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Cs Gaza Cash Voucher Assistance Social Protection 220822 en
Cs Gaza Cash Voucher Assistance Social Protection 220822 en
In the Gaza Strip, 80% of the population receives humanitarian assistance. The level of need is
overwhelming, and the political and socio-economic context has crippled the traditional social protection
system. Efforts to build a stronger social protection system are under way, and cash interventions are on
the rise.
This report explores the humanitarian cash assistance landscape in the Gaza Strip and how it interacts with
social protection. It sets out a vision for a social protection architecture that supports coherence,
protection, accountability and the building of resilient systems, and achieves complementarity between
actors and programmes. The report also provides recommendations on how the implementation of
programmes can be improved.
www.oxfam.org
CONTENTS
Figures and tables ................................................................................................................................ 3
Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................................ 3
Purpose ............................................................................................................................................. 4
Background ....................................................................................................................................... 4
Methodology ...................................................................................................................................... 4
Findings ............................................................................................................................................ 4
1 Social protection and humanitarian CVA in Gaza: the current landscape ....................................... 6
2 Framing the conversation around linking CVA and social protection ............................................. 7
6 Policies ........................................................................................................................................ 15
8 Reflections on roles and responsibilities within the social protection ecosystem ...................... 16
Notes................................................................................................................................................... 29
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................. 30
ABBREVIATIONS
CVA Cash and voucher assistance
CWG Cash Working Group
GPC Gaza Protection Consortium
MoSD Ministry of Social Development
MPCA Multipurpose cash assistance
NGO Non-governmental organization
NSR National Social Registry
PA Palestinian Authority
PMTF Proxy means test formula
PNCTP Palestinian National Cash Transfer Programme
SRSP Shock-responsive social protection
SPWG Social Protection Working Group (under the LACS mechanism)
UVAT Unified Vulnerability Assessment Tool
PURPOSE
For more effective delivery of assistance to people in a context of complex crisis and to increase their resilience
to future shocks, this case study explores the relationship between humanitarian cash and voucher assistance
(CVA) and government social protection in Gaza. It discusses the current set-up, what the long-term goals for
linking social protection and CVA might be and the short-, medium- and long-term steps needed to get there.
The focus is on multipurpose cash assistance (MPCA) and CVA that cover basic needs. More specifically, the
topics addressed are:
• the similarities and differences between humanitarian CVA and the current social protection programmes in
Gaza, and the benefits of linking them;
• understanding what the current system is working towards in terms of achieving equity, efficiency or fairness
in the social protection system;
• policy and programme-related opportunities to align or integrate efforts;
• coordination needs and existing mechanisms;
• barriers to linking CVA and social protection;
• what nexus initiatives there are in CVA and social protection programming; and
• recommendations (short-, medium- and long-term) for policy and programme influencing coherent social
protection programming.
BACKGROUND
The largest government-implemented social protection programme in the Gaza Strip is the Palestinian National
Cash Transfer Programme (PNCTP). At the same time, a proliferation of local and international actors also provide
social assistance. These include various Arab, Western and other international donors and organizations, UN
agencies and the Gaza Cash Working Group (CWG). The social protection ecosystem in Gaza can be described as
fragmented, with the various social protection and CVA programmes differing in terms of purpose, duration,
consistency, targeting and exiting. The Ministry of Social Development (MoSD)'s new plans include engaging CVA
actors in increased collaboration.
METHODOLOGY
A total of 26 key informant interviews were conducted for this study to gather views, including those of the MoSD,
humanitarian agencies, Arab donors, UN organizations, Western donors and social protection and CVA
programme participants. A review of relevant documents was carried out and a validation workshop was held
with key stakeholders.
FINDINGS
Entry points
The highest level of cooperation is happening around the targeting of programme participants, with both Arab
and Western agencies using MoSD lists. There are challenges resulting in some inefficiencies that need to be
Barriers
• Some of the barriers to linking CVA with social protection come from the limitations of the PNCTP itself. There
is a lack of incentives for humanitarian agencies to link CVA with formal social protection. PNCTP has general
limitations such as: it has limited type of data, it is not well updated, cash distribution process centralized
with the Ministry of Finance that provides the final information on who receives the cash from the program
and who is removed from the system. They also enjoy relative independence in their choices of targeting and
implementation.
• A lack of technical alignment between institutions includes differences in data management and monitoring
systems.
• With many actors engaged within the sector and with the recurrent nature of the emergencies, the MoSD
requires further capacity strengthening and resources to continue leading a responsive and inclusive
coordination mechanism. The absence of robust coordination mechanisms means that this task often
depends on motivated individuals. Meanwhile, other actors are required to coordinate formally with the MoSD
and other mutual actors.
• Politics and geographical division between the two different governments in Gaza and the West Bank
complicate simple communication. The PNCPT is managed by the Palestinian Authority, yet it has a limited
presence in Gaza. No-contact policies 1 also complicate coordination, while in addition, there are competitive
tensions between stakeholders.
Recommendations
Improving coordination in this context will take time, and the recommendations are presented as a chronological
process. Regularity, consistency and increased systemic accountability, given the governance structures
available, will be more important than ambitious one-off efforts.
Total 45
UN agencies UNRWA, WFP, UNICEF and the International Labour Organization (ILO) work with CVA programming and
social protection either through direct implementation to cover the basic needs of the population and provide
social security, or by supporting the MoSD to undertake this role. Several Arab donors and organizations have
implemented or are currently implementing cash interventions, most notably the Government of Qatar, with
monthly support of $100 apiece to around 95,000 poor families in Gaza. There have been some connections
The topic may be approached with the assumption that linking CVA and social protection is automatically
desirable, with the implication that CVA and social protection should move closer together. However, this may
overlook a nuanced discussion on complementarity. In practice, CVA and social protection have different
purposes and there is a valuable space between them, begging the question: in which situations, what kind of
linking is desirable and what is not?
Linking social protection and CVA can be understood in a variety of ways, from adopting identical modes of
functioning to increased cooperation within a larger ecosystem of social assistance where actors' diversified
roles leave space for operational differences. The understanding in this case study is the latter, though the
implications of both are discussed throughout the paper. Either way, it is crucial that moving forward,
stakeholders articulate their intended meaning, because assumptions regarding the meaning of increased
linkages will affect the willingness of actors to work towards this goal.
Third, any future alignment of CVA and social protection requires an understanding of the current relationship in
relation to a goal. A simplified model of CVA and social protection places long-term, government-led social
protection at one end of a spectrum and short-term emergency support at the other (Figure 1). Five key
characteristics set these two things at either end of the spectrum: purpose, duration, consistency, targeting and
exit from the programme.
The protracted nature of the crisis in Gaza has shaped the space in between, and this is currently filled by a
variety of medium and long-term support provided by international (both Arab and Western) donors and
humanitarian organizations (Figure 2). The situation is further complicated by factors such as the government
handing out ad hoc payments during emergencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) targeting the
In the ideal scenario, shock-responsive social protection (SRSP) would see a well-funded and well-functioning
social protection system take over some of the space currently occupied by CVA (Figure 3). However, this is not
realistic now or in the near future, notably due to the social protection system's inability to cater for the number
of people in need (the limitations are discussed below). This case study discusses navigating the relationship
between social protection and CVA in the immediate and medium term, with the long-term view of achieving a
solid SRSP system.
The continuum illustrated in Figure 4 shows the various cash programmes currently in operation 'scored' against
the five criteria – purpose, duration, consistency, targeting and exit from the programme – by the consultant
team, based on information provided through the document review and interviews. All scores are subjective and
provide an approximate visual location of each programme on the continuum. The programmes shown are
selected as indicative examples of programme types and are not intended as an exhaustive list. The continuum
shows the variety of programmes in terms of purpose, duration and consistency.
The scoring shows the differences between various CVA and social protection programmes in the Gaza Strip in
terms of the five criteria. Although social assistance players in Gaza are considered to be working towards similar
objectives in terms of reducing poverty and vulnerabilities, they have different characteristics, agendas, funding
sources and delivery mechanisms. The key similarities and differences are illustrated in Table 2. In addition, an
important difference between Western donors and agencies and their Arab counterparts is that Arab
donors/agencies are not restricted by no-contact policies, which restrict Western actors in dealing with the
authorities.
The PNCTP is considered to be a lifeline for 115,683 households across the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT); of
these, 79,629 4 (68.8%) are in Gaza, with 21% of Gazans depending on the quarterly payment. 5 The programme is
funded by the European Union (40–60%), the Palestinian Authority (PA) (40%) and the World Bank, which has
provided close technical support since 2010. The PNCTP selects programme participants using the proxy means
test formula (PMTF), which classifies households as living in 1) deep poverty, 2) poverty or 3) out of poverty,
based on expenses and consumption data. Data for the 34 variables used in the selection calculation are
weighted and the value of assistance of NIS 750–1,800 ($224–539) is determined. The PMTF is complemented by
verification visits which inform the final decision.
As part of the wider political landscape, the national social protection programme is subject to an internal
division between the West Bank and Gaza, the former of which is governed by the PA from Ramallah and the latter
by the de facto authorities. The governments in the West Bank and Gaza signed an agreement to implement the
national social protection programme under the leadership of the PA's MoSD with its local representatives in the
Gaza Strip. The effect of this division on the PNCTP is seen in differences in implementation between the two
regions: for example, capacity, skills and the number of available staff in Gaza are lower than in the West Bank
and do not yet seem to match the requirements of the new approaches that are planned.
Theoretically, the PNCTP is well set up and is able to cover 40% of households identified as poor and 80% of
those identified as deeply poor. 6 Practically, however, its efficiency is low and it is estimated that it is reaching
only 44% of households in deep poverty. 7 It has been shown to reduce poverty rates by 11.4% and rates of
extreme poverty by 20%. 8 Internal and external factors hamper the PNCTP's efficiency, including lack of funding,
the political division, the high level of needs, and potential errors of 20% in the PMTF inclusion and exclusion
mechanism, which affect in particular elderly people and disabled persons – although by international standards
these margins are considered to be acceptable. In addition to the high rate of exclusion/inclusion errors, social
protection services are failing to reach some poor households because the PMTF weightings in Gaza are
reportedly known by social workers and are manipulated to favour inclusion for social assistance.
The immediate obstacle that the cash-strapped PNCTP faces is meeting its financial commitments: the economic
and financial crisis, combined with heightened needs, prevented the programme from fulfilling its obligations
towards those it was meant to support in 2021, when only one of four payments was given out. The programme's
reliance on external financing, which has an uncertain future, remains a major threat. The Ministry of Finance
(MoF) makes decisions about PNCTP payments and the execution of the budget, and this can have a negative
impact on the programme's budget commitments. Most stakeholders consider that the PNCTP has not
demonstrated an ability to respond effectively during crises such as the war of 2014 and COVID-19, where its
response has been slow and has not matched the high level of needs. It lacks plans for emergencies, but UNICEF
is responding to this with a shock-responsive readiness assessment.
MoSD communication around the social protection programme has been limited. The complaints system has been
limited to a neglected complaints box, without any follow-up procedures and the programme does not reach out
to potential participants, relying mainly on people seeking help. However, the MoSD, with support from the World
Bank, is taking steps to improve communication. These efforts will address communication with other
stakeholders and with the community, complaints management, and how to identify and reach out to potential
participants.
The PNCTP is undergoing significant development, supported by the World Bank, to meet the needs of
households more comprehensively, to support the transition from relief to development and to coordinate social
assistance efforts by different actors. The MoSD is broadening its focus from monetary poverty to a
multidimensional poverty approach that considers family size, the elderly and disabled, and links households to
appropriate services. The National Social Registry (NSR), launched in December 2021, is described by the MoSD as
the first place where applicants' data is entered on the system. This is a unified and interoperable database for
processing, monitoring and documenting data and interventions linking with key public institutions such as the
The three principal linkages (targeting, additional top-ups, and technical assistance) are outlined below,
followed by a discussion of additional possible entry points to establish linkages and integration across the
social protection system.
1. Targeting: Humanitarian CVA actors, Arab donors and UN agencies mainly use lists of programme participants
received from one of the ministries (MoSD, Ministry of Agriculture, or Ministry of Housing, depending on the
project), which often include people on the waiting list for the PNCTP. This can be seen as 'horizontal
expansion' of social protection. Organizations have additional sectoral focuses (protection, nutrition/food
security) that guide their selection processes, whereas the PNCTP's current focus is solely on poverty,
although it has been developing a shift to a multidimensional poverty approach that considers other
vulnerabilities. The CWG and the MoSD have developed a Unified Vulnerability Assessment Tool (UVAT) that
allows any humanitarian agency to run the data it has collected through the MoSD's PMTF and apply the
organization's sector-specific criteria. The UVAT system also cross-checks for households assessed
previously in the system. However, most humanitarian agencies do not use UVAT and some do not use MoSD
lists, preferring to support vulnerable people of their own selection. Some Arab donors use separate targeting
criteria defined by the MoSD instead of solely supporting participants in the PNCTP, in a deliberate attempt not
to replace government efforts; for example, about a third of the Qatari programme participant caseload are
from the PNCTP list.
The MoSD discourages parallel selection criteria outside of social protection and intends to centralize the
selection of programme participants through the NSR. The use of additional non-poverty indicators could, on
the one hand, improve targeting by better distinguishing needs, but it could also increase the number of
known needs and add to an already unmanageable burden. Some actors promote social protection targeting
of programme participants based on categories (e.g. elderly people, households with children under five)
rather than poverty.
A number of practical issues give rise to criticism and frustration in the area of targeting:
• Partners have concerns about challenges in response efforts during emergency times related to potential
affected beneficiaries' lists. These challenges include maintaining up-to-date information, duplication
between actors, and lack of quality of data.
• Some humanitarian agencies and UN agencies question the validity of the PMTF as a selection tool even
though the NSR is expected to improve targeting. In addition, the lack of funding for identified families will
continue to hamper the PNCTP's functioning regardless of its accuracy.
• Unifying targeting criteria could mean the cessation of aid to some people currently targeted by
humanitarian agencies who are not on MoSD lists, which may overlook some of those in need of
assistance. Changes to social protection moving away from a focus on poverty could have the same effect
Upcoming initiatives present opportunities to improve harmonization between actors and to work towards an
effective social assistance ecosystem:
• The MoSD sees the NSR as an entry point for all existing social assistance programmes to better cooperate for
increased efficiency and to make additional services available to programme participants. This could be an
opportunity for more links between Gaza-based projects and the national social protection system to share
data and coordinate efforts. However, the process of developing the NSR has not been very inclusive, and
NGOs are unclear about what their expected engagement with it is.
• The EU-funded Nexus project, 12 implemented by the ILO and Oxfam, aims to bring together all relevant social
protection actors under existing coordination mechanisms.
• A renewal of the national Social Development Sector Strategy is planned for 2023, which covers the PNCTP and
the role of CVA. This process could be enhanced through consultations and discussions with a wide range of
CVA partners.
• The social assistance roadmap for operationalizing the Humanitarian Development Peace Nexus in Palestine
for 2021–24 13 lays out key participatory steps for addressing areas for improvement.
• Other improvements to the PNCTP are supported by the World Bank, such as communication with programme
participants.
A restricted official presence in the Gaza Strip: The internal political division within the MoSD in Gaza can be seen
as an extension of the overall Palestinian division. This has resulted in no common vision for an inclusive
coordination mechanism between different stakeholders. For example, the official presence of the MoSD in its
current form in Gaza allows for loosely linked efforts between stakeholders to take place in the social protection
sphere. There was a recent positive agreement to have the MoSD in Ramallah represented in Gaza by official
personnel to improve the coordination and collaboration between the de-facto government in Gaza and the
official Ramallah government. It is hoped that this agreement will provide increased steer and direction for all
stakeholders.
The fragmentation and siloed provision of services results in a lack of synergy and duplicated efforts, which
hinders the achievement of comprehensive poverty reduction goals. The shortage of funding is one factor, and
without financing the implementation of social protection and the new NSR, which brings together social
protection efforts, remains theoretical. In addition, the definition of the complementary way in which CVA actors
should work in relation to the social protection system is complicated by the instability of the system. Budget
crisis that the PA is suffering from places extra burden on social protection programmes as it is not being
prioritized for funding. Some donors intervene directly in Gaza through infrastructure and construction projects or
fund NGOs. All stakeholders expect high levels of transparency from the MoSD and, in some cases, are hesitant
about accepting the MoSD as a central coordinating force, while recognizing that that would be ideal. This
includes programme participants interviewed for this case study, among whom the idea of linking Western or
Arab CVA with social protection raised concerns about favouritism, dishonesty and inefficiency.
Political and geographical division with two different governments: social protection is directly managed by the
PA in the West Bank, while in Gaza the de facto government and representative staff of the PA carry out activities.
Even though there are PA personnel in the MoSD in Gaza, most of the staff are from the de-facto government and
communication is variable. Although there are clear lines of communication between the de-facto personnel and
Ramallah personal, political instability can affect these communication lines. Some Arab donors only have a
presence in Gaza, complicating their participation in coordination mechanisms based in Ramallah. The political
and geographical divisions make communication and coordination difficult, rendering such efforts slow and
complicated. The PNCTP's shift to multidimensional poverty has started in the West Bank with support from
UNICEF, the ILO and WFP are going to introduce targeted services for disabled and elderly people. However, this
multidimensional shift has not begun in Gaza.
Reliance on individual action in the absence of inclusive and comprehensive coordination mechanisms: The
energy-consuming nature of coordination and the lack of a clear and inclusive coordination mechanism mean
that coordination efforts rely on individuals believing in the importance of the issue. Individuals who hold key
Lack of technical alignment between institutions: There is no clear resolution for the issue of transfer values,
where raising them is financially unmanageable for the government and lowering them is unacceptable for
humanitarian agencies and donors. The MoSD's poverty targeting differs from the targeting of the humanitarian
sector. Arab donors are not traditionally part of coordination efforts as they approach aid to Palestine from a
different angle. Humanitarian agencies follow standards in areas of work such as data management and
monitoring that would raise the bar above what might be manageable for the PNCTP.
Competitive tensions: Regardless of intention, humanitarian agencies compete with the MoSD for funding and
credibility. This competitive set-up needs to be recognized and addressed and efforts made at rapprochement.
There are also contradictory ideas regarding the role of humanitarian agencies, and the lack of communication
means that there is no space available to resolve misunderstandings. Conflicting agendas and a lack of
coordination between donors also limit the ability to unite CVA efforts.
No risks were identified in linking social protection and CVA in principle. Still, if this is not done carefully, it could
result in lower-quality support, a lack of accountability and assistance not reaching those in need.
6 POLICIES
The PNCTP is not grounded in legislation but it features in the National Social Development Strategy, last updated
in 2021. However, the policies are little known to humanitarian agencies and other actors. The value of a legal
framework is debatable given the stalled political and democratic processes, where all policies are passed by
presidential decree. However, the planned 2023 update to the Social Development Sector Strategy provides an
opportunity to include entry points for improved institutional arrangements regarding CVA and social protection
links. In the Palestinian context, social protection is easily politicized, and political interests are seen to prioritize
other issues, challenging effective policy change. The political division also hampers advocacy efforts. Public
government documents reflect the intention to coordinate social protection efforts under a single umbrella, but
until now this has not been seen in the experience of humanitarian agencies.
7 NEXUS INITIATIVES
Nexus initiatives have focused on developing a shock-responsive social protection system, but these efforts are
only in their early stages. The MoSD's new approaches are contributing to the transition from relief to
development and driving a shift towards a rights-based, cross-sectoral and shock-responsive model. The EU has
drafted a social assistance roadmap for operationalizing the Humanitarian Development Peace Nexus in
Palestine for 2021–2024. It is meant to be led by the MoSD and is still being discussed. Oxfam is working on
enhancing the responsiveness of the social protection system, including international communities and national
organizations, through implementing social policy with a focus on SRSP. Oxfam supports continuous dialogue
between all parties to inform a policy in which cross-nexus efforts can be harnessed to meet nationwide targets
related to the provision of social protection. UNICEF is planning to conduct a shock-responsive readiness
assessment that will examine the response of the social protection programme, including different aspects of
financing, human resources (HR), data management, real-time monitoring and follow-up, and the legal
framework and agreements.
The EU is funding the ILO, UNICEF and Oxfam to work with the government to strengthen cross-nexus coherence
and responsiveness in the Palestinian social protection sector and to enhance coordination across government
and non-governmental actors and initiatives to increase programmatic coherence for multi-year planning and
There is increasing realisation that nexus programming is relevant and required in emergency response set ups
and plans. During the May escalation of conflict, humanitarian agencies struggled to obtain quality lists of
vulnerable and affected people, and insufficient coordination between government departments led to delays.
Humanitarian agencies have stated that if lists of programme participants are available, they can respond to an
emergency within 24 hours. This highlights the importance of establishing preparedness measures to allow for
smoother transition from relief to development,
The MoSD can have a greater influence to demonstrate its effectiveness through strengthening the abilities of
personnel working and liaising with humanitarian agencies and through enhanced transparency. This is likely to
build stronger trust in working with Western and Arab donors to encourage more funding, collaboration,
transparency and competency so that Western and Arab stakeholders can trust the working mechanisms of the
MoSD will help to get more funding and encourage humanitarian and development partners to cooperate with it.
With the MoSD in the driving seat and considering the problems raised by the internal division, some supporting
leadership roles to be carried out by UN agencies or the CWG are welcomed and needed.
In terms of effective use of resources, targeting is one of the most critical coordination points. However, this
does not mean that all actors would need to adopt the same targeting
criteria. Some differences between actors are desirable since they
Discussions about linking social
supply complementary services to the programme. As it is widely protection to CVA are burdened by
accepted that the PNCTP has a stable and solid structure, which makes the fact that the number of people
it less flexible. However, within the ecosystem there is a need for agile seeking social protection in Gaza
and attentive players who are close to communities and who can is untenable. The common goal of
identify vulnerable people missed by the social protection system – this the social protection ecosystem
should be to cater to people
is the role of NGOs and local communities. There is a benefit when NGOs according to their capacities and
retain some flexibility in targeting to identify groups that the system may needs, and various actors playing
be missing. For NGOs delivering CVA, having a unique character to their diversified roles towards that goal.
programmes is crucial to demonstrate added value to donors. If CVA is
well organised with humanitarian agencies, it could complement social protection in correcting exclusion errors.
The current social assistance programmes target people who could be economically productive but are
unemployed or who need assets to recover from a shock. The disproportionate focus on providing relief from
deprivation over other aspects of social protection, such as prevention and promotion of incomes and capacities
Figure 5: Aspects of social protection systems – in Gaza the focus has been on provision
PROVISION
PREVENTION
of relief from
of deprivation
deprivation
PROMOTION
TRANSFORMATION
of incomes and
of social inclusion
capacities
Source: R. Sabates-Wheeler and S. Devereux. (2007). Social Protection for Transformation. IDS Bulletin 38, Issue 3, Institute of Development
Studies (IDS), Brighton. https://gsdrc.org/document-library/social-protection-for-transformation/
A common goal of the social protection ecosystem should be to keep people off the PNCTP and waiting list by
providing economic pathways (promotion) to those who can be economically productive but who lack assets or
opportunities: for example, providing CVA to cover basic needs during an employment programme. International
and national partners must work together on concerted economic development efforts and ensure that these are
linked with social protection and with CVA.
The process is also a shift from an operational to a more strategic level. Regularity and consistency will be more
important than a sudden ambitious jump to a harmonious system involving all actors, who may not initially be
eager to join coordination mechanisms and explore constructive links of complementarity. The process can
involve a smaller group of actors but remain open to anyone interested without forcing joint efforts, with smaller-
scale action serving as a positive model, and then expanding it to the wider pool of actors. Fragmentation should
be avoided, but this does not mean that everyone should aim to do the same thing. The recommendations below
are aimed at the broad spectrum of social protection and CVA actors and outline steps, focusing on the
immediate and medium-term, that are necessary to build a more coherent social protection ecosystem. An
overview is presented in Figure 6.
Lead: MoSD; co-lead: humanitarian agencies and Arab Lead: MoSD; co-lead and support: UN agencies Western humanitarian agencies
organizations and World Bank, donors, humanitarian agencies, • Avoid protracting aid dependency by
• Seek opportunities for dialogue and information Arab organizations undermining national institutions.
sharing between the MoSD and CVA actors, • Shift dialogue from 'this is what we do' to 'this Supporting them and improving their
particularly Western humanitarian agencies and is what we plan' and eventually to 'how can we capacity should be a primary focus.
Arab organizations/donors. Topics of exchange do this better together?'.
include: • Develop further the information sharing and
o Information sharing between those social coordination protocol from 'Immediate
protection and CVA actors who do not usually objectives' by identifying roles and
communicate and update on new developments. responsibilities between social protection and
Simply increasing contact can reap benefits in CVA actors. These are likely to be developed
the medium and long term. through a series of discussions about the
o Clarifying data needs of each agency and mutual complementary roles and objectives of the
expectations (e.g. MoSD expectations regarding actors.
feedback on shared lists of programme • MoSD to organise consultations and
participants and how it intends to use the data). humanitarian agencies to input into the 2023
o The aims of each agency in the social protection National Social Development Strategy and
ecosystem need to be discussed, partly because discuss practical and strategic linkages
Lead: MoSD; co-lead and support: UN agencies and Lead: MoSD; co-lead and support: UN agencies Lead: MoSD; co-lead and support: UN agencies
World Bank, donors, humanitarian agencies, Arab and World Bank, donors, humanitarian agencies, and World Bank, donors
organizations Arab organizations • Explore methods for innovative financing of
• The MoSD to continue work on the NSR as a • Discuss and agree with partners the concepts the PNCTP.
participatory process by organizing consultations of accountability and transparency. Include in
on how actors could engage with it: 1) ask for coordination protocols mechanisms by which
feedback on the plans and answer questions; 2) transparency is ensured to demonstrate that
discuss expected collaboration around the NSR; 3) the MoSD is a reliable partner.
discuss mechanisms by which humanitarian
Focusing advocacy on technical issues of the PNCTP at Lead: MoSD; co-lead and support: UN agencies
this point may have limited effectiveness given the and World Bank, donors, humanitarian agencies,
financial limitations of the system. Arab organizations
• Create a unified system that determines the
transfer value for each intervention in line with
expected fairness and the poverty status of
programme participants. Transfer values
should be coherent and in line with the
purpose of the programme. A sound
methodology is needed to determine them.
• Establish a social protection–CVA external
reporting system to enhance the concept of
inclusiveness vertically and horizontally
Lead: MoSD; co-lead and support: UN agencies Humanitarian agencies, Arab organizations
and World Bank, donors (EU) • Create income generation opportunities by
• Make a part of the PNCTP conditional upon devising innovative, online-focused and/or
improving sources of income if the profile of large-scale employment strategies to shift
This case study is very much the result of the reflections of various key informants, although it may not reflect fully or comprehensively the view of individual interviewees
or that of their organizations. We want to thank them for their precious time and contribution.
Cash Working Group (CWG) – Gaza. (2020). Vulnerability Assessment Note (UVAT Explication Note).
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of the concept of multidimensional poverty ()اﻟﺳﺟل اﻟوطﻧﻲ اﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﻣﺑﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻋﺗﻣﺎد ﻣﻔﮭوم اﻟﻔﻘر اﻟﻣﺗﻌدد اﻷﺑﻌﺎد.
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place
Total 5 10 15
This paper was written by Saed Saad, Sonja Read and Ben Mountfield. It is part of a series of papers written to inform public
debate on development and humanitarian policy issues.
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Published by Oxfam GB for Oxfam International under ISBN 978-1-78748-938-7 in August 2022.
DOI: 10.21201/2022.9387
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