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Stereotype Boost
Stereotype Boost
Brian E. Armenta
University of Nebraska—Lincoln
Belonging to a stereotyped social group can affect performance in stereotype-relevant situations, often
shifting performance in the direction of the stereotype. This effect occurs similarly for members of
positively and negatively stereotyped groups (i.e., stereotype boost and stereotype threat, respectively).
This study examined ethnic group identification as a moderator of these effects in the math performance
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
of Asian Americans and Latinos, who are positively and negatively stereotyped in this domain,
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respectively. Results showed that high ethnically identified Asian Americans performed better and high
ethnically identified Latinos performed worse when an ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue was present. The
performance of low ethnically identified Asian Americans and Latinos was not affected by this cue.
Simply being a member of a stereotyped group can affect activation of that identity and the associated stereotypes (e.g., Shih
performance on stereotype-relevant tasks (i.e., tasks for which the et al., 2002; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Thus, factors that increase
stereotype might apply). Specifically, when a stereotyped group the tendency that a stereotyped identity will become personally
identity and the associated group stereotypes are made salient, salient and cognitively activated should increase susceptibility to
performance tends to shift in the direction of the stereotype. This these effects.
occurs similarly for members of positively and negatively stereo- Self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, &
typed groups. For example, Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady (1999) Wetherell, 1987) suggests that individuals who subjectively iden-
showed that Asian women performed better on a math exam when tify with their group are more likely to cognitively activate their
their ethnic identity was made salient (a stereotype boost effect; group identity in the presence of identity-relevant cues (Spears,
Shih, Ambady, Richeson, Fujita, & Gray, 2002) but performed Doosje, & Ellemers, 1999). This perspective suggests that the
worse on this exam when their gender identity was made salient stereotype boost and stereotype threat effects should be more
(a stereotype threat effect; Aronson & Steele, 1995), consistent pronounced among individuals who strongly identify with their
with the respective stereotypes about these groups. stereotyped group. In this study, I tested this prediction by exam-
The psychological mechanisms that account for these effects ining the math performance of Asian Americans, who are stereo-
have been and continue to be debated (e.g., Steele, Spencer, & typically viewed as mathematically talented (Niemann, Jennings,
Aronson, 2002; Wheeler & Petty, 2001). In general, however, Rozelle, & Baxter, 1994), and Latinos, who are stereotypically
stereotype threat is believed to result from increased concerns viewed as academically inept (Hunt & Espinoza, 2007), as a
about being evaluated in terms of a negative group stereotype function of ethnic identification and a situational cue that impli-
(Steele, 1997; Steele et al., 2002), whereas stereotype boost is cates their ethnicity and the associated ethnic group stereotypes
believed to result from an ideomotor process in which the mere regarding their group’s ability.
thought of an action, even if only at a nonconscious level, in- In contrast to self-categorization theory, it is possible that ethnic
creases the tendency to engage in that action (Dijksterhuis, Bargh, group identification will reduce or even reverse the stereotype
& Zanna, 2001; Wheeler & Petty, 2001). Regardless of the under- boost effect. For example, highly ethnically identified Asian
lying mechanisms, research has clearly demonstrated that the Americans may feel greater pressure to confirm the positive group
stereotype boost and stereotype threat effects occur when an en- stereotype as a means of maintaining a positive social identity
vironmental cue makes a group identity or the associated group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Ironically, this additional pressure may
stereotypes personally salient, ostensibly leading to the cognitive negatively affect their performance (Wheeler & Petty, 2001). Al-
ternatively, because the ethnic group stereotype is positive, high
and low ethnically identified Asian Americans may benefit equally
Brian E. Armenta, Department of Psychology, University of Nebraska. from situational cues that implicate their stereotyped identity. No
I thank Cynthia Willis Esqueda, Jennifer S. Gustavo Carlo, Carey S. studies have examined the role of group identification in the
Ryan, and Richard R. Dienstbier for their assistance with this article. I
stereotype boost effect; thus, this study provides an important
would also like to thank Lori Barker-Hackett, Jeffery S. Mio, and the
Psychology and Sociology Department at California State Polytechnic
examination of how group identification affects susceptibility to
University, Pomona, for providing the opportunity to conduct this study. this effect.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Brian E. There is preliminary evidence that group identification increases
Armenta, Department of Psychology, University of Nebraska, 238 Burnett susceptibility to the stereotype threat effect. Specifically, Schmader
Hall, Lincoln, NE 68588-0308. E-mail: [email protected] (2002) showed that women high in gender identification were more
94
BRIEF REPORTS 95
vulnerable to the stereotype threat effect in mathematics. In contrast to White, 2001). This nine-item measure assesses the degree to which
these findings, and the prediction drawn from self-categorization math is important to one’s self-concept and consists of three types
theory, it is possible that ethnic identification functions differently of questions. Participants responded to four questions, such as
than gender identification in the stereotype threat effect. Indeed, a “How important is it to you to be good at mathematics?” on a
large body of research has demonstrated that ethnic identification can 5-point scale anchored by 1 (not at all) and 5 (very much).
buffer the negative effects associated with ethnic-based societal de- Participants also responded to four items, such as “Mathematics is
valuation and rejection (e.g., Armenta & Hunt, 2009; Armenta, one of my best subjects,” on a 5-point scale anchored by 1
Knight, Carlo, & Jacobson, 2008; Romero & Roberts, 2003; Umaña- (strongly disagree) and 5 (strongly agree). For the final item,
Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). Thus, ethnic identification may in fact participants responded to the question “Compared to other stu-
protect Latinos from the stereotype threat effect. No studies have dents, how good are you at math?” on a 5-point scale anchored by
examined the role of ethnic identification in the stereotype threat 1 (very poor) and 5 (excellent). These items formed a reliable scale
effect; thus, this study stands to make an important addition to the (␣ ⫽ .92).
literature. After completing the measures, participants were invited to
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Table 2 threat (Steele & Aronson, 1995) effects among Asian Americans
Hierarchical Regression Analyses Predicting Math Performance and Latinos, respectively. Consistent with previous research, re-
sults showed that Asian Americans performed better and Latinos
Math performance performed worse on a math exam when a cue implicating their
Model b SE  p
ethnicity and associated ethnic group stereotypes was present, thus
replicating the stereotype boost and stereotype threat effects, re-
Model 1 (main effects) spectively. More important, as predicted, ethnic identification
Gender ⫺.43 .21 ⫺.19 .05 moderated the stereotype boost and stereotype threat effects. Spe-
Math identification .51 .23 .21 .03
cifically, high ethnically identified Asian Americans performed
Ethnicity ⫺.19 .23 ⫺.08 .40
Ethnic identification ⫺.07 .29 ⫺.02 .92 better and high ethnically identified Latinos performed worse
Ethnicity–ethnic stereotype cue .17 .21 .08 .43 when an ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue was present. The math
Model 2 (stereotype boost–threat model) performance of Asian Americans and Latinos who did not strongly
Ethnicity ⫻ Ethnic Identification .06 .30 .02 .85 identify with their respective ethnic groups was not significantly
Ethnicity ⫻ Ethnicity–Ethnic
affected by the presence of an ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue.
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Ethnic Identification ⫻ Ethnicity/Ethnic The results are consistent with self-categorization theory
Stereotype Cue .20 .33 .07 .54 (Turner et al., 1987), which posits that group identification in-
Model 3 (moderation model) creases the likelihood that a group identity will become personally
Three-way Interaction ⫺.82 .34 ⫺.27 .02
salient and cognitively activated in the presence of situational cues
Note. Gender was coded ⫺1 (men) and 1 (women). Ethnicity was coded that implicate that identity (Spears et al., 1999). There are, how-
⫺1 (Asian American) and 1 (Latino). Ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue was ever, other potential explanations for these results. Specifically, it
coded ⫺1 (control condition) and 1 (ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue con- is possible that the experimental manipulation primed high and
dition). low ethnically identified individuals but that only highly identified
individuals were affected by it. For example, it is possible that
highly ethnically identified Asian Americans experienced greater
replicating the stereotype boost effect (e.g., Shih et al., 1999). To
pride and confidence in the experimental condition because of
test the expected stereotype threat effect, I assigned a weight of 3
their personal attachment to the group (E. Smith, 1993). In addi-
to Latinos in the ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue condition and a
tion, it is possible that Latinos in the experimental condition were
weight of ⫺1 to Latinos in the control condition and to Asian
more motivated to disconfirm the negative group stereotype to
Americans in both conditions. A final regression analysis showed
maintain a positive social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979).
that this contrast code was significant ( ⫽ ⫺.45, p ⫽ .005),
Clearly, additional research is necessary to understand exactly why
indicating that Latinos in the ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue con-
group identification increases susceptibility to the stereotype boost
dition performed significantly worse than their counterparts, thus
and stereotype threat effects.
replicating the stereotype threat effect (e.g., Steele & Aronson,
1995).
Conclusion
Step 3: Moderation Model This study showed support for the central hypothesis that group
identification increases susceptibility to the stereotype boost and
The inclusion of the three-way interaction resulted in a signif-
stereotype threat effects among Asian Americans and Latinos,
icant increase in explained variance (⌬R2 ⫽ .05), ⌬F(1, 96) ⫽
respectively. This provides initial evidence that group identifica-
5.61, p ⫽ .02. To examine the hypothesis that ethnic identification
tion moderates the stereotype boost effect and provides converging
would moderate the stereotype boost and stereotype threat effects,
evidence for Schmader’s (2002) finding that gender identification
I conducted tests of the simple slopes of ethnicity– ethnic stereo-
moderates the stereotype threat effect among women, suggesting
type cue at 1 standard deviation above and below the mean of
that group identification has similar effects across different stereo-
ethnic identification for each ethnic group (Aiken & West, 1991).
typed groups, regardless of the valance of the group stereotype
This analysis showed that for Asian Americans, the simple effect
(i.e., increases susceptibility to the stereotype boost and stereotype
of ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue on math performance was sig-
threat effects). These findings are consistent with the theoretical
nificant for those who were high in ethnic identification ( ⫽ .57,
contentions of self-categorization theory and highlight an impor-
p ⫽ .01) but not for those who were low in ethnic identification
tant similarity between stereotype boost and stereotype threat,
( ⫽ .07, p ⫽ .67). For Latinos, the simple effect of ethnicity–
which have been discussed as somewhat different phenomena
ethnic stereotype cue on math performance was significant for
(Wheeler & Petty, 2001). In addition, alternative explanations for
those who were high in ethnic identification ( ⫽ ⫺.45, p ⫽ .02)
the findings, which will need to be tested, can be derived from
but not for those who were low in ethnic identification ( ⫽ .65,
social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This suggests that
p ⫽ .63). Thus, the prediction that ethnic identification would
increase vulnerability to the stereotype boost and stereotype threat
effects was supported.2 2
I conducted a second hierarchical regression analysis to examine the
effects of ethnicity, ethnicity– ethnic stereotype cue, and ethnic identifica-
Discussion tion on number of items attempted, controlling for math identification and
gender. None of the models in this analysis were significant, suggesting
The goal of this study was to examine ethnic identification as a that the observed effects on overall math performance were not the result
moderator of the stereotype boost (Shih et al., 1999) and stereotype of differences in number of items attempted.
98 BRIEF REPORTS
Figure 1. Moderation of stereotype boost (Asian Americans) and stereotype threat (Latinos) effects by ethnic
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
identification.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
self-categorization and social identity theories (Tajfel & Turner, Identity salience and shifts in quantitative performance. Psychological
1979; Turner et al., 1987) can provide useful frameworks for Science, 10, 80 – 83.
further examinations of the stereotype boost and stereotype threat Smith, E. (1993). Social identity and social emotions: Toward new con-
effects. ceptualizations of prejudice. In D. Mackie & D. Hamilton (Eds.), Affect,
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(pp. 297–315). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
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