges of each stage
of life, they achieve a greater sense of mastery over their environment. This
assumption is explored here as it has been in previous research. For example,
Erikson’s theory of the healthy personality was used to understand how
Holocaust survivors interpreted, integrated, and transformed their stories
into old age (Suedfeld et al., 2005). Suedfeld et al. concluded that most
survivors had in fact developed a healthy personality. They argued that the
idea that most survivors had experienced long-term psychological damage—
an idea that was based on the experiences of those who had sought mental
health treatment—was erroneous. They concluded that ‘‘the most extreme
diagnoses of permanent, disabling psychological damage were based on the
25% (or fewer) survivors who had been in clinical settings : : : Their long-
term disabilities were mistakenly assumed to characterize the entire group’’
(Suedfeld et al., 2005, p. 231). Using a similar research design and assump-
tions about survivor adaptability, the research presented here examined the
actions and life outcomes of a group of survivors from the viewpoint of
Erikson’s life stages.

Life Stages: Terms and Assumptions

According to Erikson (1963), development takes place through eight psy-
chosocial crises, or times when a person must make particular efforts to
meet a new set of societal expectations or demands (Greene, 2008a). The
term crisis is not used in the usual sense. Rather, it refers to a time that
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 491

fosters development by expanding the interconnections between self and

the environment. The result is an ‘‘ever new configuration that is the growing
personality’’ (Erikson, 1963, p. 57).
Erikson postulated that an individual’s personality is a function of the
outcome of these crises, falling on a continuum from less successful to very
successful. As each crisis is met, there is a transformation of the person’s
personality configuration. Although a psychosocial crisis may occur early in
life, the resolution of the crisis is not final and can be modified positively or
negatively throughout the life span. Development also takes place within a
social context in which the individual has an expanding number of significant
relationships throughout life.
The healthy personality is a pattern of relatively successful outcomes,
with each stage building on the next. People exhibit later childhood and
adult behaviors or external markers of success that exemplify how well they
have resolved earlier stages. That is, the outcome of each stage is manifested
in adult behaviors that can be assessed for their favorable or unfavorable
outcomes. Researchers may therefore read transcripts of survivor interviews
to assess the degree to which particular outcomes are revealed.

STAGE 1: TRUST VERSUS MISTRUST

Erikson’s (1959) first stage occurs during infancy and centers on the crisis of
trust versus mistrust—the ‘‘cornerstone of the healthy personality’’ (p. 56).
The resolution of this crisis occurs through positive interaction with a parental
caretaking figure and forms an enduring lifelong pattern. As survivors discuss
critical life events, they may provide a glimpse into how trusting they now
are. When a survivor resolves stage 1 in a relatively positive manner, he or
she will express a sense of hope and optimism. If the resolution is more
negative, there is a tendency for the person to be withdrawn or socially
detached. These important initial adaptive qualities may filter a person’s
perceptions over a lifetime unless other critical events affecting this general
orientation occur. Whether survivors maintained a sense of hopefulness was
a critical variable in this study (Table 1).

STAGE 2: AUTONOMY VERSUS SHAME

Erikson’s (1959) second stage, autonomy versus shame, takes place in tod-
dlerhood. The development of autonomy means that a person experiences
a sense of self-control that is expressed when he or she asserts, ‘‘I can do it
by myself.’’ When this stage is resolved positively, a person demonstrates a
sense of self-control and adequacy. Survivors may express this sense of will
as they describe their activities during and after the Holocaust. In contrast,
shame, or the feeling of being exposed, involves the sense that one is a failure
or has a general lack of self-confidence. It was important to understand if
492 R. R. Greene et al.

TABLE 1 Erikson’s Eight Stages of Personality Development

Life stage Psychosocial crisis Positive outcome Negative outcome

Infancy 1 Trust vs. Mistrust Hope Withdrawal, suspicion, pessimism

Reasonable sense of trust of self
and others; optimism
Early 2 Autonomy vs. Willfulness Low self-worth
Childhood Shame Sense of self-control, exploration,
sense of justice
Play Age 3 Initiative vs. Guilt Purpose Feelings of inhibition or restraint
Play, take on roles, get involved,
initiate activities
School Age 4 Industry vs. Competence Sense of inadequacy, inferiority
Inferiority Eagerness to build, work
Adolescence 5 Identity vs. Fidelity Confusion about one’s identity
Role Confusion Integrated image of self
Young Adult 6 Intimacy vs. Love Less able to secure close relationships
Isolation Capacity for close relationships
and commitments
Adulthood 7 Generativity vs. Care Self-indulgence
Stagnation Concern for future generations;
altruism, creativity
Old Age 8 Integrity vs. Despair Wisdom Regrets; little sense of fulfillment
Sense of self-acceptance;
satisfaction with one’s life

Note. Summarized from The Life Cycle Completed by E. H. Erikson, 1982, New York: Norton.

and how survivors maintained a sense of control as they lived through the
severe conditions of the Holocaust.

STAGE 3: INITIATIVE VERSUS GUILT

During the third stage, which occurs between the ages of 4 and 6, a child
begins to engage in playful exploration, actively investigating his or her
environment. This begins the process of finding out what kind of a person
he or she is going to be and what activities are undertaken that result in a
sense of purpose (Erikson, 1959). If resolution of this stage is less successful,
a child will develop inhibitions. Although survivors often feel they made it
‘‘a day at a time,’’ it was important for the researchers to understand their
sense of purpose or how they took initiative.

STAGE 4: INDUSTRY VERSUS INFERIORITY

The central task of Erikson’s fourth psychosocial crisis, which occurs between
the ages of 6 and 12, is to achieve a sense of industry. Industry involves a
person showing enthusiasm and self-motivation and an eagerness to perform
meaningful work. The positive resolution of the crisis of industry versus
inferiority results in competence. Although it was difficult for survivors to
demonstrate competence during the Holocaust, the researchers explored
what tasks they took on to survive their circumstances. Because the emer-
gence of a sense of competence is essential to development throughout life
(Greene, 2008b; White, 1959), the researchers explored how this sense of
competence was expressed.
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 493

STAGE 5: IDENTITY VERSUS ROLE CONFUSION

The fifth psychosocial crisis, the formation of identity, is most prevalent in

adolescence, or ages 12 through 22, but is also dependent on an individual’s
roles during childhood. Furthermore, individual identity involves a complex
interplay of multiple systems, including familial, ethnic, economic, and po-
litical ones (Danieli, 1995). When an individual has a relatively successful
outcome meeting the challenge of this stage, he or she develops an integrated
self-image and a sense of fidelity to others. A review of study transcripts
was used to determine how fidelity, or the ability to sustain loyalties, was
expressed during and after the Holocaust.
Erikson’s concept of ego identity examines the relationship between
the individual and his or her society, focusing on how a person develops
the capacity to master his or her environment. He suggested that there is
a ‘‘mutual complementation of ethos and ego, of group identity and ego
identity’’ (Erikson, 1959, p. 23) linking a person’s inner world with his or
her unique values and history (Greene, 2008a). Therefore, survivors would
undoubtedly wrestle with their group identity and the lack of support from
governmental institutions. A less successful outcome of this stage may result
in identity confusion. Transcript quotes are used to describe Erikson’s (1968)
belief that a person’s identity is a personality feature dependent on social
supports and communal models.

STAGE 6: INTIMACY VERSUS ISOLATION

Erikson’s sixth stage, intimacy versus isolation, occurs between the ages of
22 and 34 and involves the ability to form intimate relationships. Significant
others include partners, friends, and spouses. This involves looking for oth-
ers who share one’s ideas and, when successfully resolved, results in an
individual’s capacity for close relationships and commitments. Those who
are less successful shut out others. Study data were explored to understand
how these lifelong personality features could develop under extreme, life-
threatening circumstances.

STAGE 7: GENERATIVITY VERSUS STAGNATION

Erikson’s (1968) seventh psychosocial crisis, which occurs in adulthood be-

tween the ages of 34 and 60, emphasizes ‘‘establishing and guiding the next
generation’’ (p. 290). People decide with whom they will share their lives and
what they will give to the next generation. Those who are less successful tend
to reject others. Broadly framed, generativity was explored by examining
transcripts for evidence of how survivors rebuilt their lives; raised a family;
mentored a student, colleague, or friend; and engaged in a career and in
leisure activities.
494 R. R. Greene et al.

STAGE 8: INTEGRITY VERSUS DESPAIR

The eighth psychosocial crisis takes place during old age, which Erikson
(1959) indicated begins at age 60 and lasts until death. The issue of this
psychosocial crisis is ‘‘how to grow old with integrity in the face of death’’
(p. 104). Integrity is recognized in individuals who express few regrets,
believe they have lived fruitful lives, and demonstrate that they have coped as
well with their failures as with their successes. People who have successfully
achieved a sense of integrity appreciate the continuity of past, present, and
future experiences. Those who have a sense of despair are not as accepting
of life. Survey transcripts were explored to learn how survivors evaluated
themselves during their final stage of life.

The Societal Perspective

Erikson’s framework was a precursor to the ecological life course approach
taken here, with each stage understood within the context of social influ-
ences, including economic, historical, and ethnic factors. According to an
ecological perspective, people are both the products and producers of their
development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979).
Similarly, Erikson proposed that development is contingent on the posi-
tive creation and contribution of societal institutions and other environmental
factors. This broad context is congruent with developmental psychologists’
interest in the ecological approach to person-in-environment, emphasizing
the connections between individuals at various systems levels (Bronfen-
brenner, 1979). Thus, the study explored how natural and surrogate social
networks supported development. Transcripts of interviews were read to
understand how survivors affected and obtained resources and support from
their environment (Germain, 1979; Gitterman & Germain, 2008). For this
reason, the study must be understood within the broad historical times in
which the Holocaust took place (Figure 1).

Survivors Within the Historical Context

When Hitler designed and led the Nazification of Germany during 1933 to
1939, the typical survivor in the study cohort was in the early childhood or
preadolescent years, ages 5 to 11. As they were developing their abilities
to take initiative, find their own identity, and begin to get direction and
guidance on life’s purposes, they became victims of the massive effort to
annihilate their culture and population throughout Europe. In other times,
they would have been in school learning skills, acquiring knowledge, and
exploring their individual talents and passions with the guidance and sup-
port of families and teachers. During normal development years (Erikson’s
stages 4 and 5), they would have grown to know a healthy separation from
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 495

FIGURE 1 Erikson’s psychosocial stages, survivors’ age, and historical context.

496 R. R. Greene et al.

their parents, navigate the social waters of adolescence, develop coping and
adaptation strategies, and read their barometers of self-confidence. For many,
the natural process of developing from childhood to adulthood was inter-
rupted and often devoid of the culturally significant formative experiences
that contribute to a healthy personality.
Placing the development of the survivors within the historical context
illustrates the person–environment dynamics at play and their potential in-
fluence on psychosocial stages of development. On January 30, 1933, Hitler
became Chancellor of Germany, marking the beginning of his plan to exter-
minate Jews from the world and, in his mind, cleanse the human population.
Systematically implemented by Gestapo, SS troops, and collaborators, his
comprehensive plan began with the opening of the first concentration camp,
Dachau, on March 22, 1933.
Over the course of the next 6 years, Jews in Germany and other occu-
pied countries were demoralized and removed from positions in government,
education, business, newspapers/media; barred from the military; prohibited
from owning land; removed from medical practices; deprived of national
health insurance; denied marriage to Aryans; and stripped of German citizen-
ship. By August 2, 1935, all German armed forces had to swear allegiance to
Hitler, and on September 15, 1935, the Nuremburg Race Laws were enacted,
making Jews second-class citizens.
On the nights of November 9 and 10, 1938, synagogues and Jewish-
owned shops were destroyed (and 30,000 male Jews sent to concentration
camps) in the destruction that came to be called Kristallnacht. Additionally,
the government fined Jews 1 billion Marks for that destruction. That same
week, all Jews were expelled from German schools.
Curfews were enforced beginning September 1, 1939, when all Jews in
Germany were forbidden to be outdoors after 8 p.m. Beginning in November
1939, Jews aged 10 and older in occupied Poland had to wear an arm band
or yellow Star of David. By 1941, all German Jews older than 6 had to wear
the yellow Star of David visibly on their clothing. One survivor recalled:

I was 13 years old and in seventh grade in 1944 in Hungary. Everything

was going good until the Germans marched into Hungary on March
18. Everything turned upside down—we had to wear the yellow Star of
David. I kept going to school for two more weeks—I was pushed and
shoved on the train because everyone knew I was Jewish.

In 1940, Poland’s ghettos at Lodz and Warsaw began to be sealed. This

meant fences were erected and the ghettos were locked, allowing for no
exit. Survivors recalled:

Herded into covered wagons, we landed in barracks—locked in. When

they opened the doors we were in cages they built around the barracks.
Then they separated the families—they grabbed momma, baby, father,
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 497

brother. Dogs, shouting ‘‘get out’’—They grabbed us up so fast. I thought

I would never see my family again. I was so scared—I was 13. Your whole
future looks so completely different.

I didn’t have regular teenage years. I grew up instantly when I was taken
away.

Thus, legislation and military force removed the Jews from civil society
even before the outbreak of World War II. In 1933, the Jewish population
of Europe totaled more than 9 million. By 1945, the Nazis and their collab-
orators had killed nearly 2 of 3 European Jews, known as the Six Million
(U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, 2009). The Templeton study attempts to
capture survivors’ stories and to analyze their meanings of events.

METHODOLOGY

The Templeton Study

This article comes under the aegis of a larger study funded by the John
Templeton Foundation, which will culminate in the formulation of a survivor-
ship model. A number of theoretical frameworks and measures consistent
with a philosophy of resilience are being used in the Templeton study to
describe critical events in Holocaust survivors’ lives: (1) Greene’s (2002)
resilience-enhancing model; (2) Erikson’s (1959) eight stages of development
culminating in the healthy personality; (3) Danieli’s (1981) Family typology of
survivors; and (4) the Enright Forgiveness Inventory (Enright & Rique, 2004).
Templeton study researchers wanted to learn (1) how relatively forgiving
study participants are, (2) how resilient they say they are (as it relates to being
a Holocaust survivor), (3) how successfully they perceive that they have met
Erikson’s eight psychosocial crises, (4) how these factors are interrelated, and
(5) how survivors’ Holocaust experiences affected subsequent life events and
prepared them for old age.

Sample
The data presented here on the role of the healthy personality in survivorship
were derived from the Templeton study, which involved interviewing 133
Holocaust survivors in nine U. S. locations: Austin, Dallas, Houston, Los
Angeles, Minneapolis, New York, New Jersey, San Antonio, and Washington,
DC. A snowball sample (Goodman, 1961) was obtained for the Templeton
study through word of mouth and posting flyers. Participants for the present
subsample of 35 people included volunteers at Holocaust museums and
attendees at Café Europa, a socializing venue for Holocaust survivors. Partic-
ipants were living in the community, in assisted living facilities, or in nursing
498 R. R. Greene et al.

homes. All survivors were considered cognitively aware. For more about the
Templeton study participants, see Greene, Armour, Hantman, Graham, and
Sharabi (this issue).

Instrument/Survey Protocol
Participants volunteered to complete structured interviews conducted during
2- to 2.5-hour face-to-face recorded sessions. The survey protocol consisted
of 188 questions addressing demographics and the elements of survivorship.
Eriksonian life stages were examined by adapting the Life History Question-
naire (Rennemark & Hagberg, 1997; Table 2), which consists of 16 items
assessed on a three-point Likert scale of good, neutral, and bad. The Life
History Questionnaire is a self-assessment of the participant’s completion of
tasks specific to Erikson’s eight developmental stages. Another section of the
survey asked participants to provide their perceptions of how successfully

TABLE 2 Life History Questionnaire

Good Neutral Bad

Item (%) (%) (%)

Trust/autonomy
To what extent do you think you were well-cared for 84.1 13.6 2.3
and well-guided through your first years of life?
How easily do you interact with others without feeling 69.2 18.0 12.8
shy or ashamed?
Initiative
To what extent do you enjoy starting new activities? 78.2 15.0 6.8
Were you easily kept back by feelings of guilt in your 38.7 25.8 35.5
pre-school years?
Industry
Were you a hard working pupil in the early school years? 74.8 15.3 9.9
Did your teachers indicate that you were good enough? 71.5 17.7 10.8
Identity
Did you belong to a group of friends in your teens? 66.4 16.8 16.8
Did you feel like you knew yourself? 67.7 19.5 12.8
Did you know how to behave towards other people? 83.5 11.3 5.3
Intimacy
Do you remember your first love? 79.5 10.6 9.8
Did you establish a close relationship with anyone? 81.1 12.1 6.8
How do you remember that person? 84.7 8.4 6.9
Early generativity
In the first half of your working life, did you do things 78.2 14.3 7.5
that were meaningful for other individuals?
For the next generation? 76.7 12.8 10.5
Late generativity
In the second half of your working period, did you do 84.8 11.4 3.8
things for other people?
The next generation? 78.8 15.9 5.3

Note: Adapted from: Rennemark, M., & Hagberg, B. (1997).

 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 499

other survivors accomplished each task. Their thoughts about success were
indicated in a yes/no format. This Perceptions of Other Survivors Ques-
tionnaire contained selected questions from the four components of the
Holocaust Survivorship Model (Greene, Armour, et al., this issue).

Data Sources
The researchers analyzed transcripts in four areas related to Erikson’s healthy
personality:

1. Researcher assessment: The researchers randomly selected transcripts (N D

35) to read to identify statements that exemplified outcomes of each of
Erikson’s eight stages. The definitions used to assess participants’ out-
comes are shown in Table 1. Two coders assessed statements as having
a positive or negative outcome. Coders reread transcripts to eliminate
discrepancies.
2. Self-assessment: Survivors evaluated their relative success in meeting each
stage. Questions asked (presented in Table 2) were based on a study
conducted by Rennemark and Hagberg (1997).
3. Assessment of others: Survivors provided their perceptions of how suc-
cessfully other survivors accomplished certain tasks. Survivors were asked
whether they thought other survivors (1) were trusting, (2) acted autono-
mously/acted independently, (3) took initiative, (4) worked hard/were
industrious, (5) knew who they were in life/had a coherent identity,
(6) formed intimate relationships/had good friends and/or families,
(7) gave to or took care of others/were generative, and (8) felt okay
about getting older.
4. Researcher assessment of social network support: Survivors’ statements
were read to find examples of how people banded together to maintain
existing (family) networks or created new surrogate mutual aid groupings
during and after the war. These included quasi-governmental institutions
and informal social systems.

FINDINGS

The findings presented here relate to four sets of data, each contributing
to an understanding of the extent to which survivors were ‘‘successful’’
in meeting the challenge of Erikson’s eight psychosocial crises. A content
analysis of interview transcripts and the coding of relevant passages provided
researcher assessment of the favorable or unfavorable outcome of each
life stage. Survivors’ self-assessments of their success in meeting each stage
presented information on their own perceptions. Finally, survivors gave their
general impressions of other survivors’ general success at each stage.
500 R. R. Greene et al.

FIGURE 2 Erikson’s Stages as Evidenced in Survivor Transcripts. Pos D positive; Neg D

negative.

Researcher Assessment
Researcher assessment of transcripts showed that the majority of the sample
exhibited a healthy personality (see Table 1). A total of 80% of survivor
transcripts contained expressions of positive development of all stages com-
bined, 18% expressed both positive and negative mastery of the stages, and
2% revealed negative development.
Erikson’s eight stages of development were ranked according to fre-
quency of positive expression for each stage (Figure 2). Survivors expressed
evidence of positive development in generativity versus stagnation (97%), in-
dustry versus inferiority (97%), and initiative versus guilt (94%). The analysis
revealed that there was ambivalence about the stage of trust versus mistrust,
with the sample almost evenly divided between expressing both resolved
and unresolved feelings and behaviors about trusting others.

Self-Assessment
A majority (76%) of survivor self-ratings were positive with regard to Erikson’s
eight stages (Figure 3). Self-ratings were highest in the stages of trust versus
mistrust and intimacy versus isolation. Only a small percentage of survivors
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 501

FIGURE 3 Erikson’s Stages as Self-Evaluated.

made negative self-assessments; the most negative self-assessments occurred

with regard to identity versus role confusion (17%).

Assessment of Others
When using the Perceptions of Other Survivors Questionnaire to rate other
survivors’ success in meeting Erikson’s psychosocial crises, most of the sam-
ple expressed positive ratings. The exception was for the stage of trust versus
mistrust, for which 44% of the sample thought other survivors were not
trusting, 44% thought survivors were trusting, and 12% were undecided.
A large majority (93%) believed that survivors were industrious (Figure 4).
After the war, survivors noted other survivors’ ability to rebuild their lives,
make new interpersonal relationships, become successfully employed, and
contribute to community institutions.

Congruence of Stage Findings

Figure 5 shows the intersection of the previously presented data related to
understanding survivors’ development of a healthy personality. Whether the
expressions were evident through researchers’ interpretations, by self-rating,
or by evaluation of other survivors, most survivors illustrated success in hav-
ing a sense of self-control and willfulness (autonomy) and developing and
502 R. R. Greene et al.

FIGURE 4 Erikson’s Stages as Related to Survivors’ Ratings of Other Survivors.

FIGURE 5 Congruence of Methods Evaluating Survivors’ Positive Expressions of Erikson’s

Eight Stages of Erikson’s Development.
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 503

maintaining close relationships (intimacy). That is, there were two distinct
intersections for which the three methods of evaluating positive expressions
of a healthy personality were most similar—autonomy and intimacy. Like-
wise, survivors demonstrated lives of positive social involvement, purpose
(initiative), and caregiving through creativity and philanthropy (generativity).
In contrast to these areas, which required less introspection and re-
flection but were more behaviorally rooted, survivors showed less positive
development and more conflict expressing thoughts and feelings about trust
and hope and issues surrounding their identity and self-image (identity).
With age, a healthy personality exhibits a sense of integrity and appreciation
for the continuity of one’s life (integrity). In this stage of life, survivors’
expressions were less congruent. Perhaps this suggests some conflict in
coming to peace with their lives.

Societal Perspective
The survivors’ perceptions of social networks and institutions ranged from
very appreciative to distrustful. As is usual with large systems, the difference
between a negative and positive perception can be shaped by the behavior
or actions of a given individual working on behalf of the institution. As one
participant stated, ‘‘There were some Germans who did not agree with what
was happening but were afraid to speak out. Some were just out to get what
they could for themselves, while some were willing to risk getting caught
helping a Jewish person.’’ One participant spoke for many when asked what
specifically had helped them to survive: ‘‘Camaraderie between my sister and
camaraderie between people who were at the concentration camp : : : When
she is released, she remembers, ‘They told us just go, you will find the way.’
[There were] 21 of us—we bonded together.’’
In the absence of a formal governmental structure, such as in a camp, the
survivors developed infrastructures, and leaders emerged to make decisions
and settle disputes. Despite the fact that observing even the most minor
religious or spiritual practice would put a person in threat of death, survivors
created quasi-religious institutions in the ghettos and camps: ‘‘To survive, first
of all you never give up hope, believe in God, and be strong.’’ In the face of
the threat of death, survivors also formed schools. As one survivor recalled,
‘‘The Jewish teachers were teaching us in basements. And these were the
best teachers in Warsaw, and there I learned part of my English.’’ Another
survivor spoke of learning his trade from an older survivor who set up a
workshop for boys:

Yes, there was a man who set up a workshop for the boys my age and
we worked there and learned to be machinist. It served two purposes.
We became machinists and while they came to make selections [to go to
the gas chambers] we were always at work!
 TABLE 3 Psychosocial Crises as Expressed Among Survivors

Psychosocial Positive
Life stage crisis outcome Examples of resilient/adaptive behaviors

Infancy 1. Trust vs. Hope ‘‘I never gave up hope. Even years later, I thought my brother would be alive.’’
Mistrust ‘‘[We] maintained hope. Not knowing really what happened to our loved ones. We thought they were in some
other place. My mother taking care of my little cousins. My father working. The knowledge that this is going to
be all over. We are going to be all together.’’
Early 2. Autonomy vs. Willfulness ‘‘When I came to the United States, [I] worked in cosmetology : : : opened my own business. Had it until 1980.
Childhood Shame Thought I was burned out, but couldn’t take life sitting at home so I saw an ad in the paper looking for a
manicurist for a hair salon. I went and applied. I was hired right away because I had the business experience, the
technical experience, and people experience. But I told them there was one stipulation. I do not want to work on
the floor. I want to be strictly a [public relations] person, working the books, the register. I don’t want to compete
with my stylists. If they need any help, I am there to give it to them. They were very happy to take me. I did that
for 15 years, until the earthquake in 1994. They had to rebuild it. When it was safe to go back, I went back until
they closed.’’
Play Age 3. Initiative vs. Purpose ‘‘We made up songs. In one of the camps, our supervisors were SS women, she loved Hungarian songs. Mostly it
Guilt was raining. Three or four times at night she would blow a whistle, we had to go out and march. Hungarian
songs that we had to sing. After a while we realize that they don’t understand what we are singing, so we made
up some different lyrics that weren’t very kind to them but give us a little. Made us feel better.’’

504
School Age 4. Industry vs. Competence ‘‘After the war, I received little support. It wasn’t the attitudes of the Americans. It was mine. I didn’t want handouts.
Inferiority I worked in Manhattan. I went to a fast food restaurant and said I need money. I have to work.’’
Adolescence 5. Identity vs. Fidelity ‘‘: : : without the Holocaust [we] would be different people : : : Yes [we] have a better sense of who [we] are. I
Role Confusion would not be as strong as I am if I would not [have] gone through the Holocaust. I was robbed of humanity. It
was very hard. I went from my mother’s skirt to his arms. I should say, pushed into his arms. I never dated.
Absolutely because I did not know who I was.’’
Young Adult 6. Intimacy vs. Love ‘‘Basically, I am a very loving person, very giving person. I was raised this way. How can I forget it? But life is
Isolation beautiful, and it’s forgiving.’’
Adulthood 7. Generativity vs. Care ‘‘: : : when you live such a miserable life you do try to do better for others and for yourself, I guess. To those who
Stagnation complain I say: ‘If you knew what I have behind me, you would not say a word.’ ’’
‘‘I found peace by speaking. Because I am doing the right thing. By doing something good for society. This is my
peace, my shalom. I am more of a doer. I do what is right, what I think it is right. I am happy with myself.’’
Old Age 8. Integrity vs. Wisdom ‘‘The bottom line is that you survived and you do the best, and you tried every single thing to help, every problem
Despair to solve, but if you can’t help you have to live with it—you accept it and go on, and go on, and go on. That’s it.
It is easy when you could help it, it is easy to say: ‘Oh, I can do that. I can do that.’ When I was a little girl, a
neighbor’s father died. She was my friend, we were playing ball together. And I say to myself: ‘Oh. If my mother
is going to die, and my father is going to die, I am going to die too.’ And here, everybody perished at one time
and I am still alive. I am still alive.’’
‘‘The older you get the smarter you get. You know, life teaches you a lot even if you don’t go to college or to
school.’’
 Erikson’s Healthy Personality 505

In short, older survivors assumed responsibility for performing life cycle

events and teaching younger prisoners (see Table 3 for additional quota-
tions).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

The findings of this study are in keeping with Erikson’s optimistic view
of human nature. They also underscore previous studies that have found
that older Holocaust survivors have had significantly more favorable than
unfavorable outcomes for seven of Erikson’s crises, the exception being
trust versus mistrust (Suedfeld et al., 2005). According to Lomranz (1998),
inconsistencies in regard to the resolution of the stage of trust versus mistrust
may be an expected part of successful aging that ‘‘allows’’ for a tolerance of
contradictions rather than a complete integration of the past.
Another reason survivors may be less trusting is because the horror
of the Holocaust was compounded by what is known as the conspiracy
of silence, in which survivors feared that they would be treated differently
than other Americans or that they would not be believed if they told their
stories. Through the development of the Shoah project, a national filmmaking
activity developed by Steven Spielberg, more survivors have come forward
to tell their stories, encouraging others to do the same. Clinicians have also
been influenced and feel more prepared to listen to and reframe survivor
difficulties (Greene, 2002).
It is more than fitting that Erikson’s theory be used to discuss the
healthy personality among Holocaust survivors. Erikson’s views on public
matters, revealed in his Harvard papers and biographies, addressed the evils
of prejudice and war. He combated prejudice in his own life and was a
proponent of Gandhi’s nonviolent alternative to change (Hoare, 2002).

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