Origin, Development, Tramsmission

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 KOGEN MIZUNO

BUDDHIS
SUTRAS
Origin,
Development,
Transmission

KOSEI P u b lish in g C o . • Tokyo

This book was first published seriaUy in the monthly magazine Klmi" and
later in book form under the title Kysen: Sono Seiritsu to TenJcai. Transla­
tion by Morio Takanashi, Koichiro Yoshida, Takahiro Matsumura, and
Kazumasa Osaka adapted by Rebecca M. Davis.

Shown on the cover are early nineteenth-century p^m-leaf manuscripts

of portions of the section Saliiyatana-vagga (Book on the Six Sense
Organs) in the Samyutta-nikiiya (Kindred Sayings), one of the Five
Nikayas of the Pali canon. The manuscripts, in the coUection of the
National Library of Thailand, are reproduced by permission of the Fine
Arts Department of the Ministry of Education, Bangkok. Photographs
by Sone Simatrang.

Cover design by Nobu Miyazaki. Editing, book design, and typography

by Rebecca M. Davis. The text of this book is set in Monotype Basker-
vile with hand-set Optima for display.

First English edition, 1982

Third printing, 1987

Published by Kosei Publishing Co., Kosei Building, 2-7-1 Wada, Sugi-

nami-ku, Tokyo 166. Copyright © 1980, 1982 by Kosei Publishing Co.;
all rights reserved. Printed in Japan.

ISBN 4-333-01028-4 LCC Card No. 82-175400

 Contents

Preface 7

1. Introduction 13
Probems of Definition 13
The Meaning of the Word Sutra 15
The Origin of the Sutras 17

2. The Sutras and Their Languages 25

Languages of the Sutras 25
Pali Studies 29
Non-Pali Sutras 32
Scripts and Sutras 36

3. Translating the Scriptures 41

The Earliest Chinese Translations 41
Other Early Chinese Translations 46
Problems in Rendering Sanskrit into Chinese 52

4. Early Translators 57
Kumarajiva 57
Fa-hsien 62
Other Early Translators 70
5
6 CONTENTS

5. Hsüan-tsang, the Law Seeker 77

The Early Years and the Journey to India 77
The Indian Years and the Return to China 82
The Translation Years 87

6. The Chinese Court and Buddhism 93

Protection and Persecution 93
Translation Sponsors 98
Sutra Catalogues and Late Translations 102

7. Scriptural Controversy 111

Authorized Scripture H I
Genuine and Spurious Sutras 114
The Authenticity of Mahayana Sutras 122
Early Modem Controversy 128

8. Scriptural Interpretation and Doctrinal Distinctions 135

Sutra Studies and the Classification
of Doctrines 135
Interpreting the Sutras 141
Sectarian P ’an-ch/lUJ 149

9. The Sutras in Script and Print 157

Recording the Sutras 157
Copying the Sutras 164
Printing the Sutras 171
Later Editions of the Chinese Canon 179

Appendix: Scriptures and Catalogues 187

Glossary-Index 207

MapfoWowj page 63
 Preface

T h e HISTORY of the transmission of Buddhism from India, the land

ofits origin, to those countries where it took root and flourished is in
essence the story of the transmission of its teachings as recorded in
its sutras, or scriptures. In an age of almost instantaneous com­
munications via satellite and when enormous numbers of people are
qualified to translate materials into one or another of the world’s
languages, it is easy for us to lose sight of the magnitude of the
difficulties encountered by the priests and monks who began carry­
ing the menage of an Indian sage to other countries some two and
a half millennia ago.
^ ^ e n Shakyamuni, the historical Buddha and founder of Bud­
dhism, first preached his message, India was already a country of
many mutually unintelligible languages, few of which had written
forms. Though the task of disseminating the teachings ofBuddhism
was thus difficult even in the land of that religion’s birth, still
greater obstacles had to be overcome in taking Buddhism to China,
where its practice, study, and development burgeoned and whence
its influence extended to Korea and Japan.
A trickle oflndian and Central Asian Buddhist monks and priests
made their way to China in the early centuries of the Christian Era.
Mter perilous journeys, most often on foot, across forbidding moun-
ranges and deserts, they had to cope not only with unfamiliar
languages but also with a vastly different culture and philosophical
7
8 PREFACE

system. As the teachings these monks took with them gained ad­
herents, the Chinese in their thirst for greater knowledge began to
seek the original scriptures of their new religion.
In order to learn more about the religion and take that knowledge
back to China, a number of earnest, intrepid Chinese pilgrims made
their way to India, foUowing many of the same desert and mountain
routes their preceptors had taken. The depth of their belief can be
judged by such pilgrims as Fa-hsien (340?-420?), who undertook
the arduous journey to India when he was already in his sixties— in
a time when few people reached the age of sixty. For more than a
thousand years, beginning around the second century a .d., Buddhist
scriptures were transmitted to China and rendered into Chinese by
many translators, both Central Asian and Chinese; the Chinese
pilgrim and eminent translator Hsüan-tsang (ca. 596-644) trans­
lated the largest quantity of scriptures. Today the Chinese canon
contains by far the largest body of Buddhist scripture, including a
great many important works for which the Indic originals are no
longer extant.
Because China was the one country in which Buddhist scriptures
were always translated into the local language and studied ex­
haustively, and because China gave birth to most of the extant sects
of Mahayana Buddhism, the story of the transmission of Buddhist
scriptures to China is a particularly important and fascinating one.
And because Buddhism became and has remained a source of solace
and spiritual support for a large portion of the world’s population,
I decided to recount some of that story for general readers some
years ago in a series of articles that appeared in twenty-eight con­
secutive issues of the magazine Kosei. In 1980 those articles were
gathered together and published as a book in Japanese, appearing
in the book in the same order in which I had written them for the
magazine. For this English-language version of that book, I have
completely reorganized the material.
Because I intended this book for the general reader, I have used
simplified transliterations of Pali and Sanskrit words throughout
the text, but the orthodox spellings are included in the appendix
and the index. Since I refer to documents and teachings belonging
to both the Northern and the Southern Buddhist traditions, I have
 PREFACE 9
used both Sanskrit and Pali in the text, depending on which is ap­
propriate, Northern Buddhist texts having been written in San­
skrit and Southern Buddhist texts in Pali. Thus I have used both
Tipitaka (Pali) and Tripitaka (Sanskrit) in referring to the same
kind of scriptural collection. The Wade-Giles system of romaniza-
tion has been used throughout for Chinese words, partly because it
is more familiar and perhaps more readable than the new Pin-yin
system, but principally because it is the established system in
Western works on Chinese Buddhism. Hence readers interested in
doing further reading can easily find in other books the people,
places, and works mentioned here. Some Chinese place names, such
as Nanking, are given consistently in their modern form because
they have had numerous names throughout the long history of
China. With the names of those few Japanese who figure in this
story of the transmission of the sutras, I have followed the Japanese
practice of giving the surname followed by the personal name.
Finally, although in recent years it has become a common
practice in general works on Buddhism to use the terms Mahayana
and Theravada to designate the two major streams of Buddhism—
that is, Northern and Southern Buddhism— in this book I use the
terms Mahayana and Hinayana for specific reasons. Though Hina­
yana (literally, “ Small Vehicle” ) was a derogatory t e ^ coined by
Mahayana (or “ Great Vehicle” ) Buddhists, it designates the entire
stream of Abhidharma Buddhism, of which Theravada (Way of the
Elders) was only one among many sects.
During the age of primitive Buddhism, the religion’s earliest pe­
riod, there was but one body of Buddhism. Not long after 300 B.C.,
however, that age came to an end with the division of the religion
into two sects that later subdivided into eighteen or twenty sects,
ushering in the period of Abhidharma, or sectarian Hinayana, Bud­
dhism, which lasted until the begin^^g of the first century a .d. From
that time until about a .d. 300, which is the period of early M aha­
yana Buddhism, Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhism existed side
by side. The middle period of Mahayana Buddhism, from about
300 to about 700, was dominated by Mahayana and Hinayana
scholastic Buddhism. Following the age of primitive Buddhism, a
number of Mahayana and Hinayana sects were born and flour­
10 PREFACE

ished. Today Theravada Buddhism is the only s^urvivor of all the

Hinayana sects, and in that sense it is not incorrect to equate mod­
ern Theravada and modern Southern Buddhism; but for the pe­
riods of which I speak in this book such usage is unacceptable.
BUDDHIST SUTRAS
 ONE

Introduction

PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION The word jStra in S a n s ^ t, or sutta

in Pali, refers primarily to Buddhist
scripture. Although it is easy enough to recognize a sutra, or scrip­
ture, it is not easy to say exactly what constitutes a sutra.
To use an analogy, we have vague ideas about many things we
could not explain fully or clearly if asked to do so because the things
we can see or hear are easier for us to describe than are abstract
concepts. Religion, for instance, is a difficult concept to define, since
it encompasses such a variety of beliefs, from the very primitive to
the most mature. Major religions, such as Buddhism, Christianity,
and Islam, would all be defined differently, and even within each
of these religions we find diverse interpretations. The many sects
and schools of Buddhism, for instance, do not always agree com­
pletely in their thinking on religion or Buddhism. Moreover, not all
people have the same depth of faith and degree of understanding
of religion. This is why scholars still cannot agree on one incontro­
vertible definition of religion.
The foUowing parable from the Pali sutra Udana (Solemn U t­
terances of the Buddha) is a classic illustration of the pitfalls of
defining something.
A king invited a group of blind men to his palace and brought
an elephant before them. He then asked each man to say what he
thought the elephant looked like. The first man touched the
13
14 INTRODUCTION

elephant’s head and said it was like a ja r; the second man felt its
ear and was certain it resembled a winnower; the third touched the
elephant’s tusk and declared that it was like a pointed spear; the
fourth man patted the elephant’s leg and stated it was like a pillar;
and so they continued.
Each man, on touching the elephant with his own hands, had a
definite opinion of what it was like and, thinking himself right and
the others wrong, flatly denied the others’ reports. None would ad­
mit that another explanation could possibly be right because each
allowed for only a partial description.
With this parable the historical Buddha, Shakyamuni, demon­
strated to his disciples that, by disputing one another’s beliefs and
insisting on their own theories of life and the world, the non­
Buddhist philosophers and people of religion prevented themselves
from attaining enlightenment. Their insistence on the correctness of
their own theories and views, which were based on an incomplete
examination of the whole question, resembles the blind men groping
at the elephant. Through this parable the Buddha taught his dis­
ciples that they must have an all-embracing view of the world and
of life.
We, too, must have a correct view of both religion and Buddhism
as a whole, yet an abstract concept is difficult to understand and de­
fine correctly. We can more easily understand and correctly define
something that can be comprehended directly through our senses.
Even when we are dealing with something concrete, however,
our understanding of it may be different from someone else’s be­
cause of our personal relationship to it. For example, in Buddhism
water is understood in four ways, depending upon the audience.
Hungry spirits, who thirst for water, see it as purulent because their
evil karma from the past causes the water to look like pus and blood
to them. To fish, water is an abode. Heavenly beings are said to
regard water as land ornamented with lapis lazuli and jewels, since,
viewed from high above, lakes are seen as beautiful and brilliant
crystals or jewels. And then there is water as we human beings
understand it.
But even human beings see water in many ways. Chemists know
it as H 2 O ; to physicists it is liquid, vapor, clouds, ice, or snow; and
 MEANING OF T H E W O R D S U T R A 15

to a thirsty person it is relief. On the one hand, we need water

for drinking, washing, extin^^hing fires, irrigation, and electric
power. On the other hand, water causes floods, tidal waves, and
landslides. Obviously even water must be considered from many
points of view and can be defined and explained in many ways.

THE MEANING OF The word sutra had been used in Brah-

THE WORD SUTRA manism before the advent of Buddhism; it
was used in Jainism at the time that Bud­
dhism was first propounded; and it was used in various schools of
Indian philosophy in later periods. The Sanskrit word sutra origi­
nally meant a string or thread. Important words or brief phrases
Störung together were thus called sutras by analogy with the string
or thread with which a garland of flowers is made. Sutra, therefore,
once referred to a prose collection of short, important sayings and
did not include verse.
This form of sutra, used in Brahmanism, was handed down over
the centuries, and some of the Brahmanic sutras are still extant.
The Shrauta-sutra, for instance, presents the official prayer rituals
conducted by a Brahman using three fires; the Grihya-sutra ex­
plains the private prayer ritual performed by the head of a family
using one fire; and the Dharma-sutra contains civil laws and regu­
lations, including those pertaining to the caste system on which
Indian society was based. These three classics are composed in short,
simple prose designed to be committed to memory and handed
down orally.
The form and style of the Brahmanic sutras were adopted by
Buddhism, and for this reason in Buddhism, too, “sutra" once
meant only teachings recorded in simple prose. The Buddha’s
sermons, said to number eighty-four thousand, were grouped in
several categories according to form and content. Originally the
word sutra referred to only one of those categories, and teachings
that did not fall into that category were not called sutras. Here
sutra is used in its original, narrower sense and means simply a
collection of essential teachings cast in straightforward prose.
Today, the word sutra is rarely used in the above sense: it refers
16 IN TRODUCTION

instead to all the sermons of the Buddha. T he oldest compilations of

his sermons, the Five Nikayas of the Pali canon and the Four
Agamas of the Chinese canon, are known coUectively as the Agama
sutras and are also called the Sutra-pitaka, or Sutra Basket, meaning
a collection of scriptures.* Each sermon included in the Sutra-
pitaka is caUed a sutra. Although the Mahayana sutras were com­
piled well after the Agama sutras, they too are called sutras, since
they are composed in the same form as the Agama sutras and are
regarded as true accounts of the Buddha’s teachings.
Apart from the sermons collected in the Sutra-pitaka, numerous
precepts, or monastic rules (vinaya), were recorded to form the
Vinaya-pitaka, or Ordinance Basket, and became part of the Bud­
dhist canon along with the Sutra-pitaka. Some ^rne after the death
of the Buddha, leading disciples who began to study the sutras or­
ganized and arranged the Buddha’s teachings theologically and
philosophically and composed the doctrinal commentaries called
Abhidharma that are found in the Abhidharma-pitaka, or Treatise
Basket.
The period of primitive Buddhism was followed by the age of
Abhidhamma (or Hinayana) Buddhism, in which the Pali Sutta-
pitaka, Vinaya-pitaka, and Abhidhamma-pitaka were regarded as
the Law Treasure of Buddhism. Together these three works are
known as the Tipitaka, or the Three Baskets, but only the scriptures
in the Sutta-pitaka are usually called sutras.
^ ^ e n Buddhist scriptures were first translated into Chinese, the
organization of the Tipitaka was not known in China; hence the
Chinese regarded as sutras not only the sermons in the Sutta-pitaka
but also the precepts and commentaries in the Vinaya- and Abhi-
dhamma-pitakas. Eventually, as more scriptures were translated into

* The Agama sutras of the Pali canon consist of the complete Pali Sutta-pitaka,
containing the Five Nikayas: Digha-nikaya (Long Sayings), Majjhima-nikaya
(Middle-Length Sayings), Samyutta-nikaya (Kindred Sayings), Anguttara-
nikaya (Gradual Sayings), and Khuddaka-nikaya (Minor Sayings). The Agama
sutras of the Chinese canon consist of a Sutra-pitaka, translated ft-om S^^krit,
comprising the Four Agamas—Dirgha-ag^ama, Madhyama-agama, Samyukta-
agama, and Ekottara-agama, the Sanskrit equivalents ofthe first four of the Five
Nikayas. (The Chinese Agama sutras also contain some fragments and inde­
pendent sutras not found in the Pali Agama sutras.)
 T H E O R IG IN OF T H E S U T R A S 17

Chinese and the customs of Indian Buddhism became better known,

only the scriptures in the Sutta-pitaka were called sutras. Other
works were given clearly different titles, such as the Four-Category
Vinaya and the Treatise on the Completion of Truth.
Some original Indic sutra texts are not caUed sutras even when
they are in fact sutras. In the Chinese versions, however, the Chi­
nese word for sutra is used in their titles. For example, the Dham­
mapada (or Dharmapada), which does not contain the word sutra
in its title, is included in the Sutta-pitaka; and since it is regarded
as the teaching of the Buddha, it can be called a sutra.
With the appearance of more Chinese translations of the Sutta-,
Vinaya-, and Abhidhamma-pitakas drawn from both Hinayana
and Mahayana sources, the translations were recorded in catalogues
or stored in temple libraries. The translations were referred to col­
lectively by the Sanskrit title Tripitaka, translated as “ Great Store­
house Scripture,” meaning a complete collection of the sutras.
The Chinese Tripitaka includes not only the Sutta-, Vinaya-,
and Abhidhamma-pitakas but also works by high-ranking Indian
monks and by non-Buddhist teachers of the Vaisheshika and San-
khya schools. Moreover, other famous works, commentaries, histo­
ries, and catalogues of Buddhist scriptures composed in China also
came to be included in the Chinese Tripitaka, and all those works
can also be regarded as sutras.
In a larger perspective it becomes easy to see just how indistinct
the concept of a sutra is. In addition to the various kinds of sutras
already mentioned, in Japan certain works written by the Japanese
founders of Buddhist sects are recited, and those works too are called
sutras, in the broader sense.

THE ORIGIN OF There is a certain uniformity in the styles of the

THE SUTRAS works that are generally caUed Buddhist sutras.
For instance, sutras co^mmonly begin with the
phrase “Thus have I heard” and end with the words “ Hearing the
Buddha’s sermon, the entire audience rejoiced greatly and believed
and accepted the teachings” or “ The entire audience rejoiced
greatly, accepted and kept the words of the Buddha, to whom they
18 INTRODUCTION

paid their respects, and then departed.” Immediately following

the words “Thus have I heard,” sutras present a description of the
site where the Buddha was preaching.
Not only are sutras used to make a teaching clear so believers can
understand and practice it, but also they are used for recitation,
since in Mahayana Buddhism, for example, reciting a sutra is be­
lieved to bring merit to the reciter. Thus it was necessary that
written sutras be both easy to read and pleasant to the ear. At the
beginning of the fifth century a .d., Kumarajiva, the great translator
of such important scriptures as the Lotus Sutra, paid considerable
attention to the fact that they would be spoken aloud and took great
care to fashion sentences that would both convey the original mean­
ing correctly and be euphonious. Kumarajiva’s excellent style of
translation became the model for all subsequent translations into
Chinese.
The oldest sutras handed down to the present were assembled at
the First Buddhist Council, which the Buddha’s foremost disciples
convened shortly after his death (around 480 b .c .) in order to
compile his sermons. At that council one of the Buddha’s ten great
disciples, Ananda, who was famous for his memory and is said to
have memorized all the Buddha’s sermons, recited for those present
everything that he had heard from the Buddha. According to tradi­
tion, Ananda began his accounts of the sermons with the words
“Thus have I heard,” and when his fellow disciples had heard and
approved his recitations, they were regarded as sutras, true teach­
ings of the Buddha.
Both Shariputra and Maudgalyayana, the Buddha’s two greatest
disciples, had died about a year before the council; and the Buddha,
feeling discouraged, knew his own death was approaching. While
on a teaching mission in Magadha, Maha-Kashyapa, who was now
considered the Buddha’s chief disciple, sensed that the death of the
eighty-year-old Shakyamuni was near, and so with his five hundred
companions he set out to return to the north.
When Maha-Kashyapa’s group reached the viUage of Pava, they
encountered a believer of another religious sect. Their questions as
to the whereabouts of Shakyamuni were answered with the news
that the Buddha had died about a week before in nearby Kushi-
 T H E O R I G I N OF T H E S U T R A S 19

nagara and that the flower the believer held in his hand had been
part of the funeral decorations.
That news was a great shock. The monks who were enlightened
endured their sadness, believing that liVng beings were born to die,
in accordance with the truth “All things are impermanent.” The
monks who had not yet reached enlightenment wept and prostrated
themselves.
But Maha-Kashyapa overheard one man who had become a
monk in his old age sayng that the death of Shakyamuni was a
cause for rejoicing, not sorrow, since, with him gone, they would all
be free to do precisely what they wanted without being advised and
reprimanded by him at every turn. Maha-Kashyapa thought that
if m onS of this kind, willing to break the moral precepts, were to
increase in the Buddhist Order, the Buddha’s true teachings would
not be preached and thus would not be followed. He saw at once
that to prevent this it was essential to compile the Buddha’s true
teachings and decided to produce a collection of the sutras.
When Maha-Kashyapa reached Kushinagara, the funeral cere­
monies were over. He called together the mo^nks gathered there and
suggested a council to compile all the teachings of the Buddha. This
was essential if the true Law was to survive and if false laws and
precepts were to be prevented from springing up. The assembly
agreed and chose five hundred arhats, or enlightened disciples, to
participate in the task. The ensuing council, held three months
after Shakyamuni’s death during the three-month rainy season, met
in the Cave of the Seven Leaves at the foot of Mount Vibhara near
Rajagriha, the original capital of Magadha.
I have said that five hundred arhats were delegated to coilect the
teachings, but in fact only four hundred and ninety-nine were
arhats, since Ananda had not yet reached the final stage of enlight­
enment when the council was convened. Nevertheless, Maha-
Kashyapa and many other monks agreed it would be impossible
to exclude him, because during the last twenty-five years of Sha­
kyamuni’s life Ananda had been in constant attendance on their
master. He had heard more of Shakyamuni’s sermons than any­
one else and had remembered all of them perfectly. Moreover, he
had heard and learned from Shakyamuni and feilow monks all the
20 INTRODUCTION

sermons delivered before he himself had entered the religious life.

Ananda wanted desperately to achieve total enlightenment be­
fore the great work began, yet on the night before the council was
to meet he still had not attained his goal. He stayed up until late
but without success. According to tradition, when he finally went to
bed his feet refused to stay down and his head rose from the pillow.
Suddenly, in that instant, he was enlightened and was at last fully
qualified to participate in the council.
During the meeting, led by Maha-Kashyapa, Ananda recited all
the sermons and Upali, known for his thorough knowledge of the
precepts, recited all the ordinances. Seated before the assembly,
Ananda recited the Buddha’s teachings one by one from memory,
starting each sermon with the words “ Thus have I heard.” Deeply
moved, the assembly listened thoughtfully, made oral corrections
when necessary, and finally approved Ananda’s recitation, com­
pleting the first compilation of sermons.

The majority of the primitive Agama sutras consist of the Buddha’s

own teachings, but many recorded sermons were either preached
by his c ^ e f disciples at his request or preached by disciples and later
approved by him.
On one occasion, for example, the Buddha taught his many dis­
ciples the Law of the Four Noble Truths* and then complimented
his two greatest disciples, Shariputra and Maudgalyayana, who
were present. The Buddha said that since Shariputra was like a
biological mother and Maudgalyayana was like a foster mother, all
his disciples should be close to both of them. He went on to say that
Shariputra would explain the Law of the Four Noble Truths in
detail and then left. Shariputra did explain the Law of the Four
Noble Truths and the teaching of the Eightfold Path,t and his
• The Four Noble Truths are: (I) the Truth of Suffering, that is, all existence
entails sufering; (2) the Truth of Cause, that is, suffering is caused by ignorance,
which gives rise to craving and illusion; (3) the Truth of Extinction, that is, there
is an end to suffering, and this state of no suffering is called nirvana; and (4) the
Truth of the Path, that is, is attained through the practice of the Eight­
fold Path.
t The Eightfold Path consists of right view, right ^^^mg, right speech, right
action, right living, right efort, right memory, and right meditation.
 T H E O R IG IN OF T H E SUTRAS 21

sermon is recorded in the sutra known as the Discourse on the

Analysis of the Truths (Sacchavibhanga-sutta). And at another
time, when the Buddha was indisposed because of back pain,
Shariputra preached to the assembly in his stead.
The nun Dhammadinna had been the wife of Visakha, a rich
man in Rajagriha. Visakha, a devoted Buddhist who listened in­
tently to the Buddha’s sermons, had attained the level of enlight­
enment called sakadagaminy meaning he would have to experience
only one more rebirth into world. Though he always remained
kind to his wife, after he attained this level of enlightenment his
sexual desire gradually decreased. Dhammadinna asked him the
reason, and he replied that having faith in the Buddha’s teaching
lessened his physical desire. Understanding then for the first time
that he was indeed a devout Buddhist, she obtained his permission
to enter the order of nuns. Through wholehearted religious disci­
pline Dhammadinna attained the highest level of enlightenment
earlier than her husband, becoming an arhat. Wishing to share this
faith with her husband, she went to visit him and expounded many
teachings, which are recorded in the sutra known as the Lesser
Discourse of the Miscellany (Chulavedalla-sutta). Dhammadinna
eventually came to be the greatest preacher of all the nuns.
Chitta, the wisest of all the lay Buddhists, was as well versed in
the Buddha’s teachings as the monks. Though he remained a lay
believer, he disseminated the teaching, led friends and relatives to
the Buddha’s way, and converted people of other religions to Bud­
dhism. He also engaged in doctrinal discussions with monks, some­
times preaching to them, and his words too were recorded.
There are other sutras that are said to record theological discus­
sions between the Buddha and the Hindu deities Brahma and Indra
and between the Buddha and various kinds of demons.
Such sutras as these, composed by authors both human and non­
human, were still regarded as the teaching of the Buddha because
the preachings of others were reported to the Buddha, who verified
their accuracy. In this sense, even though the sermons were not
actually preached by the Buddha, if they correctly conveyed his
teachings, they were, with his approval, regarded as equivalent to
his preaching and were accepted as sutras.
22 INTRODUCTION

There are also many sermons that were preached by the Bud­
dha’s disciples after his death. Not all of the extant sutras were re­
cited at the First Buddhist Council: some were not recited until
the second council, or even later, but they were still regarded as
containing the correct teaching and as being consistent with the
Buddha’s truth. Since the later sutras also begin with the phrase
“Thus have I heard,” we can infer that these words were uttered
not only by Ananda at the First Buddhist Council but also by the
reciters at following councils.
The extant sutras do not necessarily contain the Buddha’s exact
words because they were not recorded as he spoke. Furthermore, the
intelligence and mental capacities of the people who heard him
differed, so the way in which they understood the content of the
preaching differed. This is another reason that the exact words of
the Buddha could not have been handed down to us. Moreover, no
sutra has been handed down in a language the Buddha himself
used. The sutras were transmitted in other Indic languages of later
periods, and without doubt conscious and unconscious changes in
the Buddha’s words were made during several centuries of oral
transmission. In spite of all this, however, both the primitive sutras
regarded as the oldest extant sutras and the Mahayana sutras of
later periods are considered correct records of the Buddha’s words.
It should be noted that the primitive sutras were not compiled as
biography, since at the time that Shakyamuni was with his disciples,
his preaching and his disciples’ concerns centered on faith and its
practice, not the recording of his acts. However, even though those
sutras were not intended to describe the Buddha’s acts, many of
them do contain detailed accounts of his life at the begi^^ng of his
teaching ministry— after he attained enlightenment— and of the
events surrounding his death.
Many of the Buddha’s sermons recorded in the primitive sutras
are actually biographical. Because the descriptions in the p^rimitive
sutras were not intended as biography, however, they were not
embellished and the Buddha was not depicted as a superhuman
being. In this respect the primitive sutras are more reliable than the
conscious biographies of later ages.
Two or three centuries after the Buddha’s death, when memory
 T H E O R IG IN OF T H E SUTRAS 23

of Shakyamuni was diminishing, many Buddhists wanted a biog­

raphy of the Buddha, and each sect of Buddhism compiled its own
biography. More than ten biographies are extant in Chinese transla­
tion, two in a language close to pure Sanskrit, and one in Pali; and
biographies were also transmitted to Sri Lanka, Burma, and other
countries. O f the extant biographies, the Mahavastu-avadana (Great
Story), in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, is regarded as one of the oldest.
(An English-language translation of this work, The Ma^)astu, by
Jo h n J.Jo n e s, was published in London in 1949.) The biographies
produced by various sects also mention Shakyamuni’s religious dis­
ciplines in his previous lives, and some Buddhist practices still cur­
rent today are based on those accounts.
 TWO

The Sutras and Their Languages

LANGUAGES OF It is most desirable for sutras to be transmitted

THE SUTRAS in the language o f the people using them so that
their meanings can be well understood. Thus as
Buddhism spreads to more societies, the sutras must be translated
into more languages. ^mong the world’s religious texts, the Bible
has been translated into the most different languages— over sixteen
hundred of the world's roughly five thousand languages and dia­
lects— and has been distributed in about five hundred languages
and dialects in nearly two hundred countries.
When Buddhism was transmitted from India to Central Asia
more than two thousand years ago, the sutras were translated into
the local languages. Of all Buddhist scriptures, the Pali Dham­
mapada has been translated into the most languages (including
English, French, German, Italian, Japanese, and Russian) and is
the most widely read; therefore, in the West it is considered repre­
sentative of Bud^^st sutras. Yet the Dhammapada, which is in the
Hinayana tradition, is simply a presentation of introductory teach­
ings for beginners.
Four Chinese translations of the Dharmapada are extant; but
until the early nineteenth century, they were neither studied nor
read in China and Japan, where principaly Mahayana Buddhism
was accepted. The Pali Dhammapada was held in high esteem by
Westerners, however; and its influence finaUy spread to Japan,
25
26 SU T R A S AND T H E I R L A N G U A G E S

where it was widely read and studied. Although many Mahayana

sutras contain more profound teachings than the Dhammapada,
the essence of Mahayana Buddhism is not well known in the West
because its sutras have rarely been translated into Western lan­
guages.
The original language of the sutras seems to have been Magadhi,
which Shakyamuni used in preaching. O f all the Indic-Ianguage
versions of sutras used as Buddhist texts today, those written in Pali
are the most numerous and are widely used in the Southern Bud-
^ ^ st countries Sri Lanka, Burma, and Thailand. According to
Southern Buddhist tradition, Pali is regarded as the language that
Shakyamuni spoke, and therefore it is called Magadhi or the
fundamental language. However, recent studies show that although
a little of the Magadhi influence is still evident in the Pali language,
the basic characteristics of the two languages are different.
The two important language families of India are Indic and
Dravidian. All Buddhist sutras were originally compiled in Indic
languages, which developed in various parts of India over a period
of three or four thousand years. In present-day India more than
ten major languages— including Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Bihari,
Marathi, and Punjabi— belong to this family, and together they
number several hundred dialects. Sanskrit and fourteen modern
languages are now officially sanctioned by the Indian constitution,
and in a large house it is possible for several of the recognized lan­
guages to be in use, since servants from different areas and family
members would aU speak in their own languages or dialects.
This rich linguistic heritage was noted in earlier times, when, for
example, in plays one could identify a character’s occupation and
social status through the prescribed language he or she spoke.
Kings, ministers, and Brahmans spoke Sanskrit, the most highly
esteemed and inflected language; queens, princesses, nuns, and
courtesans spoke a graceful language called Shauraseni; the general
populace, such as merchants and artisans, spoke Magadhi; and the
lower classes spoke Paishachi. Even lyrics had their o ^ pleasant-
to-the-ear language, Maharashtri.
The five languages just mentioned originated in the dialects of
different areas, but the languages in Shakyamuni’s time belonged
 L A N G U A G E S OF T H E SU T R A S 27

to a period earlier than that of these five languages. However, even

in Shakyamuni’s time regional languages already differed, and
each language had its own unique characteristics, as we can see
from the edicts of Emperor Asoka, issued about two centuries after
the death of Shakyamuni. Asoka had his edicts carved on large
rocks and stone pillars, and one particular edict was written in a
different language in each of the eight areas where it has been
found. The languages of the edicts in India, which can be divided
into four or five regional groups corresponding to the spoken lan­
guages of various areas, correspond to the five languages used in
the drama of later periods. In time they became regional languages
of the Apabhrarnsha family, and sti1 later they developed into the
modern Indic languages.
The language Shakyamuni spoke was the one in general use
around the middle reaches of the Ganges, where he was active.
Since the area was later called Magadha, its language was called
Magadhi (or Old Magadhi), and because many of Emperor Asoka’s
edicts have been found in this area, we have an idea of what the
Magadhi Shakyamuni spoke was like.
In the time of Shakyamuni, the Vedas, the holy scriptures of
Brahmanism, were transmitted in Vedic Sanskrit, which was the
forerunner of clasical Sanskrit. (Both Vedic Sanskrit and classical
Sanskrit are elegant, highly inflected, complex languages.) The
Vedic scriptures were transmitted only to the educated upper
claves, never to the lower classes. Shakyamuni, who wanted his
teachings to reach all classes of society equally, thought that the
lower classes should be the focus for his ministry and therefore
preached his teaching in Magadhi, the everyday language of the
common people, so that even the lower classes could understand
him. The popularity of Buddhism can thus be understood, for on
hearing his teaching, not only nobles, ministers, and Brahmans but
also the untouchables, who had never before been offered religious
instruction, took refuge in the Buddha.
Two Brahman brothers named Yameru and Tekula, impressed
by Shakyamuni’s preaching, became Bud^^st monks. Believing
that preaching the precious teaching in the coarse Magadhi marred
the di^nty of Buddhism, they asked Shakyamuni to preach in the
28 SU T R A S AND T H E I R L A N G U A G E S

inflected, sonorous Vedic Sanskrit of the Brahmanic scriptures.

Shakyamuni, who cherished the hope of bringing his teaching to all
classes, admonished them, saying that anyone who preached Bud­
dhism in Vedic Sanskrit would be punished.
With the spread of Buddhism to various areas of India, Buddhist
sutras seem to have been translated into the languages commonly
used in those areas. As the Buddha’s ministry became increasingly
well known, disciples came to Shakyamuni from far away to become
monks, and after attaining enlightenment they returned to their
homes, where they most likely spread the Buddha’s teaching in
their native languages. For instance, Purna, distin^^shed among
the disciples as a preacher, was very active in the seaside district of
western India and won many believers there ; and M aha-K accha­
yana, foremost among the disciples in preaching widely, spread the
teaching in the western areas centered on Ujjeni, the capital of
Avanti. (Thanks to their efforts, centers of Buddhism prospered in
western India after the death of Shakyamuni. Many great ancient
Buddhist relics, such as the great stupas of Sanchi and Bharhut
and the cave monasteries of Ajanta and Ellora, still survive in that
area.)
M ter Shakyamuni passed away at the age of eighty, five hundred
of his leading disciples convened the First Buddhist Council, on the
outskirts of Rajagriha, in Magadha. Recitations at that time were
in Magadhi. The teachings gradually diffused to more distant parts
of India, and aided by Emperor Asoka’s embracing Buddhism and
propagating the Buddha’s teaching, the religion became wide­
spread in and around India. As Buddhism was disseminated abroad,
the sutras seem to have been translated from Magadhi into other
local languages.
Following the initial rupture of the Buddhist Order— around the
time of Emperor Asoka, in the third century B.c.— some eighteen
or twenty schools of Buddhism eventually emerged. The differences
among the schools consisted partially in their understanding and
interpretation of the sutras and precepts, and a number of those
differences arose because of a lack of communication owing to
geographical barriers and because of translating the sutras into
many different languages.
 PALI STUDIES 29
PALI STUDIES Pali is a dialect o f Indic Prakrit, and ofaU extant
documents written in Middle Indic languages,
those written in Pali are by far the most numerous. Next come the
Jain scriptures written in Ardha-magadhi (Half Magadhi), which
is close to Pali.
Since Jainism was born at almost the same time and place as
Buddhism, prospered in company with Buddhism, and held similar
beliefs, Western scholars for a time regarded Jainism as a sect of
Buddhism because the content and language of the scriptures of the
two religions resemble each other. Although some of the differences
are subtle, scholars eventually recognized that they were in fact dif­
ferent religions.
The Pali language of Buddhism, which developed earlier than the
Ardha-magadhi language ofJainism , was more inflected than Ar­
dha-magadhi. Among the Prakrit languages that are known today,
Pali is the oldest, and except for the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
used in Mahayana sutras, for example, it is closest to orthodox San­
skrit (classical Sanskrit). Ancient word forms seen in Vedic Sanskrit
still survive today in Pali.
Linguistically, Pali is a form of the ancient Paishachi tongue.
Before and during Emperor Asoka’s time, Paishachi was in common
use in western India, and the sermons that Shakyamuni delivered
in Magadhi were translated into Paishachi, which later developed
into Pali. But when Buddhism was taken to Southeast Asia by
Asoka’s son Mahinda, the sermons were transmitted in Pali and
thus were unintelligible to the people they were meant for, a situ­
ation far from the intention of Shakyamuni, who wished to let all
people know Buddhism. (Interestingly, though the word Pali means
“holy scripture,” it does not appear in primitive sutras.)
Mahinda was born to the young prince Asoka’s first wife, Devi—
a devout Buddhist and the daughter of a powerful family— while
Asoka was governor-general in western India. Eventually Asoka
returned to the capital city of Pataliputra (present-day Patna) as
emperor, leaving Mahinda behind to be raised by his mother, whose
language was Paishachi. The Buddhism Mahinda transmitted to
Sri Lanka in Paishachi, or Pali, was the Theravada (Way of the
Elders) Buddhism that was widely accepted in western India.
30 S U T R A S AND T H E I R L A N G U A G E S

Theravada Buddhism was transmitted from Sri Lanka to Burma,

Thailand, and other countries after the first century a .d., and Pali
was probably used for communication.
Sinhalese, a language of Indic extraction, was spoken in Sri Lan­
ka; Burman, of Tibetan origin, in Burma; and Thai, of Chinese
extraction, in Thailand. Pali, the language of the holy scriptures,
was therefore a convenient language for communication among
Buddhists from these countries. Pali was a practical language for
communication and conversation, and even today monks in these
countries speak Pali and communicate with monks in other coun­
tries in this language.
A great many ancient Pali sutras have been preserved in such
Southern (or Theravada) Buddhist countries as Sri Lanka, Burma,
and Thailand. In addition to the eighteen or twenty schools of
Hinayana Buddhism in India, there were also various schools of
Mahayana Buddhism ; but of aU the sects and schools of Buddhism,
Theravada Buddhism, one of the major Hinayana schools, is the
only one that possesses a complete canon in a single language.
The beginning of Southern Buddhism dates from about the ^third
century b . c ., when Emperor Asoka sent his oldest son, Mahinda, a
Buddhist monk, to Sri Lanka with his disciples as one of the em­
peror’s missionary delegations to nine places inside and outside
India. When Theravada Buddhism was later transmitted to Burma,
Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos— where it is still practiced de-
voudy— its sutras were handed down in Pali. But Pali-Ianguage
Buddhist texts were introduced into Japan only in the nineteenth
century, with the influx of Western learning.
Westerners started traveling to the Orient in the fifteenth cen­
tury, and in the early nineteenth century the English and French
became interested in Theravada Buddhism, which was popular
in India and Sri Lanka. At that time the Westerners who studied
Buddhism were mosdy Christian missionaries who attempted to
prove Buddhism an inferior religion in order to propagate Christi­
anity. The missionaries possessed a strong scholarly curiosity about
Buddhism: some were interested in the Pali language, and others
were concerned with the doctrines and history of Buddhism. Thus
Westerners came to study Pali sutras seriously.
 PALI STUDIES 31
Copies ofPali sutras from India and Sri Lanka were collected in
E ng!and, France, Germany, and Denmark. In 1815, while Sri
Lanka was under English rule, the British studied Pali in order to
control the country, and in 1824 a Christian missionary in Colom­
bo published a voluminous Pali grammar with an extensive Pali
vocabulary. In 1826, the young French scholar Eugene Burnouf
(1801-52) and Christian Lassen (1800-1876), a Norwegian-born
German who was studying in France at the time, presented their
“ Essay on Pali.” Although the Pali language was then little known
in Europe, their essay elicited a favorable response in the academic
world. From that time on, the study ofPali and Pali-language Bud­
dhist texts gradually advanced in both Sri Lanka and Europe. A
real achievement was the publication, in 1855, of the Pali Dham­
mapada by a young Danish scholar named Michael Viggo Fausb!/.lll.
Before becoming a professor there in 1878, Fausb!/.lll (I821-I908)
was a librarian at the University of Copenhagen library, which
housed a large collection of works in Pali, including jatakas, stories
of the previous incarnations of Shakyamuni. Although Fausb!/.lll
initially took up Pali in order to study the jatakas, his first publica­
tion was the Pali Dhammapada, which was published in romanized
Pali with a Latin translation and careful revisions. M ter twenty
years of immense labor, he finally published a six-volume translation
of the original texts of the jatakas.
In the late I870s, original Pali texts also began to be published
in other countries, including Germany and England, and after I882
all Pali texts were published by the Pali T ext Society in London
through the cooperation of scholars throughout the world. The
books published by that society number over one hundred and
fifty, and comprehensive Pali dictionaries and translations of the
sutras are also available.
Influenced by the work of Western scholars, Japanese scholars
of Buddhism began to study the Pali language and Pali texts late in
the nineteenth century. They undertook a comparative study of
sutras in Pali and in Chinese, and today each of the thousands of
sutras that comprise the Pali canon has been investigated in com­
parison with Chinese versions. Such study has helped give Japanese
Buddhologists a clearer understanding of the meaning of the sutras.
32 SU T R A S AND T H E I R L A N G U A G E S

The Agama sutras, which were regarded as an inferior teaching

before the nineteenth century, came to the fore. Since the Pali
Agama sutras belong to the ancient school of Buddhism, their true
teaching could have been lost or distorted over such a long period
of time; however, they record the words and deeds of the Buddha
and contain almost all the sources of Mahayana teachings. Thus,
in Jap an it is commonly held that, for a correct understanding, a
thorough study of Mahayana Buddhism must include both primi­
tive and fundamental Buddhism.
T he study of Pali sutras has served three important purposes. It
has helped to provide a correct understanding ofboth p^mitive and
fundamental Buddhism as the basis of Buddhism; to advance unity
and cooperation among Japanese Buddhists of different sects, since
the Mahayana Buddhist sects all originate in the same sources—
primitive and fundamental Buddhism; and to provide agreement
that Shakyamuni was the founder of Buddhism.
Romanized Pali sutras and their English translations were pub­
lished in London, and sutras in Pali were published in Sri Lanka,
Thailand, and Burma using the indigenous scripts. In honor of
Takakusu JunjirO (186&-1945), who had made great contributions
in introducing Pali Buddhism, Western Buddhology, and Indian
philosophy toJap an , a Pali Tipitaka, a complete collection of Pali-
language scriptures, was translated into Japanese. Over forty
Japanese scholars of Buddhism translated the collection, which was
compiled as sixty-five fascicles in seventy books and took almost six
years to complete. The publication of that work, in 1941, contrib­
uted greatly to the study of Pali texts in Japan.

NON-PALl SUTRAS In addition to Pali three other Indic lan­

guages are known in extant primitive sutras.
One is a language close to classical Sanskrit; another is a Sanskrit
derivative; and the third is Gandhari Prakrit, a member of the same
language family as Pali.
The first of these languages was used in the sutras of the Sa^rvasti-
vadin sect and in many of the Mahayana sutras. The Sarvastivaclin
sect prospered in northwestern India— in Kas^hmir and Gandhara
 NON-PALI SUTRAS 33
(in present-day Pakistan). Sanskrit had been born in those regions,
and there the sutras were transmitted in a corruption of classical
Sanskrit that was in common use. Later, classical Sanskrit came into
use in general studies, religion, and literature, and the Sarvastivadin
sect and followers of Mahayana Buddhism made revisions in their
sutras that brought the language of their scriptures closer to classical
Sanskrit.
The doctrine of the Sarvastivadin sect, which produced a number
of outstanding scholars, was regarded as representative of Hinayana
Buddhism, and its theory influenced other Hinayana sects and
Mahayana Buddhism as well. Most of the Hinayana Buddhist
teachings transmitted to China were those of the Sarvastivadin sect.
Many of this sect’s original Sanskrit texts have been discovered in
India, Nepal, and Central Asia, but most of them are incomplete.
The second language was a corrupt Sanskrit spoken in north­
western India and seems to be the language first used for the writ­
ten sutras of the Sarvastivadin sect. The oldest Mahayana sutras
were also written in this language. ^fter classical Sanskrit became
an established scholarly language, this corrupt vernacular was also
modified to more closely imitate classical Sanskrit.
Although it is easy to translate prose into Sanskrit, it is extremely
difficult to translate verse because of differences in the number of
syllables required to suit the meter. Since it was not possible to
render the verse sections of the sutras into Sanskrit, they have come
down to us in their original form. Thus the extant Sanskrit texts of
early Mahayana sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra and the Sutra of
Infinite Life, contain the corrupt vernacular in the verse sections
and classical Sanskrit in the prose portions. The Sanskrit derivative
used in Buddhist sutras is called Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, and
some scholars call it the Gatha dialect because it is used in the gatha
(or verse portions) of Mahayana sutras. Some Abhidhamma Bud­
dhist sutras also were transmitted in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit.
The third language, Gandhari Prakrit, bears the least resem­
blance to Sanskrit. An extant fragmentary Dhammapada written in
^is language was originally known as the Prakrit Dhammapada.
Today called the Gandhari Dharmapada, scripture is discussed
below.
34 SU T R A S AND T H E I R L A N G U A G E S

The Dhammapada, or Dharmapada, is a collection of the Bud­

dha’s most noteworthy sayings taken from the Agama sutras. The
preface to the Chinese Dharmapada states that its verses record the
essence of a number of sutras and that each verse has a unique
reason for being preached and can be found in various sutras. The
preface further says that after the Buddha’s death believers from
different sects excerpted four- or six-line verses from the Agama
sutras, organizing and editing them into their own Dharmapada.
E ach Hinayana Buddhist sect, in fact, does seem to have handed
down its own distinctive Dharmapada.
When the Chinese Dharmapada was compiled, almost eighteen
hundred years ago, its thirty-nine chapters (totaling 752 verses) were
translated from three versions of the Dharmapada that existed then:
the Dharmapada in five hundred verses, seven hundred verses, and
nine hundred verses. The twenty-six principal chapters of the
Chinese Dharmapada were translated from the five-hundred-verse
Pali Dhammapada. Additional selections from the nine-hundred-
verse Dharmapada of the Sarvastivadin sect and from the seven-
hundred-verse Dhammapada were added to those twenty-six
chapters to form the present Chinese Dharmapada.
Similar sutras were translated into Chinese somewhat later, and
three Tibetan versions of the Dharmapada survive. Both the Chi­
nese and the Tibetan translations contain only verse or verse with
commentary. Most of the translations are from the Dharmapada
of the Sarvastivadin sect, which is called the Udana-varga and
consists of thirty-three chapters, totaling more than nine hundred
verses. Fragments of the Udana-varga in Sanskrit— discovered in
Central Asia by Western explorers early in the twentieth century—
were taken to England, France, and Germany, where they were
published; but the complete sutra was already known through
extant Chinese and Tibetan translations.
Fragments of the Gandhari Dharmapada, which has also been
called the Prakrit Dhammapada, were discovered independently in
Central Asia in the 1890s by a Frenchman and a Russian. Each man
obtained roughly one-third of the whole scripture, and the remain­
ing third was lost.
This scripture is said to have been unearthed at the remains of a
 N ON -PA LI SUTRAS 35

m0nastery in Khotan, where Buddhism prospered in the second or

third century a .d . The scripture was written in Kharoshti, a script
then in use in the Gandhara region of northwestern India. The total
length of the birch bark on which it is written is estimated to have
been about five meters, with the Dharmapada written on both
sides. The discoverer of the bark tore it into fragments, which were
then sold individually. In 1892 a French explorer named Dutreuil
de Rhins bought some of the fragments and sent them to France.
Although they arrived safely, Dutreuil de Rhins lost his life in Tibet
without learning the value of his purchase.
With its territorial expansion in Central Asia and Tibet in the late
nineteenth century, Russia established a consulate in Kashgar. The
consul general, Nikolai Petrovsky (1837-1908), saw the Dharma­
pada fragments that were being sold and bought all that remained
in order to prevent their being lost. Petrovsky’s fragments were sent
to St. Petersburg (present-day Leningrad), but we do not know the
fate of the final one-third of the manuscript: whether those frag­
ments were sold to a third party or were lost or destroyed.
The Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript fragments were studied in
France by E mile C. M. Senart (1847-1928), and the Petrovsky
fragments were studied in Russia by Serge Oldenburg (1863-1934).
By coincidence both Senart and Oldenburg presented papers at
the Eleventh International Congress of Orientalists, held in Paris in
September 1897, and at that ^me it became apparent that their
separate manuscripts were parts of the same scripture.
Oldenburg placed his material at Senart’s disposal, and the
following year Senart published in the Journal Anatique a much
longer paper incorporating some information from the Russian
manuscript. However, the thirty lines from the Dharmapada that
Oldenburg presented at the Congress of Orientalists were only a
fraction of the manuscript the Russians possessed. The remainder
had not been published because the language had not been identi­
fied. Through comparative study of the manuscript fragments and
inscriptions and documents that were discovered later, the language
was identified as Gandhari, a Prakrit language in use in Gandhara,
in northwestern India.
In 1962, after long study, John Brough, professor of Sanskrit at
36 S U T R A S AND T H E I R LA N G U A G E S

the University o f London, published The Gandhari Dha^wpada

(Oxford University Press), comprising both the French and the
Russian manuscripts, with the missing portions reconstructed on
the basis of comparison with other extant Dharmapada. Professor
Brough’s text consists of twenty-six chapters, the same number as
in the Pali Dhammapada, but there are about one hundred and
twenty more verses than in the Pali text.

SCRIPTS AND SUTRAS The two ancient Indic scripts that were
used in both Buddhist scriptures and the
edicts of Emperor Asoka are Brahmi and Kharoshti. Neither of
these scripts was indigenous to India: both developed from Semitic
writing forms.
In the beginning a spoken language has no direct relationship to
its written form because they are not born at the same time. Spoken
languages developed with the emergence of humankind, but the
invention and use of written characters came much later. In Japan,
for example, where a spoken language has existed for several thou­
sand years, a writing system was not introduced until around the
fourth or fifth century a .d ., after Japan had had contact with the
Chinese. But the ideograms borrowed from China were not widely
used by the Japanese until some were greatly simplified to create
the two syllabaries still in use today.
Although Indic, or Indo-Aryan, languages existed several thou­
sand years ago, their written scripts do not appear to have evolved
until some three or four hundred years before the founding of
Buddhism. Thus there is little immediate relationship between the
spoken languages and the written scripts of India.
One of the two writing systems in ancient India, Kharoshti, was
used only in northwestern India and in the neighboring area of
Central Asia during a limited period of roughly seven hundred
years, between the fifth century b .c . and the third century a .d .
This system seems to have been based originally on the Old Persian
and Brahmi scripts used in northwestern India after the Persian
king Darius the Great conquered the area at the end of th e sixth
 S C R I P T S AND SU T R A S 37

century B.C. Like the Arabic or Iranian system today, it was written
horizontally from right to left.
So far, edicts of Emperor Asoka have been found in some thirty-
odd sites throughout the area of ancient India, but only the edicts
discovered in two places in the northwest, in modern Pakistan, are
written in Kharoshti. The Gandhari Dharmapada was also written
in Kharoshti, but since this script was used for a limited period in a
limited area, the number of Kharoshti texts and fragments is ex­
tremely small in comparison with those in Brahmi. As Bra^hmi came
into common use in northwestern India after the third or fourth
century a .d., Kharoshti was displaced.
According to ancient Indian tradition, the Brahmi characters
were devised by Brahma, the Hindu deity of world creation, who
taught them to mortals. Various studies, however, have revealed a
close relation between India’s ancient Brahmi and the old scripts of
Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Many hypotheses have been offered
as to the origin of the Brahmi script, but it is now thought to have
been developed from Phoenician around 800 B.C.
Indian Brahmi was at first written horizontaliy from right to left,
like Phoenician script. Later, but only in northwestern India,
method of writing was adopted for the edicts of Emperor Asoka. All
other edicts were written horizontally from left to right, like Western
languages. Buddhist scriptures in Brahmi and its derivatives were
all written horizontally from left to right.
The Phoenician script, which fi^^es in the origins of Brahmi, is
believed to have developed from E ^ ^ tian glyphs. In fact, the
majority of the world’s written languages in use today derive from
the lineage of Egyptian and Phoenician characters. In the Middle
and Near East the modern characters are derived directly from
Phoenician script, either through cuneiform characters or through
the characters used in the scriptures ofJudaism , Christianity, and
Islam; in the East, there are Brahmi and Kharoshti; in Southeast
Asia there are writing systems that developed from Brahmi; and
modern alphabets in the West are based on Greek and Roman
characters, which in turn derive from Phoenician. In essence, ali
the world’s written languages except Chinese and languages that
38 SU T R A S AND T H E I R L A N G U A G E S

use its writing system descend from Egyptian and Phoenician

scripts.
The Brahmi script used by Emperor Asoka around the third
century B.C. continued to evolve graduaUy. By the beginning of the
Christian Era, the Brahmi characters in the north of India began to
become a little different from those used in the south, and the dif­
ference became more marked as time passed. The northern char­
acters became very angular, while those used in the south became
noticeably rounded.
The language of the Mahayana sutras and of northern Hinayana
Buddhist sutras was Sanskrit or Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit. Those
sutras are all written in northern-Brahmi characters, and Buddhist
sutra manuscripts discovered in Nepal are also written in various
northern-Brahmi scripts. In fact most of the Nepalese characters
that have been in use since the tenth century a .d. are derived di­
rectly from northern Bra^hmi. The oldest are probably the Siddhan
characters, which were used in northern India from the sixth to the
twelfth century a .d.
Since most of the scriptural manuscripts conveyed to China
during the T ’ang dynasty (618-907) were written in Siddhan char­
acters, in China and Japan the name Brahmi actually refers to the
Siddhan script.
The latest of the scriptural manuscripts discovered in Nepal are
written in Devanagari characters. This northern script, descended
from Brahmi, appeared in its mature form after the twelfth or
thirteenth century and was the most systematized of aU the Brahmi
scripts.
Today, in addition to a number of modern Indian languages,
sacred and philosophical writings of orthodox Brahmanism, Indian
literary and scientific works, and Buddhist sutras in Sanskrit and
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit are all written and printed chiefly in the
Devanagari script. Such works are also sometimes transcribed in
the Latin alphabet for the sake of non-Indians. Sanskrit Mahayana
sutras published in the West and in Japan are written in either the
Devanagari script or the Latin alphabet.
Another of the northern-Brahmi-derived scripts was Tibetan,
which was first devised for writing translations of the sutras when
 S C R IP T S AND S U T R A S 39

Mahayana Buddhism was introduced to Tibet from India around

the seventh century a .d . These characters were adopted from the
northern-Brahmi script used in the neighboring area of India
around that time, and thus it could be said that the Tibetan script
originated wholly in India. Later, when Tibetan Buddhism (La-
maism) was introduced to Mongolia and Manchuria, the Tibetan
characters influenced the development of both Mongolian and
Manchurian scripts devised for translated sutras. In addition, the
han'gul writing system of Korea is thought to have also been created
under the influence of the Tibetan script.
Although Pali-language sutras are used in such Southern Bud­
dhist countries as Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia, they
are written in the local scripts: Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, Burmese in
Burma, Thai in Thailand, and Khmer in Cambodia. Those scripts
are all derived from the southern Indian, rounded form of Brahmi.
In Sri Lanka, the angular script of Emperor Asoka was used at first,
but under the influence of the southern-Indian characters it even­
tually became more rounded.
Since the Pali canon in use in those southern countries has now
been transcribed in their national scripts, it is impossible to read
the Pali canon if one is not familiar with one of those writing sys­
tems. For convenience, even Western scholars of Buddhism learning
the Pali language or publishing the Pali canon have transcribed the
various scripts in one form only, the Latin alphabet.
 THREE

Translating the Scriptures

THE EARLIEST M I mentioned earlier, Shakyamuni

CHINESE TRANSLATIONS ordered his disciples to transmit his
teachings in the local languages of the
districts in which they would be preaching. Therefore, in India
Buddhist scriptures were communicated in the vernacular. When
Emperor Moka dispatched Buddhist monks on teaching missions in
various places within and outside India, Buddhist scriptures were
translated into both Indic and non-Indic languages as a matter of
course.
In the case of the conservative Southern school of Buddhism,
however, this practice was not followed, and the scriptures were
transmitted in Pali when Theravada Buddhism was taken to Sri
Lanka. Although the sutras were sometimes translated into Sin­
halese, Pali remained the orthodox liturgical language. This was
also the case in Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos. In one
sense, this practice contradicted Shakyamuni’s desires, since Pali-
language transmission was not based on local knowledge and con­
ditions. But the Theravada Buddhists believed the Buddha’s Law
should be communicated without any of the misunderstandings
that can result from translation. In Southern Buddhist countries
the Pali language and Buddhism were familiar not only to monks
but also to the general populace, and both were accustomed to
studying and understanding the meaning of the scriptures in the
41
42 TRANSLATING THE SC RIPTU RES

Pali original. Hence Theravada Buddhists thought the Pali original

was appropriate for others to accept, believe, and practice in the
traditional manner as the traditional teaching.
In contrast, when Buddhism was taken to the area that is present-
day Mghanistan and to other Central Asian districts, it was trans­
lated into the local languages. This was especially true in the case
of Mahayana Buddhism, since the Mahayana Buddhists felt that
the purpose of communicating Buddhism was to impart its true
spirit without the hindrance of considerations for the subtleties of
its literature.
Modern exploration and excavation in Central Asia have brought
to light numerous ancient Buddhist texts. Among them are scrip­
tures written in Sanskrit and other Indic languages, as well as
Chinese, Tibetan, and such unfamiliar or now dead languages as
Uighur, of the Turkic group; Sogdian and Saka (or Khotanese),
both of the Iranian group; and Agnean (or Tokharian A) and
Kuchean (or Tokharian B), both from western China. Thus we
know that the scriptures were translated into indigenous languages
when Buddhism was transmitted to Central Asia. Many of the
scriptures in these languages, as well as scriptures in various Indic
languages, are thought to have been taken to China and translated
into Chinese.
The majority of the scriptures that were translated into Chinese
arrived in China via the Silk Road, although some were transmitted
from India and Sri Lanka by sea. Despite its various hazards, such
as deserts, canyons, and steep mountains, the overland route was
shorter and less dangerous than the sea route; hence most Buddhist
scriptures were imported over the Silk Road rather than by sea.
^m ong the extant Chinese translations of scriptures imported over­
land, renderings from the middle of the second century a .d . seem to
be the oldest, and translations made some seventy years later,
around the beginning of the third century a .d ., appear to be the
oldest Chinese versions of texts that arrived by sea.
At the same time, however, one tradition holds that the transmis­
sion of Buddhism to China and the first translation of Buddhist
scriptures into Chinese occurred during the reign of the “First
Emperor” (Shih Huang-ti; r. 246-210 b .c .), ofthe short-lived Ch’in
 E A R L IE S T CHINESE TRAN SLATION S 43

dynasty. According to this story, eighteen wise men brought the

Buddhist scriptures from India to China, where Buddhism was
accepted. Later, however, under an extreme policy designed to
eliminate all books and teachings deemed inimical to the First
Emperor’s rule, vast numbers of philosophical works and Chinese
classics were burned and scholars were silenced through either
banishment or execution. But the tradition maintains that because
they had been hidden, the Buddhist scriptures were able to escape
the fate of the other unacceptable works.
This story ignores historical fact, however. It certainly would
have been possible for the First Emperor to receive one of Em­
peror Asoka’s missions, since they lived at roughly the same time,
but there was little interchange between China and India in those
days. Nomadic “barbarians” living on the northwestern frontier of
China effectively disrupted communication between Central Asia
and China.
In order to discourage the nomads’ frequent, damaging raids,
the northern Chinese states built defensive walls along the border.
Under the First Emperor those walls were strengthened and united
in a single barrier well over twenty-two hundred kilometers in
length. We know that structure as the Great Wall of China. It was
not until the reign of the Former Han emperor Wu Ti (r. 141-87
B.C.), about one hundred years after the First Emperor, that open
commerce between China and Central Asia was established, follow­
ing a decline in the strength of the nomadic Hsiung-nu, whose de­
scendants would much later be known to us as the Huns.
In 139 B.C. Wu Ti dispatched an army led by Chang Ch’ien to
enlist the aid of the powerful Ytieh-chih nation, far to the west, in a
joint campaign against the Hsiung-nu. Defeated and taken prisoner
by the Hsiung-nu, Chang Ch’ien was forced to marry a Hsiung-nu
woman, who bore him a child. Remembering his mission during
his long years of captivity, Chang Ch’ien eventually escaped and
reached Ytieh-chih. There Wu T i’s proposal fell on deaf ears, so
Chang Ch’ien made his way back to China, finally returning in
126 B.C., more than ten years after he had set out. Although Chang
Ch’ien failed in his mission, his journey increased Chinese knowl­
edge of Central Asia. Through subsequent negotiations, China
44 TRANSLATING THE SC RIPTU RES

eventually established alliances with countries in Central Asia, and

communications between east and west were opened.
On his first expedition, Chang Ch’ien had heard in Bactria that
the teachings of the Buddha were practiced in India, so Buddhism
must have been known in Central Asia by that time. Hence it is
likely that the Chinese first learned of Buddhism late in the second
century B.C. Therefore, we know that Buddhism and the Buddhist
scriptures were not transmitted one hundred years earlier, during
the reign of the First Emperor.
Tradition aside, it is said that Buddhism was introduced into
China in a .d. 67, although it may have been earlier, around the
beginning of the Christian Era. At the outset, however, not many
Chinese believed in Buddhism, and those who did were chiefly the
immigrants and merchants who had come from Central Asia. At
that time it was not necessary to translate into Chinese the Bud­
dhist scriptures that were written in the languages of Central Asia,
but by the second or third generation, the mother tongues of the
immigrants were forgotten, and it became necessary to translate the
Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. By that time too the indigenous
Chinese had gradually come to believe in Buddhism, and Chinese
translations of the scriptures were much more necessary.
The first Chinese translation of Buddhist scriptures is thought to
have been made during the reign of the Later Han emperor Ming
Ti (r. A.D. 57-75). It was said that a dream Ming Ti had in a .d.
M caused him to dispatch the mission to the west that brought
Kashyapamatanga, Mdian Dharmaraksha, and other monks to
China from India or Central Asia and that together these monks
translated a number of works, including the Sutra of Forty-two
Chapters, at a temple in Loyang— the Later Han capital— in a .d.
67. This is regarded as the first Chinese translation of Buddhist
scriptures. According to tradition, the extant Sutra of Forty-two
Chapters (Ssu-shih-erh-chang-ching) is the translation made jointly
by Kashyapamatanga and Mdian Dharmaraksha. They may have
translated the Sutra of Forty-two Chapters, as tradition insists;
however, the extant translation of that sutra does not appear to be a
translation from the period of the Later Han dynasty (a .d. 25-220),
although it is fairly old. It may be a translation from the period
 E A R L IE S T CHINESE TRAN SLATION S 45

of the Three Kingdoms (220-80). (The t e ^ s used and the style

of translation indicate the age of a translation.)
The oldest extant Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures
were made by An Shih-kao (d. ca. a .d. 170) and Lokakshema (a .d.
147-85), of Kushan, who crossed into China around the middle
of the second century. Shih-kao was a prince of Parthia. An is
an abbreviation of An-hsi, or Parthia, and his name meant simply
Shih-kao who comes from An-hsi. (It was the custom among Bud­
dhists of ancient China to take the name of one’s birthplace as a
surname.) Having no desire to succeed to the throne after his
father’s death, An Shih-kao abdicated in favor of an uncle and
retired into religion. In those days Parthia was being harassed by
the powerful forces of Kushan, which bordered Parthia on the
east, and it is suggested that An Shih-kao retreated into religion
because he sensed the impermanence of worldly things. M ter he
mastered Buddhist doctrine, his teaching ministry took him to
China, where he became proficient in the language and translated
some thirty-five Buddhist scriptures in forty-one fascicles. Twenty
works, totaling more than twenty of those fascicles, are still extant,
most of them Hinayana Buddhist texts.
The terminology and the literary style of those sutras are the
oldest among extant translations. The verse portions of the texts
were translated as prose, and because they were early translations
and Buddhist terminology had not yet been firmly established, they
use many terms that are not familiar to us. For example, the Eight­
fold Path was translated as the Eightfold Right Practice.
Lokakshema, who went to China at about the same time as An
Shih-kao, was born in Kushan, a large country that spread from
Central Asia to northwestern India and was the most powerful na­
tion in the area. Kanishka, a devout Buddhist, was its king. In order
to transmit Buddhism, which was then flourishing in Central Asia,
Lokakshema went to China and at Loyang translated into Chinese
twelve scriptures in twenty-seven fascicles.
Of Lokakshema’s translations, nine works in twenty fascicles are
stil1 extant. Many of the scriptures he translated were Mahayana
sutras, and included among them is the oldest extant translation of
the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Eight Thousand Lines (Ashtasa-
46 TRAN SLATIN G THE SC RIPTU RES

hasrika-prajnaparamita-sutra). Although the wording of his trans­

lations is fairly close to that of later versions, his translation of the
five aggregates* is the same as that of An Shih-kao. Lokakshema’s
translations also include many unique transliterated words, some of
which do not correspond to the correct Sanskrit words. It is therefore
assumed that the original versions of Lokakshema’s translations
were not in Sanskrit but in some Indic vernacular or Central Asian
language. His translations, however, are fairly sound and reliable.
In contrast to An Shih-kao’s translations, which were chiefly of
Hinayana sutras, Lokakshema’s translations were mainly of Ma­
hayana sutras; hence we suppose that Hinayana Buddhism was
practiced in Parthia, An Shih-kao’s homeland, and that Mahayana
Buddhism was popular in Kushan.

OTHER EARLY We have noted that Buddhist scriptures

CHINESE TRANSLATIONS were initially translated into Chinese—
in the second and third centuries a .d .—
for the benefit of the descendants of Central Asian immigrants to
China who could no longer understand the mother tongues of their
ancestors. Since Buddhism was an Indian religion, reflecting the
Indian philosophical and cultural background, the indigenous
Chinese had difficulty understanding the Buddhist doctrines and
terminology. Although many Chinese were curious about Buddhism
and were interested enough in the sutras to want to study them, they
could not really comprehend the alien Buddhist doctrines or phi­
losophy; thus they read primarily the general moral teachings and
stories that neither contain technical terms nor expound doctrine.
Those simple teachings and stories, presented in ordinary language,
were comprehensible, interesting, and useful.
Representative among the numerous sutras that are collections of
moral teachings is the Sutra of Forty-two Chapters, said to be the

* The five aggregates are the elements or attributes of which every human being
is composed: (I) form, or the body; (2) receptivity, sensation, feeling; (3) mental
conceptions and ideas; (4) volition, or various mental activities; and (5) COn­
sciousness. The Wlion of these five aggregates dates from the moment of birth and
constitutes the individual. -
 O TH ER E A R L Y TRANSLATIONS 47

first sutra translated into Chinese. In order to introduce Buddhism

to the Chinese, basic Buddhist teachings were excerpted from
various sutras and compiled as the forty-two entries in this sutra,
which imparts easily assimilated knowledge of Buddhism and its
moral teachings. The following excerpts from the Sutra of Forty-
two Chapters indicate the nature of the material it presents.
“The Buddha said, ‘One who has left his parents for ordination
to practice the W ay is called a monk. He always keeps the two
hundred and fifty precepts. . . . ’
“The Buddha said, ‘For human beings, ten thi ngs are good, while
ten other things are evil. Three are of the body; four are of the
mouth ; the other three are ofthe mind. The three [evils] of the body
are needless killing, stealing, and sexual misconduct. The four
[evils] of the mouth are a double tongue, slander, lying, and im­
proper language. The three [evils] of the mind are covetousness,
anger, and foolishness. . . . ’
“The Buddha said, ‘If the evil man would criticize the wise man,
that is as a man who spits looking up at heaven. His spit does not
defile heaven, but his own body instead. That is [also] as a man who
throws rubbish at the windward man. The rubbish does not defile
him, but the thrower himself instead. You should not criticize the
wise man. Your own faults are certainly enough to ruin yourself.’ ”
Chief among the sutras that tell stories are the many, such as the
Lalitavistara (Detailed Narration of the Sport of the Buddha), that
relate the biography of Shakyamuni. In simple language, those
story sutras detail Shakyamuni’s life, beginning with his disciplines
in previous incarnations, then going on to his birth at Kapilavastu,
his life as the son of a king, his renunciation of the secular life, his
period of ascetic practices, his attainment of enlightenment, and
his forty-five-year teaching ministry as the Buddha. Through such
stories, which were interesting and entertaining in themselves,
people came naturally and effortlessly to an understanding of the
Buddhist way of thinking.
Another kind of story sutra that was popular is ihejataka, or birth
story, which tells of Shakyamuni’s lives in previous incarnations.
There are numerous jatakas, differing in both length and content.
The Sutra of the Collection of the Practices of the Six Perfections
48 TRAN SLATIN G THE SC RIPTU RES

(Shatparamita-samgraha-sutra) is representative o f those that were

translated into Chinese. A third type of story sutra, exemplified by
the sutra Avadana (Stories), teaches the law of cause and effect,
that is, that a good cause produces a good effect and an evil cause,
an evil effect. The Dharmapada, a collection of ethical teachings,
constitutes yet another type of sutra that was translated.
By the end of the third century a.d., examples of each of these
sutra types had been translated into Chinese, and they were very
helpful in transmitting a general knowledge of Buddhism. Yet the
fundamental, systematic doctrines of Buddhism were hard for the
average Chinese to understand, and the difficulties were greater in
the case of doctrines that expounded a higher spiritual state. De­
spite their difficulty, the Chinese made great efforts to understand
the Buddhist doctrines; and some Chinese Buddhists attempted
to interpret Buddhism through the more familiar and somewhat
similar Taoist terminology of Lao-tzu in order to make Buddhist
thought more comprehensible to their countrymen. The Buddhism
explained in the Taoist vocabulary is known as ko-i Buddhism.
At the same time, in order to establish the primacy of Taoism,
some Taoists claimed that after his disappearance Lao-tzu went to
India, converted the people there, and became the Buddha (or,
in another version, that Shakyamuni was merely one of the eighty-
one incarnations ofLao-tzu). At the beginning of the fourth century
this claim was put forth in the spurious Sutra on the Conversion of
the Barbarians (Lao-tzu Hua-hu-ching), by Wang Fu. Later, as
Buddhism prospered and became recognized as superior to the
Taoist philosophy, Taoism and Buddhism came into open conflict.
Taoists took advantage of the Sutra on the Conversion of the Bar­
barians to press their attack on Buddhism, declaring that Taoism
was an ancient, indigenous teaching and that Buddhism was merely
a new offshoot, since Shakyamuni was a reincarnation of Lao-tzu.
Because distortion is inevitable if Buddhist thought and teachings
are explained in the vocabulary of Lao-tzu’s Taoist philosophy,
when Buddhism eventually came to be understood correctly by the
Chinese, Buddhist adherents began to denounce ko-i Buddhism.
In the meantime, however, Chinese Buddhist scholars workgd
diligently to increase their understanding of Buddhism. In a .d . 179
 O TH ER E A R L Y TRANSLATIONS 49

Lokakshema made his translation of the Mahayana Perfection of

Wisdom Sutra in Eight Thousand Lines, but the Chinese found it
extremely difficult to understand. In the mid-third century, the re­
ligious scholar Chu Shih-hsing, eager to have a more easily under­
stood version of that sutra, left for the west, seeking another copy of
it. He went to Khotan, where he had heard there was a complete
manuscript of the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra, and asked the king
for the scripture.
Hinayana Buddhism, rather than Mahayana Buddhism, was
flourishing in Khotan at that time, and the Hinayana Buddhists be­
lieved Mahayana Buddhism was evil. To prevent having what they
considered an evil theory transmitted abroad, Hinayana Buddhists
advised the king not to give the manuscript to Chu Shih-hsing. The
king wavered in making a decision, but Chu Shih-hsing told the king
that if the Buddhists in Khotan considered the sutra heretical, it
would surely be burned. He pleaded with the king to give him the
sutra so it would not suffer that fate. Just as the manuscript was to
be burned in the plaza before the palace, the king consented to give
it to Chu Shih-hsing.
Although it was somewhat scorched, the sutra was saved. Chu
Shih-hsing sent it to China to be translated, and today we know that
translation, made in 291 by Wu-ch’a-lo, as the Perfection of Wis­
dom Sutra in Twenty-five Thousand Lines (Panchavimshati-saha-
srika-prajnaparamita-sutra). Incidentaliy, in China it is said that
sutras came to be copied on yellow paper in commemoration of the
scorched, yellowed original of that sutra.
It was Tao-an (a.d. 312-85) who rendered the greatest service
to Chinese Buddhism, ensuring the correctness of its teachings and
eliminating the Taoist terminology of ko-i Buddhism. He had a life­
long desire to know the correct teachings of Buddhism, and since in
those days many monks and priests came to China from India and
Central Asia to translate sutras, Tao-an was able to learn from them
about Indian Buddhism. But they could not satisfactorily answer his
questions about Buddhist doctrine.
From such monks Tao-an heard of the distinguished scholar
Kumarajiva, who was active in Central Asia at that time, and he
pleaded with his ruler, Fu Chien (338-85) of the Earlier Ch’in state,
50 TRANSLATING THE SCRIPTU RES

to invite Kumarajiva to China. Northern China at that time was

the scene of much strife, with sixteen Chinese kingdoms and five
"barbarian” tribes vying with one another for supremacy in the
region, yet Fu Chien commanded one of his generals, Lti Kuang,
to bring Kumarajiva to his capital, Ch’ang-an. While on that mis­
sion, Lti Kuang learned that Fu Chien had been killed and the
country taken over by another ruler, and he decided to remain in
Central Asia. Eventually he met Kumarajiva, but because of many
difficulties, Kumarajiva did not arrive in Ch’ang-an until sixteen
years after Tao-an’s death.
The effects of T ao-an’s activities extended to many areas of Chi­
nese Buddhism. For example, although monks until that time had
retained their own surnames, Tao-an insisted they take the sur­
name Sha (Shih in Chinese)— the first syllable of the name of the
Buddha’s clan, Shakya— because he maintained that all Buddhist
monks were disciples of Shakyamuni. Tao-an called himself Shih
Tao-an, and in time Shih became the surname of all monks. Tao-
an’s was not a capricious decision but reflected the Buddha’s
teaching in the Agama sutras, where it is said that any monk
from any caste in India becomes an equal disciple of Shakyamuni
by forsaking the surname and caste of his birth, just as the waters
of great rivers become nameless when they empty into the ocean.
Though the way of life and the clothing of ordained monks had
not previously been different from those of laymen, Tao-an intro­
duced prescribed garments for monks and established precepts and
regulations in order to make the way of life of Chinese monks the
same as that of monks in India. He gained many disciples under
those new disciplines and taught them true Buddhism.
Another of Tao-an’s great achievements was the compilation in
374 of a catalogue of all the sutras that had been translated into
Chinese. He and his disciples collected five or six hundred copies
of sutras from throughout China, and friends also sent him sutras,
all of which he examined personally in compiling his catalogue, the
first of its kind. Although the catalogue no longer exists, it is posdble
to know what sutras he included in it because later catalogues list
and comment on the sutras in Tao-an’s catalogue.
A great many of the sutras Tao-an gathered did not have tides.
 OTHER E A R L Y TRANSLATIONS 51

Originally, in India the titles of scriptural manuscripts were writ­

ten on not the first but the last page. If the last page was lost, as not
infrequently happened, the title of the sutra would also be lost. To
the untitled sutras, Tao-an gave new titles that reflected their con­
tent. It should also be noted that the original sutras in India were
not divided into fascicles, as were the Chinese translations. For ex­
ample, today the Chinese translation of the Lotus Sutra is divided
into twenty-eight chapters in eight fascicles, while the Indic original
was divided only by chapters. Since sutras in China were written on
long sheets of paper intended to be bound a s hand scrol Is, or indi­
vidual fascicles, the paper was cut to the proper length for a scroll
that people could conveniently open and read. Today, even though
the number of fascicles is no longer significant when book form is
used, the fascicle divisions are usually indicated in printed books,
and sutras are stiU divided according to the traditional fascicles
when they are copied as scrolls.
At about the time of Tao-an 'a considerable number of new sutras
were being translated. When the Agama sutras Madhyama-agama
(Middle-Length Sayings) and Ekottara-agama (Gradual Sayings)
were translated into Chinese, Tao-an was so delighted that he wrote
prefaces for them. Philosophical treatises, including the Vib hasha-
shastra (a partial translation of the Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-
shastra, or Great Commentary), were translated, and much of the
Vinaya-pitaka, or Ordinance Basket, a collection of monastic rules,
was also translated. Thus, light was gradually shed on a sphere of
sutras then unknown in China. Although not a translator him­
self, Tao-an was instrumental in getting such translations made and
wrote prefaces for them.
Tao-an also wrote commentaries on sutras, some of which still
survive, but he died without gaining a full understanding of the dif­
ficult doctrines, even though he always strove for a better compre-
henâon of Buddhism. Tao-an regretted not meeting Kumarajiva
because he had wanted to learn from Kumarajiva. Tao-an’s last
wish was to see and hear directly from the future Buddha, Maitreya,
those teachings that he had not been able to understand. For that
reason he wished to be reborn in Tushita, the heaven of Maitreya.
Because of the numerous disciples fostered by Tao-an, when Ku-
52 TRANSLATING THE SCRIPTURES

marajiva later came to China he was able to translate many impor­

tant sutras. Although Kumarajiva was a great scholar, he could not
have achieved so much in the short space of about a dozen years
without the cooperation and assistance of those excellent disciples.

PROBLEMS IN RENDERING Some of the many difficulties en-

SANSKRIT INTO CHINESE countered in translating Buddhist
scriptures from Indic languages into
Chinese arose from the fact that the languages belong to completely
different language stocks. Another source of difficulties was the vast
difference between Chinese and Indian philosophy and culture:
not only did translators discover it was nearly impossible to find
equivalent words or concepts for the scriptures in the Chinese lan­
guage, but also they found a very baâc difference between the ways
of thinking and of expressing thoughts in the two languages. With
regard to the difficulties inherent in translating the sutras into
Chinese, Tao-an, who actively furthered translation before Kum a­
rajiva came to China, conceived the concept of “five losses and three
difficulties” ; and later, during the T ’ang dynasty (618-907), the
great translator HsUan-tsang explained the “five kinds of untrans­
latable words.”
Tao-an’s theory of “five losses and three difficulties” referred to
five points in which the meaning of the original was lost through
translation and to three things that were not easy to accomplish in
translating. The first of the five losses was caused by reversing the
word order in the Indic originals to conform to Chinese grammar.
For example, in Chinese the first sentence of “Taking Refuge in the
Three Treasures” (the Buddha, the Law, and the community of
believers) is (“ I take refuge in the Buddha” ), whereas
in the Indic original it is expressed in reverse word order as “Bud-
dham saranam gacchami” (“T o the Buddha, to the refuge place, I go” ).
Second, the Indians preferred simple, unadorned writing, where­
as the Chinese were fond of ornate, polished writing. Thus, to please
their readers, translators needed to consider literary style above all,
and hence lost the simplicity of the original. However, when Chih
Ch’ien of the brief Wu dynasty (222-80) attempted to translate the
 RENDERING SANSKRIT INTO CHINESE 53
Dharmapada in the stylish Chinese manner, the Indian monk Wei-
chi-nan— who had brought the original to China— cautioned him
against shrouding the Buddha’s words in beautiful prose, since it
was most important for their meaning to be conveyed accurately so
that readers could grasp the Buddha’s teachings and understand
them correctly. Chih Ch’ien followed the monk’s advice and trans­
lated the Dharmapada simply and accurately.
Third, when writers of Indic languages wished to emphasize a
point, they repeated a sentence or sentences several times. This
writing style did not appeal to the Chinese, who deleted all repeti­
tions when making translations into Chinese. Furthermore, since the
original sutras had been handed down orally, they abounded with
the repetitions that make oral literature easier to memorize. These
repetitions, too, were eliminated.
Fourth, Indic writing often contained sentences within sentences.
For instance, it was not unusual to find a long explanatory passage
of over a thousand characters introduced into the middle of a sen­
tence so that the original point was obscured. To one who was ac­
customed to that style of writing, the explanatory material did not
detract from the whole, but such interpolations were generally de­
leted in Chinese translations; hence the complex meaning of the
Indic original was lost.
Fifth, in Indic writing even after a point had been fully explained,
the explanation was often repeated in a subsequent passage. These
repetitions, too, were all deleted in the Chinese translations.
T o the “five losses” Tao-an added “ three difficulties.” The first
was caused by the fact that the graceful and highly inflected ancient
Sanskrit, for example, had to be translated into plain, comprehen­
sible Chinese. The second difficulty was that although Sanskrit
sentences expressed very subtle nuances, in keeping with Indian
thought of the Buddha’s time, the Chinese translations had to be
clear to contemporary readers. Third, even at the First Buddhist
Council, the five hundred arhats led by Maha-Kashyapa conferred
with one another and scrupulously compiled the sutras by recon­
firming the accuracy of each phrase. Y et these sutras were later
translated quite carelessly. Tao-an believed the careless translations
stemmed from the irresponsibility of translators who were ignorant
54 TRAN SLATIN G TH E SC RIPTU RES

of the Buddha’s Law. Therefore, the third difficulty referred to the

profound understanding translators must have to truly interpret
sutras.
Hstian-tsang’s theory of “five kinds of untranslatable words” re­
ferred to five instances in which Indic-language words were not
translatable into Chinese. The first kind of untranslatable words
involved those words whose meanings were so profound they defied
a single, simple definition. Those words, such as dharani (a kind of
magical incantation), were simply transliterated, rather than be­
ing translated into Chinese.
The second kind of untranslatable words included those that have
many meanings. As Hstian-tsang pointed out, the word bhagavat
has six meanings, and if only one meaning was translated into
Chinese, the other meanings would be lost. Therefore, such words
were not defined in translation but merely reproduced phonetically.
For example, the word bhagavat has the following meanings: one
who possesses auspicious signs; one who destroys illusions and evil;
one who is provided with such auspicious virtues of freedom as the
Law, fame, good signs, desire, and diligence; one who has com­
pletely understood the Four Noble Truths; one who receives and
keeps various excellent practices; and one who has abandoned the
wandering of transmigration. All six of these definitions must be
understood to grasp the full meaning of bhagavat.
The third kind of untranslatable words referred to those things
for which there were no Chinese equivalents, such as the names of
plants, animals, minerals, and places that were unknown to the
Chinese.
The fourth kind of untranslatable words had traditionally been
transliterated, that is, transcribed phonetically. For example, am-
ttarasamyaksambodhi could be translated as the “supreme way” or
“supreme enlightenment,” but by custom it has always been trans­
literated. Hstian-tsang said, “Because [translators] follow estab­
lished usage, words like anuttarasamyaksambodhi, although they are
translatable, have been transliterated [according to the Sanskrit
pronunciation] ever since [the translations made by] Kashyapa-
matanga [in the first century a.d.] . ”
The fifth kind of untranslatable words included those that would
 RENDERING SANSKRIT INTO CHINESE 55
lose their special meanings if translated into Chinese. For instance,
althoughpro;'na does mean wisdom, such a prosaic translation would
rob it of its more profound meaning. Y et by transliterating the
word, its fuller meaning of perfect wisdom is preserved.
Because the translation of sutras into Chinese, which first began
around the second century a . d., continued for over a thousand
years, some words have several different translations or translitera­
tions, reflecting the changing influences of the time, associates, and
collaborators of the translators. Depending on when they were
made, Chinese translations are usually designated by one of three
terms: “ ancient translations,” “old translations,” or “new trans­
lations.” “Ancient translations” are those made before the time of
Kumarajiva, that is, prior to the latter part of the fourth century.
The “old translations” are those made between the time of Ku­
marajiva and 645, when Hsüan-tsang began translating. The “new
translations” include the works by Hsüan-tsang and all later trans­
lators, who generally followed his choices in the translation of spe­
cific terms.
Although some of the terms from the “ new translations” by
Hstian-tsang are used today, the terms devised by Kumarajiva— in
the period of the “old translations” — are still in common use. Apart
from the inherent difficulties of the theories and doctrines of Bud­
dhism, present-day study of Chinese sutras is hindered by the fact
that there are a number of translations for a single term.
 FOUR

Early Translators

KUMARAJIVA During the hundreds of years that sutras trans­

mitted from India and Central Asia were being
translated into Chinese, some six or seven thousand fascicles of
translations were completed. Of the nearly two hundred translators
who were prominent during those years, the four most eminent were
Kumarajiva, at the beginning of the fifth century; Paramartha, in
the middle of the sixth century; Hsiian-tsang, in the mid-seventh
century; and Amoghavajra, in the middle of the eighth century.
Although Hsiian-tsang and Amoghavajra each translated a large
number of sutras, the sutras translated by Kumarajiva have had the
greatest influence on Buddhism in China and Japan.
It could be said that the essential meaning of Buddhism was in­
troduced to Chin a through t he sutra translations of Kumarajiva,
even though several hundred sutras had already been translated
into C^^ese before he began his work. By the latter part of the
fourth century the true doctrines of Buddhism still had not been
conveyed fully to the Chinese, either because lack of knowledge
prevented their understanding completely those sutras that had
been translated or because the true concepts of Buddhism had not
been tran smitted in the translations. The Chinese did not truly un­
derstand Buddhism until Kumarajiva had translated sutras, lec­
tured, and written his commentaries. Thus Kumarajiva’s work was
extraordinarily important to Buddhism in both China and Jap an .
57
58 EARLY TRANSLATORS

According to tradition, Kumarajiva (344-413) was born in Ku­

cha, in Central Asia. His father, Kumarayana, was a Brahman
from India whose family had been government ministers for gen­
erations. Kumarayana’s father, Datta, was a distinguished minister,
and Kumarayana was said to be as wise as Datta. But Kumarayana
was wearied by the shallowness of his life, and when it came time
for him to assume his ministerial post, he became a priest instead.
travels as an itinerant priest happened to take him to Kucha.
The king of Kucha had a twenty-year-old sister who was both
beautiful and brilliant. She had been born with a red mole on her
body, which was said to be a sign that she would bear an excep­
tional child. Yet even though she received many proposals from
the kings and princes of neighboring countries, she refused them
all. When she saw the young priest Kumarayana, however, she was
attracted to him at once and begged her brother the king to permit
her to marry this priest. The king was happy that she had at last
found someone acceptable, and he compelled Kumarayana to ac­
cept the proposal. Their first son was named Kumara, after his fa­
ther, and Jiva, after his mother.
Tradition also says that Kumarajiva’s mother became unusually
wise during her pregnancy. For example, when she went to a large
temple in the country, she was able to understand the sutras being
recited there in an Indic language. Upon discovering this, the
high priest Dharmaghosha told her that a wonderful child would
be born to her. (It is said that the mother of Shariputra, the fore­
most of the Buddha’s disciples, also gained extraordinary wisdom
in the same way during her pregnancy.)
Kumarajiva’s mother very much wanted to become a nun after
his birth, but her husband would not permit that until after the
birth of a second son. She finaUy overcame her husband’s opposi­
tion when Kumarajiva was seven and entered the Buddhist order,
taking him with her, and soon attained the level of en ligh te^ en t
cailed sotapanna, the stage of one who has entered the stream lead-'
ing to nirvana. With his mother, Kumarajiva learned sutras, and it
was said that he could recite a thousand sutra verses from memory.
^ ^ e n Kumarajiva was nine or ten he went with his mother to
India to study under the noted priest Bandhudatta, who instructed
 KUMARAJIVA 59
them in the Dirgha-agama (Long Sayings) and Madhyama-agama
(Middle-Length Sayings). Kumarajiva became so adept that he
could refute non-Buddhist teachers in debate. Returning to Kucha
when he was about twelve years old, Kumarajiva and his mother
visited various countries in Central Asia. In Kushan, an arhat (an
enlightened person) predicted to his mother: “ If this child keeps the
Buddhist precepts until he is thirty-five years old, he will dissemi­
nate the Buddha’s teachings widely and save great numbers of peo­
ple. However, if he breaks the precepts, he wiU become merely a
clever priest.”
Kumarajiva and his mother spent one year in Kashgar, where
Kumarajiva studied Buddhist philosophy through the Abhidharma
treatises and the Ekottara-agama (Gradual Sayings), one of the four
Agama sutras ofthe Chinese canon. He then returned to Kucha and
mastered the Vedas (the basic scriptures of Brahmanism) and stud­
ied the sciences. Later, under the high priest Buddhayashas, he
read the Ten-Category Vinaya (Sarvastivadin-vinaya), containing
the precepts of the Sarvastivadin school. Suryasoma, a prince of
Yarkand, taught him the theories of Mahayana Buddhism through
such works as the Treatise on the Middle (Madhyamaka-shastra), the
Treatise in One Hundred Verses (Shatika-shastra), and the Treatise
on the Twelve Gates (Dvadashamukha-shastra). Kumarajiva was
also able to obtain copies of several Mahayana scriptures.
It is said that when Kumarajiva had assimilated the teachings of
Mahayana Buddhism, he stated, “I thought Hinayana Buddhism
was the best teaching before I encountered Mahayana Buddhism :
I was like a man who does not know of gold and therefore thinks
brass is best.”
Kumarajiva became a fully ordained priest at the age of twenty,
accepting the precepts that Buddhist monks and nuns follow. His
mother, who had attained the level of enlightenment called ana-
gamin (meaning that it was not necessary for her to experience an­
other rebirth into this world), returned to India alone, but before
leaving, she encouraged Kumarajiva to carry the true teachings of
Buddhism to China.
T hrough his teaching activities and discussions, Kumarajiva be­
came well known in Kucha and the surrounding area. Eventually
60 EARLY TRANSLATORS

Kumarajiva invited his former teacher Bandhudatta, who had initi­

ated him in Hinayana Buddhism, to come to Kucha. Kumarajiva
instructed Bandhudatta in the teachings_of Mahayana Buddhism,
which Bandhudatta at last accepted. The rulers of neighboring
states also received instruction from Kumarajiva at annual lec­
tures, and his reputation spread to China. Even the famous Chinese
priest Tao-an had heard of Kumarajiva.
King Fu Chien (338-85) of the Earlier Ch’in state thought highly
of Tao-an and, at his request, planned to bring Kumarajiva to the
capital, Ch’ang-an. Around 382 Fu Chien sent General LU Kuang
and an army of seventy thousand to subdue Kucha, but it was not
until almost twenty years later that Kumarajiva finally reached
Ch’ang-an. Although Kumarajiva had counseled the king ofKucha
to surrender to the Ch’in army, the king ignored Kumarajiva and
was captured and killed.
When Lu Kuang met Kumarajiva, he regarded the priest as a
man of common ability because Kumarajiva, at only about forty
years of age, was very young to have such an imposing reputation.
Lu Kuang, who was not a Buddhist, enjoyed subjecting Kum ara­
jiva to various indignities. He tried to coerce Kumarajiva to marry
a princess of Kucha, but Kumarajiva refused. Lu Kuang then
forced Kumarajiva to drink strong wine and locked Kumarajiva
and the princess in the same room. Under those circumstances,
Kumarajiva eventually violated the precepts he had vowed to keep.
Though intrigued by Kumarajiva, Lu Kuang continued to hara^
him with similar affronts. Kumarajiva weathered those humilia­
tions, however, and LU Kuang came to respect him.
Because Fu Chien was no longer alive, Lu Kuang did not return
at once to China following hisvictory in K ucha; instead he remained
in northwestern China, usurping the rulership of Liang-chou and
keeping Kumarajiva with him. In Liang-chou Kumarajiva gained
disciples and became fluent in the Chinese language, which achieve­
ment was invaluable when he later translated scriptures.
In 384 the throne of Fu Chien had been usurped by Y ao Ch’ang
(d. 393), who established the Later Ch’in state, whose capital re­
mained in Ch’ang-an. A Buddhist, Yao Ch’ang knew of Kumara­
jiva’s reputation and pleaded with Lu Kuang to send Kumarajiva
 KUMARAJIVA 61
to Ch’ang-an, but Lti Kuang would not release Kumarajiva. Mter
Yao Ch’ang’s death, his son Y ao Hsing (r. 393-415) sent an army
to Liang-chou to overthrow Lti Kuang, and Kumarajiva’s long-
cherished wish was fulfilled in 401, when he at last arrived in Ch’ang-
an. He was already well over fifty at that time.
Y ao Hsing honored Kumarajiva with the title National Precep­
tor (Kuo-shih) and asked him to take charge of translating sutras
into Chinese. Kumarajiva not only knew many treatises and sutras
by heart but also had a profound understanding of their meaning.
Many of the scholars who had been educated by Tao-an gathered
around Kumarajiva to learn the true meaning of the teachings, and
they helped him with his translations. Kumarajiva pointed out er­
rors and omissions in earlier translations, and because of his out­
standing scholarship previously obscure points were made clear.
Y ao Hsing had provided Kumarajiva and his colleagues with
quarters where they could work on their translations; and when
Kumarajiva translated the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Twenty-
five Thousand Lines (Panchavimshati-sahasrika-prajnaparamita-
sutra), Yao Hsing participated by holding the earlier translations,
comparing all the translations, and correcting errors. Between 401
and his death, Kumarajiva translated ^irty-five sutras and treatises
(totaling 294 fascicles), including Perfection of Wisdom sutras, the
Lotus Sutra (Saddharma-pundarika-sutra), the Amitabha Sutra
(Sukhavati-vyuha), the Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wis­
dom Sutra (Mahaprajnaparamita-upadesha), the Treatise on the
Middle, the Treatise in One Hundred Verses, the Treatise on the
Twelve Gates, and the Ten-Category Vinaya.
Kumarajiva’s scriptural translations contributed both to the de­
velopment of true Buddhism in China and to the establishment of
various Chinese Buddhist sects. For example, Kumarajiva’s trans­
lations of the Treatise on the Middle, the Treatise in One Hundred
Verses, and the Treatise on the Twelve Gates were the basis of the
San-Iun (Three Treatises) school, and the basic scriptures of the
T ’ien-t’ai sect are the Lotus Sutra and the Treatise on the Middle,
which Kumarajiva had translated. Moreover, Kumarajiva’s trans­
lations of Buddhist precepts, such as the Ten-Category Vinaya,
met a need long felt by such Chinese priests as Tao-an.
62 EARLY TRANSLATORS

Tradition holds that Yao Hsing, who deeply admired Kum ara­
jiva, was afraid that with Kumarajiva’s death his great talent would
be lost, so with the intention of having Kumarajiva beget an heir,
Yao Hsing commanded ten comely young women to wait upon
Kumarajiva. Yao Hsing also built luxurious quarters for the young
women and Kumarajiva, who was obliged to accede to the ruler’s
wishes. Kumarajiva appears to have been very aware of the un­
usual circumstances in which he lived, for at the beginning of his
lectures he would tell his disciples : “You must take only the lotus
flower that grows out of the mire and not touch the mire."
Some of the non-Chinese priests were outraged to see Kumara­
jiva living a life of ease in royal quarters instead ofliving humbly in
a temple. For instance, the Central Asian monk Buddhabhadra
(359-429), who translated the Flower Garland Sutra (Avatamsaka-
sutra), faithfully observed the precepts and was critical of Kuma­
rajiva’s way of life. Thus he incurred the ill will of Kumarajiva’s
disciples, who compelled Buddhabhadra to leave Ch’ang-an. He
went to Mount Lu, in southern China, where he was warmly wel­
comed at the monastery of Hui-ytian (33^4-416).
Hui-ytian, a disciple of Tao-an, moved to Mount Lu in about
384 and spent the remainder of his life in seclusion there. Hui-ytian
practiced nien-fo, that is, invoking the name of Amitabha Buddha in
order to be reborn in that buddha’s Pure Land. In 402 he and
one hundred and twenty-three followers formed a group called the
Pai-lien-she (White Lotus Society) and vowed to be reborn in the
Pure Land. Sometime after 404, Hui-ytian and Kumarajiva en­
gaged in a lengthy correspondence on fine points of doctrine. In his
daily life Hui-yUan, who revered Shakyamuni, strictly observed all
the precepts for monks. When he became old and infirm, his dis­
ciples offered him broth and wine and even honey, but he refused
it all, admonishing the disciples to recall the precepts.

FA-HSIEN Most of the early translators of the sutras were Indian

or Central Asian monks or priests, like Kumarajiva,
who had taken the original sutras into China and translated them
in order to transmit Budd^hiSm to the Chinese. However, many
 FA-HSIEN 63

Chinese pilgrims seekng the Law made their way to Central Asia
and India and brought sutras back to China to be translated into
Chinese. Of the monks who sought the Law in this way, the most
well known are Fa-hsien, Hstian-tsang, and I-ching.
The Record of Buddhist Kingdoms is Fa-hsien’s account of his jour­
ney to India at the beginning of the fifth century. Hstian-tsang re­
corded his travels in Central Asia and India in his Record of the
Western Regiom, a valuable work giving us insight into the customs,
habits, geography, history, and religions of various parts of India
in the mid-seventh century. I-ching’s four-fascicle Record of the Bud­
dhist Kingdoms in the Southern Archipelago is a concrete introduction to
the customs and daily life of the monks in Buddhist temples in In­
dia in the late seventh century, rather than a travel sketch.
Fa-hsien, the first important Chinese pilgrim, believed that many
aspects of Buddhism were still unfa^miliar to the Chinese, especially
the precepts, or monastic rules for monks, even though Tao-an had
already established the Buddhist teachings themselves. Thus in 399
Fa-hsien set out for India to seek a complete original text of the
uinaya, or rules of discipline.
Just two years after Fa-hsien’s departure Kumarajiva arrived at
Ch’ang-an, and not long afterward such great masters of the pre­
cepts as Vimalaksha and Buddhayashas, with whom Kumarajiva
had studied, also crossed into China. By 404 Kumarajiva and Pun-
yatara had translated the sixty-one-fascicle Ten-Category Vinaya,
and in 408 (or possibly between 410 and 412) Buddhayashas, along
with others, translated the sixty-fascicle Four-Category Vinaya
(Dharmaguptaka-vinaya). Had Fa-hsien waited but a few years,
his journey to India would have been unnecessary. Yet, Fa-hsien’s
experience was immensely useful both to him and to Chinese Bud­
dhism.
In the time of Fa-hsien many Indian and Central Asian mo^nks
had gone to China, and some Chinese had attempted to travel to
India or Central Asia. According to the Record of Buddhist Kingdoms,
Chih-yen, Hui-chien, Seng-shao, Pao-ytin, and Seng-ching were
among those few Chinese pilgrims who had set out seeking the Law
before Fa-hsien made his jo ^ ^ ey , accompanied by Hui-ching, Tao-
cheng, Hui-ying, and Hni-wei. Chih-yen and Pao-ytin were very
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SRI LANKA
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■Pilgrimage route of Fa-hsien

■Pilgrimage route of Hsüan-tsang
66 EA R LY TRANSLATORS

active in translating Buddhist sutras following their return to C h n a,

and Chih-yen was considered the greatest native Chinese translator
in China at that time.
Twenty-five other monks, including Fa-yung, Seng-meng, and
T ’an-Iang, set out on a journey to seek the Law about twenty years
after Fa-hsien did. Five of those monks, Fa-yung among them, suc­
ceeded in achieving their goal, and although we do not know if
they made records of their travels, we do know that after their re­
turn to China they devoted themselves to translating the sutras.
About one hundred years after Fa-hsien’s journey, the monks Hui-
sheng and Sung YUn also went to India. A brief diary by Hui-sheng
stiU survives, and journals by both Hui-sheng and Sung Yun are
listed in the fifth volume of the Loyang chia-lan-chi (Record of the
Monasteries in Loyang).
Such extant journals and documents make it clear that a large
number of Chinese traveled to India and Central Asia through the
ages, but Fa-hsien, HsUan-tsang, and I-ching were without doubt
the most successful in their search for the Law.
We do not know how old Fa-hsien was when he set out for India
with his companions, but he may already have been about sixty.
In spite of his advanced age he spent fourteen years seeking the
Law before returning to China.
Hsuan-tsang (ca. 596-664), who traveled during his thirties and
forties, had a magnificent constitution and handsome features, and
those physical blessings were advantages that people admired.
Moreover, his memory was excellent, as were his intellect and lin­
guistic ability, and he seems to have suffered no hardships wherever
he went. In contrast, Fa-hsien became weak with old age, and his
obstinacy prevented his being good at foreign languages. He stayed
in Magadha for a few years to learn the local language and San­
skrit, but he could not manage to master them.
Fa-hsien’s Record of Buddhist Kingdoms describes the difficulty of
his journey. Fa-hsien made his way from Ch’ang-an westward to
Tun-huang, gateway to Central Asia. The Takla Makan Desert,
which lies to the west of Tun-huang, is mentioned in Fa-hsien’s
journal: “ In the desert there exist a great many evil spirits, and a
fiery wind blows. No one who meets them can survive. There is no
 FA-HSIEN 67

bird that flies overhead and no beast that runs on the ground. There
is nothing around us, and we cannot even find our direction. We
can go on only by using the scattered skeletons as our guides.”
Fa-hsien and his companions were able to lodge in Buddhist tem­
ples along the way, and they finally reached the Pamirs, which they
had to cross to get into India. Fa-hsien spoke colorfully of the moun­
tains: “ On the Pamirs there is snow in both summer and winter. A
poisonous dragon also lives there. If men anger him, he vomits a
poisonous wind, makes snow fall, and throws gravel and rocks.
None who meet this calamity survive.” Even after entering India,
Fa-hsien’s party stil had the steep mountain path ahead of it.
Fa-hsien’s description is vivid: “ For fifteen days, as we move to the
southwest along the mountain ridges, the path is steep, the precipice
towering steeply, the mountains an impassable rock wall. One feels
dizzy when one looks down, and even if one wishes to proceed, there
is no place to put one’s foot. Below is the Sindhu [Indus] River.
People of the past chiseled a path out of the rock and drilled about
seven hundred holes across the face of the cliff for handholds. Mter
traversing the path, one crosses the river by means of ropes that are
strung across it. The river is about eighty paces wide.”
Since the cliff along which the path had been cut was several
thousand meters high, just standing on the steep path made people
feel dizzy and weak: nowhere was the ground level. Small holes
had been drilled at intervals of about thirty centimeters, and by
means of two short sticks, which they thrust into alternate holes,
travelers pulled themselves along the path across the face of the
cliff. If one missed but a single handhold, one could faU to one’s
death. Mter that dangerous crossing one still had to negotiate a swift
river some sixty meters wide. Only one person at a time could cross
the precarious ropes stretched across the river. Once safely on the
other side, that person signaled so the next person could make the
crossing.
Some people who had joined up with Fa-hsien’s party turned
back at Purushapura (present-day Peshawar). Fa-hsien, Hui-ching,
and Tao-cheng continued the difficult journey, but Hui-ching be­
came ill along the way and died. Fa-hsien and Tao-cheng continued
on to the Buddhist center Mathura, in central India; the Jetavana
68 EARLY TRANSLATORS
Monastery, at Shravasti; Kapilavastu, where Shakyamuni grew up;
Lumbini Garden, the birthplace of Shakyamuni; Kushnagara,
where Shakyamuni died; and the Vaiji city Vaishali. Some six years
after leaving China, they finally crossed the Ganges and arrived in
Pataliputra (modern Patna), then the capital of Magadha. The two
monks visited various places in Magadha, including Rajagriha, the
orignal capital of M agadha; Gridhrakuta, or Vulture Peak, where
Shakyamuni had often preached; and Bodh Gaya, where Shakya­
muni attained enlightenment. M ter returning to Pataliputra they
went up the Ganges to Mrigadava, or Deer Park, on the outskirts of
Varanasi (also called Benares), where Shakyamuni had preached
his first sermon after enlightenment, and then on to Kaushambi,
the capital ofVatsa, as weli as south to the Vindhya Range in order
to visit Buddhist pilgrimage sites in that area.
At that time both Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhism were
flourishing in India. The four great Buddhist holy places— Lumbini,
Bodh Gaya, Mrigadava, and Kushinagara— were popular pilgrim­
age sites. Indian Buddhism gradually declined, however, and by
the time of Hsüan-tsang, about two hundred years later, both Ma­
hayana and Hinayana Buddhist temples had been abandoned in
some regions.
M ter his journey to the Vindhya Range, Fa-hsien returned again
to Pataliputra, where he stayed for three years (406-8) in order to
learn Sanskrit and the B r a h .i script and to transcribe sutras. There
were no sutra manuscripts in northwestern India, and Fa-hsien
obtained a few manuscripts only when he visited central India. It
was not until he went to Magadha that he was able to acquire a
number of sutras, uimya texts, and treatises. Tao-cheng decided to
remain in Magadha rather than return to China because he felt
that the true teachings of the Buddha could not be learned in the
Chinese countryside and that Magadha was the best place to study
Buddhism. Fa-hsien parted company with Tao-cheng and contin­
ued his travels in the belief it was his mission to communicate true
Buddhism to the people of China. He went down the Ganges River
and stayed two years in the port city Tamralipti (present-day Tam-
luk, near Calcutta), where he transcribed sutras and sketched Bud­
dhist images.
 FA-HSIEN 69

Learning of the prosperity of Buddhism there, Fa-hsien went to

Sri Lanka for two years (411-12) and was able to obtain such scrip­
tures as the Five-Category Vinaya (Mahishasaka-vinaya), Dirgha-
agama (Long Sayings), and Samyukta-agama (Kindred Sayings).
From the Record of Buddhist Kingdoms we can get a fairly accurate
picture of the state of Buddhism in Sri Lanka at the beginning of
the fifth century. In Anuradhapura, the capital of Sri Lanka, there
was the magnificent Buddhist temple Abhayagiri-vihara, where
five thousand monks lived, studying both Mahayana and Hinayana
Buddhism. Fa-hsien also stayed there. A nine-meter-tall emerald
image encrusted with gold and jewels stood in the temple, and one
day Fa-hsien saw a merchant offering before this statue a white silk.
fan made in China.
Twelve or thirteen years had passed since Fa-hsien had left his
homeland. He had parted with or lost his traveling companions, and
it was more than two years since he had last seen Tao-cheng. All
that he saw and heard was strange to him; everything from the lan­
guages to the scenery was different from things in China. In his
journal he described his feelings upon seeing the Chinese-made fan:
“I could not help being filled with deep emotion and could not
keep tears from filling my eyes.”
Fa-hsien at last set out for his native land, having learned what
should be learned and having obtained as many scriptures and other
liturgical implements as he could. For journey he determined
to take the southern sea route.
He took the sutras and Buddhist images and implements aboard
a large ship, which sailed to the east on a favorable wind. Very soon,
however, the ship encountered a violent wind and sprang a leak.
The passengers threw their baggage overboard, and Fa-hsien aban­
doned all his belongings except the sutras and statues, praying to
the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara for safety. The ship managed to
reach Shrivijaya (present-day Sumatra) three months later. Brah­
manism prospered in Shrivijaya; Buddhism had not yet become
popular, although roughly two and a half centuries later (when
I-ching studied Sanskrit and Buddhism there) Palembang, the capi­
tal of Shrivijaya, was a great Buddhist center.
Fa-hsien stayed in Shrivijaya five months, finaUy boarding a ship
70 EA R LY TRANSLATORS

for China sometime in 414. That ship also ran into a severe storm,
and it reached Shantung Province over eighty days later, having
been swept far to the north of its original destination, Kwang­
tung Province. Fa-hsien then went south to Nanking, where he met
Buddhabhadra. With Buddhabhadra’s assistance Fa-hsien was able
to translate a portion of the sutras and the Vinaya-pitaka, or O r­
dinance Basket, that he had brought back from India. Among them
were six fascicles of the Sutra of the Great Decease (Mahaparinir­
vana-sutra) and forty fascicles of the vinaya, or precepts, of the M a­
hasanghika school (Mahasanghika-^^aya).

OTHER EARLY TRANSLATORS A number of important M aha­

yana and Hinayana sutras were
not translated until around the middle of the fifth century a .d.,
some thirty or forty years after the death of Kumarajiva. With the
work of the Buddhist translator Hstian-tsang in the seventh cen­
tury, the Chinese canon as we know it was mostly complete, and
about one hundred years later, near the middle of the T ’ang dy­
nasty, translation of the Tantric Buddhist sutras was completed.
In addition to the Madhyama-agama (Middle-Length Sayings)
and Ekottara-agama (Gradual Sayings) sutras, which were trans­
lated before Kumarajiva’s journey to China, the Dirgha-agama
and Samyukta-agama sutras were translated after the death of
Kumarajiva, completing the four Agamas of the Chinese canon.
Kumarajiva translated the Ten-Category Vinaya (Sarvastivadin-
vinaya), and later translators translated the Four-Category Vinaya
(Dharmaguptaka-vinaya), Five-Category Vinaya (Mahishasaka-
vinaya), and Mahasanghika-vinaya, which completed the Chinese
Vinaya-pitaka.
Although a considerable number of Mahayana sutras had already
been translated before Kumarajiva arrived in China, he translated
the significant ones. Of the sutras translated after Kumarajiva’s
death, the Flower Garland Sutra (Avatamsaka-sutra) is most im­
portant. However, all those Mahayana sutras— the Perfection of
Wisdom sutras, the Lotus Sutra, the Vimalakirti Sutra (Vimala-
kirti-nirdesha-sutra), the Sutra of Infinite Life (Sukhavati-^vyuha),
 OTHER EA R LY TRANSLATORS 71

and the Flower Garland Sutra— were translations of early-period

Mahayana sutras, which were compiled in India before the third
century A.D.
Soon after the death of Kumarajiva, middle-period Mahayana
sutras began to be translated. Included among those sutras are
the six-fascicle Sutra of the Great Decease (Mahaparinivana-
sutra) jointly translated by Fa-hsien and Buddhabhadra; the Sutra
of the Tathagata Treasury (Tathagatagarbha-sutra) translated by
Buddhabhadra; the Mahayana Mahaparinirvana-sutra, the Great
Collection of Sutras (Maha-samnipata-sutra), the Sutra of a Bodhi­
sattva’s Spiritual States (Bodhisattvabhumi), and others translated
by Dharmakshema; and the Shrimala Sutra (Shrimala-devi-sim-
hanada-sutra), the Sutra of the Appearance of the Good Doctrine
in [Sri] Lanka (Lankavatara-sutra), the Sutra of the Continuous
Stream of Emancipation (Hsiang-hsti chieh-t’o-ching), and others
translated by Gunabhadra (394-468) around the middle of the fifth
century A.D., some time after Dharmakshema’s works. The trans­
lations of that era include many of the most important middle-
period Mahayana sutras.
The most distin^^shed translators of the period following K u­
marajiva were Buddhabhadra and Dharmakshema. Buddhabha­
dra, who was active in central China in the valley of the Yangtze
River, and Dharmakshema, who lived in Kansu Province, to the
west of Ch’ang-an, experienced at first hand the turbulence of the
widespread warfare among the sixteen Chinese kingdoms and var­
ious non-Chinese tribes then striving to gain ascendancy in northern
China.

Buddhabhadra (359-429) is said to have been descended from the

Shakya clan of Kapilavastu, where Shakyamuni was born. His
father, a trader, took the family to northern India, where Buddha­
bhadra was born and reared. When Buddhabhadra was only three
years old, his father died, and just two years later his mother also
died, leaving the boy to be cared for by relatives. At the age of
seventeen he was ordained a monk.
Buddhabhadra had a very good memory, and it is said to have
taken him only one day to memorize material that other people
72 EA R LY TRANSLATORS

usually spent a month memorizing. Since he was enthusiastic about

scholarly studies, the practice of dhyana (or meditation), and keep­
ing the precepts, during his youth he was already known for his
dhyana practice and observance of monastic rules. He studied under
the great teacher Buddhasena, who was active in northwestern In­
dia at that time. When Buddhabhadra had finished his discipline,
attaining the level of en lig h te^ en t called anagamin (meaning that
it was unnecessary for him to experience another rebirth into this
world), he wanted to travel outside India to propagate Buddhism
and to see the things and customs of other countries.
At that time the Chinese monk Chih-yen was staying in the area,
and he observed the Buddhists there initiating serious discipline and
missionary activities. Wanting to take their teaching to his own
country, he asked for a suitable person to convey it. Buddhabhadra
was recommended, and Buddhasena himself told Chih-yen that
Buddhabhadra was the most appropriate person to reform the
Chinese monks’ attitudes and mode of living and to instruct them.
Eager to have Buddhabhadra teach the Chinese monks, C^^-yen
asked him to come to China. Buddhabhadra agreed and left for
China by sea, eventually arriving in Shantung Province.
Kumarajiva was active in Ch’ang-an at that time, and Buddha­
bhadra followed him there, reaching Ch’ang-an in about 408.
Kumarajiva was delighted at Buddhabhadra’s arrival, and the
two of them discussed Buddhist doctrine together, searching for
the essence of Buddhism and thus coding to understand one an­
other. In enlightenment and understanding of Buddhism, Buddha­
bhadra was somewhat superior, so Kumarajiva was occasionaUy
enlightened by him. Once Buddhabhadra asked Kum^^jiva,
“Why do you have such a good reputation, though there is nothing
special in your preachings?” Kumarajiva answered, “Because of
my advanced age. I have no especially good talent.” His answer
reflects his humility, but his reputation was probably due to his
character and great intelligence.
Emperor Yao Hsing, a devout follower of Buddhism, offered
meals to three thousand monks, including Kumarajiva, but Bud­
dhabhadra, serious in his observance of the precepts, declined Yao
Hsing’s generosity and continued to live a mendicant’s life alone
 OTHER EA RLY TRANSLATORS 73

in the city. His refusal may have been an expression of his disap­
proval of the life of ease led by Kumarajiva, in violation of the
precepts that ordained monks vowed to honor. Kumarajiva could
understand Buddhabhadra’s attitude, but the people close to Ku­
marajiva were displeased by Buddhabhadra’s behavior, which they
thought insincere.
Buddhabhadra possessed both scholarly ability and an excellent
character gained through uncompromising discipline, and as his
reputation for instruction on dhyana practice grew, many people
gathered around him, wanting to become his disciples.
Once Buddhabhadra prophesied to his disciples: “ Five ships are
sailing to China from India.” ^ ^ e n Buddhabhadra’s words became
known to others, Kumarajiva’s disciples considered the prophecy
a fraud, and they attacked Buddhabhadra as an impostor. But even
before the prophecy of the five ships, which later came true, Bud­
dhabhadra had at times exhibited mysterious paranormal powers
achieved through his training.
Buddhabhadra’s disciples began to disperse when they sensed
potential danger to themselves from Kumarajiva’s disciples. Re­
alizing that he would never be fully accepted in Ch’ang-an, Bud­
dhabhadra left for the south with some forty-odd close disciples,
including Hui-kuan. About a thousand monks and lay believers
saw him off with sadness, and Yao Hsing also seemed regretful.
Buddhabhadra visited Hui-yuan at Mount Lu, and the two men
agreed completely in their views on keeping the precepts. Buddha­
bhadra stayed at Hui-yuan’s monastery long enough to translate
such Zen writings as the Dharmatara-dhyana-sutra (Yogachara­
bhumi-sutra) for Hui-yUan. At about the same time, Emperor
Wu Ti (r. 420-22) of the brief Liu Sung dynasty (420-79) invited
Buddhabhadra to live in the temple Tao-ch’ang in Nanking, the
Liu Sung capital. Buddhabhadra accepted, and because he engaged
mainly in giving instruction in dhyana practice there, he was called
either Zen Master Tao-ch’ang or Zen Master Buddha. But since
his dhyana was meditation in the context of Hinayana Buddhism,
it is considered inferior to the dhyana of Chih-i (538-97), founder
of the T ’ien-t’ai sect, and of Bodhidharma (fl. ca. 520), founder of
the Chinese Zen school.
74 EARLY TRANSLATORS

When Fa-hsien returned from India, he went to Nanking, and

with the help of Buddhabhadra he completed the translation of
several sutras, including the Mahasanghika-vinaya and the six-fas­
cicle Sutra of the Great Decease. But it is as translator of the sixty-
fascicle Flower Garland Sutra that Buddhabhadra is most famous.
The original was brought from Khotan by one Chih Fa-ling, and
Buddhabhadra, who was highly regarded for his scholarship and
ability, was asked to translate it. He completed his superb transla­
tion about three years later, in 421, under the first emperor of the
Liu Sung dynasty. His disciple Hui-kuan, who assisted him, was
also very active in explaining Buddhist doctrine at that time.

Dharmakshema (385-433) was born in central India. His father

died when Dharmakshema was only six, and he and his mother
were forced to live in reduced circumstances, subsisting on the
money his mother earned at weaving wool. When his mother saw
people paying respect and giving many offerings to the virtuous,
learned Buddhist priest Dharmayashas, she decided she wanted
her son to grow up to be such a person and asked the priest to ac­
cept Dharmakshema as his disciple.
Dharmakshema distinguished himself from around the age of ten,
becoming familiar with both Hinayana Buddhism and more general
scholarship, and it is said that no one could give better lectures on
the sutras or discuss the teachings more reasonably than he. From
the Zen master known to us as Pai-t’ou he learned of Mahayana
Buddhism, which he began to study seriously. By the time he was
twenty he had already studied an enormous number of both Hina­
yana and Mahayana Buddhist sutras. He devoted himself not only
to learning but also to actual discipline, and as a result he devel­
oped remarkable paranormal powers and came to be called the
Great Divine Master.
Dharmakshema went to northwestern India, taking original
copies of Mahayana sutras with him, but in that area only Hina­
yana Buddhism was studied and practiced, and the people were not
receptive to Mahayana Buddhism. So he crossed the Himalayu !
into Central Asia, passing through Kucha on his way to Ku-tsang,
the Liang-chou capital, in Kansu Province, where he lodged at an
 OTHER EARLY TRANSLATORS 75

inn. Because wars were still being waged and robbers and thieves
abounded, Dharmakshema feared that his sutras would be stolen,
and he used them as a pillow at night.
During the night, however, someone pulled at the sutras beneath
his head. This also happened on the following two nights, and he
thought that a burglar was responsible, but on the third night
he heard a disembodied voice asking him why he slept with his
head on valuable sutras that preach the emancipation of the Bud­
dha. He felt great remorse and immediately put the sutras on a high
shelf before going back to sleep. Burglars did intrude that night to
steal the sutras, but they could barely lift them. The following day,
the robbers saw Dharmakshema easily pick up the sutras, and, awed
by his obvious sanctity, they bowed politely and left.
The Northern Liang kingdom had been established in Liang-
chou by the devout Buddhist Chu-ch’ii Meng-hstin (r. 401-33).
Hearing of Dharmakshema, Meng-hsun invited him to accept the
hospitality of the court and also asked him to translate the sutras
he had with him. The high priests of the area, who knew of Dharma-
kshema’s distinguished scholarship and virtue, worked with him
in translating a number of sutras, including the Sutra of the Great
Decease and the Great Collection of Sutras, most of which were not
yet known in China.
O fall the sutras he took with him, Dharmakshema thought most
highly of the Sutra of the Great Decease. Its Sanskrit original,
written on bark, had been given to him in his youth by the Zen
master Pai-t’ou. Dharmakshema translated it first, but he found
he had only the initial portion of the original, so his ten-fascicle
translation was incomplete. He returned to India to obtain a com­
plete manuscript, staying for over a year, during which time his
mother died. He acquired the middle portion of the sutra at Khotan
and returned to the Northern Liang capital, where he made an­
other ten-fascicle translation. He sent an envoy to Khotan to bring
back the final portion of the sutra, and in this way the Sutra of the
Great Decease in three parts, forty fascicles altogether, was com­
pleted in 421, seven years after Dharmakshema had begun his
translation.
The translation was still incomplete, however, because the orig­
76 EA R LY TRANSLATORS

inal complete manuscript contained thirty-five thousand lines,

whereas Dharmakshema’s translation contained only a little over
ten thousand lines. The original sutra had probably been expanded
gradually, for the sutra Fa-hsien first brought home was a small
work of only six fascicles, while Dharmakshema’s later translation
grew to forty fascicles. Still later, Hui-yen and others of the Liu
Sung dynasty (420-79) integrated and amended the translations of
Fa-hsien and Dharmakshema as a single edition of thirty-six fas­
cicles. That version is called the Southern Text of the Sutra of the
Great Decease, while Dharmakshema’s own translation is called
the Northern Text.
During the time that Dharmakshema was active as a translator,
the Northern Liang state came under frequent attack by the non­
Chinese T ’o-pa tribe, which had styled itself the Northern Wei
dynasty, conquered the Later Ch’in state, and taken over the Later
Ch’in capital of Ch’ang-an, where Kumarajiva and so many other
translators had worked. In time, the Northern Wei emperor heard
of Dharmakshema and sent messengers to invite him to Ch’ang-an.
However, fearing that the T ’o-pa would somehow make use of
Dharmakshema’s magical skills and usurp the Northern Liang
throne, the ruler Meng-hstin refused to permit Dharmakshema to
travel to Ch’ang-an.
Meng-hstin’s fear helps to explain his response when Dharma­
kshema sought permission to travel to the west to seek additional
versions of the Sutra of the Great Decease. Meng-hstin feigned
consent and even gave Dharmakshema money for the journey, but
he had his men waylay and kill Dharmakshema.
Though Dharmakshema foresaw the ambush, he accepted his
unavoidable destiny and set out pretending ignorance of the king’s
plot. He was forty-eight years old at his death. Both Buddhabha­
dra’s persecution at Ch’ang-an and Dharmakshema’s murder might
be considered ineluctable acts of fate.
There is some evidence that Dharmakshema resorted to artifice,
and we doubt whether he was a truly enlightened person like Bud­
dhabhadra; but his perseverence in making a complete translation ^
of the Sutra of the Great Decease must be admired, and he is re-,
membered for conveying Mahayana precepts to China.
 FIVE

Hsüan-tsang, the Law Seeker

THE EARLY YEARS AND Kumarajiva, Paramartha, Hsüan-

THE JOURNEY TO INDIA tsang, and Amoghavajra are the most
renowned of the roughly two hundred
notable translators who were responsible for the translation of sev­
eral thousand Buddhist works into Chinese in the eleven hundred
years between the second century a .d. and the thirteenth.
At the beginning of the fifth century, Kumarajiva translated im­
portant sutras and philosophical works that permitted the Chinese
to understand the true meaning of Buddhism and that later had a
great influence on Japanese Buddhism. Because of the far-reach­
ing effects of Kumarajiva’s work, his achievements and his contri­
bution to the history of scriptural translation are respected more
highly than those of any other translator.
In his influence on later Buddhist thought and development,
Hsüan-tsang was second only to Kumarajiva, and he translated more
scriptures than any of the other translators. Of the thirty-two vol­
umes of scriptures included in the monumental TaishO Daizokyo (the
definitive collection of the Chinese canon) almost seven full vol­
umes, or more than one-fifth ofall the surviving Chinese translations
of sutras, are attributed to Hsüan-tsang. In comparison, Kumara-
jiva’s extant translations amount to about one-fourth of the number
ascribed to Hstian-tsang.
Of the four preeminent translators aU but Hstian-tsang were
77
78 HSÜAN-TSANG

Indians or Central Asians to whom Indic languages were familiar.

Hsüan-tsang was Chinese, but despite this potential handicap he
rendered more and better translations than any of the others.
Most of the sutras and philosophical works conveyed to China by
Kumarajiva were the documents of early-period Mahayana Bud­
dhism, which presented the true aim ofBuddhism centered on prac­
tice of the faith. Early-period Mahayana Buddhism was studied
earnestly by Kumarajiva’s disciples and others in the period of the
Northern and Southern dynasties (317-589), and later, in the Sui
dynasty (581-618), the fruits of their study contributed to the de­
velopment of the doctrines of the T ’ien-t’ai sect and the San-lun
(Three Treatises) school.
Middle-period Mahayana Buddhist works, however, were not
translated until after Kumarajiva’s death in 413. Middle-period
Mahayana Buddhism emphasized philosophical theory rather than
the practice offaith, but not all its sutras and philosophies had been
transmitted by the beginning of the Sui dynasty, nor was its study
fully developed by then. Moreover, in India the middle-period Ma­
hayana doctrine of Vijnanavada (Consciousness Only) was inter­
preted differently by different groups of its adherents, and when it
was brought to China, scholars there added their own interpreta­
tions to the doctrine. Various conflicting theories thus developed.
Param artha (499-569) was the most outstanding translator of
middle-period Mahayana Buddhist sutras and philosophical texts
during the Liang and Ch’en dynasties (502-89) of the Northern and
Southern dynasties period, but because political conditions in
southern China forced him to wander from state to state during that
time, he was not able to exercise his excellent scholarly abilities
as fully as he could have done under more settled circumstances.
Param artha did manage to translate the Treatise on the Seven­
teen Stages of Spiritual Development (Saptadasha-bh^umika-shas-
tra), a partial translation of the Yogacharabhumi-shastra (the basic
scripture of the Yogachara school), but that translation was lost in
the wars.
Thus, although the study of early-period Mahayana Buddhism
was quite exhaustive by the time of the reunification of China under
the Sui dynasty, the study of middle-period Mahayana Buddhism
 THE EA RLY YEARS 79

was stiU incomplete because of a lack of texts. ^nd this was the state
of Chinese Buddhism at the time of Hstian-tsang’s birth, around
596.
Hsüan-tsang was born into a family of scholars that lived near
Loyang, to the east of Ch’ang-an. His grandfather had been a Na­
tional Preceptor, and his father had been well versed in Confucian­
ism at an early age. It was said that his father and older brother
were more handsome and had better physiques than most people
and carried themselves with dignity but that in Hstian-tsang those
qualities were even more apparent.
His father was appointed to a provincial governorship at the end
of the reign of Yang Ti- (r. 6 0 4 -1 8 ), the last emperor of the Sui
dynasty, but ânce he did not want to serve in the government of
the new dynasty, he resigned his post and retired. With the loss of
his father’s income, the family experienced financial difficulties,
and Hstian-tsang’s older brother left home to become a monk at
Ching-t’u Temple in Loyang, receiving the religious name Ch’ang-
chieh at ordination. He earned an excellent reputation for his out­
standing lectures on the sutras.
Because Hstian-tsang’s family became increasingly poor, Ch’ang-
chieh brought his younger brother into the temple to pursue the
same vocation. Both brothers entered the monkhood in order to se­
cure a living and not out of a genuine desire to seek after the
truth. Nonetheless, Hsüan-tsang became interested in the sutras
and by the age of eleven he was already able to read the Vimala-
kirti Sutra, the Lotus Sutra, and others with ease. It is said that he
was so intent in his study of sutras and philosophical works that he
did not join the other monks when they took time to chat or relax
and that the young Hstian-tsang attended all the lectures on sutras
and commentaries given at Hui-jih Temple in Loyang.
By the time he was fifteen and had begun to study at an advanced
level, his abilities had become evident and even people far from
Loyang had heard of him. When he had learned all he could in
Loyang, he went to Chuang-yen Temple in Ch’ang-an in search of
an able teacher, but his trip was fruitless. Fleeing the widespread
warfare and famine in that part of the country, Hstian-tsang and
his brother made their way to the west, eventually settling in the
80 h s Oa n -t sa n g

mountains of Szechwan Province. Finding Buddhism studied widely

there, the brothers were content to remain.
The study of Buddhism in Szechwan centered on the philosoph­
ical theories of Hinayana Buddhism. Hsüan-tsang became well
versed in the philosophies and theories of both Mahayana and
Hinayana Buddhism, and later, when he returned to China after
studying in India, many of the works he brought back with him
and translated were related to the philosophical theories of these
two streams of Buddhism. (While in India he studied primarily the
middle-period Mahayana Buddhist doctrine of Consciousness Only,
or Vijnanavada.)
During his years in Szechwan Hsüan-tsang acquired all the
knowledge ofBuddhism possible in that area. He never forgot what
he read or heard in his studies, and he had a profound understand­
ing of what was being conveyed. He studied systematically, ponder­
ing what lay hidden in the texts of the preachings. The learned
monks all marveled at his discourse, so well supported by his broad
knowledge, excellent memory, and logical thinking.
Having learned all that he could in Szechwan, Hsüan-tsang, just
twenty-one years of age, left to visit several places in central China
but found no outstanding scholars in that region. He made his way
to Chao-chou in the north, where for ten months he studied the
Ch’eng-shih theory of nonsubstantiality with the scholar Tao-shen.
M ter that, he spent eight months in Yeh studying Mahayana and
Hinayana doctrines under the high priest Hui-hsiu. The priest rec­
ognized Hsüan-tsang’s intellectual superiority and refused to per­
mit Hsüan-tsang to regard him as a teacher. In fact Hui-hsiu
seemed to gain more than Hsüan-tsang from their study together.
Through his travels, Hsüan-tsang visited most of the high priests
and learned scholars throughout China to study Buddhism until
at last there were no more teachers he could seek in China. When
Hsüan-tsang was about twenty-nine, the emperor ordered him to
take up residence at Chuang-yen Temple in Ch’ang-an, but he
refused because he was not yet confident in his knowledge and un­
derstanding of Buddhism. Hsüan-tsang decided there was no course
left to him but to go to India for firsthand study in order to compre­
hend the essence of Buddhism. Although he repeatedly requested
 THE EARLY YEARS 8J

the T ’ang emperor’s permission to travel to the west, he was re­

fused because relations between the T ’ang court and regions to the
west were strained.
In 629, however, when Hsiian-tsang was around thirty, severe
frosts caused food shortages and famine in several cities, including
Ch’ang-an and Loyang, and the government permitted and en­
couraged people to leave the stricken areas and search for food.
Joining the hungry refugees, Hsüan-tsang finally set out for the west
without permission from the government.
The next sixteen years of Hsiian-tsang’s life were spent in travel
and study. In his prime both physically and mentally, Hsiian-tsang
was weU able to endure the hardships of deserts, cold mountains,
hunger, and thirst, which would have overwhelmed a less vigorous
man. He was able to master various Central Asian and Indic lan­
guages and to acquire a large store of Buddhist knowledge.
Very early in his travels Hsiian-tsang stopped at Turfan, where
the king was so impressed with him that he would not allow him
to leave. The king asked him to settle there and accept an ap­
pointment as spiritual preceptor and to spread the Buddha’s teach­
ings, but Hsiian-tsang finally convinced the king that his first
duty was to seek the Law. Swearing they would always be brothers,
the king sent Hsiian-tsang on his way with provisions, treasures,
guards, letters of introduction to neighboring rulers, and a military
escort to ensure his safety.
With but minor differences, Hsiian-tsang enjoyed much the same
hospitality wherever he stayed. When compared with the lot of Fa-
hsien, who was already above sixty years of age and had little lin­
guistic ability when he made his way to India some two hundred
years earlier, Hsiian-tsang’s journey was blessed with good fortune.
Despite the fact that he had left China illegally, when Hsiian-
tsang was at last ready to return home, he implored the T ’ang em­
peror T ’ai Tsung (r. 626-49) for permission to bring back with him
many sutras and images of the Buddha. Greatly pleased by Hsiian-
tsang’s return, the emperor received him like a victorious general,
and it is said that Hsiian-tsang and his party could not pass through
the hundreds of thousands of people lining the last ten kilometers of
the road into Ch’ang-an, the T ’ang capital.
82 HSÜAN-TSANG

Pleased by and respectful of Hstian-tsang’s knowledge and atti­

tude, T ’ai Tsung urged him to leave the monkhood and accept
a ministerial post. Hsüan-tsang refused, however, because he was
anxious to translate the sutras he had brought back with him. Yet
T ’ai Tsung, eager to learn all he could from Hstian-tsang about the
countries to the west, often interrupted Hsüan-tsang’s work to ques­
tion him. Hslian-tsang may have written and presented his twelve-
fascicle Record of the Western Regions (T a -T a n g hsi-yi-chi) to the
emperor in Ju ly 646 in order to preclude further interruptions that
would take him away from the work to which he wished to devote
all his energies.
In his travels he had recorded all his experiences and all he had
heard from the time of his departure until his return to China. No
other traveler had yet written about India in such detail, and his
record provided very important information on the geography and
history of India and Central Asia in the seventh century, as well as
on the religions, cultures, customs, politics, and economics of that
time.
According to Hstian-tsang’s journals, apart from his own account
of his travels, one of his disciples, Hui-Ii, later wrote a ten-fascicle
biography of Hstian-tsang called Ta-tz^u-en-ssu San-tsang Fa-shih-
chuan, which has proved very useful to scholars and historians.
Hstian-tsang mentioned over one hundred and thirty countries
in his Record of the Western Regions. Although he did not visit them all,
he did record whatever he learned of neighboring countries wher­
ever he went and described conditions in Central Asia and India in
surprisingly accurate detail. He also made notes on Buddhist pil­
grimage sites and on each of Asoka’s p ilar edicts, some of which
we have yet to discover. Archaeologists have found Hstian-tsang’s
journal a valuable guide in planning excavations.

THE INDIAN YEARS AND Hstian-tsang did not resume his stud-
THE RETURN TO CHINA ies until after he had passed through
Central Asia and reached India. He
stayed in the Kashmir region of northwestern India for a ^me,
studying both Hinayana treatises, such as the Great Commentary
 T H E INDIA N Y E A R S 83
(Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra) and the Abhidharma Store­
house Treatise (Abhidharmakosha-shastra), and logic from Hina­
yana scholars there and also lear^rng Indic grammar. The time in
Kashmir was only in preparation for later studies, but he was ad­
mired there for his linguistic ability and understanding of the texts.
Hstian-tsang began serious study of Buddhist philosophy in M a­
thura, in central India, and at the great Nalanda monastery, to the
east. Buddhist students from throughout India gathered at the
monastic university of Nalanda to study the teachings of the Yoga­
chara (Yoga Practice) and Madhyamika (Doctrine of the Middle
Way) schools of middle-period Mahayana Buddhism under promi­
nent scholars. Four thousand monks lived at the university, and a
total of six thousand people, including secular researchers and
non-Buddhist scholars, pursued studies there.
Hstian-tsang’s reputation preceded him, and when he reached
Nalanda, more than a thousand monks and lay believers welcomed
him. He was provided with living quarters, and then twenty monks
escorted him to Shilabhadra, the university’s foremost scholar.
Shilabhadra, already one hundred and six years old at the time of
Hstian-tsang’s arrival, was an authority on the doctrine of Con­
sciousness Only (Vijnanavada), and his knowledge had earned him
the sobriquet Treasury of the True Law.
Mter greeting Hsüan-tsang, Shilabhadra asked where he came
from. Hstian-tsang replied that he had come from China and wished
to study the Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Practice (Yogachara­
bhumi-shastra) and other works. On hearing this, Shilabhadra wept
and asked his disciple Buddhabhadra (who was not related to the
great translator of the same name) to tell a particular story.
Buddhabhadra said, “ My teacher suffered from a serious illness
three years ago. He had a sharp pain, as if he were being pierced
by a sword, and, resolving to die, he stopped eating. In a dream,
however, a golden being with the appearance of a s ^ ^ b g buddha
or bodhisattva appeared and said, ‘You must not lay down your
life. In a previous existence you were a king and abused many
people. Because of this, you now suffer pain. A Chinese monk is now
on his way to India to study, and he will be here in three years. You
should teach him the Law so he can disseminate it in China. If you
84 HSÙAN-TSANG

do tthis, your pain will disappear. I am [the Bodhisattva] Manjushri,

and I am here to encourage you.’ ”
When asked how long ago he had left his country, Hsüan-tsang
replied that he had left three years earlier. Hsüan-tsang’s departure
was just as the dream had foretold, and Shilabhadra’s attendants
were astonished by the correspondence, while rejoicing at the pros­
pect of his recovery. Shilabhadra installed the young Hsüan-tsang
among the ten great people of virtue at the university and furnished
him with four attendants and choice food. When Hsüan-tsang went
out, he rode in a howdah borne by an elephant and was accom­
panied by thirty companions. He enjoyed cordial generosity from
the beginning of his stay at Nalanda.
Hsüan-tsang asked Shilabhadra to lecture on the one-hundred-
fascicle Yogacharabhumi-shastra, the basic Yogachara scripture,
only a portion of which had been transmitted to China. Thus for
fifteen months Shilabhadra gave a series of lectures to an audience
of several thousand, but when he had finished, Hsüan-tsang asked
the great teacher to lecture on the scripture again, which he did for
another nine months.
Hsüan-tsang remained with Shilabhadra for five years, mastering
the doctrines of the Yogachara school and also studying other M a­
hayana and Hinayana Buddhist doctrines. Although Hsüan-tsang
wanted to study further, Shilabhadra persuaded him that he must
return home as soon as possible to disseminate the teaching and
gave him many sutras and philosophical texts.
Heeding his teacher’s advice, Hsüan-tsang left Nalanda and went
to various regions in the east, south, and west of India. In western
India he studied the doctrine of the Sammatiya school of Hinayana
Buddhism for two years. He spent another two years studying
Mahayana teachings under the great scholar Vijitasena at the
mountainside center at Yashtivana, where several hundred monks
and lay believers attended lectures every day. Thus Hsüan-tsang
absorbed all facets of Buddhism while in India.
At that time India was divided into many kingdoms, but since
each was weak, there were few wars, and peace prevailed. Of a l
the kings, Harsha (6 0 ^ ^ 7 ), in north India, was the most power­
ful. Harsha had established his capital at Kanyakubja (present-
 T H E INDIAN Y E A R S 85

day Kannauj), on the middle reaches of the Ganges, and his influ­
ence extended into central and eastern India.
Although King Harsha protected various Indian religions, he
was a devout Buddhist. Once every four years the benevolent H ar­
sha held an assembly, lasting seventy-five days, in order to give
away gold, silver, jewels, clothing, and grain to religious people,
philosophers, and the needy. For Harsha this was a practical way to
dispose of surplus goods stockpiled in his warehouses and to help
his people at the same time.
Around the time that Hsüan-tsang was to return to China, King
Harsha asked the rulers of various countries to gather for a religious
assembly, to which he invited tens of thousands of shramanas, or
ascetics, and Brahmans from all over India. Harsha erected large
buildings in which to lodge his religious guests. At the time that
Harsha convened his assembly, Hstian-tsang was in remote Kam a-
rupa (modern Assam), in northeastern India, where he had been
invited to teach Buddhism to King Kumara. King Harsha had
heard that Hsüan-tsang was in Kamarupa and sent a messenger
to invite him to Kanyakubja. King Kumara himself accompanied
Hstian-tsang to Harsha’s capital.
By that time Hsüan-tsang’s reputation was excellent, and he was
addressed by the respectful title Mahayanadeva (Great-Vehicle
Deity). King Harsha had Hstian-tsang debate publicly with the
people of religion and the philosophers in attendance at the as­
sembly. Such contests were often held in India in those days; and
since generous awards of gold, silver, and jewels were presented to
the winner, winning was a singular honor. The debates between
Hsüan-tsang and his opponents lasted eighteen days, during which
time Hsüan-tsang disproved his opponents’ arguments, gaining the
admiration of the foremost scholars in India.
With nothing left to study, Hstian-tsang asked permission to re­
turn to his country. Various kings, including Harsha, attempted to
detain him, but at last understanding his firm resolve, they gave
him elephants and made handsome gifts of gold and silver so he
could travel in comfort. He refused most of the gifts, accepting only
a single elephant and feed for it, a little money for expenses, and
provisions. The elephant was large enough to carry eight people and
86 HSÜAN-TSANG
everything Hsüan-tsang had collected, includingsutras and images
of the Buddha.
With several companions Hsüan-tsang made his way north, re­
ceiving the hospitality and protection of the king in each country
through which he passed and eventually arriving safely near the
border oflndia. Hstian-tsang crossed the upper reaches ofthe Indus
River on his elephant, but he put some ofthe sutras and statues and
the seeds of unusual flowers in a boat. As the boat left the shore, the
wind began to rise. The boat almost sank, and fifty boxes ofHstian-
tsang’sgoods fell into the river.
The king of Kapisa, waiting on the opposite bank to greet
Hstian-tsang, surveyed the damage and asked if Hstian-tsang had
loaded Indian flower seeds on the boat. Hsiian-tsang replied that
he had, and the king said, “Since ancient times a ship carrying
Indian flower seeds has been sure to sink or be capsized to prevent
such seeds fromleaving India.”
The sutras that fell overboard comprised the Tripitaka of the
Kashyapiya school of Hinayana Buddhism. They were only a small
part ofthe sutras Hsiian-tsang had collected, but since he had gone
to the trouble of obtaining them, he delayed his journey for over
fifty days in order to collect other copies of them.
When they were finally ready to resume their journey, Hsiian-
tsang and his companions packed their goods on the elephant, ten
mules, and four horses. They encountered many hardships in the
Himalayas before crossing the Pamirs, making their way into Cen­
tral Asia and at last reaching Khotan, where the elephant drowned
in a river. Because Hsiian-tsang had no other means of transporting
all the goods the elephant had carried, he sent a messenger with a
letter to the T’ang emperor asking help.
It tookabout six months for the messenger to return, and during
that time Hstian-tsang lectured on Buddhism every day to the
king, monks, andlay believers in Khotan. The T’ang emperor asked
the king of Khotan to supply Hsiian-tsang with transportation, and
his sutras and images of the Buddha were loaded on twenty horses.
Hstian-tsang’s party passed through the Takla Makan Desert safely,
and in January 645, they entered Ch’ang-an and were greeted by
the viceroy, Fang Hstian-ling. Hsiian-tsang was at that time around
 THE TRANSLATIONYEARS 87
forty-six years old. The monk who had left the country without his
emperor’s permission was welcomed home with a procession befit­
ting a triumphant general.

THE TRANSLATION YEARS Hsiian-tsang had brought back with

him 150 grains of the Buddha’s rel­
ics, gold and silver images of the Buddha, 6 carved sandalwood
images of the Buddha obtained in various parts of India, and some
658 sutras and related writings, which had been packed in 527
boxes to be carried by the twentyhorses. The Mahayana works he
had gathered consisted of 224 sutras and 192 treatises. He also had
with himwritings from a number of Hinayana schools: 15 Thera­
vada sutras, vimyas, and treatises; 15 Mahasanghika sutras, vinayas,
and treatises; 15 Sammatiya sutras, vinayas, and treatises; 22 Mahi-
shasaka sutras, vinayas, and treatises; 17 Kashyapiya works; 42
Dharmaguptaka sutras, vinayas, and treatises; and 67 Sarvastivadin
sutras, vinayas, and treatises. In addition, hehad obtained 36general
worksonlogicand 13workson grammar. Once he was safelyhome,
Hsiian-tsang’s greatest wishwas to translate as many of these sutras
as possible.
When Hsiian-tsang arrived at Ch’ang-an, the T’ang capital,
Emperor T’ai Tsung was at Loyang, a little to the east. T’ai Tsung,
engaged in consolidating his empire and extending Chinese suze­
raintyover countries to the west, was unable to travel to Ch’ang-an
to see Hsiian-tsang at once, although he wanted to do so. About a
month after Hsiian-tsang’s return to China, Emperor T’ai Tsung
invited himto the palace at Loyang. T’ai Tsung was eager to hear
directly fromHsiian-tsang about Central Asia and India, and they
spoke together frequently. Though T’ai Tsung, very impressedwith
Hsiian-tsang, pressed the monk to return to secular life and accept
a government post, Hsiian-tsang firmly refused because he wanted
to translatesutras.
Nonetheless, the two had much to talk about, and once whenone
of his expeditionary forces was about to depart, T’ai Tsung, feel­
ing he still had not heard everything fromHsiian-tsang, proposed
that they continue their discussion along the way. Hsiian-tsang
88 HSÜAN-TSANG
begged off, pleading that a skin disease he had contracted on the
long journey from India rendered him unfit for further travel.
When Hsüan-tsang explained in detail his plan to translate the
sutras, T’ai Tsung at last understood Hstian-tsang’sdedication and
generously advised him to go to Hung-fu Temple in Ch’ang-an
and work in the quiet meditation hall that had been built there for
his late mother. Thus Hstian-tsang’s translation work was sanc­
tioned by the emperor and was later to be supported financially by
other members of the imperial family.
In March 645, Hsüan-tsang returned to Ch’ang-an fromLoyang
to prepare to translate at Hung-fu Temple. All the arrangements
were made by the viceroy of Ch’ang-an, Fang Hstian-ling, and
highpriests and able scholars were to be gathered fromall over the
country to collaborate on the translations. InJune, the priests and
scholars were selected, and capable assistants were chosen. The
twelve high priests who examined the translations to ensure that
themeaningwas correct were Ling-juen, Wen-pei, Hui-kuei, Ming-
yen, Fa-hsiang, P’u-hsien, Shen-fang, Tao-shen, Hsiian-chuang,
Shen-t’ai, Ching-ming, and Tao-yin. The nine high priests respon­
sible for editing and copying the translations were Ch’i-hstian,
Ming-chtin, Pien-chi, Tao-hsüan, Ching-mai, Hsing-yu, Tao-chuo,
Hui-li, and Hstian-tse. The high priest Hstian-ying confirmed the
correctness of each Chinese ideogram in the translations, and the
high priest Hsüan-mo verified the Sanskrit characters and sentences
in the translations. Many other priests were summoned to partici­
pate intranscribingHsüan-tsang’sdictation, makingfair copies, and
so on.
In the firstyear, that extraordinary assemblyproduced a number
of worthy translations, including the twenty-fascicle Bodhisattva
Treasury Sutra (P’u-sa-tsang-ching), the one-fascicle Buddha-stage
Sutra (Fo-ti-ching), and the one-fascicle Sutra of the Dharani of
the Six Gates (Shanmukhi-dharani-sutra). The translation of the
shortest sutra was completed in a single day.
In the following year, 646, Hstian-tsang translated the sixteen-
fascicle Exegesis on the Collection of the Mahayana Abhidha^a
(Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya-vyakhya) and presented to the
emperor the twelve-fascicle Recordo/ the Western. Regions. As we have
 THE TRANSLATIONYEARS 89
noted, it ispossible that the Recordcf the Western Regionswas written
expressly to give the emperor all the information Hsiian-tsang pos­
sessedonIndiaandCentral Asiabecause Hsiian-tsangfearedthat the
emperor’s constant interruptions with questions about the regions to
thewest woulddelay his translation work.
In the same year, Hsiian-tsang also began translating the one-
hundred-fascicle Yogacharabhu,i-shastra, which he completed in
May 648. Since the main purpose of his journey to India had
been to acquire, study, and then introduce into China the original
manuscript of the Yogacharabhumi-shastra, he devoted about two
years to making his careful translation.
In that same spring T’ai Tsung returned fromhis expeditionand
went to Yii-hua Palace, in the mountains remote fromthe capital,
inviting Hsiian-tsang to join him so they could talk. The emperor
still had not abandoned the idea ofpersuadingHsiian-tsang toleave
his religious community and accept an imperial appointment, but
through their discussions at this time, the emperor finally came to
understand Buddhism and to develop faith. As expressions of his
new-found faith he donated robes to high priests and permitted
state-supported priests to be ordained throughout the country. In
spite of his faith, however, he never left Hsiian-tsang to himself, so
that he remained a hindrance to Hsiian-tsang’s work.
When the emperor and Hsiian-tsang returned to Ch’ang-an from
Yii-hua Palace, in October, the emperor built the retreat Hung-fa-
yuan near his palace so he could always have Hsiian-tsang close
by. During thedayhe invited Hsiian-tsang tothepalace to talk, and
Hsiian-tsang had to make his translations at night, after leaving the
imperial palace. Because his work was being delayed, Hsiian-tsang
began to worry.
In the same year the crown prince constructed in Ch’ang-an
the temple Ta-tz’u-en, in which he included a wonderful building
for translation work. Moreover, the prince appointed more people
to assist with the translations in order to permit Hsiian-tsang to
dedicate himself fully to translating sutras, although he was not
actually able to do so because of the emperor’s frequent interrup­
tions. In April of the following year, 649, T’ai Tsung took Hsiian-
tsangto Ts’uei-wei Palace, far fromthe capital. There Hsiian-tsang
90 HSÜAN-TSANG
gradually brought the emperor to a full understandingofthe mean­
ing ofthe Buddha’s teachings, at which point the emperor regretted
having met HsUan-tsang so late in life. From that time on, the em­
peror’s health deteriorated, and he died at the palace in May. The
crown prince succeeded to the throne and styled himselfKao Tsung
(628-83).
After the protracted funeral observances for T’ai Tsung, HsUan-
tsang returned to the Ta-tz’u-en temple the following year and
was at last able to devote himself solely to translating sutras. He
made it a rule to complete the portion he had planned to translate
each day, and if for some reason he could not finish it during the
day, he continued into the night until he had finished. For the many
monks who traveled great distances to learnfromhim, HsUan-tsang
lectured twice each day and answered questions on the work in
progress.
In the course of his translation work, Hsüan-tsang made about
two hundred images of the Buddha, and he often conferred the six­
teen bodhisattva precepts on government officials, lay believers,
and clerics, who came from throughout the country. He also met
frequently with the imperial family and people in government.
Despite his busy life, HsUan-tsang continued to translate sutras in
his fifties with as much energy as ever and remained ingood health.
In what spare time he had, he also translated writings on Indian
logic and non-Buddhist philosophies.
As they grew older, both Kao Tsung and his empress, Wu Hou
(625-705), came to respect HsUan-tsang more deeply, and, like his
father before him, the emperor wanted HsUan-tsang to be his con­
versational partner. In 657, HsUan-tsang had very little time for
translation because of accompanying the emperor to the Loyang,
Chi-ts’uei, and Ming-te palaces, and he finally asked Kao Tsung
for permission to translate at the quiet Shao-lin Temple on Mount
Shao-shih, to the south of the capital.
It was not until autumn that HsUan-tsang at last went to the
temple, but full-time work on translation did not last long, for in
January of the following year he had to follow Kao Tsung back to
Ch’ang-an. That fall a new temple, named Hsi-ming, was built in
Ch’ang-an for HsUan-tsang, but a year later he asked the emperor
 THE TRANSLATIONYEARS 91
if he could stay at Yii-hua Palace, away from the capital, in order
to translate the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra (Mahaprajna­
paramita-sutra) as his final undertaking. He received permission,
and on the first of the following January he began translating the
six-hundred-fascicle Great Perfection ofWisdomSutra.
This sutra is extremely long: its Sanskrit original contained
200,000verses (some 6,400,000 characters), andtheChinesetransla­
tion comprises three full volumes of the Taisho Daizokyo. Of all the
Chinese translations, the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra is by
far the longest. The next longest is the two-hundred-fascicle Great
Commentary (Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra), also translated
by Hsiian-tsang, but it fills only one volume ofthe TaishS Daizokyo.
Hsiian-tsang was already about sixty-two when he began work
on the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra, and he devoted all his
remaining energy to its translation. In translating the sutra, he and
his disciples relied on three different Sanskrit manuscripts that he
had brought with himfromIndia. Because the sutra was long and
repetitious, his disciples felt it would not appeal to the literary
tastes of the Chinese, and they suggested that it would be better to
concentrate on the essence ofthe sutra and to eliminate repetitions,
as Kumarajiva had done. HsUan-tsang wondered ifheshouldfollow
their advice and abridge thetranslation.
During the time he was considering this question, Hsiian-tsang
began to suffer nightmares. In his dreams, he had to climb a steep
and dangerous mountain road or was attacked by fierce animals.
Whenever he had such dreams, he would wake in a cold sweat. He
told his disciples about his dreams and at last decided to translate
the sutra just as it was in the original rather than to delete the re­
petitive portions of it. In his dream that night, the Buddha and
bodhisattvas appeared, emitting rays of light from between their
eyebrows, and showed their great joy to him, and he reverenced
themwithincense andcandles.
Hstian-tsang then began his translation of the complete original,
referring to the three versions of the manuscript when necessary.
It is said that not only Hsüan-tsang but also the disciples assisting
him with the translation had many auspicious dreams and saw
favorable signs. For instance, at one point a mango tree outside the
92 h sO an -tsan g

translation building blossomed out of season. Realizing that his

life was drawing to an end, Hstian-tsang committed himself to the
translation, working both by day and at night, so that the six-hun­
dred-fascicle translation was completed at the end of November
663. He had spent almost four years on the work.
On the day the translation was completed, Hsüan-tsang told his
disciples with great joy, “This sutra has a deep bond with China.
I came to Yü-hua Palace because ofthe power ofthe sutra. Earlier,
in the capital, where I was occupied with unrelated tasks, I could
do nothing, but now I have finally managed to finish the transla­
tion. This is due only to the divine protection of the buddhas and
the help ofheavenly beings. This Great Perfection ofWisdomSutra
is the scripture that brings peace to and protects the country and is
the greatest treasure of human beings and heaven.” It is said that
at that moment the Great Perfection ofWisdomSutra emitted rays
of light, the heavens rained flowers, and everyone heard music and
smelled extraordinary perfume.
All Japanese Buddhists, except followers of the Pure Land and
Nichiren sects, generally recite the Heart of Wisdom Sutra (Pra-
jnaparamita-hridaya-sutra), in which the essence of the Great Per­
fection of Wisdom Sutra is distilled into two hundred and sixty
ideograms. This short sutra is also Hstian-tsang’s translation and
expresses in the simplest form the basic Buddhist concept “All is
void.’’
On the first day of the following year, 664, Hstian-tsang’s disci­
ples pleaded with himto translate the Sutra of the Great Accumu­
lation of Treasures (Maharatnakuta-sutra). After translating only
a fewlines, however, the illustrious translator realized that he no
longer had the stamina to translate such a lengthy sutra, and he
stopped. During the night of February 5 of that year, according to
the lunar calendar, his extraordinary life came to an end.
 SIX
T h e C h in ese C o u rt an d B uddhism

PROTECTIONAND The period of the Northern and Southern

PERSECUTION dynasties (317-589) was one of the most
tumultuous in Chinese history. During the
yearsfrom304 to439 a number ofnon-Chineseand Chinesepeoples,
the Sixteen Kingdoms, vied for control of northern China. In 311
the nomadic Hsiung-nu destroyed Loyang, and in 316 they took
Ch’ang-an. Refugees fromthe defeated northern court made their
way as far south as Nanking, where theyfounded the Eastern Chin
dynasty (317-420). The first of the Southern dynasties, the Eastern
Chin was succeeded by the Liu Sung, Southern Ch’i, Liang, and
Ch’en dynasties before the country was reunited by the first Sui
emperor.
The Northern Wei dynasty (386-535), established by the non­
Chinese T’o-pa tribe, labored to bring the Sixteen Kingdoms of
northern China under control. By 439 the Northern Wei dynasty
haddestroyed the last ofits rivals and unified northern Chinaunder
a single court.
The Northern Wei flourished for about one hundred years after­
ward, but disagreements between court and army led to revolts
that split the northern court once more: into the Eastern Wei dy­
nasty (534-50) and the Western Wei dynasty (535-57). Through
usurpations the Eastern Wei was succeeded by the Northern Ch’i
(550-77), and the Western Wei by the Northern Chou (557-81).
93
94 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
These dynasties too were ruled by peoples of non-Chinese origin.
Although the Northern Chou conquered the Northern Ch’i in
577 and again unified northern China, the ineptitude of the North­
ern Chou emperor, court intrigues, and the court’s persecution
of Buddhism culminated in the usurpation of the Northern Chou
throne in 581 by the court official who established the Sui dynasty
(581-618). When the Sui conquered the Ch’en dynasty ofsouthern
China in 589, the country was finally reunified under a single em­
peror.
During the two hundred and seventyyears of the Northern and
Southern dynasties, Buddhism generally prospered, and Buddhist
scriptures were translated in both northern and southern China.
From the fourthcentury until the founding of the Sui dynasty, the
Northern dynasties were ruled by non-Chinese invaders who
came mostly from Central Asia. The people of Central Asia, hav­
ing accepted Buddhism very early, had a deeper faith in it than
did the Chinese, and they retained their faith and continued to
practice their religion after assuming control of northern China.
In China they supported monks, constructed Buddhist monasteries,
and encouraged the translation of sutras.
In southern China, Prince Ching-ling (459-94) of the Southern
Ch’i dynasty (479-502), who was a devout Buddhist, applied him­
selfto research and composed thirty-six abridgments of well-known
sutras in order to make the doctrines more comprehensible. Bud­
dhism gradually prospered in southern China because Prince
Ching-ling took a personal interest in a number of prominent
monks, providing for and nurturing them, and those monks played
an active role in supporting Buddhismduring the succeeding Liang
dynasty (502-57).
Liang-dynasty emperor Wu Ti (r. 502-49) and his son became
ardent Buddhists and built temples and treated monks well, thus
contributing to the increasing popularity of Buddhism. But around
the end of the Liang dynasty and during the succeeding Ch’en dy­
nasty (557-89), the political situation became ever more unstable
in both northern and southern China, and in northern China, the
Northern Chou emperor, also named Wu Ti (r. 561-77), attempted
to sweep Buddhismfrom the country. !
 PROTECTIONANDPERSECUTION 95
At that time all China was in turmoil, and the final period of
the decay of Buddhism was thought to have arrived. Cleaving to
the doctrine “one thousand years of the True Law, five hundred
years of the Counterfeit Law,” the Chinese believed the final period
of Buddhism would come fifteen hundred years after the death of
the Buddha. The year 573, the year preceding the start of Wu Ti’s
active persecution ofBuddhism, was thought to be the fifteen hun­
dredthyear after the Buddha’sdeath. But when China was reunified
under the Sui dynasty, Buddhismwas once again adopted to help
maintain public peace and to ease the hearts of the people.
The first Sui emperor, Wen Ti (r. 581-604), an earnest Buddhist,
set about both the construction of new Buddhist temples and the
reconstruction of those that had been destroyed under Wu Ti. It
is said that five hundred thousand men wereordained to the priest­
hoodduring Wen Ti’s reign.
Wen Ti’s decision to establish Buddhism as the country’s prin­
cipal religion had a great influence on Japan. Prince-Regent ShC-
toku (574-622), who cultivated friendly relations with China, was
soimpressedwithWen Ti’s support of Buddhismas China’s nation­
al religionthat he resolved to baseJapan’s government and material
and spiritual culture on Buddhism. ShOtoku believed that, in order
to elevate Japanese culture and to meet with China as an equal, it
was necessary for Japan to adopt the Buddhist faith. He was him­
self a very devout Buddhist who had a correct understanding of
the doctrines, and his great ambition was to uniteJapan and bring
all its people together in harmony through the spirit of the Bud­
dha’s Law.
Major efforts to suppress Buddhism in China, spanning several
hundred years, are attributed to three emperors named Wu and
one named Tsung: the Northern Wei emperor Wu Ti (r. 424-51),
the Northern Chou emperor Wu Ti (r. 561-77), the T’ang emperor
Wu-tsung (r. 840-47), and the Later Chou emperor Shih-tsung (r.
954-59). Of these emperors, only Wu Ti ofNorthern Wei and Wu
Ti of Northern Chou concern us here.
The earliest persecution of Buddhism was undertaken by the
Northern Wei emperor Wu Ti on the advice of his minister Ts’ui
96 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
Hao (381--450), a zealous Confucian, and ofK’ou Ch’ien-chih (d.
448), an equally zealous Taoist. Ts’ui Hao’s ambition was to es­
tablish a Confucian state ruled by indigenous Chinese rather than
by the foreign “barbarians,” while K’ou Ch’ien-chih envisioned a
Taoist empire of which he would be the religious leader. Although
their objectives differed, they joined forces against the foreign re­
lion, Buddhism, which by then had spread throughout northern
Chna.
In 446, the persecution of Buddhism crested when Emperor Wu
Ti went to Ch’ang-an to put down a rebellion and found corruption
widespread in the monasteries there. Wu Ti’sdiscovery resulted in
an edict decreeing both death for all Buddhist monks and the de­
struction of all Buddhist stupas and sutras. The monks were not
seized immediately, however, so that most were able to escape, al­
though many temples and sutras were destroyed. Both K’ou and
Ts’ui died soon afterward, and the suppression of Buddhismgrad­
ually subsided. Mter Emperor Wu Ti’s death in 454, Buddhism
prospered once more.
The persecution of Buddhism carried out between 574 and 578
under the Northern Chou emperor Wu Ti, however, was more far-
reaching and more devastating. For over a century the Taoists had
declared that their founder, Lao-tzu, had gone fromChina to India,
where he converted the people and became the Buddha, thereby
rendering Shakyamuni both inferior in stature and later in time.
The Buddhists had countered by postulating their own impossibly
early date for the Buddha’s birth in order to establish his position
as clearly superior to that of Lao-tzu.
Descended fromnon-Chinese ancestors and eager to embrace aU
things Chinese, Wu Ti opposed Buddhism, which he regarded as
a foreigninfluence. In 573, Emperor Wu Ti declared Confucianism
the national religion, and in574 he issued a decree proscribing Bud­
dhism. The number of monks and nuns harassed and forced to quit
their monasteries during his reign was said to total two million in
the areas of Ch’ang-an and Loyang and three million in the region
centering on Yeh, to the east.
Fearing that with the destruction of their temples and sutras the
Lawwould be lost forever, Buddhists began engraving the sutras on
 PROTECTIONANDPERSECUTION 97
rocks in order to preserve themand to transmit the Lawto posterity.
Thus the initial impetus for the carving of sutras in stone in China
lay in the suppression of Buddhismduring the Northern Chou dy­
nasty.
The carved sutras that survive in northern China are engraved
on polished stone and rock, on cavern walls, and on slate tablets.
Among the sutras carved in the faces ofgreat cliffs in Shantung and
Shansi provinces in northern China are the Great PerfectionofWis­
domSutra, the Diamond WisdomSutra, the Flower Garland Sutra,
the Great Collection of Sutras, the Shrimala Sutra, the Lotus Su­
tra, and the Sutra of the Great Decease. The practice of engraVng
sutras on rock, begun in a crucial period in the history of Chinese
Buddhism, continued long after the cessation of persecution by the
Northern Chou emperor Wu Ti.
The Vimalakirti Sutra and the Shrimala Sutra, among others,
were carved in the caverns of Hu-shan, a mountain in the northern
part of Honan Province. These carvings are well preserved, and
fromthe dedicatory inscriptions we knowthey were engraved with
the intentionofhanding the Lawdown to posterity.
The most immense carving project in China is found in Hopei
Province at Mount Fang, which people refer to as the stone-sutra
mountain. Near the beginning of the reign of the second Sui em­
peror, Yang Ti (r. 604-18), the Buddhist priest Ching-yuan (d.
639) called for preparations against possible future persecutionand
the decline ofthe Law. He had a chamber hewed in the living rock
ofthe mountain and thenengraved sutras on the walls. Before seal­
ing the chamber, he also deposited in it slate tablets on both sides
of which sutras had been carved.
EmperorYangTi‘sconsortsupported Ching-yUan’swork, contrib­
uting generously toward it, and ordinary citizens also helped by
donating moneyand goods. Ching-yuan completed onlyfour cham­
bers before his death, but construction was continued for genera­
tions afterward. By the early days of the T’ang dynasty (618-907)
the stone cavern was composed of seven large chambers, in which
such sutras as the seventy-fascicle Sutra of Stability in Contempla­
tionof the True Law, the forty-fascicle Sutra of the Great Decease,
the eighty-fascicle Flower Garland Sutra, and the first portion of
98 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
the five-hundred-and-twenty-fascicle Great Perfection of Wisdom
Sutra had beencarved.
Eventually the balance of the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra
wasengraved, alongwitheighty-five otherscripturaltexts, including
the one-hundred-and-twenty-fascicle Sutra of the Great Accumula­
tion of Treasures, the Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom
Sutra, the Treatise on the Establishment of the Doctrine of Con­
sciousness Only, and the Collection of the Mahayana Abhidharma.
The great carving work continued for almost five hundred years,
not ceasing until 1094. Even during the persecutions under Em­
peror Wu-tsung in 845 and Emperor Shih-tsung in 955, the Bud­
dhists continued their patient labors to protect the sutras that form
the foundation of the teachings of Shakyamuni Buddha and, with
them, the Buddha’s Law.

TRANSLATION SPONSORS A number of the monks prominent

during the period of the Northern
and Southern dynasties (317-589) journeyed from India and Cen­
tral Asia to northern China in the first half of the sixth century.
It is said that in those days over ten thousand non-Chinese monks
lived and worked in Ch’ang-an and Loyang. The most eminent
translators of the early sixth century were Bodhiruchi (fl. ca. 508­
35) and Ratnamati (fl. ca. 508), who had come from northern In­
dia, and Buddhashanta, who had come from central India. Of the
three, Bodhiruchi was the most prolific, translating a total of thirty
works in more than one hundred fascicles, including such important
sutras as the Diamond Sutra (Vajracchedika-prajnaparamita-su-
tra), the Sutra of Profound and Mysterious Emancipation (Shen-mi
chieh-t’o-ching), the Sutra of the Appearance of the Good Doc­
trine in [Sri] Lanka (Lankavatara-sutra), and the Sutra on Neither
Increasing Nor Decreasing (Pu-tseng pu-chien-ching), as well as
such important commentaries as the Treatise on the Sutra of the
Ten Stages (Dashabhumika-sutra-shastra), the Treatise on the Lo­
tus Sutra (Miao-fa lien-hua-ching-lun), and the Treatise on the Su­
tra of Eternal Life (Wu-liang-shou-ching-lun).
The leading translator of sutras in southern China was Paramar-
 TRANSLATIONSPONSORS 99
tha (499-569), who was said to be the greatest of the four outstand­
ing translators in sixth-century China. Paramartha was born in
western India, where he mastered the Buddhist doctrines. In his
late forties he traveled to China by a southern sea route, arriving in
the Liang-dynasty capital Nanking in 546. Soon after his arrival,
however, a rebellion arose. Unable to concentrate on his transla­
tions, Paramartha went in search of a more tranquil atmosphere
in which to work but met only disappointment. At that time he
almost gave up and returned to India, but because his disciples
begged him to stay, he remained in China. Even after the Liang
dynasty was succeeded by the Ch’en dynasty in 557, Paramartha
was unable to establish a permanent residence. He spent a wretched
life translating sutras while wandering from place to place, accom­
panied by a small band of disciples.
If Paramartha had been able to work under the salutary condi­
tions enjoyed by Kumarajiva and Hsiian-tsang, he could have pro­
duced several times the number of translations that he actually
did. However, during the period of the Liang and Ch’en dynasties
he did translate such works as the Golden Light Sutra (Suvarna-
prabhasa-sutra), the Diamond Sutra, the Sutra on Emancipation
(Fo-shuo chieh-chieh-ching), the Treatise on the Seventeen Stages
ofSpiritual Development (Saptadasha-bhumika-shastra), the Trea­
tise on the Buddha-nature (Fo-hsing-lun), and the Abhidharma
Storehouse Treatise (Abhidharmakosha-shastra). Many ofthe trea­
tises translated by Paramartha were commentaries previously un­
known in China. Altogether Paramartha’s translations amounted
to over fiftyworks in more than one hundred and twenty fascicles.
Although it was also said that he compiled more than twenty fas­
cicles of commentaries for use in explaining and lecturing to his
disciples about the sutras and Indic commentaries while translating
them, those commentaries have all been lost. Many of Paramartha’s
translations were of middle-period Mahayana scriptures, and they
are extremely important to modern-day research on Buddhist doc­
trines.
Since the distinguished translators (whether native-born Indian,
Central Asian, or Chinese) possessed not only excellent knowledge
andskills in both Chinese and Indic languages but also afull under­
100 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
standing ofBuddhism, the taskoftranslating the scriptures was not
especially difficult for them.
One of the greatest translators preceding Kumarajiva was Dhar­
maraksha (231-308?). Of Central Asian ancestry, he was born in
Tun-huang and may have been familiar with as many as thirty-six
Indic and Central Asian languages. Dharmaraksha translated more
than one hundred and fifty works in over three hundred fascicles
with only a little assistance in transcription. In the sixth century,
Paramartha also translated sutras into Chinese with little help.
At the time that Kumarajiva, Hsüan-tsang, and Amoghavajra
weremaking translations—in the fifth, seventh, and eighth centuries
—the situation was quite different. Translation workwas carried out
with government support, and translators had the assistance of as
many scholars as they required.
For example, when Kumarajiva translated the Perfection of
Wisdom Sutra in Twenty-five Thousand Lines at the beginning of
the fifth century, he worked in the company of many other learned
monks. Kumarajiva translated the original Sanskrit manuscript into
Chinese and at the same time explained the meaning of the sutra.
Emperor Yao Hsinghimselfheld other translations ofthe same sutra
(one made by Dharmaraksha in 286 and another made by Wu-
ch’a-lo in 291), which Kumarajiva was using for comparison to
ensure accuracy. About five hundred high priests and scholars, in­
cluding Hui-kung, Seng-liieh, Seng-ch’ien, Pao-tu, Hui-ching,
Fa-ling, Tao-liu, Seng-jui, Tao-hui, Tao-piao, Tao-heng, and Tao-
ts’ung, assembled detailed explanations for the new translations
and refined the writing style. They then made fair copies of the
manuscript, which they also proofread. This is but one example of
the thoroughness of the government-sponsored translation bureaw.
When Hsiian-tsang made his one-hundred-fascicle translation
of the Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Practice (Yogacharabhumi-
shastra), he himself translated the Sanskrit manuscript into
Chinese, a recorder transcribed the oral Chinese translation, a San­
skrit reader verified the correctness of the Sanskrit characters, an
ideogram corrector confirmed the accuracy of the written Chinese,
a meaning verifier carefully studied and discussed the meaning of
the individual translated sentences, and a sentence arranger put
 TRANSLATION SPONSORS 101
theminthecorrect order. In addition, a revisionsupervisor oversaw
the whole project. Because of this systemHsuan-tsang’s translations
were extremely accurate.
After Hsuan-tsang's time the government translation projects
grewtoeven moreimposingdimensions. In the Sung dynasty (960­
1126), a nine-phase systemwas established in the state-supported
translation bureau.
The first person concerned was the man who had brought the
Sanskrit manuscript to China. He would read it aloud in Sanskrit,
and a copyist transcribed not the Chinese translation but the San­
skrit as it was read fromthe original manuscript. (Copyists had also
been employed in the timeof Kumarajiva to transcribe the recita­
tions of people who had memorizedsutrasinSanskrit.) Atranslator
then translated the Sanskrit into Chinese. (Since Kumarajiva and
HsUan-tsang had known both Sanskrit and Chinese and possessed
original manuscripts, they immediately began to make their own
translations.)
Next in the government system, the Chinese translation was veri­
fied by comparing it with the Sanskrit original. This task was del­
egated to men who made certain the meanings in the Sanskrit
original had been correctly translated by the translator and to men
whoconfirmedthat theMgnificanceofits content had beencorrectly
understood by the translator of the Chinese version.
Next, officials edited the Chinese translationso that it would read
smoothly, embellishing it somewhat to make it appeal to Chinese
readers. Kumaraj'iva’s translations were widely read not only be­
cause the original meanings were fully conveyed in his translations
but also because his translations were so polished that they were
smooth and lyrical to read, as well as pleasant to hear.
Literary embellishment had been a tradition since the works of
the Chinese translator Chih Ch’ien of the Wu dynasty (222-80).
In the prose sections of sutras, Chih Ch’ien divided the sentences
into meaningful phrases or units and attempted to translate indi­
vidual phrases into the four- or six-syllable phrasing then regarded
as the most elegant literary style in Chinese. Conforming to this
literary convention, most of the prose in Kumaraj'iva’s translations
was rendered lyrically into phrases of four or six syllables. Such
102 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
embellishment should not be accepted ifit masks or distorts the cor­
rect meaning of the original, but Kumarajiva’s works are ideal
translations because he not only produced graceful prose but also
conveyed the correct meaning of the original.
The sixth group oftranslation-bureau functionaries examined the
sutra translations for correctness of content and for inconsistencies.
The seventh group chanted the Sanskrit original, a ritual that was
performed at the commencement of scriptural translation work or
lectures on the Law. The chanting of sutras was probably not as­
sociated with scriptural translation in earlier times, but later, as
translation work became formalized, the chanting became a neces­
sary ritual.
Next, if the sutra being translated had ever been translated into
Chinese before, officials referred to the earlier translation to assess
the merits or demerits of the former translation and to discover any
errors in content so that the newtranslation would be more reliable.
(This practice was also followed by Kumarajiva and Hsüan-tsang,
and, as it happens, Hsüan-tsang pointed out many errors in Para­
martha’s translations of sutras that Hslian-tsang also translated.)
The final group supervised and inspected the whole translation
project at each stage and was responsible for its smooth progress.

SUTRACATALOGUES AND With so many prolific translators at

LATE TRANSLATIONS work, the number of Chinese ver­
sions of Buddhist sutras gradually
increased, and sutra catalogues began to be compiled during the
Northern and Southern dynasties period. As I mentioned on page
50, in northern China more than five hundred ofthe sutras that had
been translated between the first century a.d. and the beginning
of the fourth centuy were listed by Tao-an in his 374 compilation
Tsung-li chung-ching mu-lu (Comprehensive Catalogue of the Su­
tras), which is generally knownby its abbreviated title, An-lu (An’s
Catalogue).
Sutra catalogues also began to appear insouthern China at about
the same time. For example, the two-fascicle Chung-ching pieh-lu
(Independent Catalogue of the Sutras) is thought to have been
 CATALOGUES AND LATE TRANSLATIONS 103
compiled during the Liu Sung dynasty (420-79), and Shih Wang-
tsung completed his two-fascicle Chung-ching mu-lu (Catalogue
ofthe Sutras) during the Southern Ch’i dynasty (479-502). During
the subsequent Liang dynasty (502-57), Seng-chao compiled his
four-fascicle Hua-lin fo-tien chung-ching mu-lu (Hua-lin Fo-tien
Catalogue of the Sutras) in 515, and Pao-ch’ang completed his
four-fascicle Liang-shih chung-ching mu-lu (Liang Dynasty Cata­
logue of the Sutras) in 518. Both of these catalogues have been
lost, perhaps because they were so quickly displaced by the monu­
mental fifteen-fascicle Ch’u san-tsang chi-chi (Collection of Rec­
ordsConcerningtheTripitaka), editedbySeng-yu (445-518), which
was completedaround 518.
The oldest extant sutra catalogue, the Ch’u san-tsang chi-chi is
an outstanding work. With its record of more than two thousand
works—over forty-five hundred fascicles of sutras—it is far more
comprehensive than the two catalogues it superseded. In addition
to its exhaustive lists of sutras, it contains introductory essays on
the sutra translations and biographies of the early translators, mak­
ing it the most complete and reliable early reference work known.
Even today the Ch’u san-tsang chi-chi is indispensable to thestudy
of ancient sutra translations and translators.
The cataloguing of sutras was not being neglected in northern
China during this period. Li K’uo completed his one-fascicle Yüan-
Wei chung-ching mu-lu (Northern Wei Dynasty Catalogue of the
Sutras) between 532 and 534, and about forty years later, between
570 and 576, Fa-shang compiled his one-fascicle Kao-Ch’i chung-
ching mu-lu (Northern Ch’i Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras).
Unfortunately, however, neither of these works has survived.
Because there was little communication between north and south
during the Northern and Southern dynasties period, the translation
of sutras and the compilation of catalogues were carried out in­
dependently in the two regions. However, when the country was
reunited under the Sui dynasty and Buddhism became the statere­
ligion, the collecting of sutras fromvarious districts in both north­
ern and southern China was undertaken as a national endeavor.
In order to facilitate the collecting of the sutras, a comprehensive
catalogue of Chinese-language sutras was compiled by referring
104 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
to all the catalogues that had appeared upto thenin both northern
and southern China.
That compendium, the seven-fascicle Chung-ching mu-lu (Cata­
logue of the Sutras), known to us as Fa-ching’s Catalogue, was
compiled in 594 by twenty great masters led by Fa-ching. The
catalogue’s systematic arrangement listed 2,257 works in 5,310
fascicles, believed to be the total number of sutras then extant in
China. According to the compilers, these sutras were to be gath­
ered from throughout the country so that an accurate catalogue
could be prepared.
The new catalogue, the Sui-chung-ching mu-lu (Sui Dynasty
Catalogue of the Sutras), which is generally called Yen Tsung’s
Catalogue, was completed eight years later, in 602. Compiled by a
number of translators, including Yen Tsung, the five-fascicle cata­
logue recorded some 2,109 works in 5,059 fascicles, although only
688 works numbering 2,533 fascicles were actually then extant.
Those extant sutras comprised only about sixty percent of the
1,076 extant works in 5,048 fascicles listed in the twenty-fascicle
government-sponsored K’ai-yiian shih-chiao-lu (K’ai-yiian Era
Buddhist Catalogue) compiled by Chih-sheng more than one hun­
dred years later, in 730. The discrepancy between the two cata­
logues was the result not only of the addition of new translations
but also ofthe rediscoveryof translations long thought to have been
lost.
During the interlude between the publication ofFa-ching’s Cata­
logue, in 594, and Yen Tsung’s Catalogue, in 602, a privately edited
catalogue made its appearance. The Li-tai san-pao-chi (History of
the Three Treasures in Successive Reigns and Catalogue of the Su­
tras), also known as Ch’ang-fang’s Catalogue, was fairly massive,
consisting of fifteen fascicles. The first three fascicles contained a
Buddhist chronology, and the remaining twelve fascicles contained
a record of sutras.
Fei Ch’ang-fang, the layman who compiled the catalogue in 597,
had earlier participated ingovernment-sponsored sutra translations.
Ch’ang-fang had at one time been a monk but had been compelled
to leave the priesthood sometime between 574 and 578, during the
years that Buddhism was being persecuted under the Northern
 CATALOGUES ANDLATE TRANSLATIONS 105
Chou dynasty emperor Wu Ti. Grieved by the crushing blows dealt
to Buddhism, Ch’ang-fang blamed Taoism for the decline of Bud­
dhism, since it was Taoist influence in the imperial court that had
led to the suppression of Buddhism. Ch’ang-fang compiled his cat­
alogue in an effort to protect the Law and demonstrate that Bud­
dhismwas superior toTaoism.
Ch’ang-fang’sBuddhist chronologywas the first ever set down. It
was not a credible scholarly work, however, since it was compiled
in an effort to prove that Shakyamuni predated Lao-tzu (in order
todisprove the Taoist claimthat Lao-teu had been rebornin India
as Shakyamuni) and to attest to the great number of Buddhist
sutras that had been translated into Chinese since the time of the
Later Han emperor Ming Ti (r. a.d. 57-75). In his eagerness to
protect the Law, Ch’ang-fang gave an unreasonably early date for
the Buddha’s death and inflated the number of translated sutras by
citing some sutras two or three times. He also credited translators
at randomwith sutras that earlier catalogues had listed as the work
of unknown translators, and he changed the dates of some transla­
tions to make them appear older than they actuaUy were.
For example, it is believed that when Buddhism was first intro­
ducedinto China, during the reignof the Later Han emperor Ming
Ti, the only sutra that had been translated into Chinese was the
Sutra ofForty-two Chapters, but Fei Ch’ang-fang listed 5 works in
16 fascicles in addition to that sutra. He also inflated the number of
translations attributed to An Shih-kao (d. ca. a.d. 170), the trans­
lator oftheoldest extant Chinese translations. Ch’ang-fang credited
An Shih-kao with 176 works, totaling 197 fascicles, although ac­
cording to reliable early catalogues, he is believed to have trans­
lated only 34 works in 40 fascicles.
It is thought that Ch’ang-fang’s indiscriminate altering of facts
was known to scholars of his time but was tacitly accepted by them
because ofhis sincere desire to protect the Law. Some fifty or sixty
years later, in the time of Hstian-tsang, the portraits of well over
one hundred earlier translators were painted on a wall of the
building in which Hsüan-tsang made his translations at the temple
Ta-tz’u-en, in Ch’ang-an. When the titles of the translators’ works
were written above their portraits, the inflated attributions of Fei
106 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
Ch’ang-fang were recorded instead ofthe more reliable traditional
attributions found in earlier catalogues.
After it appeared prominently in wall paintings in a structure
built by the government for translators, the twaddle of the Li-tai
san-pao-chi became accepted as fact, and the misrepresentations of
the Li-tai san-pao-chi influenced later sutra catalogues. No doubt
the catalogue based upon those wall paintings, the Ku-chin i-ching
t’u-chi (Record of the Paintings of Ancient and Modern Sutra
Translations), which was made by Ching-mai and is also known as
Ching-mai’s Catalogue, did much to help perpetuate the aberra­
tions of the Li-tai san-pao-chi.
Even Chih-sheng’scatalogue, the K’ai-yuan shih-chiao-lu, which
became the standard reference and a model for later catalogues,
contained fundamental errors because of Fei Ch’ang-fang’s flights
of fancy, although Chih-sheng did correct many of Ch’ang-fang’s
flagrant exaggerations. Because all later sutra catalogues, including
those contained in the modern TaishODaizokyo, were based on the
K’ai-yuan shih-chiao-lu, some of Fei Ch’ang-fang’s falsifications
have been perpetuated to the present day and are still accepted as
fact byscholars.
A number of government-supported sutra catalogues also ap­
peared during the period between the completion of Yen Tsung’s
Catalogue, in 602, and the completion of the K’ai-yuan shih-chiao-
lu, in 730. The work of the eminent translator Hsiian-tsang had a
direct effect on the compilation ofcatalogues, for within a relatively
brief period his prodigious output greatly increased the number of
Chinese-language scriptures, making new catalogues necessary. In
664, the year of Hsiian-tsang’s death, the five-fascicle Chung-ching
mu-lu (Catalogue of the Sutras) compiled by Ching-t’ai was com­
pleted. That work, known as Ching-t’ai’s Catalogue, was a com­
plete record of all Chinese-language sutras stored at the temple
Ching-ai-ssu in Loyang. Ching-t’ai’s Catalogue contained 816
entries, comprising 4,066 fascicles, and, in addition to the then-
extant 741 works in 2,731 fascicles recorded in an earlier catalogue,
it included Hstian-tsang’s recent translations, which numbered 75
works in 1,335 fascicles.
At the same time, in 664, Tao-hsiian (596-67), who had par-
 CATALOGUES ANDLATE TRANSLATIONS 107
ticipated in HsUan-tsang’s translation work, edited the ten-fascicle
Ta-Tang nei-den-lu (Catalogue of Tang Dynasty Buddhist Su­
tras), a record of aU the sutras stored at the temple Hsi-ming-ssu,
which had been built in Ch’ang-an for HsUan-tsang. In his cata­
logue, Tao-hsiian included more detailed information than was
found in Ching-t’ai’s work. Both catalogues, however, record even
the number of sheets of paper required for copying individual
sutras, which gives us a fa.rly accurate indication of the length of
specific sutras.
After the death of HsUan-tsang a number of monks from India
continued adding newtranslations to the growing body of Chinese-
language scripture. Followingthe deathofthe third Tang emperor,
Kao Tsung, in 683, his empress, Wu Hou, who was favorably dis­
posed toward Buddhism, began exercising control of the imperial
court. In 690 she usurped the throne in her own name, proclaiming
herselfempress and changing thedynastic name to Chou, a dynasty
that survived only until 705, the year of her death.
Taoism and Buddhismhad competed fiercely for supremacy dur­
ing the early years of the Tang dynasty (618-907), with Taoists
going so far as to insist that since the imperial family and the
founder of Taoism, Lao-tzu, shared the same surname—Li—they
weredescendedfromthe same ancestors. Accepting this flimsyargu­
ment, the imperial family had officially favored Taoism over Bud­
dhism, and it was through Taoist intrigues that Buddhism had
sufferedpersecutioninthe reignofthefirst T’ang emperor, Kao Tsu
(r. 618-26).
However, Empress Wu, who had been instructed in Buddhism
by Hsüan-tsang and had long been a believer, actively supported
the religion during her reign. In 695 Ming-shuan and more than
twenty other monks compiled the comprehensive fifteen-fascicle
Ta-Chou k’an-ting chung-ching mu-lu (Chou Dynasty Catalogue
of the Sutras) in order to bring the imposing quality and quantity
of Chinese-language scriptures to the attention of the public. But
this catalogue, which included works translated after the death of
Hsiian-tsang, was on the whole rather slipshod and not entirely
accurate.
Mter the publication of the Ta-Chou k’an-ting chung-ching mu-
 J08 THE COURTANDBUDDHISM
lu, excellent translations continued to appear fromthe hands ofsuch
Indian monks as Shikshananda (652-710), Bodhiruchi (672-727),
Vajrabodhi (671-741), and Shubhakarasimha (637-735). Shiksha-
nanda is remembered for his translation of the eighty-fascicle
Flower Garland Sutra (Avatamsaka-sutra) and of the seven-fascicle
Sutra of the Appearance of the Good Doctrine in [Sri] Lanka
(Lankavatara-sutra). Bodhiruchi, who was not related to the early-
sixth-century translator of the same name, translated the Sutra
of the Great Accumulation of Treasures (Maharatnakuta-sutra),
which Hsiian-tsang had been unable to complete before his death.
Vajrabodhi, Shubhakarasimha, and Amoghavajra (705-74) are
noted for introducing and translating Esoteric Buddhist sutras.
Shubhakarasimha, for example, translated such important works as
the seven-fascicle Great Sun Sutra (Mahavairochana-sutra), a basic
text of the Tantric school, and the three-fascicle Sutra of Good Ac­
complishment (Susiddhikara-sutra).
Also active at about this time was the Chinese monk I-ching
(635-713), who translated the many sutras he had brought back to
China from India. By the age of fifteen he had already decided to
journey to India in order to experience at first hand the discipline
and environment described earlier by Hsüan-tsang. With scores of
other monks I-ching left China in 671, taking a southern sea route
to India. I-ching was the only member of the group to reach India,
since his companions elected to remain inJava, Sumatra, and other
island countries along the way. I-ching visited many holy places in
India and stuthed Buddhism at the great monastery at Nalanda
before finally returning to China in 695 with almost four hundred
sutras, commentaries, and other works. Of the writings he toot:
home with him, he eventually translated forty-six works, consisting
of two hundred and thirty fascicles.
One of I-ching’s most important translations is the one-hundred-
and-seventy-odd-fascicle Vinaya-pitaka of the Mulasarvastivadin
school, containing Indian Buddhist injunctions on keeping the pre­
cepts, which he felt was most important for himto obtain in India.
He also translated the ten-fascicle Sutra of the Most Honored King
(Suvarnaprabhasottamaraja-sutra), which has been very highly re­
garded inJapan, as well as a number of philosophical works.
 CATALOGUES ANDLATE TRANSLATIONS 109
I-ching also wrote several works still known to us. His two-fascicle
Biographies of Eminent Tang Dynasty Monies Who Sought the Dharma
in the Westtern. Regions (Ta-Tang hsi-yi ch'iu-fa kao-seng-chuan) is a
record of the sixty-odd Chinese and Korean monks who traveled
to India. His four-fascicle Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms in the
Southern Archipelago (Nan-hai chi-kuei nei-fa-chuan) records the prac­
tices and customs of monks at the monastery at Nalanda. Since the
state of Indian Buddhism at that time is described in I-ching’s
preface to this work, scholars of Buddhismvalue it as highly as the
journals of Fa-hsien and Hstian-tsang.
Because such a great number of translations were produced in
China during the seventy years following Hsiian-tsang’s death,
Chih-sheng edited his monumental catalogue in 730. The twenty-
fascicle K’ai-yuan shih-chiao-lu (K’ai-ytian Era Buddhist Cata­
logue), whichlisted 1,076 then-extant works totaling 5,048 fascicles,
is still considered the definitive catalogue of the time. Chih-sheng
estimated that 1,148 works in 1,980 fascicles had already been lost
byhis time. Although the K’ai-yiian shih-chiao-lu had minor faults,
its organization was perfect, and it later served as a model for other
catalogues.
During the seventy years after the compilation of the K’ai-yian
shih-chiao-lu, additional translations were made by Dharmachan-
dra, Amoghavajra, and Prajna, among others, leading Yiian-chao
to compile a new catalogue in 800. The 30-fascicle Chen-ytian
hsin-ting shih-chiao mu-lu (Chen-yiian Era Buddhist Catalogue)
listed 5,390 fascicles of then-extant works, 342 fascicles more than
listed in Chih-sheng’s catalogue. Ytian-chao’s catalogue recorded
some 110 Esoteric Buddhist scriptures in 143 fascicles, including the
3-fascicle Diamond Peak Sutra (Vajrashekhara-sutra) rendered by
the great translator and master of Esoteric BuddhismAmoghavajra.
Anative of Sri Lanka, Amoghavajra went to China and became
a disciple ofVajrabodhi at the age of fourteen and was ordained at
the Loyang temple Kuang-fu-ssu at the age of twenty. When
Vajrabodhi died in 741, Amoghavajra carried out his teacher’s
wishes and left for India and Sri Lanka. Amoghavajra, familiar
with Indic languages, was also well versed in Chinese after having
livedin China more than twenty years.
110 THE COURT AND BUDDHISM
At the time of -Amoghavajra’s journey, Esoteric Buddhism was
flourishing at the Nalanda monastery and in Sri Lanka, where
numerous Esoteric Buddhist sutras were preserved. Amoghavajra
studied Esoteric Buddhism in Sri Lanka for three years, winning
the devotion of the king there, and then went onto India, where he
visited many holy sites. ^^en he returned to China in 746 he took
with hima variety ofgoods, includingsutras andritual implements.
During the following years, Amoghavajra gained the respect
and devotion of the Tang imperial house and served as National
Preceptor to three successive emperors: Hsüan Tsung (r. 713-55),
Su Tsung (r. 756-62), and Tai Tsung (r. 763-79).
 SEVEN
S crip tu ral C o n tro v e rs y

AUTHORIZEDSCRIPTURE From earliest times Buddhists were

a^nxious to preserve and protect the
sutras, in which are recorded the teachings of Shakyamuni, the
historical Buddha. That desire was the impetus for the convening
of the Buddhist councils, which settled questions of orthodoxy. In
thebeginning the Buddhist councils, charged withcompilingsutras
andcorrectly transmitting the teachings of the Buddha, were usu­
ally convened when disputes among different schools of Buddhism
had reached the crisis level and schism threatened to sunder the
religion. According to traditional Southern Buddhist reckoning, six
Buddhist councils have been convened in the twenty-five centuries
since the Buddha’s death.
As I mentioned in chapter one, after Shakyamuni’s death there
were some among his disciples who averted that with the Buddha
gone they were no longer required to observe the burdensome
Buddhist precepts and that they were free to order their monastic
lives as they wished. It was to silence the claims of such misguided
monks that five hundred arhats, or enlightened disciples, assembled
near Rajagriha shortly after Shakyamuni’s death and at that First
Buddhist Council together compiled and edited the historical Bud­
dha’s teachings.
The Second Buddhist Council met at Vesali (Vaishali) around
380 B.C., one hundred years after the Buddha’s death, because of a
111
112 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
dispute between liberal Buddhists, who favored a broad interpre­
tation of the precepts established by the Buddha, and conservative
Buddhists, who adhered rigidly to traditional orthodoxy. The con­
servatives summoned seven hundred arhals to the Second Council
in order to hand down the traditional teachings unchanged. The
liberals, however, called a rival council and edited their own sutras.
In time the conservatives became known as the Theravada school,
and the liberals became known as the Mahasanghika school.
Roughly one hundred years after the Second Buddhist Council
the great emperor Asoka (ca. 274-ca. 236 b.c.), a devout Theravada
Buddhist, adopted the Buddha’s Law as his guide inruling a unified
India. Although he protected other religions as well, Emperor
Asoka supported and encouraged beliefin Buddhism, and it is said
that he erected eighty-four thousand stupas in and beyond India to
house fragments of the Buddha’s relics. Many people took advan­
tage of Asoka’s high regard for Buddhism and joined the Buddhist
Order not out of genuine faith but simply as a means of securing a
livelihood. The influence of such “believers” eventually led to dis­
sent within the Buddhist Order and gave rise to manifold heretical
teachings.
To eliminate confusion and establish orthodox Buddhist teach­
ings, one thousand arhats assembled at Pataliputra (present-day
Patna) to participate in the Third Buddhist Council, some two
hundred and thirty years after the Buddha’sdeath. Under the aegis
of Emperor Asoka, the sutras compiled at that council were trans­
mitted to Sri Lanka by Theravada emissaries, including Asoka’s
son Mahinda. Those teachings, which gave birth to Southern (or
Theravada) Buddhism as we knowit today, were embraced by the
people and successive rulers of Sri Lanka. By the fifth century a.d.,
some seven or eight hundred years after its introduction into Sri
Lanka, Southern Buddhismhad been carried to Burma, Thailand,
and Cambodia. However, Theravada was not the only form of
Buddhismconveyed to Sri Lanka. Other Hinayana sects, as well aI
various Mahayana teachings, were also imported, and even Vaj-
rayana (DiamondVehicle) teachings were disseminated for a ^me.
As early as the first century b.c. conflict arose in Sri Lanka b­
e
tween the Mahavihara (Great Monastery) and Abhayagiri-vihara
 AUTHORIZED SCRIPTURE 773
(Mount Fearlessness Monastery) sects of Buddhism, culminating in
the oppression of the conservative Mahavihara sect by the liberal
Abhayagiri-vihara sect in the fourth century a.d. Even though the
Abhayagiri-vihara sect alone prospered during the ensuing five or
six centuries, the Mahavihara sect faithfully continued to preserve
and protect its own teachings.
In the twelfth century Sri Lanka’s greatest king, Parakrama
Bahu I (r. 1153-86), ascended the throne. Uniting the island
country under a single ruler, he did much to reform the economy
of the country and make its might felt abroad. Parakrama Bahu,
who also took steps to improve discipline in the Buddhist Order,
discovered that the precepts, study, and practice ofthe Abhayagiri-
vihara sect had become corrupt. Though the sect appeared to be
flourishing, its priests proved to be taking orders merely to assure
themselves of a living. As a result of these revelations Parakrama
Bahu sanctioned the untarnished Mahavihara sect as the national
religion.
In conjunction with a reformation of discipline in the Buddhist
Order, the Mahavihara sect convened the Fourth Buddhist Council
and compiled and edited both the sutras traditionally regarded as
genuine and the commentaries of the one thousand arMis in at­
tendance. Today’s Southern Buddhist sutras and commentaries
are the products of that council.
In the sixteenth century European traders in search of profit
began making regular journeys to India and Southeast and East
Asia, and they were quickly followed by eager companies of Chris­
tian missionaries. By the mid-nineteenth century the Indian sub­
continent was effectively under British control, and by the end of
1885 three closely spaced wars had brought Burma into the Brit­
ish Empire.
Long before the British conquered Burma, the Burmese had
feared for the future of their culture under British rule. In 1868
Buddhist groups, apprehensive of the destruction of Buddhism
under the British, convened a council at Mandalay, then the
Burmese capital, in order to preserve true Buddhism for posterity.
As a result of this Fifth Buddhist Council, which met for four years
altogether, Buddhists engraved all the Pali sutras on stone tablets
J 14 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
and built four hundred and fifty pagodas in which to house them.
Those sutra stones still survive, in perfect condition.
The Sixth Buddhist Council, which sat for three years, was con­
vened in 1954 in Rangoon, the modern capital of Burma. Partici­
pants in that council included Buddhist scholars from throughout
the Southern Buddhist countries. Following the Sixth Council, the
Pali canon and commentaries on the scriptures were published in
Burmese script on the twenty-five hundredth anniversary of Sha­
kyamuni Buddha’s death (according to Southern Buddhist reckon­
ing), apparently to commemorate both the Buddha’s death and the
postwar independence of the countries in the region.

GENUINE AND As we have already noted, extant Buddhist

SPURIOUS SUTRAS scriptures—even some of the Agama sutras,
the oldest of extant scriptures—contain dis­
courses apart from the sermons preached by the Buddha himself.
Some scriptures include the discourses of ordained or lay followers
of the Buddha; some contain discourses by Brahma or Indra, or by
various demons; and some record incidents that occurred after the
Buddha’s death. Moreover, a number of sutras that are assumed to
have been uttered by the Buddha have undergone considerable
change during several hundred years of oral transmission.
Some of the extant scriptures were already being recited by
ciples during the Buddha’s lifetime, for instance, the Meaningful
Chapter (Atthakavagga), which is one of the oldest of all surviv­
ing sutras. The Meaningful Chapter is recorded in the Suttani­
pata (Collection of Discourses), the famous collection of sutras
that forms part ofthe Agama sutras, and it is also quoted in various
Mahayana and Hinayana sutras and commentaries on sutras. For
example, the following story about that sutra is found in both the
Udana (Solemn Utterances of the Buddha) and the Vinaya-pitaka
(Ordinance Basket).
Maha-Kacchayana, who became one of the chief disciples of the
Buddha and was recognized as the foremost interpreter of the
Buddha’s teachings, was the son of a minister of the powerful king­
dom of Avanti, in western India. In time word that Shakyamuni
 GENUINE ANDSPURIOUS SUTRAS 115
was a great man of religion reached Avanti; and the king, wishing
to hear Shakyamuni’s teachings, sent seven retainers, induding
Maha-Kacchayana, to Magadha to invite himto Avanti. But when
Maha-Kacchayana heard Shakyamuni preach, he was so moved
that he immediately requested permission to become a monk.
In his zeal, Maha-Kacchayana—who attained the eminent en­
lightenment of an arhat through diligent practice—forgot that he
had been commanded to invite Shakyamuni to Avanti. Although
Maha-Kacchayana did at last recall and perform his mission, it
seems that Shakyamuni neverjourneyed to Avanti, and it has been
assumed that Shakyamuni sent the enightened Maha-Kacchayana
to western India in his stead. In any event, Maha-Kacchayana
eventually returned to Avanti, where he converted the king and
numerous less exalted people to Buddhism. As a result of Maha-
Kacchayana’s dedicated teaching efforts, other western kingdoms
also embraced Buddhism, and Ujjeni, the capital of Avanti, be­
came one of the major centers of Buddhismin western India after
Shakyamuni’s death.
Maha-Kacchayana did not find it easy to pursue his teaching
ministry alone in Avanti. In particular he was hindered by the
fact that, although a single monk could confer the simple precepts
on new lay believers, ten monks were required in order to ordain
monks. Maha-Kacchayana’s young attendant in Avanti, Sona, had
become a lay believer and was eager to receive the precepts of a
monk, but it was three years before Maha-Kacchayana was able
to summon the necessary additional monks from various places
and confer the monk’s precepts on Sona.
Sona, earnest and steadfast in his practice of the monk’s dis­
ciplines, cherished the desire to meet with Shakyamuni as a disciple.
When Sona told Maha-Kacchayana of his longing, the elder monk
readily gave Sona permission to leave Avanti and entrusted him
with a message to be delivered to Shakyamuni.
Sonajourneyed to northern India to the Jetavana Monastery at
Savatthi, the capital of Kosala, where he met Shakyamuni and
delivered Maha-Kacchayana’s message. Delighted by Sona, Sha­
kyamuni told his great disciple Ananda to prepare a bed for the
young monk in Shakyamuni’s own room. Sona practiced medita­
116 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
tion with Shakyamuni until quite late that night before retiring.
On the following morning Shakyamuni asked Sona if he was
disposed to preach the Law, and Sona replied that he was. Sona
then preached to the assembled monks the entire sixteen stanzas of
the Atthakavagga (Meaningful Chapter) and was praised warmly
by Shakyamuni.
This story, found in two different sources, makes it clear that the
two-hundred-and-ten-verse Atthakavagga—compiled fromShakya­
muni’s sermons—was already known during Shakyamuni’s lifetime
and was being learned by his disciples. Another sutra as old as the
Atthakavagga is the Parayanavagga (Chapter on the Way to the
Other Shore), which is also recorded in the Suttanipata. Because
both of these sutras are often quoted or mentioned in other sutras—
especially in such ancient sutras as the Samyukta-agama (Kindred
Sayings) and the Ekottara-agama (Gradual Sayings)—we know
that they are both genuine and the oldest among extant Buddhist
scriptures.
Yet even these venerable sutras were most likely not preached by
the Buddha in exactly the form in which they have been handed
down to us, and still less do the Mahayana scriptures, composed
much later, contain the Buddha’s exact words. Nonetheless, both
primitive sutras and Mahayana sutras are considered Shakyamuni’s
genuine teaching because they embody the true spirit of Buddhism.
Thus, whether primitive or Mahayana, all the sutras composed in
Indic languages and later translated into Chinese have been re­
vered as genuine records of the Buddha’s word.
In Chinese Buddhism, however, there appeared sutras that were
not translations into Chinese but that actually originated in China.
Amongthosesutrasthere was one kind that was accepted as genuine
and another that was deemed spurious.
It is thought that the “genuine” Chinese sutras were compiled
because the sutras translated fromIndic languages often did not ac­
cord with Chinese thought or with Chinese understanding of Bud­
dhism. Nor could the Chinese find in those translated sutras what
theyconsidered ideal ways ofpreaching Buddhism. Hence the “gen­
uine” Chinese sutras were compiled in an effort to make Buddhism
 GENUINE AND SPURIOUS SUTRAS J 17
more comprehensible to the people of the time. Like their Indian
counterparts, the Chinese authors are unknown, but they must
have composed their sutras with the intention of disseminating the
teachings of Buddhismmore correctly.
Those sutras, therefore, are in complete harmony with the fun­
damental spirit ofBuddhism. They contain no equivocal teachings
when examined in the light of the three great truths known as the
Seal of the Three Laws—all things and phenomena in the universe
constantly change (“Al things are impermanent”); all things in
the universe exist in interrelationship with one another (“Nothing
has an ego”); and the ultimate freedom is to be rid of greed, ag­
gression, and self-delusion (“Nirvana is quiescence”). Undoubtedly
certain Buddhists were aware that these sutras had not been trans­
lated from Indic originals, but they did not condemn the works as
spurious because they recognized the importance of making Bud­
dhism more understandable to the populace. These sutras, which
were widely circulated, were considered to be as genuine as those
translated from Indic originals, and a surprising number of them
became the subjects of commentaries or interpretations by distin­
guished monks and by the founders of various Chinese Buddhist
sects.
Numbered among the “genuine” sutras produced in China are
the Sutra of the Perfect Net (Fan-wang-ching) and the Sutra on
a Bodhisattva’s Original Action (P’u-sa ying-luo pen-yeh-ching),
which together set forth a systemof discipline and spiritual attain­
ment of bodhisattvas that had not yet been codified even in India.
Other original Chinese sutras include the Sutra of Meditation on
Amitabha Buddha (Kuan wu-liang-shou-ching), one of the three
scriptures of the Pure Land sect of Buddhism; the Sutra of In­
numerable Meanings (Wu-liang-i-ching), traditionally known as
the “opening sutra” of the Threefold Lotus Sutra; and the Sutra
of Diamond Meditation (Chin-kang san-mei-ching), the Sutra of
Perfect Enlightenment (YUan-chiieh-ching), and the Heroic March­
ing Sutra (Shou-leng-yen-ching), all scriptures associated with Zen
Buddhism. Chinese and Japanese Buddhists have looked on the
Sutra ofthe Perfect Net as the principal sutra expoundingbothMa-
US SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
hayana precepts and the training and spiritual attainment of bo-
dhisattvas, and those Buddhists have esteemed that sutra as a trans­
lation by Kumarajiva from an Indic original.
All the Chinese sutras accepted as genuine were included in the
complete Chinese canon and survive to the present day in such
works as the Taisho Daizokyo. Although since the late nineteenth
centuryJapanese scholars of Buddhismhave pointed out that those
sutras are not translations from Indic scriptures but are Chinese
compositions, they have not denied the doctrinal validity of the
sutras.
The spurious sutras produced in China are readilydistinguishable
from the “genuine” sutras and fall into four rough categories: (I)
sutras expounded by someone in the throes of some sort of fanatic
possession claiming to reveal the word of the Buddha, (2) sutras
expounded in order to take advantage of Buddhism for some
purpose, (3) sutras created in order to palm folk beliefs off as the
word of the Buddha, and (4) sutras that were merely simplified
abridgments of the more complex, repetitive translated sutras.
Because the spurious sutras either fail to encompass the true spirit
of Buddhism or include statements patently inconsistent with the
Buddha’s teaching, on the whole they are manifestly not genuine
sutras. Although a loose interpretation might admit the abridged
sutras as the teaching of the Buddha, their use was forbidden be­
cause they garbled the Buddha’s words and corrupted the Indic-
language originals.
In the early days of translating sutras from Indic languages,
spurious sutras may have been fabricated to interpret Buddhismin
the terms of the philosophy of the fifth-century b.c. founder of
Taoism, Lao-tzu, and of the revered late-fourth- and early-third-
century b.c. Taoist writer Chuang-tzu. Such fabrication seems to
have been effected in good faith in order to fuse Buddhism with
Taoismin the ko-i formofBuddhismI mentioned on page 48; how­
ever, since the resulting sutras distorted the Buddha’s teachings,
they must be declared spurious. But we should bear in mind that
spurious sutras are found throughout the ages in China.
As we have seen, extant sutras in China were compiled in a
number of catalogues of the complete Chinese canon, or Tripi-
 GENUINE AND SPURIOUS SUTRAS 119
taka. Some ten-odd catalogues survive to the present day to in­
form us on Chinese Buddhist scripture. While the catalogues list
and categorize all genuine sutras (of both Indic and Chinese
origin), all the spurious sutras were catalogued separately in order
to prevent their being mistakenfor genuine sutras, and as an added
precaution a notice was included to the effect that the spurious
sutras must not be relied upon.
Let us look briefly at an example ofspurious sutras expounded in
the throes of religious fervor. A nun named Seng-fa (b. 489), who
came ofa scholarlyfamily, had since childhoodindulgedin ecstatic
meditation while seated quietly with her eyes closed, and when in
such rapture she fluently recited various sutras as if she had long
been acquainted with them. When people asked Seng-fa to repeat
sutras they had heard and copied down weeks earlier, she changed
not a word. People thought t^s performance marvelous, and her
ability became so widely known that the enthusiastic Buddhist
founder of the Liang dynasty, Emperor Wu Ti (r. 502-49), heard
ofher and summoned her to his palace to recite for him.
Between the ages of nine and thirteen, in her transports Seng-fa
had recited numerous spurious sutras (some at one time accepted
as “genuine” and some with the same titles as works translated
from Indic languages)—including the Sutra of the Treasure Sum­
mit (Pao-ting-ching), the Pure Land Sutra (Ching-t’u-ching), the
Sutra of the True Summit (Cheng-ting-ching), the Lotus Sutra
(Fa-hua-ching), the Sutra of the Herbs (Yao-ts’ao-ching), and the
Sutraof Attaining Perfect Wisdom (Pan-jo te-ching). In 505, at the
age of sixteen, Seng-fa recited for Emperor Wu Ti. Seng-fa’s ac­
complishments addedtothe Chinese canonsome twenty-onespurious
sutras comprising thirty-five fascicles.
Let us now turn to examples of abridged sutras. It is said the
Southern Ch’i prince Ching-ling (459-94), who was devoted to
Buddhism and supported and encouraged many Buddhist schol­
ars, himselfcompiled thirty-six abridged sutras in one hundred and
twenty-two fascicles so that his father’s subjects could easily read
and understand them. Among his works were a fourteen-fascicle
Abridged Flower Garland Sutra (Ch’ao hua-yen-ching); a twelve-
fascicle Abridged Great Collection of Sutras (Ch’ao fang-teng
120 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
ta-chi-ching); a twelve-fascicle Abridged Sutra of a Bodhisattva’s
Spiritual States (Ch’ao p’u-sa-ti-ching); a one-fascicle Abridged
Story of the Bodhisattva Medicine King (Ch’ao fa-hua yao-wang-
p’in), chapter twenty-three of the Lotus Sutra; and a single-fas­
cicle Abridged Sutra of Meditation on the Bodhisattva Universal
Virtue (Ch’ao p’u-hsien kuan-ch’an hui-fa), the “closing sutra”
of the Threefold Lotus Sutra. Although these abridgments were
originally made in an honest desire to disseminate Buddhism, they
nonetheless had to be discredited as spurious sutras, because they
could so easily have been confounded with the genuine translations
of Indic sutras.
The a.d. 730 catalogue K’ai-yian shih-chiao-lu (K’ai-yuan Era
Buddhist Catalogue) lists some 392 sutras in 1,055 fascicles as
spurious and another 14 works in 19 fascicles as being of doubtful
authenticity. That catalogue also includes a detailed description of
each of these sutras. ^^en we compare the number of spurious su­
tras with the number of genuine translated sutras (which comprise
1,076 works in 5,048 fascicles), it is obvious that there are a great
many more genuine sutras. However, since the spurious sutras total
well over one-third the number and one-fifth the fascicles of the
genuine sutras, it is apparent that many spurious sutras were in
common use, distorting the Buddha’s Law.
Having considered the differences between genuine and spurious
sutras, I should like to mention briefly an original concept of the
great Zen master DOgen (1200-1253), founder of the SotOZen sect
ofJapanese Buddhism. During the Southern Sung dynasty (1127­
1279), DOgen went to China seeking the true Law of the Buddha,
and at the age of twenty-six he finally found an excellent teacher,
Ju-ching (1163-1228).
Dogen devoted himself to discipline day and night and at the
same time took questions to his teacher without hesitation. Once
he went to his teacher and commented that the Heroic Marching
Sutra and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment, which were fre­
quently read by lay Buddhists, were considered to be sutras that
expressed the essence of Buddhism as conveyed from India. In
studying those sutras, however, DOgen found that both of them
contained questionable material and that their content was both
 GENUINE AND SPURIOUS SUTRAS 121
different from and inferior to that of Mahayana sutras in general,
though they bore some similarities to the philosophies of the six
great non-Buddhist teachers and other sages of Shakyamuni’s time.
When asked his opinion, Ju-ching agreed with DOgen, saying that
the Heroic Marching Sutra had long been suspected of being a
spurious sutra and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment was com­
posed in the same style.
Obviously the young DOgen had a superb eye that enabled him
to see through the falsity of the two sutras. In the T’ang dynasty
(618-907), Tsung-mi (780-841), a distinguished Zen scholar and
the fifth patriarch of the Hua-yen (Flower Garland) sect, wrote a
number of commentaries on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment,
saying that it best stated the theory and practice of Buddhism.
Hence Zen Buddhists of the Sung (960-1126) and Southern Sung
dynasties frequently relied on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment
and the Heroic Marching Sutra, quoting liberally from them.
According to DOgen, if a person who had truly attained en­
lightenment quoted from these spurious sutras in order to preach
true Buddhism, that quotation could be considered the true teach­
ing of the Buddha. In DOgen’s opinion, not only are the Buddhist
scriptures and even secular writings considered sutras by the person
who has attained true enlightenment, but alsoeverythingin nature
—the sun, moon, stars, mountains, water, trees, stones—is consid­
ered a sutra initself.
This idea is voiced many times in DOgen’s principal work, Shibo-
genzii, or TheEyeStorehouseofthe True Law. For example, inthesection
“On Buddhist Sutras” DOgensays: “In seeing the peach blo^oms,
there is enlightenment to the Way; in hearing the echo of bamboo
there is enlightenment to the Way; and in seeing the morning
star, enlightenment to the Way. The sutras [the world of nature]
help people of wisdom to grow. . . . Such sutras are the whole
world in ten directions, which is nothing but sutras. . . . We
receive sutras frommountains, rivers, and the great earth, and we
preach them. We receive sutras from the sun, moon, stars, and
heavenly bodies, and we preach them.”
DOgen believed that if our eyes are open we can read or hear
sutras in our everyday affairs and in nature. If the meaning of the
122 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
sutras and of the Buddha’s preaching is interpreted as broadly as
possible, we are able to hear the Buddha’s preaching in everything
around us. In other words, the Buddha is in everything around us.

THE AUTHENTICITY OF Because it was more than three or four

MAHAYANA SUTRAS centuries after the Buddha’s death that
the Agama sutras, which we call prim­
itive sutras, were compiled in the formin which we knowthemto­
day, strictly speaking they cannot be called the Buddha’s direct
teachings. The Mahayana sutras were composed even later than
the Agama sutras and certainly cannot be considered the Buddha’s
direct words. Historically, however, the primitive sutras did arise
from the Buddha’s preachings, although the Mahayana sutras did
not begin to appear until some five centuries after the Buddha’s
death.
Mahayana sutras often mention demons, in the guise of monks,
who slander Mahayana, saying it is not the Buddha’s teaching.
Those demons may represent people who believed in Hinayana
Buddhismand thus recognized only the primitive sutras as the word
of the Buddha. For example, the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in
Twenty-five Thousand Lines, an early Mahayana sutra translated
by Kumarajiva, says, “A demon disguising himself as a monk and
wearing [a Buddhist monk’s] robes came to a bodhisattva and said,
‘What you have heard is not the Buddha’s teaching but is all
embellishedand adulterated. What I shall teachyouisthe Buddha’s
true teaching.’ ”
Elsewhere it is recorded that a demon confronted a bodhisattva,
saying, “The perfect enlightenment of which you have heard is
false: it is not that which the Buddha preached. You should
abandon this vow [of Mahayana]. You must not fall into evil paths
through prolonged suffering or uneasiness.”
The Treatise ontheGreat PerfectionofWisdomSutra, attributed
to the second-century a.d. Indian Mahayana Buddhist philosopher
Nagatjuna, says, “By reciting the Buddha’s preachings, the Budo-
dha’s disciples compiled [Mahayana] sutras. [Thus,] ignorant
people are guilty of slander when they say, ‘This [Mahayana] is
 AUTHENTICITY OF MAHAYANA SUTRAS 123
not the Buddha’s preaching. It was made by [Mara—the Evil
One] or Mara’s followers, and it was also written by people with
false views.’ ”
The Mahayana scripture the Sutra of the Great Accumulation of
Treasures states, “At that time . . . assuming the formof a monk
in order to deceive the people, Mara went to a certain place and
said, ‘These sutras are the products of people trying to make
worldly words seemrighteous. Why do I say this is not what the
Tathagata [Shakyamuni] preached? Because you cannot obtain
merit and benefit throughit.’ " Similarstatements arefoundinother
sutras.
Mahayana Buddhist believers maintained that the Mahayana
teachings are true Buddhism and comprise the true words of the
Buddha. Calling their own school Mahayana, literally, “Great
Vehicle”—indicating their confidence in the supreme worth of
their teachings—the Mahayana Buddhists referred to the Abhi­
dharma school as Hinayana (literally, “Small Vehicle”) Buddhism,
scorning Abhidharma Buddhismas inferior and worthless.
The Diamond Hermit’s Treatise (Chin-kang-hsien-lu), a com­
mentary on the Perfection of WisdomSutra, sets forth four impor­
tant points in Mahayana Buddhism: (1) the essence of Mahayana
Buddhismembraces all merits, avoiding the lesser destinies of the
five vehicles of human beings, celestial beings, shravakas, pratyeka-
buddhasy and bodhisattvas;* (2) through the Mahayana vehicle
great bodhisattvas can attain the same enlightenment as the Bud­
dha; (3) all buddhas ultimately comprehend (and accomplish) the
(Mahayana) teachings; and (4) all the buddhas exist eternally in
order to teach and to bring salvation to all sentient beings.
The arguments of the Diamond Hermit’sTreatise and the Perfec-
* More fully, thefive vehicles are: (1) human beings, or lay believers, who
rightly receiveandkeepthelay precepts andare rebornascelestial beings; (2)
celestial beings, whorightlypracticeprescribedgooddeeds, ensuringrebirthina
higher realm; (3) jhravakaj (meaning “those who hear the Buddha’s voice”),
whorightly understand the Four Noble Truths and throughdiligent practice
becomearha/j; (4)pratyehohuddhas(meaningthe“self-enlightened,’’ bccausethey
attain buddhahood through independent practice, without a teacher), who
rightlywiderstandtheLawoftheTwelve Causes; and (5) bodhisattvas, those
whobccomebodhisattvas(orbeingsinthefinal stageprior toattainingbuddha­
hood) asaresult ofreligiouspracticeovercountlessyears.
124 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
tion ofWisdom Sutra represent Indian debate on whether Maha­
yana scriptures are authentic records of the Buddha’s teaching.
However, from the beginning it was principally Mahayana teach­
ings that were introduced into China, so that Mahayana Bud­
dhism became the recognized school in China. Since the Chinese
believed that the Mahayana sutras undeniably recorded the Bud­
dha’s true teaching and that the Hinayana sutras were inferior,
quarrels between Mahayana and Hinayana Buddhists were rare in
China.
Mahayana sutras were nevertheless criticized by certain people
in China who were ignorant of the true meaning of Mahayana
scriptures because of an initial paucity of information. In the fifth
century, for instance, three Buddhist monks were outspoken: Hui-
tao expressed doubts about the teachings in the Perfection of
Wisdom Sutra in Twenty-five Thousand Lines, T’an-Ie disparaged
the Lotus Sutra, and Seng-ytian belittled the Mahayana Sutra of
the Great Decease. All these monks, however, were censured by
Buddhist scholars of the day.
Seng-jui (378-^44?), one of Kumarajiva’s four great disciples,
said that Buddhist scriptures, whether Mahayana or Hinayana,
were preached because of the need for them and that, for example,
the Hinayana Tipitaka eliminates bondage, the Perfection of
Wisdom Sutra drives out falsehood, the Lotus Sutra discloses the
Buddha’s highest teaching, and the Mahayana Sutra of the Great
Decease instructs on true faith. Seng-jui also stated that notions of
superiority or inferiority depend on the individual, that profundity
or shallowness reflects a person’s level of enlightenment, and that
a person can practice only to the limit of his capacity for under­
standing. Seng-jui went on to say that people are responsible for
the survival of the Law and that both disparaging the true teaching
and deliberately ignoring instructions on true faith imperil its sur­
vival. .
Speaking of the three dissenting monks, Seng-jui asserted that
Hui-tao would not attain salvation because he denied the validity
of the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Twenty-five Thousand Lines
and revered only the Tipitaka. Seng-jui reported that T’an-Ie felt
justified in denying the worth of the Lotus Sutra and went on to
 AUTHENTICITY OF MAHAYANASUTRAS 125
say that even though Seng-ytian doubted the true teaching in the
Mahayana Sutra of the Great Decease and did not regard it as
leading to enlightenment, the true worth of the sutra would itself
disprove his slander.
A final example of the controversy over whether the Mahayana
sutras are genuine involves one Chu Fa-tu, who was born in China
around the fifth century a.d. The son of a merchant, Chu Fa-tu
became a monk in the Hinayana tradition and preached that
Hinayana Buddhismwas the Buddha’s only true teaching and that
people should not read Mahayana sutras because they were not the
word of the Buddha. Denouncing the Mahayana sutras, Chu Fa-tu
followed the way of Hinayana Buddhism, and some nuns from
a noble clan, deeply moved by his sermons, came to believe his
teaching.
The monk Seng-yu (445-518) said that the offense Chu Fa-tu
committed was like causing people to drink poison and that women
tended to be unintelligent although they were steadfast in their
belief. Seng-yu also said that once the nuns accepted Chu Fa-tu’s
false teaching they persisted in it, and therefore several Ch’ang-an
temples (along with their nuns) were poisoned by this false teach­
ing. Seng-yu went on to say that an evil path is easy to open and
that he feared the poison could not be stopped. He thought that
demons had used the nuns in order to extinguish Mahayana Bud­
dhism.
Since Japanese Buddhism developed under the influence of
Chinese Buddhism, inJapan too the Mahayana sutras were recog­
nized as the Buddha’s true preaching. However, in the eighteenth
century non-Buddhists participated in discussions denying Maha­
yana as the Buddha’s preaching.
The first advocate ofthistheory was TominagaNakamoto (1715­
46), the son of a merchant in Osaka, where his family had owned
a soy-sauce company for generations. The company had prospered
until his grandfather’s generation, but because his parents were
interested more in acquiring knowledge than in managing the
company, his family’s fortunes dwindled during his youth.
Under his parents’ influence, Tominaga read scholarly works
during his childhood, and at the age of ten he entered a private
126 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
school that his father had founded. At school he studied the teach­
ings of the eminent neo-Confucian philosopher Wang Yang-ming
(1472-1529).
A gifted child with a nimble mind and an exceptional memory,
Tominaga is said to have written at the age of fifteen a book in
which he asserted that all the time-honored theories of Confucian­
ismand of Chinese philosophers and their schools were wrong. The
booknolongerexists, but hesaid that the ideas ofConfucianismand
of other philosophers were born, developed, and improved upon
according to the tides ofhistoryand thought. He went on to say that
although Confucian teaching proclaimed that only Confucius
outstanding (and that all other teachers advocated heretical doc­
trines) this mistaken viewdisregarded historical fact.
Today Tominaga’s opinion seems reasonable, but at that time
scholars regarded it as heretical. It is remarkable that at the age of
fifteen Tominaga had read everything available on Confucianism
and other Chinese philosophies and on the basis of the history of
thought correctly traced the relationships among various theories.
Yet one could hardly expect such a radical theory to be accepted
by Confucianists in those days, and Tominaga seems to have been
expelled from his school and gone on to study Chinese poetry.
When he was about twenty he married, and since he had to make
a living, he went to Kyoto, where he worked printing the Obaku
Edition of the Tripitaka, still preserved at the temple Mampuku-ji.
More than fifty years earlier the Obaku Edition of the Tripitaka,
a copy of the Chinese Wan-Ii Edition of the Tripitaka, had been
carved into wooden printing blocks at the direction of theJapanese
Zen master Tetsugen (1630-2). The Obaku Edition consisted of
some sixty thousand blocks containing over sixteen hundred works
in about sixty-two hundred fascicles, and it was Tominaga’s task
to print each of those blocks by hand.
Tominaga had a thorough knowledge of Chinese ideograms and
could read and understand all the sutras he worked on. It seelDl
that he jotted down words and thoughts and that by comparing
ideas, words, and phrases he observed the development of the
sutras, from the simple to the complex. He edited the material he
had collected and wrote a book entitled Shutsujo Kogo (Words After
 AUTHENTICITY OF MAHAYANASUTRAS 127
Meditation), which appears to indicate that through meditation
he came to understand the circumstances of the compilation of the
sutras and that he was able to write about the sutras after this
meditation.
Tominaga’s book, published when he was thirty, just a year be­
fore his death, discussed the composition ofsutras fromthe Agama,
or primitive, sutras down to the Mahayana sutras. He approached
his subject in much the same way that contemporary scholars do.
For instance, he pointed out accurately and in copious detail that
the Mahayanasutras were compiled piecemeal about five hundred
years after Shakyamuni’s death and that they were not the direct
word of the Buddha.
Tominaga’sbook was well written, but the Chinese ideograms he
used were obscure and his argument was so erudite that only out­
standing scholars could follow it. Buddhist scholars of his day seem
not to have responded to his work at all. Much later, Buddhist
scholars did reply to the book, but their words were insufficient to
refute Tominaga’s assertions.
Quite some time after its publication, Tominaga’s book caused a
stir among scholars outside the field of Buddhism. For example, the
Japanese scholar Hattori Ten’yii (1724-69) was so impressed by
the book that he himself studied the sutras and wrote a book in
which he simplified Tominaga’s discourse, making it easier to un­
derstand.
The Shintoist and scholar of Japanese classics Hirata Atsutane
(1776-1843) learned of Tominaga’s work through a book written
by another scholar ofJapanese classics, Moto-ori Norinaga (1730­
1801). With some difficulty Hirata obtained a copy of Tominaga’s
book, which impressed himgreatly, and eventually wrote his own
seven-volume work Shutsujo Shogo (Laughter Mter Meditation). For
Hirata, who despised Buddhism, Tominaga’s book was an excellent
Source of support in attacking Buddhism and describing its weak
points. Unlike Tominaga’s work, Hirata’s book, which was filled
with derision and a hatred of Buddhism, was not at all scholarly.
After the Meiji Restoration of 1868, a number of Hirata’sfollowers
starteda movement to abolish Buddhism.
Since Tominaga’s book thus gave impetus to an attempt to de­
128 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
stroy Buddhism, some Buddhist scholars regarded the book as a
great threat. However, Tominaga’s purpose in writing was not to
dende Buddhism but to expose it to the light of historical investi­
gation. Although he did express a certain respect for Confucianism
and Buddhism and state that they were superior to Taoism, he did
not feel that Buddhism and Confucianism were necessary for the
world at that time. He studied both religions with the scientific
detachment of Western scholars, without trying to grasp their true
inner spirit. Needless to say, a superficial study of this sort will not
lead to discovery of the true values of Buddhism because the sutras
must be understood not merely intellectually but through practice
and actual faith.

EARLYMODERN In the mid-nineteenth century, under the influ-

CONTROVERSY ence of Western scholarship, Japanese scholars
began historical study of Buddhist doctrine and
of the formation and development of the sutras. For example, they
sawShakyamuni Buddha as a historical person who lived in India
about twenty-five centuries earlier, not as some symbolic entity. In
their study of the sutras they tried to distinguish between what was
actually uttered by the Buddha and what was composed after Sha­
kyamuni’s death. This approach was almost identical to that of To-
minaga Nakamoto in the mid-eighteenth century.
Most famous among the manyJapanese scholars who undertook
such study in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were
Dr. Murakami Sensho (1851-1929) and Dr. Maeda Eun (1855­
1930). Adherents of the Pure Land sect of Buddhism (Dr. Muraka­
mi was a monk of the Higashi Hongan-ji branch, while Dr. Maeda
was a monk of the Nishi Hongan-ji branch), the two men are con­
sidered representative of Buddhist scholars of the time. Dr. Mura­
kami lectured on Indian philosophy at the University ofTokyo and
became the first head of that university’s department of Indian
philosophy. Dr. Maeda taught at such institutions as the University
of Tokyo and was active in the publication of two monumental col­
lections of sutras: the Dai Nippon KKiHei Zokyo, or Manji-zokyo (pub­
lished between 1902 and 1905), and the Dai Nippon .<:jokuZolgO, or
 EARLY MODERNCONTROVERSY 129
Manji-eokueô (published between 1905 and 1912), which together
comprise over three thousand sutras.
In July 1901, the publication of the first of the five volumes of
Dr. Murakami’s Bukkyo TOitswÄon (On the Unity of Buddhism)
revived the controversy among Buddhists over whether the Buddha
actually taught Mahayana doctrines. That initial volume of his
collected University of Tokyo lectures contained an outline of the
doctrines ofvariousJapanese Buddhist sects.
In his book Dr. Murakami stated that Shakyamuni is the sole
historical Buddha and that Amitabha Buddha—in whomfollowers
of the Pure Land sects believe—never existed as an actual being
but was merely an abstract inhabitant of an ideal world. In Mu­
rakami’s view, there is no absolute proof either that Shakyamuni
did or that he did not preach Mahayana doctrines, but Murakami
went onto point out that clearly the statement that Shakyamuni did
not expound Mahayana teachings is consistent with historical evi­
dence.
On the surface, Murakami’sstatements are tantamount to denials
of the orthodoxy of the teachings of the Pure Land sects and of the
Higashi Hongan-ji branch (to which he belonged), since he was so
explicit in his assertions that Amitabha Buddha was nothing more
than an abstract concept from an ideal world and that the Ma­
hayana sutras on which the Pure Land sects base their teachings are
not in fact records of the Buddha’s preaching. Such an interpreta­
tion of Murakami’s work would also, ofcourse, deny the orthodoxy
ofall other Mahayana sects.
Bukkyo Toitsu Ron aroused a great deal of comment, both favor­
able and unfavorable. Many of Dr. Murakami’s fellows in the
Higashi Hongan-ji branch disagreed with his views, and finally,
fearing that his continued presence would only aggravate dispute,
Murakami renounced the office of monk. Various newspapers and
magazines published discussions of Murakami’s theory—both pro
and con—and he received numerous letters expressing negative
criticism. The magnitude of the sensation caused by Murakami's
book is indicated by the fact that within months of its publication
several works critical of it, including a collection of criticisms, ap­
peared on the market.
130 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
M urakam i’s theory that the historical Buddha himself did not
preach the M ahayana sutras was not propounded in order to attack
or destroy M ahayana Buddhism. Murakami simply wanted to
cla^rify the place of each type of Buddhism in the light of historical
evidence. As a devout Buddhist, he hoped to demonstrate the con­
cord between true Buddhism and the spirit of the Buddha’s teach­
ings and thus to show that even teachings that had not actually been
preached by the Buddha could be identified with him.
Dr. M urakam i’s assertion that the historical Buddha had not
preached the M ahayana sutras was based on three premises. First,
Shakyamuni Buddha as he appears in M ahayana sutras and in
treatises on those sutras is not the ^ ^ o ric a l Buddha but a figure
larger than life, a superhuman being. Second, with the exception
of the Bodhisattva M aitreya, the various bodhisattvas mentioned
in M ahayana sutras as members of the Buddha’s audiences are all
personifications of the qualities or attributes of bodhisattvas. Hence
if the bodhisattvas who listened to the Buddha’s sermons are all
symbolic figures, then the Buddha who preached to them could
not be the Shakyamuni Buddha who actually lived. Third, M a­
hayana sutras cannot he considered true records of the Buddha’s
teaching, since there is no historical evidence to support any of the
myths included in them.
Murakami did not restrict himself to a historical examination
of M ahayana sutras, however; he also examined them from the
more important standpoint of doctrine. In M urakam i’s opinion,
the fact that the historical Buddha did not actually preach M a­
hayana teachings could not be interpreted to mean either that they
do not represent true Buddhism or that they do not embody the
spirit of the Buddha’s teachings. Murakami felt that the question
of whether M ahayana Buddhism is the Buddha’s direct teaching
should be considered from both the historical and the doctrinal
viewpoint. He emphasized that in saying that the Mahayana sutras
are not the teaching of the historical Buddha he was speaking purely
from a historical point of view, since from a doctrinal point of view
they clearly must be accepted as the teaching of the Buddha.
Unquestionably, M ahayana orthodoxy does represent true Bud­
dhism and does manifest the spirit of the Buddha’s teaching. Dr.
 EARLY MODERN CONTROVERSY 131
Murakami held that a person who could lose faith in Buddhism
simply because the Mahayana sutras are not the actual words of
the Buddha could not have had genuine faith: the question of
whether the Buddha in fact preached Mahayana teachings has
nothing to do with engendering faith in Buddhism.
In 1903, just two years after the appearance of Dr. Murakami’s
book, Dr. Maeda Eun’s Daijo Bukkyii-shi Ron (On the History of
Mahayana Buddhism) was published. Although Dr. Maeda’s book
did not create as much of a sensationas Dr. Murakami’s, it was an
important work whose scholarship was highly praised. Dr. Maeda,
long a student of Buddhism, had made an exhaustive study of the
Tripitaka, or complete canon, in an effort to discover some con­
crete evidence that Mahayana sutras are the Buddha’s teachings,
and his findings were set forth in Daijo BukkyO-shi Ron.
First, in Dr. Maeda’s opinion, Alara-Kalama and Uddaka-
Ramaputta—the two hermit-sages under whom Shakyamuni had
studied meditation after renouncing the world—were adepts of the
Sankhya school, whose doctrines resemble Mahayana teachings.
Thus, through the influence of those teachers, Shakyamuni had
already acquired somewhat of a Mahayana view before beginning
his own teaching mission. (Although there are some minor, super­
ficial similarities between Sankhya and Mahayana philosophies,
their basic tenets are quite different; hence Dr. Maeda’s argument
here is weak.)
Second, the Buddha’s teaching is so profound that each person
who hears it comprehends it at a different level, according to his or
her intellectual capacity. In this way Hinayana and Mahayana
thought emerged simultaneously from the preachings of the Bud­
dha, rather than arising as separate schools of Buddhismonly after
Shakyamuni’s death. Since it is evident that certain embryonic
Mahayana teachings were already accepted among Shakyamuni’s
disciples during his lifetime, it is indeed likely that he did expound
Mahayana teachings. (Certainly the seeds of many Mahayana
beliefs are lo be found in the Agama sutras, which were compiled
well before the formal division of Buddhism into Hinayana and
Mahayana schools.)
Third, Mahayana and Mahayana-like teachings are frequently
132 SCRIPTURAL CONTROVERSY
recorded in Chinese-language versions o f the Ekottara-agam a
(Gradual Sayings), and its introductory chapter on the First Bud­
dhist Council states, “The Buddha’s teachings differ from one an­
other. Thus are bodhisattvas aroused to attain buddhahood and
led to follow M ahayana [teachings]. The T athagata [Shakyamuni]
proclaims the distinctions between his teachings, and followers
reverently preach [the teaching of] the Six Perfections.” *
Since other Chinese translations of stories of th e First Council
also mention the compilation of M ahayana-like sutras, Dr. M aeda
believed he had found proof that the Buddha did expound M aha­
yana teachings. However, because later M ahayana Buddhists are
responsible for numerous additions to the Chinese Ekottara-agam a,
it is difficult to accept the historical accuracy of these and other
Chinese works that claim M ahayana sutras were compiled at the
First Buddhist Council.
Even though he failed in his attempt to prove conclusively that
the historical Buddha did in fact expound M ahayana teachings,
M aeda recognized that in te^rrns of doctrinal orthodoxy M ahayana
Buddhism is the teaching of the Buddha. As it happens, it is utterly
impossible to find in the Buddhist canon any proof that M ahayana
sutras are records of the Buddha’s actual words.
In order to “prove” that M ahayana doctrines are the Buddha’s
teaching, it is necessary, first, to insist that even if the historical
Buddha did not actually expound M ahayana teachings they should
still be regarded as his word because they embody the Truth of
Buddhism and, second, to make clear that the M ahayana sutras
merely explain in greater detail the many elements of M ahayana
belief that are described but briefly in the Agama sutras, which
are accepted as reliable records of the Buddha’s words.
With regard to this second point it should be noted that the
extant Agam a sutras do not necessarily contain all the Buddha’s
teachings and that a number of important teachings seem to have
already been lost or become corrupt by the time these sutras were
finally recorded in writing. Nonetheless, many of the teachings
The Six Perfections (or SixParami/as) are thesixkindsofpractice a
sattva should followto attain enlightenment: donation, keeping the precepts,
perseverance, assiduity, meditation, andwisdom.
 EARLY MODERNCONTROVERSY 133
that later developed into Mahayana doctrine do appear in the
Agama sutras, even if at times only as fragments or in rudimentary
form.
The question ofwhether or not the Buddha preached Mahayana
doctrines is no longer discussed much in Japan for two reasons.
First, it has been accepted that it simply is not possible to prove
that Mahayana doctrines are the direct teaching of the historical
Buddha; and second, although the Mahayana sutras were compiled
more than five centuries after the death of Shakyamuni, they do
embody his original teaching and contain more profound teachings
than the Agama sutras. For these reasons Japanese Buddhologists
came to a tacit agreement some time ago that Mahayana sutras are
the word of the Buddha.
Modern scholars have instead turned increasingly to historical
investigation of the formation of the Mahayana sutras. In such re­
search it is important to examine the close relation of thought in
the Mahayana and Agama sutras and in fundamental Buddhism.
The renowned Dr. Anesaki Masaharu (1873-1949) in fact made an
invaluable study ofMahayana and Hinayana sutras alongjust these
lines.
Dr. Anesaki, who established the University of Tokyo’s depart­
ment ofreligious studies, was an outstanding scholar whose fields of
expertise included Buddhism and other Indian religions, Christi­
anity, and Christianity inJapan. His comparative study ofthe Five
Nikayas of the Pali canon and their equivalents in the Chinese
canon—the Four Agamas—receivedinternational recognition after
its publication in 1908 and remains a useful work today.
 EIGHT

Scriptural Interpretation
and Doctrinal Distinctions

SUTRA STUDIES AND As I have mentioned, when Bud^^st

THE CLASSIFICATION sutras were first translated into Chinese,
OF DOCTRINES in the early centuries of the Christian
Era, the Chinese found Buddhist doc­
trines almost impossible to comprehend because the sutras intro­
duced both terminology and philosophical concepts unknown in
China. A similar âtuation obtains even today both in Jap an and in
the West, in that people who have no bac^^ound in Buddhist
studies generally find a great deal of Buddhist te^rminology quite
incomprehensible. Present-day students of Buddhism, however,
enjoy advantages undreamed of by those early Chinese students:
dictionaries, commentaries, and other reference works that clarify
obscure points.
At the time that Bud^dhism ^ret introduced into C ^ ^ a, not
only were even rudimen^tary reference works completely lacking,
but there were no standard, ^agreed-upon translations of funda­
mental terms and concepts. As I explained on page 48, some
scholar-translators had attempted to make Buddhism and Buddhist
thought intelligible by employing the more fa^miliar vocabulary of
Taoism, which shares certain superficial similarities with Buddhism.
The form of Buddhism relying on Taoist terminology, which came
to be known as ko-i Buddhism, was eventually rejected, however, since
Buddhism cannot be understood ^^ough comparison or analogy
135
136 SC RIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

with Taoism because of significant irreconcilable differences between

their philosophies.
Because of such inadequate translations as those of ko-i Buddhism,
even the great teacher Tao-an (3 I 2 -8 5 )— who lived when the his­
tory of Buddhist translation in China was already some two hun­
dred years old— was unable to attain a full, correct understanding
of Buddhism despite his dedication and outstanding intellect. Un­
able to realize his desire to study under the eminent scholar and
translator Kumarajiva, Tao-an despaired of being able to truly
perfect his already remarkable knowledge of Buddhism. Thus he
prayed for rebirth in Tushita (the heaven of the Bodhisattva
Maitreya, who Buddhists believe will be the next Buddha) so that
he might be able to learn true Buddhism directly from Maitreya
himself.
The degree ofTao-an’s discouragement over the state of Buddhist
studies in China in his time may be gauged from the fact that he
and eight of his disciples prayed before an image of the Bodhisattva
Maitreya, expressing their earnest desire to be reborn in Tushita.*
It is said that as a result ofthose supplications Tao-an was granted a
vision a few days before his death, in which he saw celestial beings
descend to a heavenly shrine and heard them play glorious music
there; and it is further said that at death he experienced rebirth in
a blessed state in Tushita.
It was not until after Kumarajiva (344-413) reached China in
401 and began teaching and translating that Buddhist doctrines
were correctly transmitted and understood in that country. Never­
theless, very few among the three thousand disciples credited to
Kumarajiva fully comprehended the Buddhist teachings, and those
who did are known to us variously as the Four Great Men or the
Eight Heroes. Numbered among the handful of Kumarajiva’s ac­
complished disciples are Seng-chao (374-414), a renowned master
* I might mention here that it is believed that the Bodhisattva Maitreya, the
future Buddha, will be reborn in the world in which we live, will attain enlighten­
ment, and will become the next Buddha only after having lived five billion six
hundred and seventy million years in his heaven, Tushita. Faith in the
sattva Maitreya was at one time widespread in India, China, and Japan. Adher­
ents of that sect of Buddhism hoped only to be permitted to le^^ true Buddhism
from Maitreya after they died.
 C L A S S IF IC A T IO N OF D O C T R IN E S 137

of the Madhyamika (Doctrine of the Middle Way) teachings, and

Tao-sheng (d. 434), who was also a disciple of Hui-ytian.
As I mentioned earlier, when he was about fifty Tao-an’s disciple
Hui-yuan (334-416) went into seclusion at Mount Lu, in southern
China. Hui-yuan was already at least seventy when he and Ku­
marajiva, who was then in Ch’ang-an, began their lengthy corre­
spondence on questions of doctrine, and it is presumed that various
circumstances, including Hui-ytian’s advanced age, prevented their
meeting in person to discus the sutras and doctrine.
Thus it was not only through Kumarajiva’s superb, reliable
translations of various sutras but also through his teaching that
Buddhism was for the first time correctly understood in China. As
we have already seen, in the years of the Northern and Southern
dynasties period (317-589) following Kumarajiva’s death, middle-
period Mahayana and other sutras previously unknown in China
were translated into Chinese, and they were quickly foUowed by
translations of sutras from other schools and periods and of philo­
sophical works.
As the body of translated sutras increased, Chinese Buddhists
observed that the sutras expounded various doctrines and philo­
sophical concepts that seemed to contradict and conflict with one
another. Seriously disturbed by the apparent discrepancies between
Mahayana and Hinayana sutras— which presented the same reli­
gion and recorded the teachings expounded during the long min­
istry of the same Buddha— the Chinese Buddhists wanted those
contradictions and discrepancies reconciled. ■
In order to resolve the differences they had noted, Chinese Bud­
dhists developed the system known to us as chia-hsiang p'an-shih or
p'an-chiao for clarifying the scriptures. Briefly, p’an-chiao (meaning
“judging the teachings” ) was the Chinese method oforganizing and
classifying scriptures according to the period of the Buddha’s life
in which they were expounded and the doctrines they transmitted.
Relying on internal evidence in the sutras themselves, p’an-chiao
represented an attempt to bring order and unity to the growing,
ambiguous corpus of Buddhist scripture in Chinese.
^ ^ en it first became popular, during the latter part of the
Northern and Southern dynasties period, p’an-chiao was employed
138 SCRIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

simply to determine the historical place o f particular sutras and

doctrines within the teaching career of Shakyamuni in order to put
an end to confusion and dispute. Later, however, during and after
the Sui and T ’ang dynasties (581-907), p'an-chiao degenerated into
mere value judgments of the doctrines and philosophical concepts
expounded in the sutras and treatises: it was reduced to a system
for proving that the scriptures embraced by one’s own sect were the
best— supreme among all Buddhist scriptures.
Examples of this later form of p'an-chiao, which I shall discus
more fully below (see pages l5 I -5 5 ), include the T ’ien-t’ai sect’s
clarification according to the “five periods and eight teachings” ;
the “five teachings and ten sects" classification employed by the
Hua-yen (Flower Garland) sect; and the “ ten spiritual stages”
favored by the Japanese Shingon (Chen-yen, or True Word) sect,
which is founded on Chinese Buddhist thought. Here, however, I
should like to look briefly at the p'an-chiao system as it was originally
applied, during the Northern and Southern dynasties period.
Roughly speaking, the early p'an-chiao system incorporated the
foUowing two views of the reason that various Buddhist sutras ex­
pounded tenets that appeared to be contradictory.
First, Shakyamuni’s teachings were preached on differing levels
at different times, according to the intellectual capacities of the
people assembled to listen to ^rn. Just as a physician prescribes
^Æerent medications for different patients, depending on their
ailments, Shakyamuni preached his message variously to people, in
the form most suitable to leading them to enlightenment. In Bud­
dhist te^rminology this flexible approach to teaching is known as the
eighty-four thousand teachings preached in proportion to the
eighty-four thousand illusions. (Like other very large numbers used
in Buddhist scriptures and commentaries, eighty-four thousand here
simply indicates a vast or infinite number.)
Second, Shakyamuni preached a single message to aU of his lis­
teners, but because of their. differing capacities for understanding,
different listeners interpreted the same message diferently. In the
Vimalakirti Sutra, for example, it is said that the Buddha speaks
the same words when preaching the Law but that people’s under­
standing varies according to their inteUectual capacities. Sutra in-
 C L A S S IF IC A T IO N OF D O C T R IN E S 139

terpretations based on this thinking are known as p’an-chiao of the

“one voice [word] teaching.”
T o account for the discrepancies among sutras, people most often
adopted the first explanation cited above, giving rise to a number
of distinctions among doctrines. For instance, according to the
p’an-chiao system called the “teaching of a half word [imperfect
teaching] and the teaching of a full word [perfect teaching],” the
Buddha preached a half-word teaching (Hinayana) to people of
inferior intellect and a full-word teaching (Mahayana) to people of
superior intellect. And the p’an-chiao system of “instantaneous-
enlightenment teaching and gradual-enlightenment teaching” held
that to people of superior intellect the Buddha preached teachings
producing instantaneous enlightenment while to people of lesser
intellect he preached teachings producing gradual enlightenment in
order to raise them from their low plane to a higher one.
early as the second century a .d., the great Indian Buddhist
philosopher NagaIjuna had expressed somewhat similar views on
discriminating among teachings when in his Treatise on the Great
Perfection of Wisdom Sutra (Mahaprajnaparamita-upadesha) he
introduced the Four Siddhantas as criteria for classifying the
teachings of the Buddha and the doctrines in the sutras. NagaIjuna’s
Four Siddhantas are: the World Siddhanta, the Varying Siddhanta,
the Healing Siddhanta, and the First-Principle Siddhanta.
World Siddhanta refers to Shakyamuni’s method of preaching
relative to the cravings of his listeners, whereby he preached first
on worldly matters to those who were attached to worldly thought
and found Buddhist philosophy difficult to accept. In this use,
World Siddhanta may be looked on as a simplification of the law of
cause and effect devised for the average person. Although worldly
concerns are of little importance in Buddhist thinking, they may be
paramount to people unversed in Buddhist thought.
Varying Siddhanta indicates the method of preaching relative to
the differing intellectual capacities, character, and desires of the
listeners. In order to guide each individual on the path to true faith,
it is necessary to take these differences into consideration so that all
may come to enjoy a correct understanding of and genuinely em­
brace the Buddha’s teaching.
140 SCRIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

Healing Siddhanta signifies the method of preaching by perceiv­

ing the imperfections of the listeners in order to free them of their
failings. Through the Healing Siddhanta Shakyamuni preached the
doctrine of nonexistence to those who adhered to existence and the
doctrine of the Middle Path, which is neither existence nor non­
existence, to those who adhered to nonexistence. It is because of the
Healing Siddhanta that Buddhism contains a number of teachings
that appear to be diametrically opposed.
First-Principle Siddhanta denotes Shakyamuni’s practice of
preaching the ultimate truth (first principle) of his profound teach­
ing to people of highly developed intellect in order to deepen their
faith. Even though the First-Principle Siddhanta is the eventual
goal of Buddhism, it is fruitless to preach Shakyamuni’s most pro­
found teachings to everyone because those teachings are so difficult
to comprehend that they are worthless to beginning students or
people of undeveloped intellect.
As this brief introduction to the Four Siddhantas indicates,
certain teachings in the sutras were expounded from more than one
viewpoint. In order to instruct and guide as many people as pos­
sible, Shakyamuni found it necessary to expound his teaching in a
variety of ways, which occasionally makes the records of certain
teachings appear contradictory. A prosaic example of a similar ap­
proach to imparting information can be found in our modern ed­
ucational system, in which primary-school mathematics texts, for
example, differ from those used in secondary schools and are still
more different from university-level texts, and the advanced texts
may sometimes appear to contradict the elementary texts.
Since the Buddhist sutras, treatises, and commentaries are es­
sentially textbooks of faith and spiritual matters, it is necessary
that they present the Buddha’s teaching and other information in
various ways in order to be suitable for people of all degrees of faith
and spiritual development. By employing p' an-chiao classifications,
the Chinese Buddhists were able to understand and explain the
reasons for the discrepancies and contradictions they had found
among the doctrines recorded in the sutras, and they reappraised
the worth of Buddhism.
When analyzing Buddhist sutras and doctrines, however, one
 IN T E R P R E T IN G T H E SUTRAS 14/

should bear in mind that there are important differences from the
systems of Western philosophy or science and even from the com-
mon-sensical approach we take in addressing the problems of every­
day life. In science, for example, demonstrable empirical proof of
a hypothesis is the important criterion for determining the validity
of that hypothesis. In formal logic a variety of reasoning methods
or arguments, such as the syllogism, are adopted for testing the va­
lidity of a statement, and the common-sense judgments we make in
everyday life are based on assessments very like those of formal logic.
Buddhist sutras, however, contain numerous discrepancies and
contradictions that cannot be explained adequately in terms of
formal logic alone. Because the ways of expounding various Bud­
dhist teachings differ with the degree of faith or spiritual develop­
ment of the listeners, those teachings cannot be analyzed from only
one point of view or on the basis of a single criterion; hence they
do not admit of testing by the arguments of formal logic. Buddhist
treatises and commentaries— and even sutras— mention a multidi­
mensional view of the teachings.
From the standpoint of science or formal logic (both of which are
given to single-perspective judgments based on a single criterion),
this multidimensional view could be regarded as an extremely
complicated system of non-order or non-logic. Yet such a multi­
dimensional view is necessary in order to fully comprehend a men­
tal state as something dynamic and mutable.

INTERPRETING THE SUTRAS As I mentioned above, from the

time that p’an-chiao (or chia-hsiang
p’an-shih) was developed, in the latter part of the Northern and
Southern dynasties period, and up until around the time that the
Sui dynasty was established, in 581, the p’an-chiao system was a
popular means of presenting rational explanations of the apparent
contradictions in Shakyamuni’s teachings that became noticeable
as more and more sutras were translated into Chinese. Most of
these contradictions and discrepancies resulted from the necessity
of preaching certain teachings in a variety of ways, according to the
differing intellectual capacities of listeners. Today that flexible
142 SCRIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

method o f teaching is generally called expedient teaching. (Because

of his mastery of expedient teaching, Shakyamuni was referred to
by one of the ten epithets of a buddha: U nderstander of the World,
indicating that the Buddha has perfect understanding of the minds
of all human beings.)
During the period of the Northern and Southern dynasties,
Chinese Buddhists came to understand the expedient teachings of
Shakyamuni through their studies of sutras. Thus, when studying
and interpreting a particular sutra, Chinese Buddhists discussed it
not in isolation but in relation to all other sutras known to them. In
other words, aware of the enormous body of Shakyamuni’s preach­
ings and of the essence of Buddhist doctrine, Chinese Buddhists
considered each sutra from the broad perspectives ofits place within
the preachings expounded by Shakyamuni during his forty-five-
year ministry, its relation to the fundamental doctrines of Bud­
dhism, and its significance and value in the Buddhist canon.
^ ^ e n we consider studies and interpretations of the Lotus Sutra,
for instance, we find that it had already been studied closely by
many of the disciples of Kumarajiva, its greatest translator; how­
ever, study of this scripture burgeoned during the Liang dynasty
(502-57), near the end of the Northern and Southern dynasties
period. In particular, Fa-ytin (467-529), chief abbot of the temple
Kuang-che-ssu in the Liang capital Nanking and regarded as one
of the three outstanding priests of the period, excelled in study of the
Lotus Sutra. His carefully annotated eight-fascicle Miao-fa lien-hua-
ching i-chi (Commentary on the Lotus Sutra) is the second-oldest
extant Lotus Sutra commentary produced by a Chinese scholar—
the oldest is the two-fascicle commentary of Tao-sheng (d. 434).
(A four-fascicle commentary on the Lotus Sutra written in Japan by
Prince-Regent Shotoku [574-622] is said to have been based on
Fa-ytin’s work.)
In his commentary Fa-ytin examined the Lotus Sutra on the baas
of an established p'an-chiao system. It is believed that a number of
p'an-chiao systems were in common use at the time that Fa-ytin was
writing, but he seems to have been most influenced by the system
devised by Hui-kuan during the Liu Sung dynasty (420-79). Al­
though Hui-kuan had been a disciple of the great translator Bud-
 IN T E R P R E T IN G THE SUTRAS 143

dhabhadra (359-429) at the temple Tao-ch’ang in Nanking, he had

also studied earlier under Kumarajiva in Ch’ang-an.
Hui-kuan classified all Buddhist teachings as either teachings of
instantaneous enlightenment or teachings ofgradual enlightenment.
He further organized the teachings of gradual enlightenment ac­
cording to the period in which they had been expounded, aKighing
them to one of five periods: that of the Agama sutras, the Perfec­
tion of Wisdom sutras, the Vimalakirti Sutra, the Lotus Sutra, or
the Sutra of the Great Decease. The p‘an-chiao of the “five periods
and eight teachings” used by the T ’ien-t’ai sect of Chinese Bud­
dhism is a later elaboration of the five-period system introduced
by Hui-kuan.
During the Sui dynasty (581-618) interpretations of and com­
mentaries on sutras became increasingly precise, incorporating
ever-finer distinctions in their analyses. It was during this period
that the classes of commentaries known as hsilan-i (profound mean­
ing) and hsilan-lun (profound treatise), which examined sutras as a
whole from broad perspectives, first made their appearance. Ex­
amples of such commentaries include the ten-fascicle Miao-fa lien-
hua-ching hslian-i (Profound Meaning ofthe Lotus Sutra) by Chih-i
(538-97), patriarch of the T ’ien-t’ai sect, and the ten-fascicle Fa-
hua-ching hsuan-lun (Profound Treatise on the Lotus Sutra) by
Chi-tsang (549-623), the great master of the San-lun (Three T rea­
tises) school.
In examining both the Lotus Sutra and other scriptures, Chih-i
adhered to the method of analysis called wu-chung h^an-i, or five
profound ways of expounding sutras. Briefly, wu-chung hsilan-i con­
sists of five questions to be addressed in commenting on a sutra: (1)
shih-ming, or the meaning of the title of the sutra; (2) pien-pen, or the
purpose of the sutra; (3) ming-tsung, or the essential teaching of the
sutra; (4) lun-yung, or the sutra’s influence on people; and (5) p’an-
chiao— that is, classification of the scripture— here meaning specifi­
cally the value of the sutra and the historical position it occupies
within the great body of scripture expounded during Shakyamuni’s
lengthy ministry.
It should be noted that during the Northern and Southern dynas­
ties period sutra interpretations and commentaries were undertaken
144 S C R IP T U R A L I N T E R P R E T A TION

principaUy as intellectual or academic exercises, not as guides to

the practice of faith or the attainment of enlightenment. This schol­
arly approach— very apparent in Fa-yün’s Miao-fa lien-hua-ching
i-chi, written during that period— is still found later in Chi-tsang’s
Fa-hua-ching hstian-lun, written during the Sui dynasty. However,
the four-fascicle commentary on the Lotus Sutra written by the
Japanese prince ShOtoku was not the product of such scholarly
inquiry: it was intended both as a practical religious guide and as
a vindication of his vision of imperial governance. (In Prince Sh5-
toku’s commentary certain passages of the Lotus Sutra admit of
political interpretations supporting both defined relationships be­
tween an emperor and his subjects and the rule of a country united
under a single emperor, important to ShOtoku because undivided
rule ofJapan was still at issue in his day.)
Buddhist scholarship eventualiy became debased during the
Northern and Southern dynasties period, however, and while Bud­
dhist learning continued to mature, religious practice of the Buddhist
faith declined. At about that time, Buddhists began making efforts
to check the decline. The Ch’an, or Zen, school of Buddhism, for­
mally introduced into China by its first Chinese patriarch, Bodhi­
dharma (who arrived there from India in 520), is regarded as a
significant example of such efforts.
During the Later Han dynasty (a.d. 25-220), Hinayana Zen
and Mahayana Zen, precursors of the Zen Buddhism of Bodhi­
dharma, had been introduced into China. Those early forms could
be called superficial Zen, since their adherents could not have at­
tained enlightenment through either understanding or practice of
their teachings. Yet even the T ’ien-t’ai patriarchs Hui-ssu (515-77)
and Chih-i profited greatly from Zen disciplines, such as dhyaana
(meditation) focusing on contemplation of the Lotus Sutra and the
Middle Way. However, because Chih-i exceUed both in practice
and in philosophical comprehension of such disciplines, succeeding
disciples felt compelled to delve into abstruse doctrines and theo­
ries and eventually neglected the practical teachings that Chih-i
had valued. Around the time of these disciples there appeared a
Ch’an, or Zen, sect that advocated only zazen (seated meditation).
When Bodhidharma arrived in China, Buddhism there centered
 IN T E R P R E T IN G TH E SUTRAS 145

on scholarly inquiry, almost to the exclusion of religious experience

and practice. The Zen Buddhism of Bodhidharma emerged as a
part of the effort to remedy that imbalance. Within so-called Bo­
dhidharma Zen, the people who learned doctrine and theory from
the sutras and commentaries were referred to as chiao-chia^ or sutra-
family people, while those who actually practiced Zen teachings
were called Ch'an-chia, or Zen-family people.
The Erh-ju ssu-hsing-lun (On the Twofold Entrance to the Way
and the Four Types of Practice), a treatise attributed to Bodhi­
dharma, describes the Zen adherent’s approach as “ to become en­
lightened to the fundamental spirit of Buddhism revealed in the
sutras.” This statement means that Zen believers must discover the
fundamental import of Buddhism for themselves and implies that
at that time the followers known as the chiao-chia were unable to
comprehend the fundamental meaning of the sutras despite diligent
study.
Bodhidharma’s attitude, as exemplified by the statement quoted
above, provoked the animosity of the chiao-chia; and according to
later legend, Bodhidharma was intensely resented by such prom­
inent Buddhist priests as Bodhiruchi (ft. ca. 508-35) and Hui-
kuang (468-537) and was murdered by poisoning. It may have been
at the instigation of the chiao-chia that robbers set upon Hui-k’e
(487-593), Bodhidharma’s disciple and the second Zen patriarch
in China, and cut off one of his arms. (Although Zen writings usu­
ally claim that Hui-k’e cut off his own arm to prove his sincerity
to Bodhidharma, the attack by robbers is the more credible explana­
tion.) By the Sung dynasty (960-1126), however, Zen overshad­
owed all other forms of Buddhism in China because of the piety
and purity of its priests’ views on the sutras. One example of such
priests during the T ’ang dynasty (618-907) is Hui-neng (638-713),
the sixth Zen patriarch.
A simple woodcutter, Hui-neng was completely illiterate, yet he
was outstanding at comprehending the essence of a sutra. ^ ^ ile
peddling firewood in his village one day, Hui-neng heard a mendi­
cant priest chanting the Diamond Sutra, and that impeUed him to
enter the priesthood and become a monk.
Before long Hui-neng had devoted himself to the practice of Zen
146 SC RIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

under the fifth patriarch, Hung-jen (602-75), who trained him well.
Among the seven or eight hundred priests practicing under Hung-
jen, some were highly accomplished in knowledge of all kinds of
sutras and in other Buddhist learning, but it was to the unlettered
Hui-neng that Hung-jen handed on the Law, making him the sixth
patriarch in the Chinese Zen lineage established by Bodhidharma.
Hung-jen’s designation ofHui-neng as his successor was confirma­
tion that Hui-neng saw with the eye of the spirit and was able to
perceive the true nature of a sutra. Some years after Hui-neng be­
came the patriarch, a priest called Fa-ta, who made it a practice to
recite the Lotus Sutra, was unable to fathom its meaning and asked
Hui-neng for guidance. It is said that Hui-neng had only to read
a small portion of the Lotus Sutra in order to grasp its essence and
be able to enlighten Fa-ta.
From around the end of the Northern and Southern dynasties
(317-589), Pure Land Buddhism, with its emphasis on the practice
of nien:f)— invoking the name of Arnitabha Buddha in order to be
reborn in his Pure Land, or paradise— also became widely accepted.
T ’an-Iuan (476-542), Tao-cho (562-645), and Shan-tao (613-81),
the three early Pure Land masters who were instrumental in pop­
ularizing the practice of nien:fo, all understood the true meaning
of the sutras through direct spiritual experience, without the hin­
drance of slavish preoccupation with subtle interpretations of each
word they contained. Of the many Buddhist sects once popular in
China, only Zen and Pure Land Buddhism still flourish today, and
their survival can be attributed to the simplicity and purity of their
approach to the sutras.

We have seen that although a great many sutras were translated

into Chinese and studied by Chinese Buddhists, a number of those
scriptures accorded neither with Chinese philosophical thought nor
with the Chinese understanding of Buddhism, and greatly revised
or simplified versions of those works were produced in order to make
them more comprehensible to ordinary believers. The Zen and
Land priests, however, did not presume to compose s^imilar new
sutras and instead interpreted the existing sutras rather freely.
It should be noted that the free, nondogrnatic interpretations of
 IN TE R P R E T IN G THE SUTRAS 147

the Zen and Pure Land priests did represent the true spirit of Bud­
dhism. In his wiU the Indian monk Gunavarman (377-431), who
went to China early during the Northern and Southern dynasties,
left counsel that supports less rigid interpretation: “Although vari­
ous kinds of teachings [such as Mahayana, Hinayana, Provisional,
and Real] are found [in the sutras], there is no difference in the way
of practicing [the faith]. [Moreover,] while many [scholars] cling
to their own views and discuss the correctness or flaws of others’
views, no dispute arises among those who achieve [the true spirit
of Buddhism].”
Nevertheless, because many of the sutras translated into Chinese
did not adequately meet the needs of the people, the Chinese came
to produce their own original Chinese-language sutras, the “gen­
uine” and spurious sutras discussed in the previous chapter. As we
have seen, although a number of these sutras were fabricated for
wholly dishonorable reasons, some of them were composed out of
a genuine desire to communicate the true meaning of Buddhism.
The most famous of these well-intentioned spurious sutras were
written by Hsin-hsing (540-94). Hsin-hsing, who founded the Sect
of the Three Stages (San-chieh-chiao), based on the theory of
three periods of the Law— that is, the period of the True Law, the
period of the Counterfeit Law, and the period of the Decay of the
Law— is regarded as a follower of Fa-ytin, whose influential com­
mentary on the Lotus Sutra we have already considered.
Like Seng-ts’an (d. 606), the third Zen patriarch in China, Hui-
wen (fl. ca. 550), the seminal thinker who contributed so much to
the eventual founding of the T ’ien-t’ai sect, and the great Pure
Land teacher Tao-cho (562-645), Hsin-hsing experienced at first
hand the persecution of Buddhism between 574 and 578 instituted
by the Northern Chou dynasty emperor Wu Ti. Hsin-hsing believed
that Buddhism was made to suffer so heavily at that time because
Buddhists had become corrupt and strayed far from the True Law.
Maintaining that in order to resuscitate Buddhism priests must de­
vote themselves to sincere practice of the Law rather than to aca­
demic investigation, Hsin-hsing himself actively practiced Zen
meditation.
Although Hsin-hsing has been caUed a Zen master, he fostered
148 SC RIPTU RA L IN TERPRETA TIO N

belief in the Three Stages (San-chieh) of the Buddhist Law in the

conviction that if Buddhist practice were not amended it would be
unable to ensure the salvation of the world. According to Hsin-
hsing’s view, in the period of the True Law the doctrine of the one
vehicle (comprising both Hinayana and Mahayana teachings) was
preached; in the period of the Counterfeit Law the doctrine of the
three vehicles (that is, the vehicles of the hearer, who exerts himself
to attain enlightenment by practicing the Buddha’s teachings; of
the self-enlightened person, who attains enlightenment for himself
without a teacher; and of the bodhisattva, who dedicates himself
to the attainment of enlightenment for all) was preached; but in
the period of the Decay of the Law, fifteen hundred years after the
death of the Buddha (in the sixth century a .d. by Hsin-hsing’s reck­
oning), few people would rightly view or preserve the Law. Hence,
Hsin-hsing urged people to accept the universal Law as he taught
it, asserting that only his teachings offered the possibility of salva­
tion in the period of the Decay of the Law.
In later years Hsin-hsing forsook the monastic precepts that
Buddhist monks and nuns vowed to keep and took up manual labor
as a layman. He led a simple life, eating but one meal a day and
devoting himself to the practice of the Bodhisattva Never Despise
(Sadaparibhuta), who paid respect to and commended everyone
he saw. Because Hsin-hsing’s honest life, preaching, and conduct
were in perfect accord with the Buddha’s Law, many believers and
patrons— some of them quite prominent people— gathered around
him. A number of Buddhist temples were built by his followers, and
more than forty sutras and works on the Three Stages teachings were
composed and gained widespread popularity among lay believers.
However, some among Hsin-hsing’s followers and disciples held
that Mahayana sutras— such as the Lotus Sutra and the Sutra of
Infinite Life— were harmful, useless teachings in the period of the
Decay of the Law and further asserted that people who recited those
sutras would descend into hell. The Sect of the Three Stages fol­
lowers were so resolute in prohibiting the use of such Mahayana
scriptures that they earned the enmity of other Buddhist sects, who
denounced the Three Stages teachings as heresy. Thus, although the
scriptures and writings of the Sect of the Three Stages had at one
 SECTARIAN p ’a N-CHIAO 149

time been included in records of the complete Chinese Buddhist

canon, the sect’s teachings were eventually repudiated and stricken
from the accepted Chinese canon. The sect finally died out com­
pletely around the middle of the ninth century, during the perse­
cutions under the T ’ang-dynasty emperor Wu-tsung (r. 840-47).

SECTARIAN P'AN-CHIAO In Ja p a n the Buddhist priest GyOnen

(1240-1321), of the temple Todai-ji
in Nara, wrote Sangoku Buppo Dentsil Engi (A History of the Transmis­
sion of the Buddha’s Law Through Three Countries), in which he
traced the history of Buddhism in India, China, andJapan. GyOnen
stated that by the end ofthe Heian period (794-1185) eight Buddhist
sects had been established in Japan, while thirteen schools and sects
had been established in China between the Southern and Northern
dynasties (317-589) and the T ’ang dynasty (618-907).
The thirteen Chinese schools were of roughly two types: those
of a scholarly bent, which emphasized the doctrinal theories of
Buddhism, and those that were pragmatic and emphasized religious
faith and practice. In general, the intellectually oriented sects were
established during the Northern and Southern dynasties, and the
more practical sects appeared during the Sui (581-618) and T ’ang
dynasties. There is a clear relationship between these two types of
sects and the major streams of p’an-chiao that I mentioned earlier,
since scholarly p’an-chiao systems were popular during the Northern
and Southern dynasties, while sectarian systems came into favor
during the Sui dynasty.
As we have noted, during the Northern and Southern dynasties
the p'an-chiao systems for classifying the scriptures concentrated on
scholarly investigation to determine the correct historical place of
individual sutras and doctrines within the great body of Shakya­
muni’s teachings. Reflecting this approach, the P’i-t’an (Abhi­
dharma), Ch’eng-shih (Completion ofTruth,) Nieh-p’an (Nirvana),
Ti-Iun (Stage Treatise), and She-lun (Comprehensive Treatise)
schools— all founded during the Northern and Southern dynasties—
were what we could call intellectual schools, for they were ardent
in their detailed examination of the place that the then-ascendant
150 SC RIPTURAL IN TERPRETATION

philosophies and sutras occupied within the whole corpus ofBud-

dhist scripture.
The P ’i-t’an school studied Abhidharma philosophy, which pos­
its a fairly common-sensical theory of existence and reality. The
Ch’eng-shih school adhered to the Treatise on the Completion of
Truth (Satyasiddhi-shastra), which presents theories critically op­
posed to Abhidharma thought. The Nieh-p’an school turned to
the M ahayana Sutra of the Great Decease (Mahaparinirvana-
sutra), which teaches that all sentient beings possess the buddha-
nature, or potential for attaining buddhahood, and that even the
most depraved of beings can attain buddhahood. The Ti-Iun school
espoused the Shih-ti-ching-Iun, or Treatise on the Sutra of the Ten
Stages (Dashabhumika-sutra-shastra), composed by the fourth- or
fifth-century a . d . Indian master Vasubandhu, while the She-Iun
school followed the Comprehensive Treatise on Mahayana Bud-
dism (Mahayanasamgraha), written by Asanga, Vasubandhu’s
elder brother. Both of these works expound abstruse Mahayana
Buddhist teachings.
The tradition of scholarly inquiry exemplified by these schools
continued up to the T ’ang dynasty and the founding of the Fa-
hsiang (Dharma Characteristics of Existence) school, based on such
works as the Ch’eng wei-shih-lun, or Treatise on the Establishment
of the Doctrine of Consciousness Only (Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-
shastra), which had been transmitted to China and translated by
Hstian-tsang in the seventh century. We may perhaps look on the
San-Iun (Three Treatises) school, born during the Sui dynasty,
the Hua-yen (Flower Garland) sect, established during the T ’ang
dynasty, as transitional schools, for while they indeed wholeheart­
edly embraced philosophical theory and inquiry, they were also sol­
idly founded in religious practice. The later T ’ien-t’ai sect could
also be viewed as transitional, since even though it was based on a
highly developed philosophical analysis of Buddhism, it emphasized
the practice offaith.
The history of Chinese Buddhism clearly demonstrates that a sect
that simply expounds a philosophical theory (regardless of how dis­
tinguished that theory may be) is unlikely to prosper if that theory is
not put into practice. The Chinese sects that flourished in later ages
 SECTARIAN p ’ AN-CHIAO 15/

all emphasized religious practice more than philosophical theory.

Of the thirteen Chinese sects identified by GyOnen, the P’i-t’an,
Ch’eng-shih, Ti-lun, She-lun, San-lun, and Fa-hsiang schools had
been established principally on the basis of philosophical treatises.
They were all scholarly sects that approached Buddhism from a
philosophical viewpoint. Even though the Nieh-p’an school was
founded on a sutra, rather than a treatise, it too was philosophical
in its orientation. It is worth noting that none of these sects has sur­
vived to the present.
However, the T ’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen (Flower Garland), and Chen-
yen (Shingon, or True Word) sects— all founded during the Sui and
T ’ang dynasties— were established primarily on the basis of sutras
and offered theory supported by practice. Other sects centered on
faith were the Pure Land sect, which stressed the practice of nien-fo
while also following the Pure Land sutras, and the Zen sect, which
sought to practice the true spirit of Buddhism, although it did not
espouse any particular sutra as its basic scripture. In addition, one
sect— the LU (Precepts) sect— focused on the precepts for believers
and attempted to bring unity to the views of the precepts held by
various sects.
Six of these thirteen Chinese sects— the Ch’eng-shih school, the
San-lun school, the Fa-hsiang school, the Kosha school (a minor
school within the Fa-hsiang school), the Hua-yen sect, and the Lü
sect— were established in Nara, then Jap an ’s capital, during the
Nara period (710-94), becoming known as the Six Nara Sects.
Early in the Heian period (794-1185), the T ’ien-t’ai (called Tendai
in Japan) and Chen-yen (called Shingon) sects were brought to
Japan’s new capital, Kyoto (which was also known as Heian-kyo),
and became known as the Two Heian Sects. During the Kamakura
period (1185-1336), the Pure Land and Zen sects became widely
popular in Japan, and they continue to flourish today. Thus at one
time all of Japanese Buddhism was represented by eight sects : the
Six Nara Sects and the Two Heian Sects. To these eight sects, the
priest GyOnen later added the Pure Land and Zen sects and stated
that Japanese Buddhism was composed of ten sects.
As I have said, during the Sui and T ’ang dynasties the various
Chinese Buddhist schools and sects employed p'an-chiao systems of
152 SCRIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

classifying scriptures simply as a means of proving their own scrip­

tures, doctrines, and practice were superior to those of any other
school or sect. A similar penchant for proclaiming the superiority
of one’s own beliefs can be seen in early Indian Buddhism in the
Yogachara (Yoga Practice) school, for example.
According to the Yogachara school— the forerunner of the Fa-
hsiang school in China— Shakyamuni’s sermons expounded both
the teaching “All is actual existence” and the teaching “All is
void” ; but the Yogachara school maintained that its own teaching
of Shakyamuni’s Middle Way, that is, “All is neither actual ex­
istence nor void,” which synthesized the first two teachings, was
most correct. And in China the Fa-hsiang school clarified aU the
Indian Buddhist doctrines according to the foUowing eight theories.
1. Wo-fa chu-yu-tsungy which held that both the individual ego
composed of the five aggregates and each element of the aggregates
as an attribute of an individual or his environment are actual ex­
istences. * This was both a secular view and the basic theory of the
Abhidharma Buddhist Vatsiputriya school, which believed that the
ego is subject to transmigration.
2. Fa-yu wo-wu-tsungy according to which the separate elements
of the five aggregates comprising individuals and the world were
recognized as actual existences, but which did not a ^ ^ ^ the actual
existence of the individual ego because that existence is only tran­
sitory. The Sarvastivadin school— the Indian precursor of the Kosha
school in China— subscribed to view.
3. In the two theories above, the elements of the five aggregates
are eternal existences, continuing from the past through the present
and into the future. However, fa-wu ch’u-lai-tsung, adhered to by a
branch of the Mahasanghika school, maintained that actual ^exist­
ence occurs only in the present because all concrete experiences
belong to the present, for the past has already vanished and the
future is yet to be.

• The five aggregates arethe elements attributes ofwhi^ every h^rnan

is composed: (I) foi-m, or the body; (2) receptivity, sensation, feeling; (3)
conceptions and ideas; (4) volition, or v^i-ious mental activities; and (5) COn­
sciousness. The union of these five aggregates dates from the moment of birth
constitutes the individual.
 SECTARIAN p ’ a N-CHIAO 153

4. Hnen-t'ung chia-shih-tsung, which stated that even phenomena

experienced in the present are not all actual existences but are both
actual existences and transitory existences because in both physical
and mental phenomena there are elements of actual existence and
elements of transitory existence, that is, elements born of actual
existences and elements conceptualized from actual existences.
This is the theory of the Sautrantika school, which criticized the
views of the Sarvastivadin school.
5. Su-wang chen-shih-tsung, which observed in value terms that
the actual existences in the present are to be distinguished as either
true or counterfeit. The secular existences of ordinary transmigrat­
ing humans are all counterfeit, while the pure Law of those holy
people making progress toward the ideal is true. This theory was
propounded by several branches of the Mahasanghika school, in­
cluding the Lokottaravadin school (which preached that only the
world of enlightenment is true).
6. According to wu-fa tan-ming-tsung, however, both counterfeit
existences and the true Law are merely terms or concepts. Although
this view is similar to those of noumenalism and idealism in West­
ern philosophy, Buddhist thought, unlike Western philosophy,
never considered terms or concepts as existences of actual substance.
^mong the branches of the Mahasanghika school expounding this
theory was the Prajnaptivadin school, which preached that all ex­
istences are only transitory words and philosophies.
These six theories were the products of various schools of Hina­
yana Abhidharma Buddhism.
7. I-ch’ieh chieh-k’ung-tsung was based on the Perfection of Wisdom
sutras, which teach that all is void. According to these sutras, one
should not become attached to existences because all existences are
mutable, being called into existence only in accordance with the
Law. This theory was common to both the Madhyamika (Doc­
trine of the Middle W ay) school in India and the San-Iun (Three
Treatises) school in China, both of which relied on the Treatise on
the Middle (Madhyamaka-shastra) and related works for explica­
tion of the theory presented in the Perfection of Wisdom sutras.
8. Chen-te pu-k'ung-tsung was the theory of the Yogachara school
itself, and of the Fa-hsiang school in China. While hinayana
154 SCRIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

Abhidharma Buddhism taught the theory of existence and the Per­

fection of Wisdom sutras and the Treatise on the Middle of early
Mahayana Buddhism taught the theory of the void, the Yogachara
school of middle-period Mahayana Buddhism advocated the Mid­
dle W ay— the synthesis of existence and the void— and maintained
that the middle path, avoiding the two extremes, is the ultimate
principle of Buddhism. The Mahayana Sutra of the Great Decease,
the Shrimala Sutra (Shrimaladevi-simhanada-sutra), the Sutra of
the Appearance of the Good Doctrine in [Sri] Lanka (Lankavatara-
sutra), and the Treatise on the Awake^^g of Faith in Mahayana
(Mahayana-shraddhotpada-shastra) all expound the theory of the
Middle Way.
This brief introduction indicates the arguments employed by the
Fa-hsiang school in declaring its teachings superior to those of any
other school. To these eight theories the Hua-yen (Flower Garland)
sect added the foUowing two of its own, thus arriving at the total of
ten on which it based its “five teachings and ten sects” classification
of doctrines.
9. Hnang-hsiang chü-chüeh-tsung, which is the view that one attains
enlightenment instantly through a religious experience, not through
study of scripture or doctrine. This is, of course, the theory of the
Zen sect, which streres the importance of pure, direct experience
in attaining enlightenment.
10. Yiian-ming chii-te-tsung is, as might be expected, the theory of
the Hua-yen sect and sets forth an excellent teaching with a won­
derful view of humanity and the world based on the Law of Causa­
tion, which explains the complex interdependent interrelationships
existing among all things in the universe.* This teaching further
proclaims that one’s actions should be like those of a buddha, per­
formed effortlessly, unhindered by any obstacle.
Although the Hua-yen sect expounded a truly admirable doc­
trine, it eventually failed like the purely intellectual schools because
• The central doctrine of Buddhism, the Law of Causation states that all phe­
nomena in the universe are produced by causation. According to this doctrine,
since all phenomena result from the relation of cause and effect, all things in the
universe exist in interrelationship with one another (“Nothing has an ego”) and
all things and phenomena in this world constantly change (“All ^^gs are im^^
manent”).
 SECTARIAN p ’a N-CHIAO 155

its philosophical theory was not adequately supported and rein­

forced by practice.
The T ’ien-t’ai sect’s classification of the “ five periods and eight
teachings” is no less important than the Hua-yen sect’s classification
according to the “five teachings and ten sects.” Unlike the Hua-
yen sect, the T ’ien-t’ai sect strongly emphasized practice in addition
to philosophical theory. This emphasis later prompted the Tendai
(the Japanese pronunciation o f T ’ien-t’ai) sect inJapan to adopt the
useful esoteric elements o f T ’ien-t’ai practice, which helped the sect
become a significant force in the current ofJapanese Buddhism fol­
lowing its introduction at the beginning of the ninth century. The
Tendai emphasis on practice influenced the thinking of the major
Japanese Buddhist sects founded in the twelfth and thirteenth cen­
turies— the Pure Land, Zen, and Nichiren sects— and undoubtedly
contributed greatly to their survival to the present day.
Because of the genius and erudition of Chih-i (538-97), who es­
tablished T ’ien-t’ai Buddhism and integrated into his writings a
comprehensive survey of all Buddhist doctrines and theories, the
T ’ien-t’ai analyses and p’an-chiao classifications became so complex
that even specialists find them difficult to understand. Moreover,
Chih-i was so meticulous in his interpretations of sutras that his ex­
positions are almost incomprehensible to the average reader.
In his Miao-fa lien-hua-ching wen-chu (Textual Commentary
on the Lotus Sutra), Chih-i examined individual words and phrases
of the Lotus Sutra from four points of view and further developed
his thoughts in thirteen minutely considered facets. For instance, a
Chinese ideogram meaning “buddha” is analyzed thoroughly from
thirteen different perspectives. Such a study is invaluable from a
scholar’s point of view because it encompasses all Chinese views on
the Buddha current at that tim e; however, in terms of practical
value, Chih-i’s commentary is so copious in its detail that it simply
compounds any confusion that the average person might have been
troubled with before consulting it.
In general, the following four interpretations of the word “bud­
dha” offered by Chih-i seem to be most germane for the nonspecial­
ist curious about the theoretical and practical meanings of the
word.
156 SC RIPTURAL IN TERPRETA TIO N

1. The Buddha is one’s focus o f devotion in the true sense. He is

the savior who delivers human beings from their sufferings and ful­
fills their desires and is also the figurative parent and lord of human­
kind. Thus one should offer prayer and reverence to him with an
attitude of total dedication and of obedience to his teaching. (This
is regarded as the “first-step” view of the Buddha.)
2. When considering the essence of the Buddha objectively, the
discriminating person thinks of his Law (that is, of the universal,
logical truth of the universe), of justice and benevolence as the basic
ideal virtues of humankind, and of selfless compassion as the means
of saving all sentient beings.
3. Since the second interpretation alone is not sufficient to sustain
a living faith, it must be merged with the first. Thus the third inter­
pretation unites the abstract theory of the first with the concrete
practice implied by the second.
4. When one has at last arrived at a state of profound faith, one
has attained unity with the Buddha and is always embraced by him
even if one’s awareness of the Buddha is not perfect (that is to say,
not in complete accord with the union of theory and practice set
forth above in the third interpretation). In this fourth interpreta­
tion one has already achieved buddhahood and sees the buddha-
nature in all the objects and beings one encounters and venerates
all those objects and beings as buddhas. It is at this point that the
buddha-land, or paradise, becomes a reality rather than an ideal or
goal.
Although the T ’ien-t’ai sect enjoyed a very highly developed in­
tellectual and philosophical appreciation of Buddhism as a religion,
unlike the Hua-yen sect, for example, it also embraced a thoroughly
pragmatic, down-to-earth practice of the religion that enabled it to
survive while the completely academically oriented schools perished.
 NINE

The Sutras in Script and Print

RECORDING THE SUTRAS Beginning in the time of Shakyamu­

ni, Buddhist sutras were committed
to memory and handed down orally, rather than being recorded
in writing. The oral transmission of teachings was not a custom of
Buddhists alone but was a common practice throughout India. For
instance, Orthodox Brahmanism— which po^essed scriptures for
possibly a thousand years before the birth of Shakyamuni— con­
tinued to convey its sutras orally for many centuries after the
founding of Buddhism.
The Brahmans believed that memorizing scriptures and passing
them d o ^ oraUy was safer than committing them to writing, dnce
written documents can, for example, be stolen or lost through flood
or fire. Moreover, Brahmanism forbade the transmission of its
teachings to the Sudras, or slaves, who constituted the lowest of the
four major castes of India; and if the Brahmanic scriptures had
been written down and copied, they might have been seen or read
by those lowly people.
Buddhism, too, foUowed the tradition of reciting scriptures. The
early Buddhist sangiti, or councils, met not to compile or correct
written material— as they have done in more recent times— but to
recite and confirm memorized records. The original meaning of the
Sanskrit word sangiti is, in fact, “ to recite together."
The fact that people relied on the oral transmission of informa­
157
158 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T A N D P R I N T

tion does not mean that writing was unknown in Shakyamuni’s

time. Some of the primitive Buddhist sutras make it clear that writ­
ing systems were generally known in the India of that day. Certain
of those sutras mention, for example, a popular guessing game in
which a person was to iden^tify a letter traced on his back.
About two hundred years after Shakyamuni’s death, Emperor
Asoka had a number of edicts engraved on massive rocks and on
stone pillars at various sites in India and neighboring countries.
As I mentioned in chapter two, Asoka’s edicts were written chiefly
in two different scripts: Brahmi and Kharoshti. The fact that the
Brahmi characters were written in varying forms in different parts of
India indicates that they had been in use long enough to undergo
stylistic changes, which occur only slowly. An early date for the
general use of writing is further supported by the discovery of large
numbers of second-century B.C. Indian coins bearing inscriptions.
In its early use, writing was confined primarily to commercial
records, correspondence, and signets or seals: it was never employed
for recording sacred documents. The phrase “Thus have I heard,”
with which so many sutras begin, is evidence that they were trans­
mitted orally, as are the repetitive, conventionalized phrases that
make the task of memorizing easier.
Nevertheless, Buddhism did eventually record its scriptures in
writing— the first among all Indian religions to do so. In this sense
Buddhism can be seen as a progressive religion, for its was to
convey the Law to everyone equally, regardless of caste, and it was
not reluctant to make written copies of its sutras so that all might
read them.
During the time of primitive Buddhism and through the period
of Abhidharma (Hinayana) Buddhism, however, sutras were not
written down, presumably because there was no need to teach large
numbers of people the content of the sutras, which were still at that
time memorized and conveyed from one ordained monk to another
in the traditional Indian manner. Yet when the sutras were taken
to regions where the spoken language was different from the origi­
nal language of the sutras, it would have been extremely difficult
for people to memorize and preserve the sutras if they had not first
been translated into the local language. Written copies of such
 R ECO R D IN G TH E SUTRAS 159
translations may have been made at that time in order to hand the
sutras down to future generations correctly.
At the time that Buddhist scriptures were first being recorded in
writing in India, the leaves (or pattra in Sanskrit) of a type of fan
palm (or tala in Sanskrit) were used as writing materials. But since
fan palms grow only in tropical regions, birch bark, cloth, and hides
were also used for written records in northwestern India and
Central Asia. In some rare instances sutras were even engraved on
costly sheets of copper.
When paper became more commonly available, however, sutras
were recorded on paper. For example, the ancient Nepalese manu­
scripts written in the Siddhan script are all transcribed on palm
leaves, while the later Nepalese manuscripts written in the Devana-
gari script are all recorded on paper. It is interesting to note that
when paper came to be used for recording sutras the sheets of paper
were trimmed into very long rectangles, in imitation of the earlier
palm leaves, and— like the palm-leaf manuscripts— were bound in
bundles tied together with cords fed through two holes punctured
in the center of the sheets. In later times, when the sheets of paper
were no longer tied together with cords, the two distinctive holes
for the cords were retained, indicating that the paper manuscripts
were replicas of or substitutes for earlier palm-leaf manuscripts.
Fan palms are common in southern India and Sri Lanka. When
the early-seventh-century Chinese translator Hsuan-tsang journeyed
to India, he noted there was a vast fan-palm forest, some fifteen
kilometers in diameter, near Konkana in southern India, and that
many people went there from other areas to pick the long, broad,
glossy leaves for use in copying sutras. Since fan-palm leaves are so
readily obtainable and easy to handle, they are still used today
for copying sutra manuscripts in such Southern Buddhist countries
as Sri Lanka, Burma, and Thailand.
Among the many kinds of fan palm to be found in Sri Lanka, the
palmyra and talipot palms are generally used for manuscripts.
The less durable leaves of the palmyra palm have been used for
ordinary correspondence, while the tough leaves of the tali pot palm
—^which can live for one hundred years and attain a height of
twenty-five meters— have been favored for sutra manuscripts meant
160 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

to be preserved. Obviously it is not mere coincidence that the name

talipot is derived from the Sanskrit words tala and pattra and means,
literally, “fan-palm leaf.”
Today, as in the past, the leaves used for sutra manuscripts are
taken from among the young leaves at the tops of fan palms. The
tough, pliable, cream-colored leaves grow to lengths of three to six
meters in clusters of eighty to a hundred leaves. Just before the
young leaves unfurl and separate, they are reaped one by one; the
harvested leaves are blanched in a cauldron, dried in the shade,
and polished to a gloss on both sides. The large prepared leaves
are then trimmed into rectangles twenty-five to eighty centimeters
long and five to eight centimeters wide. The small manuscript
leaves are used for copying short sutras, and the large leaves are
used for longer sutras. Very long sutras are written on both sides of
a number of manuscript leaves trimmed to the same size, which are
then bound together by threading cords through two holes punched
a few centimeters apart in the center of the leaves.
From ancient Mahayana palm-leaf manuscripts we know that
the sutras were originally written with a brush and the carbon-based
ink known variously as India ink or Chinese ink. Brush and carbon
ink were also used in copying the birch-bark manuscripts in north­
ern India and in Central Asia and later in transcribing the paper
manuscripts. In Southern Buddhist countries, however, the Pali
canon is recorded by first scoring the letters on a palm leaf with a
metal stylus. Carbon ink is then brushed liberally over the leaf, and
when the excess ink is wiped off, only the ink deposited in the etched
characters remains.
The oldest historical mention of the copying of sutras indicates
that sutras were being recorded in writing in Sri Lanka around the
first century B.C. The Buddhism of Sri Lanka is Theravada Bud­
dhism, introduced from India during the time of Emperor ^ o k a
(ca. 274 to ca. 236 b .c .) , and its sutras are recorded in Pali, the lan­
guage in which they were brought to the country. Although Pali
was not spoken in Sri Lanka, it has been retained as the Buddhist
liturgical language there, and Buddhist sutras are still handed down
in Pali in Sri Lanka today.
According to an ancient Sri Lankan chronicle, some two cen^ries
 R ECO R D IN G TH E SUTRAS 161
after Buddhism was first conveyed to Sri Lanka the reigning king
became a devout Buddhist and built a temple called Abhayagiri-
vihara (Mount Fearlessness Monastery). Until that time the temple
Mahavihara (Great Monastery) had served as the center of Bud­
dhism in Sri Lanka.
The chief monk of Abhayagiri-vihara was a gregarious man who
a^ociated freely with lay believers. The monks of Mahavihara, who
observed strict precepts, frowned upon the liberal attitudes accepted
at Abhayagiri-vihara. Thus began a conflict between the two tem­
ples (the centers of two distinct sects) that was to continue for over
one thousand years. Eventually the rigidly conservative Buddhism
of the Mahavihara sect triumphed, becoming the foundation of
Southern Buddhism in Sri Lanka as we know it today.
The monks of Mahavihara decided to write down their sutras to
preserve them correctly for later generations, lest the true teachings
be distorted by the heresies of the Abhayagiri-vihara sect. The
Mahavamsa (Great Chronicle), a fifth- or sixth-century a.d. history
of Sri Lanka written in Pali, states, “ Monks of great wisdom con­
veyed sutras and commentaries on them by oral recitation, but
seeing people stray [from the true Law], the monks met and re­
corded the sutras and commentaries in writing to preserve the Law
forever.”
In Northern Buddhism the first reference to recording sutras in
written form occurs much later than the early Southern Buddhist
reference mentioned above. In northern India, toward the end of
the first century a .d., the great Kushan-dynasty emperor Kanisnka
(who, like Emperor Asoka some centuries earlier, was a devout
Buddhist and protector of Buddhism) supported a council to com­
pile sutras convened by the Sarvastivadin school, one of the eighteen
or twenty schools of Hinayana Buddhism. The Great Commentary
(Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra), a philosophical work edited
at that council, was engraved on copper plates, which were preserved
at an imperial residence in Kashmir. Even though this is the earliest
verifiable instance of recording scriptures in writing in Northern
Buddhism, presumably the custom of copying scriptures had existed
before that time in northwestern India.
Although the Agama sutras of primitive Buddhism make no men­
162 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

tion o f the practice o f copying sutras, even the earliest Mahayana

Buddhist sutras speak of the merit of writing out the sutras. The
merits to be gained by copying the sutras are emphasized not only
in the older Mahayana sutras, such as the Perfection of Wisdom
sutras, but also in such later sutras as the Lotus Sutra and, in fact,
in almost all Mahayana sutras. For instance, Kumarajiva’s transla­
tion of the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Eight Thousand Lines
says, “Kaushika [In d ra]! If a good man or woman cannot receive
and keep the Perfection of Wisdom [Sutra], read and recite it, or
practice as it preaches, he or she should copy it and revere, respect,
and applaud it with good flowers, scents . . . ” This sutra further
mentions that introducing others to the practice of sutra copying
has great merit. Sim lar statements are found in all the Perfection
of Wisdom sutras.
In the Lotus Sutra, chapter nineteen, “The Merits of the Preach­
er,” enumerates the merits that are attained through the five kinds
of practice for a teacher of the Law : receiving and keeping the su­
tra, reading it, reciting it, expounding it, and copying it. Chapter
twenty, “The Bodhisattva Never Despise," also sets forth the merits
of copying sutras and goes on to state, “Therefore all bodhisattva-
mahasattvas, after the extinction of the Tathagata [Shakyamuni],
should ever receive and keep, read, recite, expound, and copy this
sutra.” Chapter twenty-eight, “ Encouragement of the Bodhisattva
Universal Virtue,” declares, “If there be any who receive and
keep, read and recite, rightly remember, practice, and copy this
Law-Flower Sutra [the Lotus Sutra], know that such are attending
on Shakyamuni Buddha . . . ” In short, in Mahayana Buddhism,
copying a sutra is considered a practice equal in importance to re­
ceiving and keeping a sutra, reading, reciting, and expounding it.
The reason the Mahayana scriptures— unlike the scriptures of
primitive Buddhism— preach the merit of copying sutras is found
in the differences between monastic Buddhism and lay Buddhism.
Primitive and Abhidharma Buddhism made clear distinctions
between monks and lay believers. Ordained monks were special­
ists who dedicated themselves exclusively to memorizing sutras,
reading and reciting them, and expounding and practicing them.
Since they transmitted their learning to the next generation of
 RECO RD IN G TH E SUTRAS 163
monks, sutras and other teachings of the Buddha were conveyed
correctly to succeeding generations so long as these ordained monks
existed. The scriptures of primitive B uddhis m were transmi tted in this
way by the Order, or Sangha, of monks, and so long as the Order
remained sound i t was unnecessary to r ecor d the sutras in writing.
At the beginning of the fifth c entu ry a .d ., when the Chinese monk
Fa-hsien (340?-420?) made his pilgrimage to India, he found no
written sutras in northwestern India— only monks in the Buddhist
temples there, orally handi ng down the scriptures they had mem­
orized. It was not until he went farther south, to Magadha and
Sri Lanka, that he was able to obtain the written scriptures he
sought. This i nform ation, recorded in Fa-hsien’s journal, makes it
clear that even at that late date sutras were transmitted th rou gh
recitation by ordained monks. With regard to the Chinese transla­
tions of sutras in that time, we know that a number of su tra s had
been conveyed to China in oral versions recited by Indian monks.
Most Mahayana scriptures, however, seem to have been recorded
in writing at an early date in India and Central Asia. For example,
around the middle of the third century a .d . the religious scholar
Chu Shih-hsi ng was able to o b tan in Central Asia the written ver­
sion of the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Twenty-five Thousand
Lines that W u-ch’a-Io later translated into Chinese. Such an in­
cident demonstrates that from its inception Mahayana Buddhism
maintained the custom of copying its sutras.
Mahayana Buddhism adopted this custom because, unlike Abhi­
dharma Bu ddhis m, it had no ordained monks charged with mem­
orizing scrip tu re. The greatest problem for Mahayana Bu dd hists,
who advocated lay Buddhism, was to preserve the teachings of the
Law and keep them alive. Since in its early days the adherents of
Mahayana Buddhism were all lay people who had to support
themselves and care for their fa mili es, none of them could dedicate
themselves exclusively to teaching the Law. Even if a lay believer
became distinguished for outstanding knowledge of the Law, as
did Vimalakirti, there was no mechanism, such as the Buddhist Or­
der, for educating successors.
To amend this shortcoming, Mahayana Buddhism did eventu­
ally produce ordained monks who studied the sutras, interpreted
164 SU T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

doctrine, organized scholarly theory, and instructed lay believers.

Famous later Mahayana leaders (such as Nagarjuna, his disciple
Aryadeva, and the brothers Vasubandhu and Asanga) were aU or­
dained monks. But until the emergence of such teachers, there re­
mained the problems of how to make Mahayana teachings known
to people at large and how to preserve the teachings and hand them
down to future generations.
To accomplish those goals, Mahayana Buddhism emphasized the
merits ofcopying, reading, reciting, and expounding sutras. Preach­
ing on the great merits to be obtained by simply copying the sutras
ensured that the sutras would be transmitted to later generations as
an act offaith even if believers had no teacher to guide them.
We have already seen how Mahayana scriptures emphasized the
importance of revering and copying sutras. Beyond that, however,
the scriptures also stressed that the places where written sutras
were kept were to be revered as the abode of the Buddha himself
and that the sutras themselves were to be revered as manifestations
of the Buddha. This is preached in the Diamond Wisdom Sutra,
for example, and in chapter twenty-one, “The Divine Power of
the Tathagata,” the Lotus Sutra states, “Whether in a place where
a volume of the sutra is kept, or in a temple, or in a grove, or un­
der a tree, or in a monastery, or in a lay devotee’s house, in a palace
or a mountain, in a valley or in the wilderness, in all these places
you must erect a caitya [a pagoda in which sutras are deposited]
and make offerings.” Such teachings, which are characteristic of
the Mahayana sutras, were of course intended to ensure the eternal
preservation of the true Law.

COPYING THE SUTRAS Beginning in the T ’ang dynasty (618­

907), various Chinese courts authorized
the compilation of a number of Tripitaka, or complete canons,
called Ta-tsang-ching (Great Storehouse Scripture) or I-ch’ieh-ching
(Complete Scripture) in Chinese. By imperial permission, both new
translations of sutras and important Buddhist writings produced in
China were included in these Tripitaka. Thus it happened that
some sutras composed in China that had been included in one Tri-
 CO PYIN G T H E SUTRAS 165

pitaka were deleted from collections compiled later. This is the rea­
son that the writings of Hsin-hsing (5 40-94), founder of the Sect
of the Three Stages (San-chieh-chiao), and the Biography of the
Treasure Forest (Pao-lin-ch’uan), which records Zen history, are
found in some Tripitaka and not in others.
The earliest Chinese Tripitaka, or complete collections of sutras,
were compiled during the period of the Northern and Southern
dynasties (317-589). In northern China, Emperor Hsiao-ming Ti
(r. 515-28) of the Northern Wei dynasty and, in southern China,
Emperor Ming Ti (r. 494-98) of the Southern Ch’i dynasty and
emperors Wu Ti (r. 557-59), Wen Ti (r. 559-66), and Hstian Ti
(r. 568-82) of the Ch’en dynasty all had a number of copies of Tri­
pitaka transcribed for enshrinement in major provincial temples.
Before long it became fashionable among wealthy commoners to
commission copies of the Tripitaka to be dedicated to temples.
The first Sui emperor, Wen Ti (r. 581-604), who established
Buddhism as the national religion after the reunification of China,
commissioned forty-six copies of the Tripitaka, which he had en­
shrined in various provincial temples. Tripitaka including the
sutras recently translated by Hstian-tsang (ca. 596-664) were en­
shrined in the temples Ching-ai-ssu in Loyang and Hsi-ming-ssu in
Ch’ang-an; and Ching-t’ai’s five-fascicle catalogue Chung-ching
mu-lu (Catalogue of the Sutras; commonly called Ching-t’ai’s
Catalogue) and the ten-fascicle T a -T ’ang nei-tien-lu (Catalogue of
T ’ang Dynasty Sutras) compiled by Tao-hstian (596-667) were pre­
pared as catalogues of those collections of sutras.
In 730 Chih-sheng (658-740) compiled his monumental K ’ai-
yuan shih-chiao-lu (K ’ai-ytian Era Buddhist Catalogue), in which
some 1,076 translated sutras numbering 5,048 fascicles were me­
thodically arranged and classified. Ytian-chao included a number
of new translations in the Chen-yUan hsin-ting shih-chiao mu-lu
(Chen-yUan Era Buddhist Catalogue), which he edited and com­
pleted in 800; and the information in that catalogue was brought
up to date and new translations were recorded in 945 by Heng-an
in his Hsti Chen-yUan shih-chiao-lu (Supplementary Chen-yUan
Era Buddhist Catalogue), which listed 1,258 sutras totaling 5,390
fascicles. By the end of the T ’ang dynasty the most important sutras
166 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

had all been translated into Chinese, and only a small number were
translated later.
In China, carbon ink was used to copy sutras on paper. The oldest
extant copy of a Chinese-language sutra was transcribed during the
Three Kingdoms period (22^0-80), and although copies of scriptures
transcribed in succeeding ages also survive, many of them are only
fragmentary. In the beginning there was no standard format for
written sutras, but examination of extant sutras makes it clear that
the practice of copying sutras in lines of seventeen ideograms was
adopted at an early date.
As I mentioned earlier, some catalogues even recorded the num­
ber of sheets of paper required for copying individual sutras. The
fact that the figures given for particular sutras vary little from one
catalogue to another is further evidence that sutras were being
copied in a fairly standardized format. A note appended to the
first sutra entry in Tao-hstian’s T a -T ’ang nei-tien-lu states that a
single sheet of a sutra is composed of twenty-eight lines. Although
there is no mention of the number of ideograms per line, it is
thought that all the sutras recorded in T ’ang-dynasty catalogues
were transcribed in the format of twenty-eight lines of seventeen
characters each per sheet of paper. (The individual sheets of paper
were afterward pasted together to form scrolls.)
Around the beginning of the Sung dynasty (960-1126) carved
wood blocks began to be used to print complete copies of the Tri­
pitaka. Though they varied somewhat in format, the most common
editions from the Sung dynasty and through the Ming dynasty
(1368-1662) were printed with thirty lines of seventeen characters
each on one sheet of paper. (This format was used both for the sutras
bound as scrolls and for the later sutras bound as books.) The most
recent edition of the complete Chinese canon, the massive Taish4
Daizokyo, which was printed in Japan between 1924 and 1934, has
three columns per page, each column composed of twenty-nine
lines of seventeen ideograms each. Thus a single page of the Taish4
Daizokyo is roughly equivalent to three sheets of the Tripitaka as
it was originally printed in China.
I The copies of the Tripitaka presented to temples were stored il
sutra repositories. Although these structures foUowed no standard
 COPYIN G T H E SUTRAS 167
design, a fixture common to most of them was the so-called round
shelf— a taU, octagonal revolving cabinet in the center of the re­
pository. According to legend, the round shelf was invented by the
lay master of Buddhism Fu Ta-shih (4 9 7 -5 6 9 ; also known as Shan-
hui Ta-shih) during the Liang dynasty (502-57), and it was said
that by simply turni ng a cabinet full of sutras around and around
an illiterate person could gain merit equal to that of reciting the
sutras. Legend notwithstanding, it is thought that the round shelf
was invented as a convenience for readers, to reduce the amount
of walking necessary to find the sutras they wished to study. Ro u nd
shelves were also insta 11ed in t he sutra repositories of Japanese te m -
ples, along with a devotional statue of Fu Ta-shih.
Buddhist scriptures were first brought to Jap an in the mid-sixth
century, when Buddhism was introduced into the country. Prince-
Regent Shotoku (574-622) himself 1ectured and commented on
three Mah ayan a sutras— the Lotus Sutra, the Shrimala Sutra, and
the Vimalakirti Sutra— and it is believed that he sent a mission to
the Chinese court for the express purpose of bringing those sutras
to J a pa n. Eight Sui-dynasty (581-89) scriptures belonging to the
Nara temple Todai-ji and currently stored in the Sutra Repository
of the Shoso-in— Todai-ji’s storehouse for its own and imperial
treasures, built in 756— are believed to have been br oug ht to Japan
duri ng the regency ofShotoku or shortly thereafter.
I t is thought that the earliest Japanese copy of the Chinese Tri-
pitaka was transcribed at the Nara temple Kawara-dera in 673, the
first year of the reign of E m pero r Temmu. It appears that the sc ri p-
tures included in that copy were those recorded in the T a -T ’ang
nei-tien-lu co m piled by Tao-hstian in 664, indicating the r apidity
with which Buddhist scriptures were making their way to Ja p a n .
During the reign of Emperor ShOmu (r. 7 2 4 -4 9 )— whose imperial
treasures are stored in the Sh6so-in— the Nara monk Gembo (d.
746) journeyed to C hina and, in 735, b ro ug ht back to Japan “over
five thousand fascicles of Buddhist scriptures,” which must have
been the 5,048 fascicles listed in the K ’ai-ytian shih-chiao-lu com-
piled only five years earli er by Chih-s he ng.
ShOmu and his consort, KOmyo (701-60), seem to have com­
manded t he making of co pi es of the Tripitaka bro ugh t back by
168 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T A N D P R I N T

GembO. A number ofthose copies, along with the original scriptures

from China, still survive among the imperial treasures maintained
in the Shoso-in.
Government facilities for copying sutras in Japan were established
under Emperor Temmu (r. 673-86). During the reign of Emperor
Shomu the official transcription office came to be called the tran­
scription building and was quickly separated into two facilities:
one building for sutra transcription and another for commentary
transcription. As the practice of copying sutras became more pop­
ular, transcription buildings were established in Nara at Thdai-
ji and at the Buddhist chapel of the imperial palace. Presumably
out of belief in the merit to be gained by copying sutras and out of
a desire to hand the treasure of the Law on to future generations,
other temples as well as members of the nobility raised their own
private transcription buildings. For instance, in 797 the great
priest Saicho (767-822), who is better known in Japan by his post­
humous name DengyO Daishi, sent a number of disciples to Nara.
There, with assistance from Todai-ji, the disciples made a complete
copy of the Tripitaka to be dedicated at the temple atop Mount
Hiei, outside Kyoto. They later made a copy for Emperor Kammu
(r. 781-806), who is said to have conferred court rank on them.
At about this time, in 800, YUan-chao completed his Chen-yUan
hsin-ting shih-chiao mu-Iu, which listed a greater number of scrip­
tures than did the 730 catalogue K ’ai-yUan shih-chiao-Iu. It is said
that by 833 two copies of the Chinese Tripitaka based on YUan-
chao’s catalogue had been made in Japan and installed in the
temple Miroku-ji in northern Kyushu and in the Kyoto temple
Jingo-ji. It is further said that in the following twenty years three
copies of the Tripitaka were made in the area around modern
Tokyo and that those copies were installed in various gove^rnment-
supported provincial temples or in Miroku-ji.
During the extreme persecution of Buddhism in 845 under the
Tang-dynasty emperor Wu-tsung (r. 8 4 0 -4 7 ), more than 277,000
monks and nuns were returned to lay life, and forty-seven thousand
temples were destroyed. And in 955 the Later Chou emperor Shih-
tsung (r. 954-59) issued a decree proscribing Buddhism. At that
time over thirty-three hundred temples were destroyed, and gilt-
 CO PYIN G T H E SUTRAS 169
bronze Buddhist images and bells were melted down for coin.
Through these and earlier persecutions many Buddhist scriptures
were lost in China; thus, at the time of the renaissance of Buddhism
in the Sung dynasty (960-1126), the Chinese had to import sutras
and commentaries from Korea and Japan to complete their Tri­
pitaka.
I might mention here that it was in order to protect and preserve
the original Sanskrit manuscripts, images of the Buddha, and other
articles he had brought back from India that the T ’ang-dynasty
translator HsUan-tsang had an enormous tiled tower, some fifty-five
meters tall, built in Ch’ang-an a few years after his return to China,
in 645. That structure, the Ta-yen-t’a (Great Wild Goose Tower),
is still extant, though because of repairs its appearance is changed
from what it must have been in HsUan-tsang’s time. Unfortunately,
however, all the scriptures and religious implements originally
stored in the tower have been lost owing to the proscription of Bud­
dhism and the upheaval of war during the Ten Kingdoms and Five
Dynasties period (907-79), foliowing the T ’ang dynasty.
Both before and after the time of HsUan-tsang, a number of other
Sanskrit scriptures were taken to China and carefully preserved,
but they too were scattered and disappeared as a result of war and
of the persecutions of Buddhism. A few Sanskrit texts that were
taken back to Japan by the Japanese priests who journeyed to China
during the T ’ang dynasty have been preserved in temples in Japan,
and those texts have been studied and published in modern times.
The Sanskrit texts in Japan include the Heart of Wisdom Sutra
(Prajnaparamita-hridaya-sutra), the Diamond Wisdom Sutra (Vaj-
racchedika-prajnaparamita-sutra), and the Amitabha Sutra (Su-
khavati-vyuha), which were published in the 1880s by Professor
Max Müller and Dr. Nanjio Bunyiu through the Oxford University
Press. It may be that Ja p a n ’s long periods of internal stability and
peace and the nationwide acceptance of Buddhism contributed to
the s^urvival of such ancient copies of the Buddhist scriptures.
It should be noted that the great loss of scriptures during the Ten
Kingdoms and Five Dynasties period hastened the decline of the
various scholarly Chinese sects and schools, which were so com­
mitted to the academic study of sutras. The Zen sect, however,
170 SU T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

which had been striving to manifest the spirit ofBuddhism without

depending on scripture, flourished in those uncertain times and was
an influential representative of Chinese Buddhism between the T ’ang
and Sung dynasties.

Beginning in the tenth century the practice of copying sutras be­

came increasingly popular in Japan, eventually giving rise to quite
splendid copies, such as those executed on deep blue paper in inks
compounded by blending powdered gold or silver with animal glue.
In China, the practice of copying scriptures in gold or silver ink
seems to have begun around the middle of the T ’ang dynasty (618­
907). According to the travel diary of the Japanese Tendai priest
Ennin (793-864), who journeyed to China in 838 and remained
there for nine years, a magnificent Tripitaka of some six thousand
fascicles transcribed in gold and silver inks on dark blue paper in
779 was installed in the sutra repository of the temple Chin-ke-^u
on Mount W u-t’ai. And a copy of the Golden Light Sutra (Suvar-
naprabhasa-sutra) preserved in Japan at the temple Jodo-in on
Mount Hiei was executed in gold ink in China in 842. During the
Sung dynasty, and even afterward, the Chinese still continued to
copy scriptures in gold and silver inks.
Once this manner of copying sutras was imported into Japan, it
gained popularity among those who could afford the materials. FOl"
instance, among the treasures of the Shoso-in (the eighth-centUI'J
imperial storehouse at Todai-ji) is a copy of fascicle 463 of the Grre&4
Perfection of Wisdom Sutra (Mahaprajna-paramita-sutra)
scribed in gold ink on dark blue paper.
In 1103 the cloistered emperor Shirakawa (1053-1129) made an
offering of a Tripitaka written in gold ink to the Kyoto temple Hos-
sho-ji, and in 1126 the nobleman Fujiwara no Kiyohira offered to
Chûson-ji (in modern Iwate Prefecture) a Tripitaka copied in gold
and silver inks on dark blue paper, a portion of which is still extant.
(It was around this time that a special office for the copying of
scriptures in gold and silver inks was established in sutra transcrip­
tion buildings.) In 1159, for the repose of the spirit of the cloistered
emperor Toba (1103-56), Bifuku-mon-in— the mother of Emperor
Toba’s heir— donated to Kongobu-ji on Mount Koya, south of
 PRIN TIN G T H E SUTRAS 171

Osaka, a Tripitaka executed in gold ink on dark blue paper. And

in 1164 the imperial ^minister Taira no Kiyomori (1118-81) and his
brother Yorimori (1132-86) presented to Itsukushima Shrine, near
modern Hiroshima, a copy of the Lotus Sutra and its opening and
closing sutras transcribed in gold ink on dark blue paper, which has
survived to the present.
During the eleventh and twelfth centuries a number of printed
copies of the Tripitaka were brought to Japan from China or
Korea, providing more trustworthy and complete texts than were
available as written copies. With printed copies of the Tripitaka at
hand for study, the task of copying the scriptures manually became
less urgent. The practice of transcribing sutras in gold or silver ink
did continue, however, because while those viscous inks could not
be used in making printed copies of the sutras, people still wished to
leave a legacy of sumptuous scriptures. It is also likely that the prac­
tice was continued not as an expression of genuine religious devo­
tion but as a means of displaying the wealth and rank of the people
who commissioned such copies.
Following the introduction of printed copies of the scriptures,
the practice of copying them by hand in carbon ink may have been
continued only as a custom or perhaps even as a novelty. Unusual
among the methods of copying scriptures in Japan were the “one-
day” or “one-time” transcriptions, in which the entire Tripitaka
was copied in a single day by apportioning the work among a great
many people. For example, during the reign of Emperor Shirakawa
the monk Jil5 allotted the work to 10,000 devout Buddhists, who
transcribed the Tripitaka in one day. And in 1211 the cloistered
emperor Gotoba (1180-1239) visited the Kyoto temple SaisM-
shitenni"i-in, where 13,315 monks transcribed the Tripitaka for him
in a single day.

PRINTING THE SUTRAS Until the T ’ang dynasty the Chinese

had always transcribed the Tripitaka
by hand— a laborious task, since the copies often ran to more than
five thousand fascicles. Hence, for more accurate and widespread
transmission of Buddhist scripture, printing was a far more practical
 172 S U T R A S I N S C R I P T AND P R I N T

method of reproduction. As is evident from the various seals and

signets that have been excavated from many ancient sites in the
Middle East, the principles of printing had long been known, but
it was not until around the T ’ang dynasty that an efficient means of
reproducing long works was developed. Unfortunately, however,
because of that country’s frequent wars no examples of the earliest
printed Chinese texts have survived.
The world’s oldest extant examples of printing are dharani^ or
magical incantations, printed in Jap an between 764 and 770,
during the reign of Empress ShOtoku. A total of over one million
copies of four different dharani from the Great Dharani Sutra of the
Spotless and Pure Light (Rashmivimala-vishuddhiprabhasa-dha-
rani-sutra) were printed to be placed in the Hyakuman-tO (One Mil­
lion Pagodas) built at the command of Shotoku. In this sutra it is
stated that if a person were to build several million small pagodas
and place copies of dharani in them, that person’s life would be
lengthened, evil karma would be expunged, and rebels and enemies
would be vanquished. Because of that assurance, Empress ShOtoku
ordered the construction of just over one million pagodas after the
former imperial advisor Fujiwara no Nakamaro (706-64) instigated
a revolt against the ambitious, influential monk Dokyo (d. 772).*
The dharani had been printed because ofthe immensity of the
of transcribing over one million copies of the four dharani^ each of
which ran to about four hundred ideograms. It is said, however, that
a few of the copies were transcribed by hand. It is entirely likely
that copper plates were used for printing the dharani, since the
printed characters show little wear, remaining sharp and clear on
all copies, even though a quarter of a million copies of one dharani
must have been struck from a single plate.
These dharani were printed almost seven hundred years before

* The wooden pagodas were made in three sizes. Ten of the largest size, thir­
teen-story pagodas standing seventy centimeters high, were built; one hundred
of the next size, seven-story pagodas some sixty centimeters in height, were made;
and one million of the smallest size, three-story pagodas twenty-three centimeters
tall, were produced. One copy of a printed dharani was placed in each pagoda be­
fore they were distributed for installation at ten major temples, including Todai-
ji and Yakushi-ji in Nara, the great HoryO-ji just outside Nara, and Shitenno-ji
in Osaka.
 P RIN TIN G TH E SUTRAS 173
the European development of movable type, with which Gutenberg
is traditionally credited. It is believed that printing was known and
used in China well before Empress Shotoku’s dharani were printed
in Japan, possibly even as early as the second century a.d .; but the
oldest extant example of Chinese printing is the exquisite wood­
block-printed copy of the Diamond Wisdom Sutra made in 868
that was recovered in Tun-huang from the rock-hewn temple com­
plex that includes the famous Cave of the Thousand Buddhas. Al­
though Confucian writings seem to have been printed not long
after the Diamond Wisdom Sutra, it was not until the beginning of
the Sung dynasty that printing of the massive Tripitaka was under­
taken (about one hundred years after the Diamond Wisdom Sutra).
Though it would be another seven decades before the Chinese de­
veloped practical movable type, the earliest printed Tripitaka ap­
peared nearly five centuries before Gutenberg’s Bible.
The first complete Tripitaka printed in China was the Sung
Governmental Edition, which is commonly called the Shu-pan, or
Shu Edition. The wood blocks from which it was printed were
carved at Ch’eng-tu in Szechwan Province at the order of the first
Sung-dynasty emperor, T ’ai Tsu (r. 9 6 0 -76). The monumental task
of carving and printing the 130,000 wood blocks for that edition,
begun in 971, was not completed until 983. The fact that hardwood
was used for the blocks to prolong their useful life only increased the
difficulty of the carving. The sutras included in the Shu Edition
numbered 5,586 fascicles: the 5,048 fascicles listed in the 730 K ’ai-
yilan shih-chiao-lu (K ’ai-ytian Era Buddhist Catalogue), 279 fas­
cicles of new translations completed during the Sung dynasty, and
259 fascicles of pre-Sung-dynasty translations not incorporated in
the K ’ai-ytian shih-chiao-lu.
On completion of the Shu Edition of the Tripitaka, in 983, copies
were installed in major provincial temples. In 984 the Japanese
monk Chonen (d. 1016) from the Nara temple Todai-ji, who was
then in China on a pilgrimage, was given a complete copy of the
Shu Edition, which he took back to Jap an on his return, in 987.
Highly prized as a rare treasure of the Law, that copy of the Tri­
pitaka was later stored in the sutra repository of the temple Hojo-
ji, built in Kyoto by the powerful regent Fujiwara no Michinaga
174 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

(966-1027). Although that copy o fth e Shu Edition was lost when
Hojo-ji was destroyed by fire in 1058, that edition of the Tripitaka
is known through portions of another copy preserved at the Kyoto
temple Nanzen-ji and through portions of a third copy recovered
from the caves at Tun-huang.
In 990 still another copy of the Shu Edition of the Tripitaka was
presented to the Korean king Songjong (r. 981-97), of the Koryo
dynasty (918-1392). That copy eventuaUy formed the foundation
for the famous Koryo Edition of the Tripitaka, which has also been
known as the Tripitaka Koreana.
The Sung-dynasty government added newly translated sutras to
the Shu Edition in 1013 and 1036. By an imperial command in
1071 the wood blocks for the Shu Edition and its supplements were
entrusted to the subtemple Shen-shou ch’an-ytian at Hsien-shen
Temple, and the printing was transferred to private hands. Copies
of the Tripitaka did not immediately become widely available,
however, because publication was still supervised by the govern­
ment.
In northern China the Liao dynasty (947-1125), established by
the Khitan Mongols, also embraced Buddhism and aspired to equal
the Sung dynasty in cultural development. Under Liao rule, sutraa
continued to be carved in stone at Yun-chu Temple on Mount
Fang in Hopei Province, and a complete set of wood blocks for an
edition of the Tripitaka was made. That edition of the Tripitaka,
which was based on the Shu Edition and its supplements, seems to
have been completed around 1055. Although this edition has not
survived, we know that the copy of it presented to the Koryo court
in 1058 influenced the Koryo Edition.
W ith the Shu and Khitan (Liao) editions as models, at least
editions of the Tripitaka were published in Koryo, and both have
been called the Koryo Edition. It is believed that the first K o ^
Edition, initiated and completed under King Hyeonjong (r. 1009­
31), contained the 5,048 fascicles of the K ’ai-ytian shih-chiao-lu
and that it foUowed the format of the Shu Edition.
The second Koryo Edition, produced during the reign of King
Munjong (r. 1046-82), included translations not incorporated in
the K ’ai-ytian shih-chiao-lu, in addition to a number of sutras from
 P RIN TIN G TH E SUTRAS 175

the Shu and Khitan editions. It is believed that together the two
Koryo editions contained some 1,524 works. A copy of the original
printing of either the first or the second Koryo Edition was instaUed
in the temple Kennin-ji in Kyoto, but because almost all of it was
lost in a fire in 1837 we cannot be certain which edition the temple
received. Additional portions of one of the printings are preserved
at other Japanese temples, such as Nanzen-ji in Kyoto and Zcjc-ji
in Tokyo.
Well over one hundred years after its first publication, the second
Koryo Edition was reprinted at Haein Temple in southern Korea.
It is the Haein Temple printings that are generally calied the Koryo
Edition of the Tripitaka. (A nearly complete copy of a Haein Tem­
ple printing is preserved in the Tokyo temple Zqjl5-ji.) The wood
blocks used to print the Haein Temple Edition, numbering over
eighty thousand, are stil maintained at Haein Temple and have
been used again in recent times to print additional copies of the
Koryo Edition of the Tripitaka. One of those copies was presented
to Japan and is readily available to scholars.
Under the Chin dynasty (1115-1234), which displaced the Liao
dynasty in northern China and established its capital in Shansi
Province, a revised version of the Sung Governmental, or Shu,
Edition was published. Known as the Chin Edition, it included all
the sutras from the Shu Edition (and those sutras were printed in
the same format as in the Shu Edition), as well as a number of ad­
ditional sutras, which were printed in a noticeably different format.
(Most of the printing blocks for the Chin Edition were preserved at
Kuang-sheng Temple in Shansi Province until World W ar II.)
Eventually some o f the printing blocks for the Chin Edition
became badly worn, or were lost, and Kublai Khan (1215-94),
founder of the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), ordered the publication of
a revised version ofthe Chin Edition. T hat revised Tripitaka, known
as the Hung-fa Temple Edition, became widely accepted and was
designated a Ch’in-ting Ta-tsang-ching, or authorized edition of the
complete Chinese canon. From the Chih-yUan fa-pao k’an-t’ung
tsung-lu (Chih-ylian Era Complete Buddhist Catalogue), published
in 1306, we know all of the sutras that were included in the Hung-
fa Temple Edition. The Tibetan school of Buddhism known as
176 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

Lamaism, which had been accepted by the Mongols early in the

^^teenth century, strongly influenced Kublai and succeeding
Mongol emperors of the Yüan dynasty. Thus the Chih-ytian fa-pao
k’an-t’ung tsung-lu compared the Chinese and Tibetan transla­
tions of the sutras, and the Tibetan translations of certain Sanskrit
words were added to the Chinese translations. It is said that when
Dr. Nanjio Bunyiu translated the Ta-Ming san-tsang sheng-chiao
mu-lu (Ming Dynasty Catalogue of the Tripitaka) into English for
publication in 1883, he foUowed the Chih-ytian fa-pao k’an-t’ung
tsung-lu Tibetan transcriptions of names and words that appear in
Sanskrit in the English edition.

The editions of the Tripitaka that we have considered so far have aU

been in the lineage ofthe Shu Edition, published by the Sung-dynasty
government. But at the beginning of the twelfth century an entirely
new edition of the Tripitaka, differing in both format and content
from all those in the Shu Edition lineage, was published in southern
China, in Fu-chou (Foochow), Fukien Province. The Fu-chou
Tung-ch’an Temple Edition was the model for editions of the Tri­
pitaka published in southern China during the Southern Sung,
Yüan, and Ming dynasties (that is, between 1127 and 1662) and was
markedly different from such versions as the Koryo Edition, which
were based on the Shu Edition. The Tung-ch’an Temple Edition
was prepared privately, under the direction of six successive chief
priests of the temple during the twenty-three-year period from 1080
to 1103, when it was first printed, but work was not finally com­
pleted until 1176. Shortly after its first printing in Fu-chou, the
Tung-ch’an Temple Edition was granted the imperial title Ch'ung-
ning Wan-shou Ta-tsang and came to be regarded as the authorized
edition of the complete Chinese canon.
Whereas a format of twenty-three lines of fourteen characters
each per printing block was used for the Shu Edition and a format
of twenty-five lines of fourteen characters each was used for the
Koryo Edition, a format of thirty lines of seventeen ideograms each
was adopted for the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition. This return to the
number of characters per line that had been standard in the earlier,
handwritten copies of the Tripitaka made it easier for scholars to
 PRIN TING THE SUTRAS 177

compare the printed Tripitaka with old manuscript versions. Al­

though all the old manuscripts had been bound as hand scrolls, and
the Shu Edition followed that style, the scroll-length printed sheets
of the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition were folded and bound as an
accordion-style book. Since each book page was composed of six
lines, a single printing block of thirty lines yielded five pages. In­
terestingly, the Koryo Edition, in the Shu Edition lineage, could
be bound either as a hand scroll or as an accordion-fold book, its
twenty-five-line printing blocks producing five pages of five lines each
when bound as a book. Calculations based on the number of wood
blocks and the number of characters per block indicate that in con­
tent the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition was more than one and a half
times the length of the Shu Edition.
Apart from format and binding style, the Tung-ch’an Temple
Edition also differed from the Shu Edition of the Tripitaka in its
selection and arrangement of sutras. For instance, while the KoryO
Edition, based on the Shu Edition, included only two fascicles of the
sutra Milindapanha (The Questions of [King] Milinda [Menan­
der; the second-century B.C. Indo-Greek king]), the Southern Sung,
Yuan, and Ming dynasty editions based on the Tung-ch’an Temple
Edition reproduced all three fascicles of this sutra. Because of nu­
merous such differences as this, it is believed that the Tung-ch’an
Temple Edition was itself modeled on a Tripitaka in a lineage quite
different from that of the Shu Edition.
The wood blocks for the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition were pre­
served and used for printing until around the end of the Yuan
dynasty (1271-1368). A late copy of this early-twe^^-century Tri­
pitaka and a copy of its successor, the Fu-chou K ’ai-ytian Temple
Edition, appear to have been brought to Japan near the end of the
Fujiwara period (897-1185), and portions of those copies were pre­
sented to the Imperial Household Library and to various temples,
such as Nanzen-ji in Kyoto. A catalogue of the Tung-ch’an Temple
Edition, the KyuzO Tohon IssaikyO Mokuroku, was compiled in
Japan and is still preserved at the Kyoto temple Kozan-ji.
Like its predecessor, the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition, the K ’ai-
ytian Temple Edition of the Tripitaka was a private undertaking
and was printed in Fu-chou, giving us the name Fu-chou K ’ai-yuan
178 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T A N D P R I N T

Temple Edition, by which it is most commonly known. The Fu-

chou K ’ai-ytian Temple Edition, which was prepared and printed
between 1112 and 1148, followed the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition
so closely that early Japanese scholars were confused when the two
were imported together and could distinguish between them only
by referring to the dates of publication.
Begun during the Sung dynasty, the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition
and the Fu-chou K ’ai-ytian Temple Edition were both completed
during the Southern Sung dynasty (1127-1279). Further editions
of the Tripitaka based on the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition and
published during the Southern Sung dynasty include the Ssu-ch’i
Fa-pao Temple Edition, the Ssu-ch’i Yuan-chiieh-yuan Edition, and
the Chi-sha yen-sheng-ytian Edition. Although the printing blocks
for these editions were carved in the same format as those for the
Tung-ch’an Temple Edition, these Tripitaka were all bound as
hand scrolls rather than books.
A number of copies of the Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao Temple Edition were
brought to Japan and are now preserved at such temples as Zoja-
ji in Tokyo, Hase-dera near Nara, and Kita-in in Saitama Prefec­
ture. It is interesting to note that all the copies of this edition
brought to Japan had been bound as accordion-fold books. At the
b eam in g ofJap an ’s Edo period (1603-1868), an edition of the Tri­
pitaka was printed with movable t ^ ^ at the Tokyo temple Kan’ei-
ji under the supervision of the chief priest, Tenkai. Known as the
Tenkai Edition, that Tripitaka was based on the Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao
Temple Edition.
Probably reflecting the stimulation of the importation of the
Tung-ch’an, Fu-chou K ’ai-yti an, and Ssu-c h’i Fa-pao temple edi­
tions of the Tripitaka, wood blocks for individual sutras and other
works were carved in N ara and Kamakura from the twelfth century
into the fourteenth century, and the Nara temple Kofuku-ji, with
the cooperation of a number of other temples, began printing sutras
and commentaries. The various publications produced in way
in Nara are known coUectively as the Kasuga Edition, rafter the
Shinto deity Kasuga-myojin enshrined at Kofuku-ji and because
the word “Kasuga” was inscribed on the colophon page of each
work. The oldest extant publication from that period is the Com­
 L A T E R E D IT IO N S OF T H E CANON 179
mentary on the Treatise on the Establishment of the Doctrine
of Consciousness Only (Ch’eng wei-shih-lun shu-chi), printed in
1195, while the second oldest extant work is a ten-fascicle edition of
the Treatise on the Establishment of the Doctrine of Consciousness
Only (Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra), for which wood blocks were
cut in 1201 and 1202. In 1248 and 1249 the Nara temple Horyil-ji
made wood blocks for the Commentaries on Three Sutras (the
Lotus Sutra, the Vimalakirti Sutra, and the Shrimala Sutra), writ­
ten centuries earlier by Prince-Regent ShOtoku. Between 1200 and
1380 several temples in the important town of Kamakura, including
Gokuraku-ji, Kencho-ji, and Engaku-ji, also cut wood blocks for a
number of sutras and commentaries.
As I mentioned earlier, during the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368),
the Hung-fa Temple Edition of the Tripitaka, in the Shu Edition
lineage, was published in Peking, in northern China. In central
China, the T a-p ’u-ning Temple Edition was published in Hang­
chou around the end of the thirteenth century. The T a-p ’u-ning
Temple Edition, which Japanese scholars call the Yuan Edition,
followed the content and format of the Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao Temple Edi­
tion. Copies of the T a-p ’u-ning Temple Edition are still preserved
at a number of Japanese temples, including Zojo-ji and Senso-ji
in Tokyo. The copy owned by Senso-ji had at one time been in­
stalled in the Shinto shrine Tsurugaoka H ac^m an-gu in K am a­
kura and narrowly escaped destruction when that shrine’s Buddhist
ritual articles were burned foUowing the 1868 government order
officially separating Buddhism from Shinto.

LATER EDITIONS OF Between the late tenth century and the

THE CHINESE CANON late fourteenth century— that is, between
the beginning of the Sung dynasty and
the end of the Yuan dynasty— about ten editions of the complete
Chinese canon, or Tripitaka, were published, in both northern
and southern China. Although copies of those editions had been
installed in various provincial temples, few of them survived the
devastating war that attended the overthrow of the Yuan dynasty.
Thus when it was decided to propagate Buddhism during the suc­
180 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T A N D P R I N T

ceeding Ming dynasty (1368-1662), there were scarcely any extant

sutras with which to do so.
T o remedy situation, Emperor Hung-wu (r. 1368-98), the
founder of the Ming dynasty, had an edition of the Tripitaka based
on the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition published in Nanking not long
after he came to the throne. That edition, known as the Southern
Ming Edition, contained numerous errors, however, and a revised
version, called the Northern Ming Edition, was published some
years later in Peking, during the reign of Emperor Yung-Io (r. 1403­
2 4 ). Both these governmental editions were bound as accordion­
fold books, which were awkward to handle.
F or the convenience of readers, later privately published editions
of the Tripitaka (such as the Leng-yen Temple Edition) adopted a
binding style common in Jap an until early this cen t^ y , in which a
sheet of paper printed on one side is folded double and a number of
sheets are stitched together along the open side opposite the fold
to produce a volume much like a present-day book. A single printed
sheet of the Leng-yen Temple Edition contained twenty lines of
twenty ideograms each, so that each page contained ten lines. The
printing of the Leng-yen Temple Edition, which is generally known
as the Wan-Ii Edition, was begun in 1589 and was not completed
until several decades later. Made available at a reasonable price,
the Wan-Ii Edition was widely circulated in China, and a large
number of copies were brought to Japan, where it was reprinted as
the Obaku Edition of the Tripitaka.
As I mentioned earlier, the Japanese had begun publishing in­
dividual sutras and commentaries during the Kamakura period
(1185-1336), but it was not until the Edo period that they began
publishing editions of the complete Chinese canon, or Tripitaka.
In 1637 Tenkai (1536-1643), chief priest of K an’ei-ji in Tokyo,
initiated work on the first Japanese publication of a complete edi­
tion of the Chinese Tripitaka. The printing of its 1,453 works in
6,323 fascicles was not completed until 1648, five years after Ten-
kai’s death. That edition, known as the Tenkai Edition, was a re ­
printing of the Southern Sung-dynasty Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao Temple
Edition and was printed with movable type, which made the labori­
ous car^ving of wood blocks for printing unnecessary.
 L A T E R E D IT IO N S OF T H E CANON 787

Although the use of movable type (which was made of wood)

instead of carved wood blocks made publication easier, and possibly
even a bit faster, only a limited number of copies of a work could be
printed with movable type. Individual pieces of type, each bearing
a single ideogram, were placed in special wooden forms to produce
the appropriate lines for a particular page. Once the desired num­
ber of copies of that page had been printed, the pieces of type were
removed from the form and used in creating another page of text.
Thus, without doing the typesetting all over again, it was impossible
to print additional copies of a page once the f o ^ had been broken
up to permit the type to be used elsewhere. For this reason, the more
arduous woodblock printing of the Tripitaka may have been more
practical in those days, for once a printing block had been carved,
it could be used for printing additional copies until it was worn out,
in very much the same way that modern printing plates can be
used.
Because ofthe inherent limitations ofprinting with movable type,
the Tenkai Edition, which is also called the K an’ei-ji Temple Edi­
tion, was not widely circulated, and the imported copies of the
Wan-Ii Edition were not sufficient to meet the needs of the Japanese
Buddhist world. Thus the Zen master Tetsugen (1630-82), of the
Obaku sect, who was sorely troubled by the paucity of copies of the
Tripitaka, constructed the repo^tory Hozo-in within the pre­
cincts of Mampuku-ji, southeast of Kyoto, in which to store print­
ing blocks for an edition of the Tripitaka. He also established a
printing workshop in Kyoto, where he had wood blocks carved. Te­
tsugen solicited funds for the publication from feudal lords and
commoners alike, but when a famine occurred, he promptly gave
aU the money away in order to alleviate people’s suffering. Once
again he appealed for donations to pay for publishing an edition
of the Tripitaka, and once more he gave away aU the funds he
had collected. In 1669, however, Tetsugen was at last able to under­
take publication of the Tripitaka, which was completed in 1681.
The publication of Tetsugen’s Obaku Edition of the Tripitaka,
a reproduction of the Ming-dynasty Wan-li Edition, contributed
greatly to the study of Buddhism in Japan, which experienced a
resurgence around the middle of the Edo period. The wood blocks
182 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

used to print the Obaku Edition are still preserved in the Hozo-in
at Mampuku-ji.
While the court noble Iwakura Tomomi (1825-83) was in
England— as head of the Japanese mission that visited America and
Europe between 1871 and 1873— he was asked to donate a copy of
the complete Chinese canon to the British Museum. As a result of
that request, a copy of the O baku Edition was presented to the
Library of the India Office. Shortly afterward, Samuel Beal (1825­
89), an English scholar of Chinese literature, compiled Bud­
dhist Tripitaka, an English-language catalogue of all the sutras in the
Obaku Edition, which was published in 1876.
In that same year the well-known Japanese Buddhist scholar
Dr. Nanjio Bunyiu (1849-1927) went to England to pursue his
study of English and to research Buddhist texts in Europe. In the
course of his studies Dr. Nanjio discovered that Beal’s catalogue was
riddled with errors. Nanjio therefore set himself the task of righting
Beal’s mistakes, and in 1883 he published A Catalogue of the Chinese
Translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka, a translation that was highly
praised by Buddhologists and scholars of Oriental studies through­
out the world. That work remains the only reliable English-lan­
guage record of Chinese translations of Buddhist sutras. Nanjio’s
catalogue generally follows the Ta-Ming san-tsang sheng-chiao
mu-lu (Ming Dynasty Catalogue of the Tripitaka), the compen­
dium of the Northern Ming Edition of the Tripitaka, on which
the Wan-li Edition (and hence the Obaku Edition) was based.
^ ^ e n Buddhist studies became a recognized discipline in Japan,
in the Edo period, scholars began systematic comparison of the
O baku Edition (of the Tung-ch’an Temple Edition lineage) and of
the Koryo Edition (of the Shu Edition lineage). For instance, when
the priest Nincho (d. 1711), founder of the Kyoto temple Honen-in,
discovered there were numerous errors and omissions in the Ob^aku
Edition, he compared it with the Koryo Edition stored at the Tokyo
temple Zojo-ji. But that edition, a late printing, was not very help­
ful. Finally granted special permission by the court noble charged
with its protection, Nincho was able to study the copy of the origi­
nal printing of the second Koryo Edition owned by the Kyoto
temple Kennin-ji (almost all of which was lost in a fire over a centurY
 L A T E R ED IT IO N S OF T H E CANON 183
after Nincho’s death). With those three versions of the complete
Chinese canon at hand, Nincho undertook an extensive revision of
the known Chinese canon in 1706, completing his work more than
four years later.
Well over a century later, in 1826, the priest Junkei of the temple
Josho-ji (in present-day Fukui Prefecture) embarked on a further
revision of the Chinese canon, not completed until eleven years
later, adding to the O baku Edition some five hundred fascicles that
he had found in the Kennin-ji copy of the KoryO Edition. Junkei’s
emendations are preserved at the Tokyo temple Zojo-ji. Unfortu­
nately for modern scholars, the copy of the KoryO Edition consulted
by both Nincho and Junkei was almost totally destroyed by a fire at
Kennin-ji in 1837, the year afterJunkei completed his revision. Only
forty-nine fascicles survive.
At present Zojo-ji owns three different early editions of the T ri­
pitaka: a Haein Temple printing of the second KoryO Edition, a
copy of the Southern Sung^ynasty Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao Temple Edi­
tion, and a copy of the T a-p ’u-ning Temple Edition (also known as
the Yuan Edition)— all donated to Zojo-ji by the first Tokugawa
shogun, leyasu (1542-1616). The KoryO Edition had been brought
to Japan from Korea by the priest Eiko, who installed it in the tem­
ple Enjo-ji in Nara between 1469 and 1487; but in 1609 leyasu
persuaded the temple to part with it in exchange for a plot of land
producing 150 koku (27,000 liters) of rice annually, and it was pre­
sented to Zojo-ji. The Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao Temple Edition, which
belonged to Kanzan-ji in Omi (in modern Shiga Prefecture), had
been obtained in 1275 by the priest Sengyo. leyasu received it in
1613 in exchange for a small mountain forest and land with an an­
nual yield of 150 koku of rice. In 1609 leyasu acquired the T a-p ’u-
ning Temple Edition from Shuzen-ji in Izu (in present-day Shizuoka
Prefecture) in exchange for land producing 140 koku of rice annually.
The comparative study of northern and southern Chinese edi­
tions of the Tripitaka late in the Edo period (1603-1868) influ­
enced Japanese Buddhist studies during the Meiji era (1868-1912)
and the TaishO era (1912-26), leading to the publication of three
modern editions of the Chinese canon produced by consolidating
the KoryO and Wan-Ii editions. The first of these was the Dai Nip­
184 S U T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

pon KKiHei Daizokyo, popularly known as the Shukusatsu-zokyo, or

Small-Type Canon, which was published between 1880 and 1885.
The second was the Dai Nippon Kotei Zokyo, commonly caUed the
Manji-zokyo^ or Fylfot-Letter Tripitaka, published between 1902
and 1905. The third was the Taisho Shinshil Daizokyo, generaliy
called the Taisho Daizokyo, or Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka,
which was published between 1924 and 1934.
Each of these editions was an enlargement of its predecessors;
thus, the later the edition, the more complete it was, containing
sutras and Chinese and Japanese commentaries and treatises not
found in earlier compilations of the Chinese canon. The Manji-
zokyo, for instance, which even contains a number of Chinese writ­
ings not included in the later Taisho Edition, remains a valuable
source of material for present-day scholars. Though it is extremely
difficult to acquire copies of the original printing of the Manji-zokydy
a measure of its continuing worth is indicated by the fact that an
inexpensive reproduction of it was manufactured in Taiwan some
years ago.
Publication of the one-hundred-volume Taisho Daizokyo, the most
authoritative and complete edition of the Buddhist canon, was un­
dertaken at the request of Professor Takakusu JunjirO, a pioneer
Japanese Buddhologist and scholar of Indian philosophy, who
supervised its preparation. The Taisho Edition did not follow the
traditional system of arranging sutras according to whether they
were Hinayana or Mahayana but instead organized the sutras
chronologically, according to the historical development of their
teachings. Moreover, scholars throughout the world found the
Taisho Edition easy to use because, for example, care was taken to
point out each Pali or Sanskrit word that corresponded to or was
similar to a particular Chinese rendering, and Chinese translations
were frequently supplemented with Indic-Ianguage notations to
increase clarity or to correct errors. Because of its completene^,
scholarly thoroughness, and critical examination of all earlier edi­
tions of the Chinese canon, the Taisho Daizokyo is stiU the most widely
studied edition of the Tripitaka.
The Taisho Edition, which contains more sutras than any pre­
ceding edition, comprises four parts. Part one, containing 2,184
 L A T E R E D IT IO N S OF T H E CANON 785

works, consists of fifty-five volumes of the C^^ese canon: thirty-

two volumes of sutras, texts, and treatises translated from Indic
languages and twenty-three volumes of commentaries, catalogues,
and other works written in China. The first thirty-two volumes in­
clude 1,692 works, well over fifty percent more than the 1,076
listed by Chih-sheng in his 730 catalogue K ’ai-yuan shih-chiao-lu.
Part two consists of thirty volumes containing a total of 736 works
written by Japanese monks and scriptures recovered from the caves
at Tun-huang after they were reopened in 1900. Part three consists
of twelve volumes containing 363 illustrated works on Buddhist
images and art, and part four consists of three volumes containing
seventy-seven catalogues. The complete hundred-volume set of the
Taisho Daizokyo, comprising some 3,360 works, is incomparably
larger and more definitive than any previous edition of the Buddhist
canon.
The Japanese scholarship that was responsible for the TaishO
Edition of the Buddhist canon also produced a number of other
works, including both Japanese-language translations of the Bud­
dhist canon and such collections of commentaries, treatises, and
interpretations written in Jap an as the 15O-volume Dai Nihon
Bukkyo Zensho (Great Jap an Complete Buddhist Works), published
between 1911 and 1922, and the 51-volume Nihon Daizokyo (Japan
Canon), published between 1919 and 1921. Such publis^^g ac­
tivities of course furthered the study of Buddhism in Japan. Then
in commemoration of Professor Takakusu JunjirO’s contributions to
Buddhist studies, a group ofJapanese scholars undertook the publi­
cation of the Nanden Daizokyo (Southern Route Canon) in 1935,
completing their work in 1941. The Nanden Daizokyo, a Japanese-
language translation of the Pali Tipitaka and other classical ca­
nonical works disseminated in such Southern Buddhist countries as
Sri Lanka, Burma, and Thailand, facilitated Japanese research on
primitive and fundamental Buddhism.
The world’s most complete collection of Buddhist literature, in­
cluding almost all the works composed in China and Japan, is found
in Japan, both in original manuscripts and printed editions and in
modern editions. The complete literature of various Chinese sects
and schools, the writings of the founders and outstanding priests
186 SU T R A S IN S C R I P T AND P R I N T

and monks of various Chinese and Japanese sects, and Japanese-

language translations of Pali and Sanskrit scriptures have aU been
published in Jap an in this century. And several versions of the
Tibetan Buddhist canon originally published in Tibet and in China
have been reprinted in Jap an . With copies of all known Buddhist
sutras readily available for study, recent Japanese Buddhist scholar­
ship, though little published in Western languages, is making even
greater progress than during the pivotal Meiji and Taisho eras. In
coming years, as more of their works are translated and become
accessible to a wider audience, Japanese scholars can be expected to
make greater contributions to present knowledge and understand­
ing not only of the transmission of sutras to China but also of the
nature, formation, and historical development of the sutras.
 APPENDIX

Scriptures and Catalogues

Works are entered here under their titles in more than one laguage;
complete information, when known, is given in the entry for the title in
the language in which the work was originaUy recorded. When the trans­
literation of Sanskrit or Pali words appearing in the text differs from the
orthodox form, the latter is given in parentheses. In the abbreviations
used here, S stands for Sanskrit, P for Pali, andJ for Japanese. Ideogr^s
are included for both Chinese and Japanese titles, but only the few Japa­
nese titles are expressly identified.

Abhidharmakosha-shastra (AbHdharmakoh-§astra, S), A-p’i-ta-mo

chii-she-lun abbreviated: Chii-she-lun (^ ir^ ), 30
fascicles, translated between 651 and 654 by Hsiian-tsang; Abhidhar­
ma Storehouse Treatise
Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra (Abhidharma-mahavibh^a-§astra,
S), A-p’i-ta-mo ta p’i-p’o-sha-lun abbreviated:
Mahavibhasha-shastra, Ta p’i-p’o-sha-lun , and P’o-sha-
lun (I&ry^), 200 fascicles, translated 656-59 by Hsiian-tsang; Great
Commentary
Abhidharma Storehouse Treatise. See Abhidharmakosha-shastra
Abridged Flower Garland Sutra. See Ch’ao hua-yen-ching
Abridged Great Collection of Sutras. See Ch’ao fang-teng ta-chi-ching
Abridged Story of the Bodhisattva Medicine King. See Ch’ao fa-hua
yao-wang-p’in
Abridged Sutta of a Bodhisattva’s Spiritual States. See Ch’ao p’u-sa ti­
ching
Abridged Sutra of Meditation on the Bodhisattva Universal Virtue. See
Ch’ao p’u-hsien kuan-ch’an hui-fa
187
188 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Amitabha Sutra. See Sukhavati-vyuha (2)

A-mi-t’o-ching. See Sukhavati-vyuha (2)
An-Iu, An’s Catalogue. See Tsung-li chung-ching mu-lu
A-p’i-ta-mo chi-lun. See Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya
A-p’i-ta-mo chii-she-lun. See Abhidharmakosha-shastra
A-p’i-ta-mo ta p’i-p’o-sha-lun. See Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra
A-p’i-ta-mo tsa-chi-lun. See Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya-vya-
khya
Ashtasahasrika-prajnaparamita-sutra (Astasahasrika-prajiiaparamita-
sutra, S), Pa-ch’ien-sung pan-jo ; (1) Tao-hsing pan-jo-
ching 10 fascicles, translated 179 by Lokakshema; (2)
Hsiao-p’in pan-jo-ching 10 fascicles, translated 408 by
Kumarajiva; Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Eight Thousand Lines
Atthakavagga (P), I-p’in-ching (g^m!), 2 fascicles, translated between
223 and 253 by Chih Ch’ien; Meaningful Chapter
Avadana (Avadana, S), P’i-yii-ching (VPlim!), 1 fascicle, translated 710
by I-ching; Stories
Avat^arnsaka-sutra (Avatarpsaka-sUtra, S), formally: Buddha-avataQl-
saka-nama-maha-vaipulya-sUtra (S), Ta-fang-kuang-fo hua-yen-
ching abbreviated: Hua-yen-ching (¥Ilm !); (l) 60
fascicles, translated 418-21 by Buddhabhadra; (2) also abbreviated:
Ta hua-yen-ching (:k¥Ilfl!), 80 fascicles, translated 695-99 by Shik-
shananda; Flower Garland Sutra

Biography of the Treasure Forest. See Pao-lin-chuan

Bodhisattvabhumi (BodhisattvabhUmi, S), P’u-sa ti-ch’ih-ching ( I f .
also called P’u-sa ti-ch’ih-lun abbreviated: Ti-
ch’ih-lun (11!#^), 10 fascicles, translated between 414 and 426 by
Dharmakshema; Sutra of a Bodhisattva’s Spiritual States, a p^^artial
translation of the Yogacharabhumi-shastra, q.v.
Bodhisattva Treasury Sutra. See P’u-sa-tsang-ching
Buddha-stage Sutra. See Fo-ti-ching

Catalogue of T ’ang Dynasty Buddhist Sutras. See Ta-T’ang nei-tien-lu

Catalogue of the Sutras. See Chung-ching mu-lu
Ch’ang a-han-ching. See Dirgha-agama
Ch’ang-fang-lu, Ch’ang-fang’s Catalogue. See Li-tai san-pao-chi
Ch’ao fa-hua yao-wang-p’in (MtU;¥^im), I fascicle, abridged sutra
by Southern Ch’i Prince Ching-ling (459-94); Abridged Story of the
Bodhisattva Medicine King (chapter 23 of the Lotus Sutra)
Ch’ao fang-teng ta-chi-ching 12 fascicles, compiled by
Southern Ch’i Prince Ching-ling (459-94); Abridged Great CoUec-
tion of Sutras
Ch’ao hua-yen-ching (Mt¥Mm!), 14 fascicles, compiled by Southern Ch’i
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 189

Prince Ching-ling (459-94); Abridged Flower Garland (Avatarnsaka)

Sutra
Ch’ao p’u-hsien kuan-ch’an hui-fa I fascicle, com­
piled by Southern Ch’i Prince Ching-ling (459-94); Abridged Sutra of
Meditation on the Bodhisattva Universal Virtue
Ch’ao p’u-sa ti-ching (^^g:lt!@), 12 fascicles, compiled by Southern
Ch’i Prince Ching-ling (459-94); Abridged Sutra of a Bodhisattva’s
Spiritual States
Chapter on the Way to the Other Shore. See Parayanavagga
Cheng-fa-hua-ching. See Saddharma-pundarika-sutra (1)
Cheng-fa nien-ch’u-chin. See Saddharma-smrity-upasthana-sutra
Ch’eng-shih-lun. See Satyasiddhi-shastra
Cheng-ting-ching (IEJJi@), I fascicle, spurious sutra by the nun Seng-fa
(b. 489); Sutra of the True Summit
Ch’eng wei-shih-lun. See Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra
Ch’eng wei-shih-lun shu-chi (Il^PUa1lit^), 10 fascicles, compiled be­
tween 659 and 682 by K ’uei Chi (632-82); Commentary on the Trea­
tise on the Establishment of the Doctrine of Consciousness Only
Chen-yuan Era Buddhist Catalogue. See following entry
Chen-yuan hsin-ting shih-chiao mu-lu (AXfT5E"® 1"1.), abbreviated:
Chen-yiian shih-chiao-lu ( A x " f t . ) , Chen-yuan-lu ( A x . ) , or
Yuan-chao-lu ( I I ^ . , Yuan-chao’s Catalogue), 30 fascicles, record of
2,417 works in 7,388 fascicles, compiled 800 by Yuan-chao et al.;
Chen-yiian Era Buddhist Catalogue
Chieh-shen-mi-ching. See Samdhinirmochana-sutra (4)
Chih-sheng-lu, Chih-sheng’s Catalogue. See K ’ai-yian shih-chiao-lu
Ch’i-hsin-lun. See Mahayana-shraddhotpada-shastra
Chih-yuan Era Complete Buddhist Catalogue. See following entry
Chih-yiian fa-pao k’an-t’ung tsung-lu abbreviated:
Chih-yuan-lu ( ¥ x . ) , 10 fascicles, record of 1,440 works in 5,586
fascicles, completed 1287 by Chi-hsiang et al.; Chih-yuan Era Com­
plete Buddhist Catalogue
Chi-lun. See Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya
Chin Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka. See Chin-pan ta-tsang-ching
Ching-chi. See Suttanipata
Ching-mai-lu, Ching-mai’s Catalogue. See Ku-chin i-ching t’u-chi
Ching-t’ai-lu, Ching-t’ai’s Catalogue. See Chung-ching mu-lu (3)
Ching-t’u-ching (^ ± @ ), 7 fascicles, spurious sutra by the nun Seng-fa
(b. 489) ; Pure Land Sutra
Ching-t’u-lun. See Wu-liang-shou-ching-lun
Chin-kang-ching. See Vajracchedika-prajnapa^rarnita-sutra
Chin-kang-hsien-lun (^I'llJfliJat), abbreviated: Hsien-lun (fliJ^), 10 fas­
cicles, translated early 6th century by Bodhiruchi (fl. ca. 508-35);
Diamond He^rmit’s Treatise
190 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Chin-kang pan-jo-ching, Chin-kang pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching. See Vajra-

cchedika-praj naparami ta-sutra
Chin-kang san-mei-ching I fascicle, a “genuine” sutra; Su­
tra of Diamond Meditation
Chin-kang-ting-ching. See Vajrashekhara-sutra
Chin-kuang-ming-ching. See Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra
Chin-kuang-^ming tsui-sheng-wang-ching. See Suvarnaprabhasottama-
raja-sutra
Chin-pan ta-tsang-ching (^Mi*.m!), the number of works and fascicles
recorded is uncertain, prepared and printed ca. I I49--<:a. 1173; Chin
Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka
Chi-sha yen-sheng-yian-pan record of 1,532 works in 6,362
fascicles, prepared and printed ca. 1231-ca. 1322; a Southern Sung-
dynasty edition of the Tripitaka
Ch’i-shih chung-ching mu-lu. See Kao-Ch’i chung-ching mu-lu
Ch’i-tan ta-tsang-ching Khitan (Liao) Dynasty Edition of
the Tripitaka
Chou Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras. See Ta-Chou k’an-ting chung-
ching mu-lu
Chulavedalla-sutta (CuJavedalla-sutta, P), Fa-Io pi-ch’iu-ni-ching (ii^
; Lesser Discourse of the MisceUany
Chung a-han-ching. See Madhyama-agama
Chung-ching mu-lu (1) 2 fascicles, compiled 479-502 by
Shih Wang-tsung; (2) also called Fa-ching-lu (ii^U, Fa-ching’s
Catalogue), 7 fascicles, record of 2,257 works in 5,310 fascicles, com­
piled 594 by Fa-ching et al.; (3) also called Ching-t’ai-lu
Ching-t’ai’s Catalogue), 5 fascicles, compiled 664 by Ching-t’ai;
Catalogue of the Sutras
Chung-ching pieh-lu (1/(O J.), 2 fascicles, thought to have been com­
piled between 420 and 479; Independent Catalogue of the Sutras
Chung-Iun. See Madhyamaka-shastra
Ch’u san-tsang chi-chi (t± l= .^ .), abbreviated: Seng-yu-lu
Seng-yu’s Catalogue), 15 fascicles, record of 1,306 works in 1,570
fascicles, compiled between 510 and 518 by Seng-yu; oldest extant cat­
alogue; Collection of Records Concerning the Tripitaka
Chii-she-lun. See Abhidha^akosha-shastra
Collection of Discourses. See Suttanipata
Collection of Records Concerning the Tripitaka. See Ch’u san-tsang chi­
chi
Collection of the Mahayana Abhidharma. See Mahayanabhid^^^^
samucchaya
Comment^y on the Lotus Sutra. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching i-chi
Commentary on the Treatise on the Establishment of the Doctrine of
Consciousness Only. See Ch’eng wei-shih-lun shu-chi
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 19/

Comprehensive Catalogue of the Sutras. See Tsung-li chung-ching

mu-lu
Comprehensive Treatise on Mahayana Buddhism. See Mahayanasam-
graha

Dai Nippon Kotei Daizokyo ( * B J ; Great Japan Revised

Canon), abbreviated: Shukusatsu-zo/cyo Small-Type Canon),
418 vols., record of 1,916 works in 8,534 fascicles, published 1880-85
by Shimada Mitsune and Fukuda Gyokai et aI.; in Europe and Amer­
ica known as Tokyo Edition
Dai Nippon Kotei Zokyo ( * 0 J ; Great Japan Revised Tripi­
taka), abbreviated: Manji-zokyo Fylfot-Letter Tripitaka),
347 vols., record of 1,625 works in 7,082 fascicles, published 1902-5
by Hamada Chikuha and Yoneda Mujo et al.
Dai Nippon Zoku Zokyo ( * B J ; Great Japan Supplementary Tri­
pitaka), abbreviated: Manji-zokuzo Fylfot-Letter Supple­
mentary Tripitaka), 750 vols., record of 1,750 works in 7,140 fascicles,
published l905-12 by Maeda Eun and Nakano Tatsue et aI.
Dashabhumika-sutra-shastra (Dahbhumika-sutra-§astra, S); Shih-ti-
ching-lun ( , 12 fascicles, translated ca. 508-35 by Bodhiru-
chi; Treatise on the Sutra of the Ten Stages
Detailed Narration of the Sport of the Buddha. See Lalitavistara
Dhammapada (P); Dharmapada (S); Fa-chhin-ching
Dharmaguptaka-vinaya (S), Ssu-fen-lhin (1m^5H/!), 60 fascicles, translated
410-12 by Buddhayashas and Chu Fo-nien; Four-Category Vinaya
Dharmatara-dhyana-sutra. See Yogacharabhumi-sutra
Diamond He^rmit’s Treatise. See Chin-kang-hsien-Iun
Diamond Peak Sutra. See Vajrashekhara-sutra
Diamond Sutra. See Vajracchedika-prajnaparamita-sutra
Diamond Wisdom Sutra. See Vajracchedika-prajnaparamita-sutra
Dirgha-agama (Dirgha-agama, S), Ch’ang a-han-ching 22
fascicles, translated 412--13 by Buddhayashas and Chu Fo-nien; Long
Sayings
Discourse on the Analysis of the Truths. See Sacchavibhanga-sutta
Dvadashamukha-shastra (Dvada§amukha-sastra, S), Shih-erh-men-lun
1 fascicle, translated 409 by Kumarajiva; Treatise on the
Twelve Gates

Ekottara-agama (Ekottara-agama, S), Tseng-i a-han-ching

51 fascicles, translated by Chia T ’i-p’o; Gradual Sayings
Erh-ju Mu-hsing-lun (=Al1!lrr^), attributed to Bodhidharma; On the
Twofold Entrance to the Way and the Four Types of Practice
ExegiI!is on the Collection of the Mahayana Abhidharma. See Mahaya-
nabhidharma-samucchaya-vyakhya
192 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Fa-ching-lu, Fa-ching’s Catalogue. See Chung-ching mu-lu (2)

Fa-chU-ching. See D h^m apada
Fa-hua-ching. See Saddharma-pundarika-sutra
Fa-hua-ching hsUan-lun abbreviated: Fa-hua hsüan-lun
10 fascicles, annotated by Chi-tsang; Profound Treatise on
the Lotus Sutra
Fa-hua-ching i-chi. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching i-chi
Fa-hua-ching-lun. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching-lun
Fa-hua hsUan-i. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching hsUan-i
Fa-hua hsUan-lun. See Fa-hua-ching hsUan-lun
Fa-hua i-chi. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching i-chi
Fa-hua-lun. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching-lun
Fa-hua wen-chU. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching wen-chU
Fa-lo pi-ch’iu-ni-ching. See Chulavedalla-sutta
Fang-kuang pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching. See Panchavimshati-sahasrika-pra-
jnaparamita-sutra (2)
Fan-wang-ching (1ifmm!), 2 fascicles, also caUed Fan-wang p’u-sa-chieh-
ching a “genuine” sutra; Sutra of the Perfect Net
Five-Category Vinaya. See Mahishasaka-vinaya
Flower Garland Sutra. See Avatamsaka-sutra
Fo-hsing-lun (Mfltt^), 4 fascicles, translated 557-69 by Paramartha;
Treatise on the Buddha-nature
Fo-shuo chieh-chieh-ching. See Samdhinirmochana-sutra (3)
Fo-ti-ching I fascicle, translated 645 by Hsüan-tsang; Buddha­
stage Sutra
Four-Category Vinaya. See Dharmaguptaka-vinaya
Fu-chou K ’ai-yUan Temple Edition of the Tripitaka. See K ’ai-yian-
ssu-pan
Fu-chou Tung-ch’an Temple Edition of the Tripitaka. See Tung-ch‘an-
ssu-pan
Fylfot-Letter Tripitaka. See Dai Nippon ZokyO
Fylfot-Letter Supplementary Tripitaka. See Dai Nippon Zoku Zoky6

Golden Light Sutra. See Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra

Gradual Sayings. See Ekottara-agama
Great Collection of Sutras. See Maha-samnipata-sutra
Great Commentary. See Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra
Great Dharani Sutra of the Spotless and Pure Light. See Rashmivimala-
vishuddhiprabhasa-dharani-sutra
Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra. See Mahaprajnapararnita-sutra
Great Sun Sutra. See Mahavairochana-sutra

Haeinsa-pan Korean), Haein Temple Edition, usually called

the Koryo Edition of the Tripitaka, also called Tripitaka Koreana
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 193

Heart of Wisdom Sutra, Heart Sutra. See Prajnaparamita-hridaya-sutra

Heroic Marching Sutra. See Ta-fo-ting ju-lai mi-yin hsiu-ching liao-i
chu-p’u-sa wan-hsing shou-leng-yen-ching
History of the Three Treasures in Successive Reigns and Catalogue of
the Sutras. See Li-tai san-pao-chi
Hsiang-hsU chieh-t’o-ching, Hsiang-hsU chieh-t’o ju-lai so-tso sui-shun-
ch’u-liao-i-ching, Hsiang-hsU chieh-t’o ti-po-lo-mi liao-i-ching. See
Samdhinirmochana-sutra ( I)
Hsiao-p’in pan-jo-ching. See Ashtasahasrika-prajnaparamita-sutra
Hsien-Iun. See Chin-kang-hsien-lun
Hsin-ching. See Prajnaparamita-hridaya-sutra
Hsiu-hsing tao-ti-ching. See Yogacharabhumi-sutra
Hsu Chen-yuan shih-chiao-lu (MJi:5C.^if), abbreviated: Hsu Chen-
yUan-lu (MJi:5C.), l fascicle, record of 277 works in 756 fascicles,
compiled 945-46 by Heng-an ; Supplementary Chen-yiian Era Bud­
dhist Catalogue
Hua-lin fo-tien chung-ching mu-lu 13if) , abbreviated: Hua-
lin fo-tien-lu (¥l*^fflif), 4 fascicles, compiled 515 by Seng-chao;
Hua-lin Fo-tien Catalogue of the Sutras
Hua-yen-ching. See Avatamsaka-sutra
Hung-fa-ssu-pan record of 1,654 works in 7,182 fascicles, pre­
pared and printed 1277-94; Hung-fa Temple Edition of the Tripitaka

Independent Catalogue of the Sutras. See Chung-ching pieh-lu

I-p’in-ching. See Atthakavagga

Jen-shou-lu. See Sui-chung-ching mu-lu

Ju-lai-tsang-ching. See Tathagatagarbha-sutra
Ju leng-chia-ching. See Lankavatara-sutra (2)

K’ai-yUan Era Buddhist Catalogue. See following entry

K ’ai-yuan shih-chiao-lu (1JfI5C.^if), abbreviated: K ’ai-yUan-lu (^5Cif)
or Chih-sheng-lu (^ jfif, Chih-sheng’s Catalogue), 20 fascicles, record
of 1,076 works in 5,048 fascicles, compiled 730 by Chih-sheng j K ’ai-
yuan Era Buddhist Catalogue
K’ai-yUan-ssu-pan record of 1,429 works in 6,117 fascicles,
prepared and printed 1112-48; K’ai-yuan Temple Edition of the Tri­
pitaka, also called the Fu-chou K’ai-yuan Temple Edition (Fu-chou
K ’ai-yUan-ssu-pan,
Kan’ei-ji-ban J), record of 1,453 works in 6,323 fascicles, pre­
pared and printed 1637-48 by Tenkai; Kan’ei-ji Temple Edition of
the Tripitaka, also called Tenkai (:RW) Edition
Kao-Ch’i chung-ching mu-lu 13.), also called Ch’i-shih chung-
ching mu-lu (^1!t^lI!13if), abbreviated: Kao-Ch’i-Iu (ifIi^if), 1 fas-
194 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

cicle, compiled 570-76 by Fa-shang; Northern Ch’i Dynasty Cata­

logue of the Sutras
Kasuga-ban (#0!lIZ, J), collective name of scriptural writings printed in
Nara between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, all bearing the
word Kasuga in their colophons; Kasuga Edition
Khitan Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka. See Ch’i-tan ta- tsang- c hing
Kindred Sayings. See Samyukta-agama
Koryo Edition of the Tripitaka. See Haeinsa-pan
Kuan-ching. See Kuan wu-liang-shou-ching
Kuang-tsan pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching. See Panchavimshati-sahasrika-pra-
jnaparamita-sutra (I)
Kuan wu-liang-shou-ching ), abbreviated: Kuan-ching ( .
i!), I fascicle, a “genuine” sutra; Sutra of Meditation on ^Amitabha
Buddha
Ku-chin i-ching t’u-chi abbreviated: Ching-mai-lu ( .
im^, Ching-mai’s Catalogue), 4 fascicles, compiled between 627 and
649 by Ching-mai; Record of the Paintings of Ancient and Modern
Sutra Translations

Lalitavistara (S), P’u-yao-ching (1lrIIl'M!), 8 fascicles, translated 308 by

Dharmaraksha; Detailed Narration of the Sport of the Buddha
Lankavatara-sutra (Lailkavatara-sutra, S), generic abbreviation: Leng-
chia-ching (mftll'M!); (I) Leng-chia a-pa-to-lo pao-ching
fascicles, translated 443 by Gunabhadra; (2) Ju leng-chia-
ching (Am1lJn^), 10 fascicles, translated 513 by Bodhiruchi; (3) Ta-
ch’eng ju-leng-chia-ching 7 fascicles, translated 700­
704 by Shikshananda; Sutra of the Appearance of the Good Doctrine
in [Sri] Lanka
Leng-chia a-pa-to-lo pao-ching. See Lankavatara-sutra (I)
Leng-chia-ching. See Lankavatara-sutra
Leng-yen-ssu-pan record of 1,655 works, prepared and print­
ed 1586-ca. 1620; Leng-yen Temple Edition of the Tripitaka, gen­
erally called the Wan-li Edition (Wan-li-pan ta-tsang-ching,
^l'M!), a Ming-dynasty edition
Lesser Discourse of the Miscellany. See Chulavedalla-sutta
Liang-tai chung-ching mu-lu 13^ ), also called Liang-shih
chung-ching mu-lu (^i!^l'M!13^), 4 fascicles, compiled 518 by Pao-
ch’ang et al.; Liang Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras
Liao Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka. See Ch’i-tan ta-tsang-ching
Li-tai san-pao-chi abbreviated: Ch’ang-fang-lu
Ch’ang-fang’s Catalogue), 15 fascicles, record of 1,076 works in 3,292
fascicles, compiled 597 by Fei Ch’ang-fang; History of the Three
Treasures in Successive Reigns and Catalogue of the Sutras
Liu-men t’o-lo-ni-ching. See Shanmukhi-dharani-sutra
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 195
Liu-tu-chi-ching. See Shatparamita-samgraha-sutra
Long Sayings. See Dirgha-agama
Lotus Sutra. See Saddharma-pundarika-sutra

Madhyama-agama (Mädhyama-ägama, S), Chung a-han-ching

^), 60 fascicles, translated 397-98 by Sanghadeva; Middle-Length
Sayings
Madhyamaka-shastra (Mädhyamaka-Sästra, S), Chung-Iun (<pMfB), 4
fascicles, translated 409 by Kumarajiva; Treatise on the Middle
Mahaparinirvana-sutra (MahäparinirväI;la-sütra, S), Ta-ch’eng nieh-
p’an-ching ; (I) Ta-pan ni-yiian-ching 6
fascicles, translated between 416 and 418 by Fa-hsien and Buddha-
bhadra; (2) Ta-pan nieh-p’an-ching also caUed Pei-pen
nieh-p’an-ching Northern Text of the Sutra of the Great
Decease), 40 fascicles, translated 414-21 by Dharmakshema; (3) Ta­
pan nieh-p’an-ching also called Nan-pen nieh-p’an-
ching Southern Text of the Sutra of the Great Decease),
36 fascicles, revised by Hui-yen, Hui-kuan, and Hsieh Ling-yün; Su­
tra of the Great Decease
Mahaprajnapararnita-sutra (Mahäprajiiäpäramitä-sütra, S), Ta-pan-
jo po-lo-mi-to-ching abbreviated: Ta-pan-jo-ching
(*i^:6't!I!)j 600 fascicles, translated 660-63 by Hsüan-tsang; Great Per­
fection of Wisdom Sutra
Mahaprajnaparamita-upadesha (Mahäprajiiäpäramitä-upadda, S),
Ta-chih-tu-lun 100 fascicles, translated 402-5 by Kumara­
jiva; Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra
Maharatnakuta-sutra (Mahäratnaküta-sütra, S), Ta-pao-chi-ching ( *
, 120 fascicles, translated 713 by Bodhiruchi (672-727) with
addenda; Suti'a of the Great Accumulation of Treasures
Maha-samnipata-sutra (Mahä-sarpnipäta-sütra, S; also called Vaipul-
ya-sarpnipata-sUtra, S), Ta-fang-teng ta-chi-ching ab­
breviated: Ta-chi-ching (* ^ ^ ), 60 fascicles, translated between
414 and 426 by Dharmakshema et at.; Great Collection of Sutras
Mahasanghika-vinaya (Mahasanghika-vinaya, S), Mo-ho seng-ch’i-lU
40 fascicles, translated 416-l8 by Fa-hsien and Buddha-
bhadra; Vinaya of the Mahasanghika school
Mahavairochana-sutra (Mahä-vairocanäbhisambodhi-vikurvitädhi-
Hhäna-vaipulyasütrendra-räja-dharmaparyäya, S), Ta p’i-lu-che-na-
ch’eng-fo shen-pien chia-ch’ih-ching ab­
breviated: Ta-jih-ching (* 0 7 fascicles, translated 716-35 by
Shubhakarasimha; Great Sun Sutra
Mahavibhasha-shastra. See Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra
Mahayana bhidharma-samucchaya (Mahäyänäbhidharma-samuccaya,
S), Ta-ch’eng a-p’i-ta-mo chi-lun abbreviated:
196 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

A-p’i-ta-mo chi-lun or Chi-lun ( . ^ ) , 7 fascicles, trans­

lated 652 by HsUan-tsang; CoUection of the Mahayana Abhidharma
Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya-vyakhya (Mahayanabhidharma-sa-
muccaya-vyakhya, S), Ta-ch’eng a-p’i-ta-mo tsa-chi-lun
abbreviated: A-p’i-ta-mo tsa-chi-lun or Tsa-
chi-lun ( . ^ ^ ) , 16 fascicles, translated 646 by Hsiian-tsang; Exegesis
on the Collection of the Mahayana Abhidharma
Mahayanasamgraha (Mahayanasarpgraha, S), She ta-ch’eng-lun ( _ *
; (1) 2 fascicles, translated 531 by Buddhashanta; (2) 3 fascicles,
translated 563 by Paramartha; (3) 3 fascicles, translated 648-49 by
Hsiian-tsang; Comprehensive Treatise on Mahayana Buddhism
Mahayana-shraddhotpada-shastra (Mahayana-§raddhotpada-§astra, S),
Ta-ch’eng ch’i-hsin-lun (*^S^f<HIfB), abbreviated: Ch’i-hsin-lun ( ^ {!
^ ) ; (1) 1 fascicle, translated 553 by Paramartha; (2) 2 fascicles, trans­
lated between 695 and 704 by Shikshananda; Treatise on the Awak­
ening of Faith in Mahayana
Mahayana Sutra of the Great Decease. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra
Mahishasaka-vinaya (MahHasaka-vinaya, S), Wu-fen-lii 30
fascicles, translated by Buddhajiva (fl. ca. 423) et al.; Five-Category
Vinaya
Manji-zokuzo. See Dai Nippon Zoku Zokyo '
Manji-zokyo. See Dai Nippon Kotei Zokyo
Meaningful Chapter. See Atthakavagga
Miao-fa lien-hua-ching. See Saddharma-pundarika-sutra (2)
Miao-fa lien-hua-ching hsiian-i abbreviated: Fa-hua
hsiian-i (i*?ti::tft), 10 fascicles, annotated 593 by Chih-i; Profound
Meaning of the Lotus Sutra
Miao-fa lien-hua-ching i-chi abbreviated: Fa-hua-
ching i-chi or Fa-hua i-chi (i*?tiltac), 8 fascicles, annotated
by Fa-yiin (467-529); Commentary on the Lotus Sutra
Miao-fa lien-hua-ching-lun also called Miao-fa lien-hua-
ching yu-po-t’i-she abbreviated: Fa-hua-ching-
lun or Fa-hua-lun (i*Ji!^), 2 fascicles, translated by Bo­
dhiruchi (fl. ca. 508-35) and T ’an-lin; Treatise on the Lotus Sutra
Miao-fa lien-hua-ching wen-chii abbreviated: Fa-hua
wen-chii 10 or 20 fascicles, annotated by Chih-i; Textual
Commentary on the Lotus Sutra
Middle-Length Sayings. See Madhyama-agama
Milindapanha (Milindapanha, P), Mi-lan wang-wen-ching
®), Na-hsien pi-ch’iu-ching 2 fascicles and 3 fascicles,
translated ca. 200; The Questions of [King] Milinda [Menander]
Ming Dynasty Catalogue of the Tripitaka. See Ta-Ming san-tsang
sheng-chiao mu-lu
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 197

Ming-dynasty editions of the Tripitaka. See Leng-yen-ssu-pan; Nan-

tsang; Pei-tsang
Mo-ho pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching. See Panchavimshati-sahasrika-prajnapa-
ramita-sutra (3)
Mo-ho seng-ch’i-lii. See Mahasanghika-vinaya

Na-hsien pi-ch’iu-ching. See Milindapanha

Nanjio Catalogue of the Tripitaka. See Ta-Ming san-tsang sheng-chiao
mu-lu
Nan-pen nieh-p’an-ching. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra (3)
Nan-tsang (mil), record of 1,612 works, published 1372-1403 in Nan­
king; Southern Ming Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka
Nei-tien-lu. See T a-T ’ang nei-tien-lu
Northern Ch’i Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras. See Kao-Ch’i chung-
ching mu-lu
Northern Ming Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka. See Pei-tsang
Northern Text of the Sutra of the Great Decease. See Mahaparinirvana-
sutra (2)
Northern Wei Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras. See Yuan-Wei chung-
ching mu-lu

Obaku-ban Daiz5ky5 J ) , record of 6,771 fascicles, pub­

lished 1669-81 by Tetsugen; Obaku Edition of the Tripitaka, also
called Tetsugen Edition (^119:^)
On the Twofold Entrance to the Way and the Four Types of Practice. See
Erh-ju ssu-hsing-lun

Pa-ch’ien-sung pan-jo. See Ashtasahasrika-prajnaparamita-sutra

Panchavimshati-sahasrika-praj naparami ta-sutra (Pancavirp §ati-sahasri-
ka-prajiiaparamita-sutra, S ); (1) Kuang-tsan pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching
10 fascicles, translated 286 by Dharmaraksha;
(2) Fang-kuang pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching 20 fascicles,
translated 291 by Wu-ch’a-lo; (3) Ta-p’in pan-jo-ching
or Mo-ho pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching 27 fascicles,
translated 404 by Kumarajiva; Perfection ofWisdom Sutra in Twenty-
five Thousand Lines
Pan-jo hsin-ching, Pan-jo po-lo-mi-to hsin-ching. See Prajnaparamita-
hridaya-sutra
Pan-jo te-ching 1 fascicle, spurious sutra by the nun Seng-fa
(b. 489) ; Sutra of Attaining Perfect Wisdom
Pao-lin-chuan (_:f*f.t), also called Ts’ao-ch’i pao-lin-chuan
10 fascicles, compiled 801 by Chih-chu; Biography of the Treasure
Forest
198 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Pao-ting-ching (lIm^), I fascicle, spurious sutra by the nun Seng-fa (b.

489); Sutra of the Treasure Summit
Parayanavagga (Parayanavagga, P), Pi-an tao-p’in ; Chap­
ter on the Way to the Other Shore
Pei-pen nieh-p’an-ching. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra (2)
Pei-tsang (;jl:^), record of 1,615 works, published 1420-40 in Peking;
Northern Ming Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka
Pei-tsang mu-lu. See Ta-Ming san-tsang sheng-chiao mu-lu
Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Eight Thousand Lines. See Ashtasahasri-
ka-prajnaparamita-sutra
Perfection ofWisdom Sutra in Twenty-five Thousand Lines. See Pancha-
vimshati-sahasrika-praj naparami ta-sutra
Pi-an tao-p'in. See Parayanavagga
Ping-p’o-sha-lun. See Vibhasha-shastra
P’i-yU-ching. See Avadana
Po-Iun. See Shatika-shastra
P’o-sha-lun. See Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra
Prajnaparamita-hridaya-sutra (Prajiiaparamita-hrdaya-sutra, S), Pan-
jo po-lo-mi-to hsin-ching abbreviated: Pan-jo hsin-
ching or Hsin-ching (.L.'@), 1 fascicle, translated 649 by
HsUan-tsang; Heart of Wisdom Sutra, also called the Heart Sutra
Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching
hsiian-i
Profound Treatise on the Lotus Sutra. See Fa-hua-ching hsUan-lun
Pure Land Sutra. See Ching-t’u-ching
P’u-sa ti-ch’ih-ching, P’u-sa ti-ch’ih-lun. See Bodhisattvabh^i
P’u-sa-tsang-ching (:gii.m !), 20 fascicles, translated 645 by Hsiian-
tsang; Bodhisattva Treasury Sutra
P’u-sa ying-luo pen-yeh-ching 2 fascicles, a “genuine”
sutra; Sutra on a Bodhisattva’s Original Action
Pu-tseng pu-chien-ching 1 fascicle, translated 525 by Bo­
dhiruchi; Sutra on Neither Increasing Nor Decreasing
P’u-yao-ching. See Lalitavistara

Queen of Shrimala Sutra. See Shrimaladevi-simhanada-sutra

Questions of [King] Milinda [Menander], The. See Milindapanha

Rashmivimala-vishuddhiprabhasa-dharani-sutra (Ra§mivimala-visud-
dhiprabhasa-dharani-sutra, S), Wu-kou ching-kuang ta-t’o-lo-ni-
ching abbreviated: Wu-kou ching-kuang-ching
1 fascicle, translated 704 by Mitrashanta; Great Dharani
Sutra of the Spotless and Pure Light
Record of the Pai ntings of Ancient and Modern Sutra Translations. See
Ku-chin i-c hing t’u-chi
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 199

Sacchavibhanga-sutta (Saccavibhanga-sutta, P), Sheng-ti fen-pieh-

ching (^W:5tSU®); Discourse on the Analysis of the Truths
Saddharma-pundarika-sutra (Saddharma-puQ.darika-sOtra, S), generic
abbreviation:Fa-hua-ching (ft* ® ) ; (I) Cheng-fa-hua-ching(1Eft*®),
10 fascicles, translated 286 by Dharmaraksha; (2) Miao-fa lien-hua-
ching 7 or 8 fascicles, translated 406 by Kumarajiva;
(3) T ’ien-p’in miao-fa lien-hua-ching 7 or 8 fascicles,
translated 601 by Jnanagupta and Dharmagupta; (4) Fa-hua-ching
I fascicle, spurious sutra by the nun Seng-fa (b. 489); the
Lotus Sutra
Saddharma-smrity-upasthana-sutra (Saddharma-smrty-upasthana-sO-
tra, S), Cheng-fa nien-ch’u-ching (1El*,^^S), 70 fascicles, translated
between 538 and 543 by Prajnaruchi; Sutra of Stability in Contem­
plation of the True Law
Samdhinirmochana-sutra (Sarhdhinirmocana-sütra, S); (1) Hsiang-hsii
chieh-t’o ti-po-lo-mi liao-i-ching I fascicle,
and Hsiang-hsii chieh-t’o j u-lai so-tso sui-shen-ch’u liao-i-ching
1 fascicle, both translated between 420
and 479 by Gunabhadra, partial translations of the sutra, generic ti­
tle: Hsiang-hsii chieh-t’o-ching (.m.MJJlt®), Sutra of the Continu­
ous Stream of Emancipation; (2) Shen-mi chieh-t’o-ching (m!W
IWJJlt&l) , abbreviated: Shen-mi-ching (m!W&lI!), 5 fascicles, translated
between 508 and 535 by Bodhiruchi, Sutra of Profound and Mysteri­
ous Emancipation; (3) Fo-shuo chieh-chieh-ching 1 fas­
cicle, translated between 557 and 589 by Paramartha, partial transla­
tion of the sutra, Sutra on Emancipation; (4) Chieh-shen-mi-ching
(mm!W©), 5 fascicles, translated 647 by Hsiian-tsang, Sutra of Pro­
found Understanding
Samyukta-agama (Sarhyukta-agama, S), Tsa a-han-ching (
5 0 fascicles, translated 435-43 by Gunabhadra; Kindred Sayings
Saptadasha-bhumika-shastra (SaptadaSa-bhGmika-sastra, S), Shih-ch’i-
ti-lun 5 fascicles, translated by Paramartha; Treatise on the
Seventeen Stages ofSpiritual Development, a partial translation of the
Yogacharabhumi-shastra, q.v.
Sarvastivadin-vinaya (Sarvastivadin-vinaya, S), Shih-sung-lii (-t}lj$),
61 fascicles, translated 404-9 by PuQ.yatara and Kumarajiva and re­
vised by Vimalaksha; Ten-Category Vinaya
Satyasiddhi-shastra (Satyasiddhi-sastra, S), Ch'eng-shih-lun
20 fascicles, translated between 402 and 412 by Kumarajiva; Treatise
on the Completion of Truth
Seng-yu-lu, Seng-yu’s Catalogue. See Ch’u san-tsang chi-chi
Shanmukhi-dharani-sutra (SaQ.mukhi-dharaQ.i-sOtra, S), Liu-men t’o-
lo-ni-ching (AF^ltaJEiI'!), 1 fascicle, translated 645 by Hsiian-tsang;
Sutra of the Dharani of the Six Gates
200 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Shatika-shastra (Satika-sastra, S), Po-lun (si'8) , 2 fascicles, translated

404 by Kumarajiva; Treatise in One Hundred Verses
Shatparamita-samgraha-sutra (Satparamita-samgraha-sutra, S), Liu-
tu-chi-ching 8 fascicles, translated between 251 and 280
by K ’ang Seng-hui ; Sutra of the Collection of the Practices
of the Six Perfections
Sheng-man-ching, Sheng-man shih-tzu-hou i-ch’eng ta-fang-pien fang-
kuang-ching. See Shrimaladevi-simhanada-sutra
Sheng-ti fen-pieh-ching. See Sacchavibhanga-sutta
Shen-mi chieh-t’o-ching, Shen-mi-ching. See Samdhinirmochana-sutra
(2)
She ta-ch’eng-lun. See Mahayanasamgraha
Shih-ch’i-ti-lun. See Saptadasha-bhumika-shastra
Shih-erh-men-lun. See Dvadashamuksha-shastra
Shih-sung-lii. See Sarvastivadin-vinaya
Shih-ti-ching-lun. See Dashabhumika-sutra-shastra
Shou-leng-yen-ching. See Ta-fo-ting ju-lai mi-yin hsiu-ching liao-i chu-
p’u-sa wan-hsing shou-leng-yen-ching
Shrimaladevi-simhanada-sutra (Srimaladevi-sirhhanada-sutra, S),
Sheng-man shih-tzu-hou i-ch’eng ta-fang-pien fang-kuang-ching (Jl§
abbreviated: Sheng-man-ching (Jl§Vfl!), 1
fascicle, translated 436 by Gunabhadra; Queen of Shrimala Sutra (the
Lion’s Roar of Queen Shrimala), Shrimala Sutra, S^^rnaladevi Sutra
Shu Edition of the Tripitaka. See Shu-pan ta-tsang-ching
Shukusalsu-zokyo. See Dai Nippon Kotei Daizokyo
Shuo wu-kou-ch’eng-ching. See Vimalakirti-nirdesha-sutra (3)
Shu-pan ta-tsang-ching record of 5,586 fascicles, prepared
and printed 971-83; Shu Edition of the Tripitaka, also called the
Sung Governmental Edition (Sung-kuan-pan, and the Sze­
chwan Edition (Ssu-ch’uan-pan, !!JIIJl&)
Small-Type Canon. See Dai Nippon Kotei Daizokyo
Solemn Utterances of the Buddha. See Udana; U dana-varga
Southern Ming Dynasty Edition of the Tripitaka. See Nan-tsang
Southern Sung--clynasty editions of the Tripitaka. See Chi-sha yen-
sheng-yiian-pan; Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao-ssu-pan; Ssu-ch’i Yiian-chiieh-
yiian-pan
Southern Text of the Sutra of the Great Decease. See Mahaparinirvana-
sutra (3)
Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao-ssu-pan record of 1,459 works in 5,740
fascicles, prepared and printed 1237-52; Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao Temple
Edition, a Southern Sung--clynasty edition of the Tripitaka
Ssu-ch’i Yiian-chiieh-yiian-pan record of 1,433 works in
5,824 fascicles, prepared and printed 1132-?; Ssu-ch’i Yiian-chiieh-
yiian Edition, a Southern Sung--clynasty edition of the Tripitaka
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 201

Ssu-ch’uan-pan. See Shu-pan ta-tsang-ching

Ssu-fen-lu. See Dharmaguptaka-vinaya
Ssu-shih-erh-chang-ching (11Y-t-=1ltIl), I fascicle, traditionaUy said to
have been translated a.d. 67 by Kashyapamatanga and Mdian Dhar­
maraksha; Sutra of Forty-two Chapters
Stories. See Avadana
Su-hsi-ti chieh-lo-ching, Su-hsi-ti-ching. See Susiddhikara-mahatantra-
sadhanopayika-patala-sutra
Sui-chung-ching mu-lu § . ) , abbreviated: Yen Tsung-Iu (^g;® ,
Yen Tsung’s Catalogue) andJen-shou-lu ( t ^ ^ ) , 5 fascicles, record of
2, 109 works in 5,059 fascicles, compiled 602 by Yen Tsung et al.;
Sui Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras
Sukhavati-vyuha (Sukhavati-vyliha, S ); (I) Larger Sukhavati-vyuha:
Wu-liang-shou-ching 2 fascicles, translated 252 by Sarpgha-
varman, the Sutra of Infiite Life; (2) Smaller Sukhavati-vyuha:
A-mi-t’o-ching (^.ItIlI!), I fascicle, translated 402 by Kumarajiva,
^mitabha Sutra
Sung Governmental Edition of the Tripitaka, Sung-kuan-pan. See Shu-
pan ta-tsang-ching
Supplementary Chen-yuan Era Buddhist Catalogue. See Hsu Chen-yuan
shih-chiao-lu
Susid^^kara-mahatantra-sadhanopayika-patala-sutra (-sutra, S), Su-
hsi-ti chieh-lo-ching abbreviated: Su-hsi-ti-ching (^
and Susiddhikara-sutra, 3 fascicles, translated 726 by Shu­
bhakarasimha; the Sutra of Good Accomplishment
Sutra of a Bodhisattva's Spiritual States. See Bodhisattvabhumi
Sutra of Attaining Perfect Wisdom. See Pan-jo te-ching
Sutra of Diamond Meditation. See Chin-kang san-mei-ching
Sutra of Forty-two Chapters. See Ssu-shih-erh-chang-ching
Sutra of Good Accomplishment. See Susiddhikara-mahatantra-sadhano-
payika-patala-sutra
Sutra of Infinite Life. See Sukhavati-vyuha (I)
Sutra of Innumerable Meanings. See Wu-liang-i-ching
Sutra of Meditation on Amitabha Buddha. See Kuan wu-liang-shou-
ching
Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. See Ta-fang-kuang yuan-chiieh hsiu to-
Io liao-i-ching
Sutra of Profound and Mysterious Emancipation. See Sam^dhinirmo-
chana-sutra (2)
Sutra of Profound Understanding. See Samdhiirmochana-sutra (4)
Sutra of Stability in Contemplation of the True Law. See Saddharma-
smrity-upasthana-sutra
Sutra of the Appearance of the Good Doctrine in [Sri] Lanka. See Lan-
kavatara-sutra
202 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Sutra of the Collection of the Practices of the Six Perfections. See Shat-
paramita-samgraha-sutra
Sutra of the Continuous Stream of Emanicipation. See Samdhinirmo-
chana-sutra (1)
Sutra of the Dharani of the Six Gates. See Shanmukhi-dharani-sutra
Sutra of the Great Accumulation of Treasures. See Maharatnakuta-sutra
Sutra of the Great Decease. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra
Sutra of the Herbs. See Yao-ts’ao-ching
Sutra of the Most Honored King. See Suvarnaprabhasottamaraja-sutra
Sutra of the Perfect Net. See Fan-wang-ching
Sutra of the Tathagata Treasury. See Tathagatagarbha-sutra
Sutra of the Treasure Summit. See Pao-ting-ching
Sutra of the True Summit. See Cheng-ting-ching
Sutra on a Bodhisattva’s Original Action. See P’u-sa ying-luo pen-yeh-
ching
Sutra on Emancipation. See Samdhinirmochana-sutra (3)
Sutra on Neither Increasing Nor Decreasing. See P’u-tseng pu-chien-
ching
Sutra on the Stages of Yoga Practice. See Yogacharabhumi-sutra
Suttanipata (Suttanipata, P), Ching-chi ( ^ ^ ) ; Collection of Discourses
Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra (Suvan).aprabhasa-sutra, S), Chin-kuang-ming-
ching (1) 4 fascicles, translated between 414 and 426 by
Dharmakshema; (2) 7 fascicles, translated 552 by Paramartha; Golden
Light Sutra
Suvarnaprabhasottamaraja-sutra (Suvarnaprabhasottamaraja-sutra, S),
Chin-kuang-ming tsui-sheng-wang-ching abbreviat­
ed: Tsui-sheng-wang-ching 10 fascicles, translated 703 by
I-ching; Sutra of the Most Honored King
Szechwan Edition of the Tripitaka. See Shu-pan ta-tsang-ching

Ta-ch’eng a-p’i-ta-mo chi-lun. See Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya

Ta-ch’eng a-p’i-ta-mo tsa-chi-lun. See Mahayanabhidharma-samuccha-
ya-vyakhya
Ta-ch’eng ch’i-hsin-lun. See Mahayana-shraddhotpada-shastra
Ta-ch’eng ju-leng-chia-ching. See Lankavatara-sutra (3)
Ta-ch’eng nieh-p’an-ching. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra
Ta-chi-ching. See Maha-samnipata-sutra
Ta-chih-tu-lun. See Mahaprajnaparamita-upadesha
Ta-Chou k’an-ting chung-ching mu-lu also called
Wu-Chou k’an-ting chung-ching mu-lu ^ ), abbreviat­
ed: Ta-Chou k’an-ting mu-lu Ta-Chou-Iu (:kJ!:l^), or
Wu-Chou-lu (jt;J!:l^), 15 fascicles, compiled 695 by Ming-shuan et
al.; Chou Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras
Ta-fang-kuang-fo hua-yen-ching. See Avatamsaka Sutra
 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S 203
Ta-fang-kuang yüan-chüeh hsiu to-lo liao-i-ching
m!), abbreviated: Yüan-chüeh-ching ([lJ^il!), 1 fascicle, a “genuine”
sutra; Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment
Ta-fang-teng ju-lai-tsang-ching. See Tathagatagarbha-sutra
Ta-fang-teng ta-chi-ching. See Maha-samnipata-sutra
Ta-fo-ting ju-lai mi-yin hsiu-cheng liao-i chu-p’u-sa wan-hsing shou-
leng-yen-ching abbreviated:
Shou-leng-yen-ching (§m^fg!), 10 fascicles, a “genuine” sutra; Heroic
Marching Sutra
Ta hua-yen-ching. See Avatamsaka-sutra
Taisho Shinshil Daizokyo J ; TaishO Era New Compilation
of the Canon), abbreviated: Taisho Daizokyo (*IEj;:^fg!), IOO vols.,
record of 3,053 works in 11,970 fascicles, published 1924-34 by Taka­
kusu JunjirO and Watanabe Kaigyoku et al.
Ta-jih-ching. See Mahavairochana-sutra
Ta-Ming san-tsang sheng-chiao mu-lu abbreviated:
Pei-tsang mu-lu (^ti.\ @ ^ ); Ming Dynasty Catalogue of the Tripi­
taka, translated into English by Nanjio Bunyiu as A Catalogue of the
Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka
Tao-an-lu, Tao-an’s Catalogue. See Tsung-li chung-ching mu-lu
Tao-hsing pan-jo-ching. See Ashtasahasrika-prajnaparamita-sutra
Ta-mo-to-lo ch’an-ching. See Yogacharabhumi-sutra
Ta-pan-jo-ching, Ta-pan-jo po-lo-mi-to-ching. See Mahaprajnaparami-
ta-sutra -
Ta-pan nieh-p’an-ching. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra (2), (3)
Ta-pan ni-yüan-ching. See Mahaparinirvana-sutra (1)
Ta-pao-chi-ching. See Maharatnakuta-sutra
Ta p’i-lu-che-na ch’eng-fo shen-pien chia-ch’ih-ching. See Mahavairo­
chana-sutra
Ta-p’in pan-jo-ching. See Panchavimshati-sahasrika-prajnapar^ita-
sutra (3)
Ta p’i-po-sha-lun. See Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra
Ta-p’u-ning-ssu-pan 1,422 works in 6,010 fascicles, pre­
pared and printed 1278-94; Ta-p’u-ning Temple Edition of the Tri­
pitaka, also caUed Yüan Edition (Yüan-pan ta-tsang-ching,

T a-T ’ang nei-tien-Iu (*F.!fP"l^^), abbreviated: Nei-tien-lu (P"l^^),

10 fascicles, compiled 664 by Tao-hsüan; Catalogue o fT ’ang Dynasty
Buddhist Sutras
Tathagatagarbha-sutra (Tathâgatagarbha-sütra, S), Ta-fang-teng ju-
lai-tsang-ching abbreviated: J u-lai-tsang-ching (t.lIl*
i l s ) , 1 fascicle, translated 420 by Buddhabhadra; Sutra of the Tatha­
gata Treasury
Ten-Category Vinaya. See Sarvastivadin-vinaya
204 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Tenkai Edition of the Tripitaka. See Kan’ei-ji-ban

Tetsugen Edition of the Tripitaka. See Obaku-ban Daizokyo
Textual Commentary on the Lotus Sutra. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching
wen-chii
Ti-ch’ih-lun. See Bodhisattvabhumi
T ’ien-p’in miao-fa lien-hua-ching. See Saddharma-pundarika-sutra (3)
Tokyo Edition of the Tripitaka. See Dai Nippon Kotei Daizokyo
Treatise in One Hundred Verses. See Shatika-shastra
Treatise on the Awakening of Faith in Mahayana. See Mahayana-shrad­
dhotpada-shastra
Treatise on the Buddha-nature. See Fo-hsing-lun
Treatise on the Completion of Truth. See Satyasid^^-shastra
Treatise on the Establishment of the Doctrine of Consciousness Only. See
Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra
Treatise on the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra. See Mahaprajnapa-
ramita-upadesha
Treatise on the Lotus Sutra. See Miao-fa lien-hua-ching-lun
Treatise on the Middle. See Madhyamaka-shastra
Treatise on the Seventeen Stages of Spiritual Development. See Sapta-
dasha-bhumika-shastra
Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Practice. See Yogacharabhumi-shastra
Treatise on the Sutra of Eternal Life. See Wu-liang-shou-ching-lun
Treatise on the Sutra of the Ten Stages. See Dashabhumika-sutra-shastra
Treatise on the Twelve Gates. See Dvadashamukha-shastra
Tripitaka Koreana. See Haeinsa-pan
Tsa a-han-ching. See S^yukta-agama
Tsa-chi-lun. See Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya-vyakhya
Ts’ao-ch’i pao-lin-chuan. See Pao-lin-chuan
Tseng-i a-han-ching. See Ekottara-agama
Tsui-sheng-wang-ching. See Suvarnaprabhasottamaraja-sutra
Tsung-li chung-ching mu-lu jf), also called Tao-an-lu
Tao-an’s Catalogue) and An-lu (Sjf, An’s Catalogue), 1 fascicle, rec­
ord of 639 works in 886 fascicles, compiled 374 by Tao-an; Compre­
hensive Catalogue of the Sutras
Tung-ch’an-ssu-pan (*p'i'fJt&), record of 1,450 works in 6,434 fascicles,
prepared and printed 1080-1103; first private printing of the canon;
Tung-ch’an Temple Edition, also called Fu-chou Tung-ch’an Temple
Edition (Fu-chou Tung-ch’an-ssu-pan,
Tzu-shuo-ching. See Udana
Tzu-shuo-p’in. See Udana-varga

U dana (U dana, P), Tzu-shuo-ching (13R1tS!); the Pali sutra Solemn

Utterances of the Buddha
 S C R IP T U R E S AND C A TA LO G U E S 205

Udana-varga (Udana-varga, S), Tzu-shuo-p’in (Eilj&); the Sarvasti-

vadin sutra Sole^^ Utterances of the Buddha

Vaipulya-samnipata-sutra. See Maha-samnipata-sutra

Vajracchedika-prajnaparamita-sutra (Vaj racchediká-prajñáparamitá-
sOtra, S), Chin-kang pan-jo po-lo-mi-ching (^HlJilt:6'^rBali$il!), abbre­
viated: Chin-kang pan-jo-c^^g and Chin-kang-ching (^
(I) I fascicle, translated between 402 and 412 by Kumarajiva;
(2) I fascicle, translated 509 by Bodhiruchi; (3) 1 fascicle, translated
between 558 and 569 by Paramartha; Diamond Sutra or Diamond
Wisdom Sutra
Vajrashekhara-sutra (Vajrasekhara-sütra, S), formally: Vajrasekhara-
^^atathágatatattvasamgraha-sütra (S), Chin-kang- ting-ching
@), 3 fascicles, transíated 753 by ^moghavajra; Diamond Peak Sutra
Vibhasha-shastra (Vibhásá-Sástra, S), Ping-p’o-sha-lun (Mi&KJ;^), 14
fascicles, translated 383 by Sanghabhuti; partial translation of the
Abhidharma-mahavibhasha-shastra (Great Commentary)
Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra (Vijiiaptimatratasiddhi-sastra, S), Ch’eng
wei-shih-lun abbreviated: Wei-shih-lun (»SlUa^), 10 fascicles,
translated 659 by Hsiian-tsang; Treatise on the Establishment of the
Doctrine of Consciousness Only
Vimalakirti-nirdesha-sutra (Vimalakirti-nirdda-sütra, S), generic ab­
breviation: Wei-mo-ching (^b@ ); (1) Wei-mo-chieh-ching
BJ!), 2 fascicles, translated between 223 and 253 by Chih Ch’ien; (2)
Wei-mo-chieh so-shuo-ching 3 fascicles, translated 406
by Kumarajiva; (3) Shuo wu-kou-ch’eng-ching 6 fasci­
cles, translated 650 by Hsiian-tsang; Vimalakirti Sutra
Vinaya of the Mahasanghika school. See Mahasanghika-vinaya

Wan-li Edition of the Tripitaka, Wan-Ii-pan ta-tsang-ching. See Leng-

yen-ssu-pan
Wei-mo-chieh-ching, Wei-mo-chieh so-shuo-ching, Wei-mo-ching. See
Vimalakirti-nirdesha-sutra
Wei-shih-Iun. See Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra
Wei-shih chung-ching mu-lu. See Yiian-Wei chung-ching mu-lu
Wu-Chou k’an-ting chung-ching mu-Iu, Wu-Chou-Iu. See Ta-Chou
k’an-ting chung-ching mu-lu
Wu-fen-lii. See Mahishasaka-vinaya
Wu-kou ching-kuang-ching, Wu-kou ching-kuang ta-1’o-lo-ni-ching. See
Rashmivimala-vishuddhiprabhasa-dharani-sutra
Wu-liang-i-ching (1W<£g@), I fascicle, a “genuine” sutra; Sutra of In­
numerable Meanings
Wu-liang-shou-ching. See Sukhavati-vyuha (I)
206 S C R I P T U R E S AND C A T A L O G U E S

Wu-liang-shou-chng-lun abbreviated: Ching-t’u-lun (il±

^ ), 1 fascicle, translated 529 by Bodhiruchi; Treatise on the Sutra of
Eternal Life

Yao-ts’ao-ching (^1(iK«!), spurious sutra by the nun Seng-fa (b. 489);

Sutra of the Herbs
Yen Tsung-lu, Yen Tsung’s Catalogue. See Sui-chung-ching mu-lu
Yogacharabhumi-shastra (Yogàcârabhümi-sàstra, S), YU-chia shih-ti-
lun , abbreviated : YU-chia-lun , 100 fascicles, trans­
lated 646-48 by Hsüan-tsang; Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Prac­
tice. See also Bodhisattvabhumi; Saptadashabhumika-shastra
Yogacharabhumi-sutra (Yogàcàrabhümi-sûtra, S), also called Dhar-
matara-dhyàna-sütra (S), Ta-mo-to-lo ch’an-ching and
Hsiu-hsing tao-ti-ching 2 fascicles, translated between
398 and 421 by Buddhabhadra; Sutra on the Stages of Yoga Practice
Yiian-chao-lu, Yüan-chao’s Catalogue. See Chen-yüan hsin-ting shih-
chiao mu-lu
Yüan-chüeh-ching. See Ta-fang-kuang yüan-chiieh hsiu to-lo liao-i-
ching
Yiian Edition of the Tripitaka, Yiian-pan ta-tsang-ching. See Ta-p’u-
ning-ssu-pan
Yiian-Wei chung-ching mu-lu (5Cfl^K«!I3if), also called Wei-shih
chung-ching mu-lu abbreviated: Yiian-Wei-lu (5Cfl
if), 1 fascicle, compiled 532-34 by Li K ’uo; Northern Wei Dynasty
Catalogue of the Sutras
Yii-chia-lun, Yii-chia shih-ti-lun. See Yogacharabhumi-shastra
 Glossary-I ndex

Orthodox transliterations and ideograms are not given for items included in
the Appendix. Abbreviations used are S for Sanskrit, P for Pali, and J for Japa­
nese. Chinese terms are not expressly identified.

Abhayagiri-vihara (Abhayagiri- An Shih-kao ('Rt!iI1i; d. ca. a .d . 170),

vihara, S; Mount Fearle^ne^ translator, 45, 46, 105
Monastery), Sri Lankan sect, 69, Asanga (Asaüga, S; 4th or 5th cent.),
112-13, 160-61 elder brother of Vasubandhu, 150,
Abhidhamma-pitaka (Abhidha^rnma- 164
pitaka, P; Abhidharma-pitaka, S; Asoka (ca. 274-ca. 236 b .c .) , em­
Treatise Basket), 16 peror, 28, 29, 30, 41, 43, 112;
Abhidharma Buddhism, 9, 16, 123, stone and pillar edicts of, 27, 37,
153-54, 158, 162-63; scriptures of, 82, 158
33, 82-83 Atthakavagga (M^eaningful Chapter),
Abhidharma Storehouse Treatise 114-16
(Abhidharmakosha-shastra),82-83, Avatamsaka-sutra. See Flower Gar­
99 land Sutra
abridged sutras, 94, 118, 119-20,
146-47_ Bandhudatta (^^ ^^, S; fl. 4th cent.),
Agama (Agama, P, S) sutras, 32, 122, Indian priest, 58-59, 60
143, 161-62; content of, 16, 20, Biographies of Eminent Tang Dynasty
114, 132; teachings in, 50, 131, Monks Wlw Sought the Dharma in the
132-33 Western Regions (Ta-Tang hsi-yti
Amitabha Sutra. See Sukhavati-^^^a ch’iu-fa kao-seng-chuan,
Amoghavajra (S; 705-74), translator, U;iI1ifi»), 109
57, 108,_ 109-10 Biography of the Treasure Forest
Ananda (Ananda, P, S), disciple of (Pao-lin-chuan), 165
Shakyamuni, 18, 19-20 Bodhidharma (S; fl. ca. 520), founder
“ancient translations,” 55 of Chinese Zen, 73, 144-45
207
208 GLOSSARV-INDEX

Bodhidharma Zen, 144-45. See also Ch’an-chia Zen-family people),

Zen (Ch’an) Buddhism 145
Bodhiruchi (Bodhiruci, S; fl. ca. 508­ Ch’ang-chieh (:Iit!l; 6th-7th cent.),
35), translator, 98, 145 brother of Hsiian-tsang, 79
Bodhiruchi (Bodhiruci, S; 672-727), Chang Ch’ien (iJiW; fl. ca. 139 B.C.),
translator, 107-8 Former Han general, 43^-4
Bodhisattvabhumi (Sutra of a Bodhi­ Ch' eng-shih (Ji1JI:; Completion of
sattva’s Spiritual States), 71 Truth), Chinese Buddhist school,
Bodhisattva Treasury Sutra (P’u-sa- 80, 149, 150, 151
tsang-ching), 88 Chen-yen sect. See Shingon
Brahmanism, sutras in, 15, 157 Chen-yiian hsin-ting shih-chiao
Brahmi (Brihmi, S), ancient Indic mu-lu (Chen-yiian Era Buddhist
script, 36, 37-38, 39, 158 Catalogue), 109, 165, 168
Buddhabhadra (S; 359-429), trans­ chia-hsiang-p’an-shih See
lator, 62, 70, 71-74, 76 p’an-chiao
Buddhabhadra (S; 7th cent.), dis­ chiao-chia (lil!*; sutra-family people),
ciple of Shilabhadra, 83 145
Buddhashanta (Buddhaianta, S; 6th Chih Ch’ien (:R^; 3rd cent.), trans­
cent.), translator, 98 lator, 52-53, 101
Buddhasena (S; 4th cent. ), teacher, Chih-i (ifM; 538-97), T'ien-t’ai pa­
72 triarch, 73, 143, 144, 155-56
Buddha-stage Sutra (Fo-ti-ching), 88 Chih-sheng (if^; 658-740), scholar
Buddhayashas (Buddhayabs, S; 4th- and catalogue compiler, 104, 106,
5th cent.), translator, 59, 63 109, 165
Buddhism: primitive, 9-10, 16, 32, Chih-yen (ifllt; 5th cent.), monk and
158, 162--63; fundamental, 32; pilgrim, 63, 64, 72
transmission to China, 42-43, 44, Chih-yiian fa-pao k’an-t'ung tsung-Iu
105, 135; persecution in China, (Chih-yiian Era Complete Bud­
94-96, 98, 104-5, 168-69; trans­ dhist Catalogue), 175-76
mission to Japan, 167. See also Chin Edition of the Tripitaka (Chin-
schools by name pan ta-tsang-ching), 175
Buddhist Councils, 157; First, 18, Ching-ling (^JUt; 459-94), Southern
19-20, 28, 111, 132; Second, 111­ Ch’i prince, 94, 119-20
12; Third, 112; Fourth, 113; Fifth, Ching-mai (WS; fl. 7th cent.), cata­
113-14; Sixth, 114 logue compiler, 106
Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, 29, 33, 38. Ching-t'ai (A'l'l'; fl. ca. 664), scholar
See also Sanskri t and catalogue compiler, 106, 165
Bukkyo Toitsu On the Ching-yiian (flJ¥e; d. 639), priest, 97
Unity of Buddhism; 1901), 129 Chi-sha yen-sheng-yiian-pan (a South­
ern Sung edition of the Tripitaka),
Catalogue ofT'ang Dynasty Buddhist 178
Sutras (Ta-T'ang nei-tien-lu), 106­ Chi-tsang (7lriil; 549--623), master of
7, 165, 167 the San-lun school, 143
Catalogue of the Sutras. See Chung- Chonen (Hi*; d. 1016), Japanese
ching mu-lu monk and pilgrim, 173
catalogues, 17, 50, 102-10, 118-19. Chou Dynasty Catalogue of the Su­
See also catalogues by name tras (Ta-Chou k'an-ting chung-
Ch’an. See Zen (Ch’an) Buddhism ching mu-lu), 107
 GLOSSARV-INDEX 209

Chü-ch’ü Meng-hsün r. Dai Nippon Zoku Z°ky° (Fylfot-Letter

401-33), first Northern Liang king, Supplementary Tripitaka), 128-29
75-76 Dashabhumika-sutra-shastra (Trea­
Chu Fa-tu (Sftfft; 5th cent.), Hina- tise on the Sutra of the Ten Stages),
yana monk, 125 98, 150
Chulavedalla-sutta (Lesser Disco^e Detailed Narration of the Sport of
of the Miscellany), 21 the Buddha (Lalitavistara), 47
Chung-ching mu-lu (Catalogue of the Dhammadinna (Dhammadinnii, P),
Sutras): (I) comp. 479-502 by nun and disciple ofShakyamuni,
Shih Wang-tsung, 103; (2) comp. 21
594 by Fa-ching, 103-4; (3) comp. Dhammapada, 17, 25-26, 31, 34
664 by Ching-t'ai, 106, 107, 165 Dharmachandra (Dharmacandra, S;
Chung-ching pieh-lu (Independent fl. 8th cent.), translator, 109
Catalogue of the Sutras), 102-3 Dharmaguptaka-vinaya (Four-Cate­
Ch’u san-tsang chi-chi (Collection of gory Vinaya), 63, 70
Records Concerning the Tripi­ Dharmakshema (DharmaHema, S;
taka), 103 385-433), translator, 71, 74-76
Chu Shih-hsing (*± rr; fl. 3rd cent.), Dharmapada, 17, 25, 34, 48, 53
scholar and pilgrim, 49, 163 Dharmaraksha (Dharmarakja, S;
Collection of the Mahayana Abhi- 231-308?), translator, 100
darma (Mahayanabhidharma- Dharmatara-dhyana-sutra (Yoga-
samucchaya), 98 charabh^rni-sutra), 73
Commentary on the Lotus Sutra Diamond Hermit's Treatise (Chin-
(Miao-fa lien-hua-ching i-chi), 142, kang-hsien-lun), 123-24
144 Diamond Peak Sutra (Vajrashekhara-
Commentary on the Treatise on the sutra), 109
Establishment of the Doctrine of Diamond Sutra (Vajracchedika-pra-
Consciousness Only (Ch'eng wei- jnaparamita-sutra), 98, 99, 164,
shih-lun shu-chi), 178-79 169, 173
Comprehensive Catalogue of the Su­ Diamond Wisdom Sutra. See Dia­
tras (Tsung-li chung-ching mu-lu), mond Sutra
50, 102 Dirgha-agama (Long Sayings), 16n,
Comprehensive Treatise on Maha­ 58-59, 69, 70
yana Buddhism (Mahayanasam- Discourse on the Analysis of the
graha), 150 Truths (Sacchavibhanga-sutta),
Consciousness Only (Vijnanavada), 20-21
Mahayana doctrine, 78 Dogen (JH7t; 1200-1253), founder of
Soto Zen sect, 120-22
Daijo Bukkyo-shi Ron On Dvadashamukha-shastra (Treatise on
the History of Mahayana Bud­ the Twelve Gates), 59, 61
dhism; 1903), 131
Dai Nihon BukkyO Zensho Ekottara-agama (Gradual Sayings),
Great Japan Complete Bud­ 16n, 51, 58-59, 70, 116, 131-32
dhist Works; 1911-22), 185 Ennin (1iIi:; 793-864), Japanese Ten­
Dai Nippon KOtei Daizokyo (Tokyo dai priest, 170
Edition of the Tripitaka), 183-84 Erh-ju ssu-hsing-Iun (On the Twofold
Dai Nippon Kotei Zokyo (Fylfot-Letter Entrance to the Way and the Four
Tripitaka), 128-29, 184 Types of Practice), 145
210 GLOSSARY-INDEX

Esoteric Buddhism, sutras of, 108, Flower Garland Sutra (Avata^aka-

109, 110 sutra), 70-71; sixty-fascicle F.G.S.,
Exegesis on the Collection of the 62, 74; eighty-fascicle F.G.S., 97­
Mahayana Abhidharma (Mahaya- 98, 108 _
nabhidharma-samucchaya-vya- Four Agamas (Agama, P, S), 16, 70
khya), 88 Four-Category Vinaya (Dharmagup­
taka-vinaya), 63, 70
Fa-ching (ttil!; fl. ca. 594), scholar Four Siddhantas (Siddhinta, S),
and catalogue compiler, 104 classification criteria of Nagarjuna,
Fa-hsiang (tttfl; Dharma Character­ 139-40
istics of ^Existence), Chinese Bud­ Fu Chien (f.fS; 33^^5), Earlier
dhist school, 150, 151; clarification Ch’in king, 49-50, 60
of I ndian Buddhist doctrine, 152­ Fu-chou K’ai-yuan Temple Edition
54 of the Tripitaka (Fu-chou K'ai-
Fa-hsien (ttlli'i; i340?-420?), pilgrim yian-^u-pan), 177-78
and translator, 62-63, 66-70, 71, Fu-chou Tung-ch’an Temple Edition
73, 76, 163;joumal of, quoted, of the Tripitaka (Fu-chou Tung-
66-67, 69 ch’an-ssu-pan), 176-77, 178
Fa-hua-ching hsiian-Iun (Profound Fu Ta-shih (/$:;I;:±, or Shan-hui Ta-
Treatise on the Lotus Sutra), 143, shih if#:;l;:±; 497-569), lay master
144 of Buddhism, 167
Fang Hsiian-ling (^^K; fl. 7th
cent.), viceroy of Ch’ang-an, 86 Gandhari Dharmapada, 33, 34-36,
Fa-shang (ttL; fl. ca. 570-76), 37
scholar and catalogue compiler, Gatha dialect. See Buddhist Hybrid
103 S^^^t
Fa-yiin (ttS; 467-529), priest, 142, Gembo (:$:f!Ij; d. 746), Japanese
147 monk, 167
Fa-yung (ttJj; fl. 5th cent.), monk “genuine” sutras, 116-18, 146-47,
and pilgrim, 66 1^-65
Fei Ch'ang-fang (#:B!:U§; fl. ca. 597), Golden Light Sutra (Suvarnapra-
catalogue compiler and former ^^^-sutra), 99, 170
monk, 104-5, 106 Great CoUection of Sutras (Maha-
First Emperor. See Shih Huang-ti s^arnipata-sutra), 71
Five-Category Vinaya (Mahisha- Great Commentary (Abhidharma-
saka-vinaya), 69, 70 mahavibhasha-shastra), 82-83, 91,
“five kinds of untranslatable words," 161
theory of Hsiian-tsang, 54-55 Great Dharani Sutra of the Spotles
“five lo^es and three difficulties," and Pure Light (Rashmivimala-
theory of Tao-an, 52-54 vishuddhiprabhasa-dharani-sutra) ,
Five Nikayas (Nikiya, P), 16 172
“five peri^ods and eight tea^chings,” Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra
T’ien-t’ai sect p’an-dliao, 143, 155 (Mahaprajnaparamita-sutra), 91­
five profound ways of 92, 97-98, 170
sutras (wu-dl^ung^^m-i), 143 Great Sun Sutra (M a^^^ro^^^-
“five teasings and ten sects," Hua- sutra), 108
yen sect 154 Gunabhadra (Gupabhadra, S; 394­
Flower Garland ^ ^ . See Hua-yen 468), tr^^lator, 71
 G LOSSARY-IN D EX 2ÎÎ

Gunavarman (GuJ;lavarman, S; 377­ Hui-hsiu (^ ^ ; fl. 5th cent.), high

431), monk, 147 priest, 8 0
Gyonen (iJt!?\; 1240-1321),Japanese Hui-k’e (SOJ; 487-593), disciple of
priest, 149 Bodhidharma and second Zen
patriarch, 145
Haein Temple Edition. See Koryô Hui-kuan (B® ; fl. ca. 420-79), dis­
Edition of the Tripitaka ciple of Buddhabhadra, 73, 74,
Harsha (6^^47), I ndian king, 142-43
85 Hui-kuang (S:)'f;; 468-537), priest,
Heart of Wisdom Sutra (Prajnapara- 145
mita-hridaya-sutra), 92, 169 Hui-li (Brr; fl. 7th cent.), disciple of
Heng-an (m:'ti:; fl. ca. 945), catalogue Hsüan-tsang, 82
compiler, 165 Hui-neng (Sffi; 638-713), sixth Zen
Heroic Marching Sutra (Shou-Ieng- patriarch, 145-46
yen-ching), a “genuine” sutra, 117, Hui-^u (•,©; 515-77), T’ien-t’ai
120-21 patriarch, 144
Hinayana (Hinayana, S ; ‘‘Small Ve­ Hui-wen (^^ ; fl. 550), pre-T’ien-
hicle”) Buddhism, 9-10, 16, 49, t’ai philosopher, 147
6 8 , 112, 123, 125, 144; sects of, 28, Hui-yen (• • ; fl. ca. 420-79), trans­
30, 33; sutras of, 38, 41, 46, 70, 87, lator, 76
124 Hui-yian (^ â ; 33“^416), disciple of
Hsiao-ming Ti r. 515-28), Tao-an, 62, 73, 137
Northern Wei emperor, 165 Hung-fa Temple Edition of the Tri­
Hsin-hsing (®fi; 540-94), founder pitaka (Hung-fa-^u-pan), 175, 179
of the Sect of the Three Stages, Hung-jen (^:g; 602-75), fifth Zen
147-48, 165 patriarch, 146
^hsin-i (x:#; profound meaning), class Hung-wu (YliJit ; r. 1368-98), first
of sectarian commentary, 143 Ming emperor, 180
hsOOn-lun ( r * ; profound treatise), Hyeonjong (i!:,*; r. 1009-31), Kory/S
class of sectarian commentary, 143 king, 174
HsUan Ti (1r*; r. 568--82), Ch’en
emperor, 165 I-ching (ftJ!li; 635-713), monk and
^^an-tsang (3';:!IrI!; ca. 596-664), pil­ pilgrim, 108-9 ; works by, 63, 109
grim and translator, 6 6 , 159; early Independent Catalogue of the Sutras
life, 79; studies of, 79-80, 82-84; as (Chung-ching pieh-lu), 102-3
translator, 57, 70, 77, 88-92, 100­
1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 106, 169; works by, 63, Jainism, 15, 29
82, 88-89; on translation, 54-55 jataka (jataka, P, S), stories of Sha-
Hsüan Tsung (3';:,*; r. 713-55), T ’ang kyamuni’s previous incarnations,
emperor, 1 1 0 31,47-48
Hsu Chen-yian shih-chiao-lu (Sup­ Ju-ching (MIJ!Ii; 1163-1228), Dogen’s
plementary Chen-yüan Era Bud­ master in China, 120-21
dhist Catalogue), 165 Junkei (Ji®; fl. ca. 1826),Japanese
Hua-lin Fo-tien Catalogue of the Su­ priest, 183
tras (Hua-lin fo-tien chung-ching
mu-lu), 103 K’ai-yian shih-chiao-lu (K’ai-yian
Hua-yen ; Flower Garland) sect, Era Buddhist Catalogue), 104, 106,
150, 151, 154-55 109, 120, 165, 167, 173, 174, 185
212 G LOSSARY-INDEX

K ’ai-ytian Temple Edition of the §»), Japanese cata­

Tripi taka (K’ai-yüan-^u-pan), logue of the Tung-ch’an Temple
177-78 Edition, 177
Kan’ei-ji Temple Edition (Kan'ei-ji-
ban; Tenkai Edi tion), l78, 180-81 Lali tavistara (Detailed Narration of
Kanishka (Kaniçka, S; fl. 1st cent. the Sport of the Buddha), 47
A.D.), Kushan emperor, 45, 161 Lankavatara-sutra (Sutra of the Ap­
Kao-Ch’i chung-ching mu-lu pearance of the Good Doctrine in
(Northern Ch’i Dynasty Catalogue [Sri] Lanka), 71,98, 108, 154
of the Sutras), 103 Lao-tzu ('l;r; 5th cent. b.c.), founder
Kao Tsu (Jiil; r. 618-26), first T'ang of Taoism, 48, 96, 105, 107
emperor, 107 Lao-tzu Hua-hu-ching
Kao Tsung (ifli*; 628-83, r. 649-83), Sutra on the Conversion of the
third T’ang emperor, 89-90, 107 Barbarians), a spurious sutra, 48
Kashyapamatanga (Kâàyapamâ- Leng-yen Temple Edition of the Tri­
tar'lga, S; R. 1st cent. a.d.), trans­ pitaka (Leng-yen-ssu-pan; Wan-Ii
lator, 44 Edition), 126, 180, 181, 182, 183
Kashyapia (Kaáyapía, S), Hinayana Lesser Discourse of the Miscellany
school, 86, 87 (Chulavedalla-sutta), 21
Kasuga Edition of the Tripitaka Liang-shih chung-ching mu-lu (Liang
(Kasuga-ban), 178-79 Dynasty Catalogue of the Sutras),
Kharoshti (Kharosti, S), early In­ 103
die script, 36-37, 158 Li K’uo (*1I; fl. ca. 532-34), cata­
Khitan (Liao) Edition of the Tri­ logue compiler, 103
pitaka (Ch’i-tan ta-tsang-ching), Li-tai san-pao-chi (History of the
174, 175 Three Treasures in Successive
ko-i (fëil), Taoist-inRuenced Bud­ Reigns and Catalogue of the Su­
dhism, 48, 49, 118, 135-36 tras), 104-6
Komyo (J'(;IY!; 701-60), empress-con- Lokakshema (Lokaksema, S; 147­
sort of Shomu, 167-68 85), translator, 45-46, 48-49
KorylS Edition of the Tripitaka Lokottaravada (Lokottaravada, S),
Haeinsa-pan), 174-75, 176, 177, Hinayana school, 153
182, 183 Lotus Sutra (Saddharma-pundarika-
Kosha (Ko§a, S), Hinayana school, sutra), 33, 51, 70-71, 124, 143,
151 144, 167, 171; quoted, 162, 164;
K’ou Ch’ien-chih (^mtZ; d. 448), trans. by Kumarajiva, 61; spurious
imperial advisor, 95-96 sutra by Seng-fa, 119
Kublai Khan (1!til; 1215-94), first Lu Kuang (BJ't; R. 4th cent.), Chi­
Yüan emperor, 175, 176 nese general, 50, 60-61
Ku-chin i-ching t’u-chi (Record of
the P^^ tings of Ancient and Mod­ Madhyama-agarna (Middle-Length
ern Sutra Translations), 106 Sayings), 16n, 51, 58-59, 70
Kumarajiva (Kumarajiva, S; 344­ Madhyamaka-shastra (Treatise on
413), monk and translator: early the Middle), 59, 61, 153-54
life, 49-50, 58-60; as translator, 18, Madhyamika (Madhyamika, S; Doc-
51-52, 57, 61-62, 63, 72-73, 77-78, trine of the Middle Way), Maha­
100, 101, 102, 136-37 yana school, 83, 153
KyUzO TOhon IssaikyO Mokuroku Maeda Eun (IltrEB^S; 1855-1930),
 GLOSSARY-IN D EX 213

Japanese Buddhologist, 128,131-32 Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya-

Magadhi (Mligadhi, S), language of vyakhya (Exegesis on the Collection
Shakyamu U,26, 2?, 28 of the Mahayana Abhidharma),
Maha-Kacchayana (Maha-Kaccli- 88
yana, P), disciple of Shaky^nuni, Mahayanasamgraha (Comprehensive
28, 114-15 Treatise on Mahayana BuddhSm),
Maha-Kashyapa (Mahli-KUyapa, 150
S), disciple of Shakyamuni, 18-20 Mahayana-shraddhotpada-shastra
Mahaparinirvana-sutra (Sutra of the (Treatise on the Awakening of
Great Decease), 124, 143, 150, 154; Faith in Mahayana), 154
trans. by Fa-hsien and Buddha­ Mahinda (P; fl. 3rd cent. B.C.), priest
bhadra, 70, 71, 74, 76; trans. by and son of Asoka, 29, 30, 112
Dharmakshema, 71, 75-76, 97-98; Mahishasaka-vinaya (Five-Category
trans. by Hui-yen, Hui-kuan, and Vinaya), 69, 70
Hsieh Ling-yin, 76 Maitreya (S), bodhisattva and future
Mahaprajnaparamita-sutra (Great Buddha, 51, 130, 136
Perfection ofWisdom Sutra), 91­ Manji-zokuzo (Fylfot-Letter Supple­
92, 97-98, 170 mentary Tripitaka), 128-29
Mahaprajnaparamita-upadesha Manji-zOlcyO (Fylfot-Letter Tripitaka),
(Treatise on the Great Perfection 128-29, 184
of Wisdom Sutra), 61, 98, 122-23, Mdian Dhar^raksha (Mdian Dhar-
139 marak^a, S; fl. ca. a.d. 67), trans­
Maharatnakuta-sutra (Sutra of the lator, 44
Great Accumulation of Treasures), Miao-fa lien-hua-ching. See Lotus
92, 98, 108, 123 Sutra
Maha-samnipata-sutra (Great Collec­ Miao-fa lien-hua-ching hsuan-i (Pro­
tion of Sutras), 71 found Meaning of the Lotus Sutra),
Mahasanghika (Mahasanghika, S), 143
Hinayana school, 87, 152, 153 Miao-fa lien-hua-ching i-chi (Com­
Mahasanghika-vinaya, 70, 74 mentary on the Lotus Sutra), 142,
Mahavairochana-sutra (Great Sun 144
Sutra), 108 Miao-fa lien-hua-ching-lun (Treatise
Mahavihara (Mahavihara, S; Great on the Lotus Sutra), 98
Monastery), Sri Lankan Buddhist Miao-fa lien-hua-ching wen-chti
sect, 112-13, 160-61 (Textual Commentary on the Lotus
Mahayana (Mahayana, S; “Great Sutra), 155-56
Vehicle”) Buddhism, 30, 42, 49, Milindapanha (The Questions of
68, 112, 144; early period, 9-10, [King] Milinda [Menander]), 177
78-79, 154; middle period, 9-10, Ming Dynasty Catalogue of the Tri­
78-79, 83, 154; sutras of, 22, 33, 38, pitaka (Ta-Ming san-tsang sheng-
%, 70, 87, 122, 124, 133, 148, 160, chiao mu-lu), 176, 182
161-62, 164; early-period sutras of, Ming Dynasty editions of the Tri­
70-71, 78, 116, 122; middle-period pitaka. See Leng-yen-ssu-pan; Nan-
sutras of, 71, 78, 99, 137; teachings tsang; Pei-tsang
of, 32, 123, 130-32, 150 Ming-shuan (IJ/lfi; fl.. ca. 695), monk
Mahayanabhidharma-samucchaya and catalogue compiler, 107
(Collection of the Mahayana Abhi­ Ming Ti (IJ/lW; r. a.d. 57-75), Later
dharma), 98 Han emperor, 44, 105
214 GLOSSARY-INDEX

Ming Ti (1J'li'i;r. 494-98), Southern Wisdom Sutra in Twenty-five

Ch’i emperor, 165 Thousand Lines
Murakami Sensho (^±WfI; 1851­ p'an-chituJ (^ft; “judging the teach­
1929), Japanese Buddhologist, 128­ ings”), 137-39, 141, 149, 152-55
31 Pao-ch’ang (WII/:I; fl. ca. 518), cata­
logue compiler, 103
Nagarjuna (Nagarjuna, S; 2nd cent.), Pao-lin-chuan (Biography of the
Indian Mahayana Buddhist phi­ Treasure Forest), 165
losopher, 122, 139, 164 Parakrama Bahu I (r. 1153-86), Sri
Nalanda (Nalanda, S), monastic uni­ Lankan king, 113
versity, 83-84, 109, 110 Paramartha (Paramartha, S; 499­
Nanden Daizokyo Southern 569), monk and translator, 78,
Route Canon; 193^^1), 185 98-99
Nanjio Bunyiu 1849-1927), Parayanavagga (The Chapter on the
169, 176, 182 Way to the Other Shore), 116
“new translations,” 55 Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in Eight
Nieh-p’an (@t!; Nirvana), Chinese Thousand Lines (Ashtasahasrika-
Buddhist school, 149, ISO, ISI prajnapar^nita-sutra): trans. by
nien-fo (± $ ), invoking Amitabha Lokakshema, 4^^6, 4^^9; trans.
Buddha, 62, 146 by K^^arajiva, 162
Nilwn DaizBkyB (0:<$: ; Japan Perfection of Wisdom Sutra in
Canon; 1919-21), 185 Twenty-five Thousand Lines
Nincho (E.iIt; d. 171 I), Japanese (Panchavimshati-sahasrika-prajna-
priest, 182-83 paramita-sutra), 124; trans. by
Nirvana Sutra. See Mahaparini^rvana- Dharmaraksha, 100; trans. by Wu-
sutra ch’a-lo, 49, 100, 163; trans. by
Northern Ch’i Dynasty Catalogue of Kumarajiva, 61, 100, 122
the Sutras (Kao-Ch’i chung-ching Perfection of Wisdom sutras, 70-71,
mu-lu), 103 123-24, 143, 153-54, 162
Northern Ming Edition of the Tripi­ P’i-t’an ( I t .; Abhidharma), Chinese
taka (Pei-tsang), 180, 182 Buddhist school, 149, ISO, ISI
Northern Text of the Sutra of the Prajna (Prajiia, S; 8th-9th cent.),
Great Decease, 76 translator, 109
Northern Wei Dynasty Catalogue of Prajnaparamita-hridaya-sutra (Heart
the Sutras (Yuan-Wei chung-ching of Wisdom Sutra), 92, 169
mu-lu), 103 Prajnaptivada (Prajiiaptivada, S),
Hinayana school, 153
Obaku Edition of the Tripitaka Prakrit Dhammapada, 33, 34-36
(Obaku-ban Daizokyo), 126, 181­ precepts (vimya), 16, 50, 61, 63
82, 183 Profound Meaning of the Lotus Sutra
“old translations,” 55 (Miao-fa lien-hua-ching hsuan-i),
143
Pai-lien-she (S $it; White Lotus Profound Treatise on the Lotus Sutra
Society), 62 (Fa-hua-ching hsUan-lun), 143
Pali (Pali), Old Indic Prakrit, 26, Pure Land Buddhism, 129, 146, 151;
29-30, 31-32,41-42, 113-14, 160 scriptures of, 117
Panchavimshati-sahasrika-prajna- Purna (PurI.la, S), disciple of Shakya­
paramita-sutra. See Perfection of muni, 28
 GLOSSARY-IN D EX 215
Questions of [King] Milinda [Menan­ Sanskrit (Saqlskrta), classical Old
der], The (Milindapanha), 177 Indic language, 26, 32, 38. See also
Buddhist Hybrid S^krit; Vedic
Rashmivimala-vishuddhiprab^^a- S^^krit
dharani-sutra (Great Dharani Su­ Saptadasha-bhumika-shastra (Trea­
tra of the SpotleM and Pure Light), tise on the Seventeen Stages of
172 Spiritual Development), 78, 99
Ratn^ati (S; fl. ca. 508), tr^lator, Sarvastivada (Sarviistivada, S), Hi­
98 nayana school, 32-33, 152, 161;
Record of Buddhist King<doms (Fo-kuo- scriptures of, 34, 87
chi, MlSU), 63; quoted, 66-67, 69 Sarvastiva^^-vinaya (The Ten-Cate­
Record of the BudMs t Kingdoms in the gory Vinaya), 59, 61, 63, 70
Southern Archipelago (Nan-hai chi- Satyasiddhi-shastra (Treatise on the
kuei nei-fa-chuan, Completion of Truth), 150
63, 109 Sautrantika (Sautrantika, S), Hina­
Record of the Paintings of Ancient yana school, 153
and Modern Sutra Translations Seng-chao (fie; 374-414), disciple
(Ku-chin i-c^ing t’u-chi), 106 of Kumarajiva, 136-37
Record ofthe Western Regions (Ta-T’ang Seng-chao (filS; fl. ca. 515), cata­
hsi-yi-chi, *1Bi!«E). 63, 82, 88­ logue compiler, 103
89 Seng-fa (fif!;; b. 489), nun and author
of spurious sutras, 119
Sacchavibhanga-sutta (Discourse on Seng-jui (^C; 378^-4?), disciple of
the Analysis of the Truths), 20-21 Kumarajiva, 124-25
Saddharma-pundarika-sutra. See Seng-ts’an (^ft; d. 606), third Zen
tus Sutra patriarch, 147
Saddharma-smrity-upasthana-sutra Seng-yu (fiiiti; 445-518), catalogue
(Sutra of Stability in Contempla­ compiler, 103, 125
tion of the True Law), 97-98 Shakyamuni (Sakyamuni, S), the his­
Samdhinirmochana-sutra. See Sutra torical Buddha: as teacher, 27-28,
of the Continuous Stre^^ of Eman­ 41, 115-16, 130, 131, 132; preach­
cipation j Sutra of Profound and ing methods of, 138-40, 141-42;
Mysterious Emancipation; Sutra death of, 18-19; biographies of,
on Emancipation 22-23, 47-48; historicity of, 48, 96,
Sammatiya (Sa^rnatiya, S), Hina­ 105, 128, 129
yana school, 84, 87 Shan-hui Ta-shih. See Fu Ta-shih
Samyukta-agama (Kindred Sayings), Shanmukhi-dharani-sutra (Sutra of
16n, 69, 70, 116 the Dharani of the Six Gates),
San-chieh-chiao (HNfft; Sect of the 88
Three Stages), Chinese Buddhist S^m-tao (*iJ; 613-81), early Pure
sect, 147-48 Land master, 146
Sangoku Buppli Dentsii Engi Shariputra (Sariputra, S), disciple
A History of the Trans­ of Shakyamuni, 18, 20-21
mission of the Buddha’s Law Shata-paramita-samgraha-sutra (Su­
Through Three Countries), 149 tra of the Collection of the Practi^
San-Iun (H^; Three Treatises), Chi­ of the Six Perfections), 47^-48
nese Buddhist school, 78, 150, 151, Shatika-shastra (Treatise in One
153; scriptures of, 61 Hundred Verses), 59, 61
216 GLOSSARY-INDEX

She-Iun ; Comprehensive Trea­ Southern Buddhism. See Theravada

tise), Chinese Buddhist school, 149, Buddhism
150, 151 Southern Ming Edition of the Tri­
Shih Huang-t i (Mt.!ilWi; r. 2^^210 pitaka (Nan-tsang), 180
B.C.), first Ch’in emperor, 42-43, Southern Sung editions of the Tri­
44 pitaka. See Chi-sha yen-sheng-
Shih-ti-ching-lun (Dashabhumika- yian ; Ssu-ch’i Fa-pao-ssu-pan ;
sutra-shastra ; Treatise on the Sutra Ssu-ch’i Yuan-chueh-yuan-pan
of the Ten Stages), 98, 150 Southern Text of the Sutra of the
Shih-tsung (1lt*; r. 954-59), Later Great Decease, 76
Chou emperor, 95, 98, 168-69 spurious sutras, 48, 118-20, 14^^7,
Shih Wang-tsung (l!J::E*; fl. ca. 479­ 164-65
502), catalogue compiler, 103 Ssu-ch'i Fa-pao-^u-pan (Ssu-ch’i Fa-
Shikshananda (Sik^nanda, S; 652­ pao Temple Edition), a Southern
7I0), translator, 107-8 Sung edition of the Tripitaka, 178,
Shilabhadra (Silabhadra, S ; 6th-7th 179, 180, 183
cent.), scholar and teacher, 83-84 Ssu-ch'i Yuan-chueh-yian-pan, a
Shingon (JJl.1t; True Word), Japanese Southern Sung edition of the Tri­
Buddhist sect, 151 pitaka, 178
Shomu (SJi\:; r. 724-49),Japanese Ssu-shih-erh-chang-ching (Sutra of
emperor, 167-68 Forty-two Chapters), 44-45, ^46-
Shotoku (SIi!; 574-622),Japanese 47, 105
prince-regent, 95, 142, 144, 167, Sui-chung-ching mu-lu (Sui Dynasty
179 Catalogue of the Sutras), 104
Shotoku (fIl)li!; r. 764-70),Japanese Sukhavati-vyuha: Sutra of Infinite
empress, 172 Life, 33, 70-71; Amitabha Sutra,
Shrimala-sirnhanada-sutra (Shri­ 61, 169
mala Sutra), 71, 154, 167 Sung Governmental Edition. See Shu
Shubhakarasimha (Subhakarasimha, Edition of the Tripitaka
S; 637-735), translator, 107-8 ‘ Sung Ytin (* tl; fl. ca. 516-23), pil­
Shu Edition of the Tripitaka (Shu- grim, 66
pan ta-tsang-ching), 173-74, 176, Supplementary Chen-yiian Era Bud­
177 dhist Catalogue (Hsu Chen-yuan-
Shukusatsu-Ziikyo (Dai Nippon Kotei shih-chiao-lu), 165
Daizdkyo), 183-84 Susiddhikara-sutra (Sutra of Good
Shutsujii Kiigo (Words After Medita­ Accompl ishment), 108
tion), 126-28 sutra (sutra, S; sutta, P): abridged,
Six Nara Sects, ofJ apanese Bud­ 94, 118, 119-20, 146-47; character­
dhism, 151 istics of, 17-18; compilation of,
Small-Type Canon (Dai Nippon Kotei 19-20, 21-22, 133; defined, 13, 15;
Daiziikyo), 183-84 engraved on rocks, 96-98, 113-14,
Solemn Utterances of the Buddha 174; format of written or printed
(Udana), Pali sutra, 114; para­ versions of, 166, 174, 176-77, 178,
phrased, 13-14 180; ‘"genuine,” 116-18, 1^^47,
Sona (Sol)a, S), attendant of Maha- 164-65; primitive, 22, 116, 158;
Kacchayana, 116-16 spurious, 48, 118-20, 14(6-47,
SOngjong (Jl*; r. 981-97), Koryo 164-65. See also schools by name,
king, 174 sutras of; sutras by name
 G LOSSARY-INDEX 217

Sutra of a Bodhisattva's Spiritual Sutra of the Perfect Net (Fan-wang-

States (Bodhisattvabhumi), 71 ching), a “genuine” sutra, 117­
Sutra of Diamond Meditation (Chin- 118
kang san-mei-ching), a “genuine” Sutra of the Ta thagata Treasury
sutra, 117 (Tathagatagarbha-sutra), 71
Sutra of Forty-two Chapters (Ssu- Sutra on a Bodhisattva’s Original
shih-erh-chang-ching), 44-45, Action (P’u-sa ying-luo pen-yeh-
47, lOS ching), a “ genuine” sutra, 117
Sutra of Good Accomplishment (Su- Sutra on Emancipation (Fo-shuo
siddhikara-sutra), 108 chieh-chieh-ching), 99
Sutra of Infinite Life. See S^ukhavati- Sutra on Neither Increasing Nor
v^yuha Decreasing (P’u-tseng pu-chien-
Sutra of Innumerable Meanings (Wu- ching), 98
liang-i-ching), a “genuine” sutra, Sutra on the Conversion of the Bar­
117 barians (Lao-tz u Hua-hu-ching), a
Sutra of Meditation on Amitabha spurious sutra, 48
Buddha (Kuan wu-liang-shou- Sutra on the Stages of Yoga Practice
ching), a “genuine” sutra, 117 (Yogacharabhumi-sutra; Dharma­
Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment tara-dhyana-sutra), 73
(Yiian-chiieh-ching), a “genuine” sulto. See sutra
sutra, 117, 120-21 Suttanipata (Collection of Dis­
Sutra of Profound and Mysterious courses) , 114
ancipation (Shen-mi chieh-t’o- Sutta-pitaka (Sutta-pit aka, P; Sutra
ching), 98 Basket), 16
Sutra of Stabili ty in Contemplation Suvarnaprabha-sottamaraja-sutra
of the True Law (Saddharma- (Sutra of the Most Honored King),
smrity-upasthana-sutra), 97-98 108
Sutra of the Appearance of the Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra (Golden Light
Good Doctrine in [Sri] Lan ka Sutra), 99, 170
(Lankavatara-sutra), 71, 98, 108, Szechwan Edition. See Shu Edition of
154 the Tripitaka
Sutra of the Collection of the
Practices of the Six Perfections Ta-Chou k'an-ting chung-ching
(Shatparamita-samgraha-sutra), mu-lu (Chou Dynasty Catalogue of
47-48 the Sutras), 107
Sutra of the Continuous Stream of Taira no Kiyomori (2J!M§ ; Ill 8-8 I),
Emancipation (Hsiang-hsu chieh- Japanese nobleman, 171
t’o-ching), 71 Taira no Yorimori (2J!fi§; 1132-86),
Sutra of the Dharani of the Six Gates Japanese nobleman, 171
(Shanmukhi-dharani-sutra), 88 Taisho Daizokyo (Taisho Shinshri Daizli-
Sutra of the Great Accumulation of kyo; Taisho Edition of the Tripi­
Treasures (Maharatnakuta-sutra), taka), 77, 91, 106, 118, 166, 184-85
92, 98, 108, 123 T’ai Tsu (;t:fi; r. 960-76), Sung em­
Sutra of the Great Decease. See Maha- peror, 173
par inirvana-sutra T ai Tsung (;t:*; r. 626-49), Tan g
Sutra of the Most Honored King emperor, 81-82, 86, 87-88, 89-90
(Suvarnaprabha-sottamaraja- Tai Tsung (fI;*; r. 763-79), Tang
sut ra), 108 emperor, 110
218 GLOSSARV-INDEX

Takakusu JWlji ro 1866­ the Elders”), hinayana school, 9 ­

1945), Japanese Buddhologist, 32, 10, 29-30, 112; scriptures of, 41,87
184 T'ien-t’ai (Sti'), Chinese Buddhist
Ta-^Ming san-tsang sheng-chiao sect, 78, 150, 151, 155; scriptures of
mu-lu (Ming ^Dynasty Catalogue of 61
the Tripitaka), 176, 182 Ti-lWl (l1!alI; Stage Treatise), Chinese
Tantric Buddhism, sutras of, 70, 108 Buddhist school, 149, 150, 151
T ’an-luan (e lt; 476-542), Pure Land Tipitaka (Tipi faka, P; Tripifaka, S;
master, 146 Three Baskets), the Buddhist
Tao-an (1I'9:; 312-85), scholar and canon, 16; Chinese, 17, 148-49,
catalogue compiler, ^^52, 102, 16‘^^5, 170-71. See a/io Tripitaka
136 ; on translation, 52-54 editions by name
Tao-^eng (SS; fl. ca. 399), pilgrim, Tominaga Nakamoto (S7.l<fI>l!S; 1715­
67-88 46), Japanese thinker and writer,
Tao-cho (^ n ; 562^^5), Pure Land 125-28
^^ster, 146, 147 Treatise in One HWldred Verses
Tao-hsuan (1I1i:; 59^^67), translator Shatika-shastra), 59, 61
and catalogue compiler, 88, 106-7, Treatise on the Awakening of Faith
165, 167 in Mahayana (Mahayana-shrad-
Taoism, and Buddhism, 48, 96, 105, dhotpada-shastra), 154
107 Treatise on the Buddha-nature (Fo-
Tao-shen (lIl?1!; fl. 7th cent.), scholar hsing-lWl), 99
and translator, 80, 88 Treatise on the Completion of Truth
Tao-sheng (1I'!:.; d. 434), scholar and (Satyasiddhi-shastra), 150
disciple of Kumarajiva, 136-37, Treatise on the Establishment of the
142 Doctrine of Consciousnes Only
Ta-p’u-ning Temple Edition of the (Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra;
Tripitaka (Yuan Edition), 179, 183 Ch’eng wei-shih-lWl), 98, 150,
Ta-T’ang nei-tien-lu (Catalogue of 178-79
T’ang Dynasty Buddhist Sutras), Treatise on the Great Perfection of
106-7, 165, 166, 167 Wisdom Sutra (Mahaprajnapara­
Tathagatagarbha-sutra (Sutra of the mita-upadesha) , 61, 98, 122-23,
Tathagata Treasury), 71 139
Ta-t’zu-en-ssu San-tsang Fa-shih.-ch^ Treatise on the Lotus Sutra (Miao-fa
biography of lien-hua-ching-lWl), 98
Hsüan-tsang, 82 Treatise on the Middle (Madhya­
Ten-Category Vinaya (Sarvastivadin- maka-shastra), 59, 61, 153-54
vinaya), 59, 61, 63, 70 Treatise on the Seventeen Stages of
Tenkai (^jg; 1536-1643),Japanese Spiritual Development (Saptada­
priest, 180 sha-bhumika-shastra) , 78, 99
Tenkai Edition of the Tripitaka Treatise on the Stages of Yoga Prac­
(Kan’ei-ji-ban), 178, 18(^1 tice (Yogacharabhumi-shastra), 78,
Textual Commentary on the Lotus 83, 89, 100
Sutra (Miao-fa lien-hua-ching wen- Treatise on the Sutra of Eternal Life
chti), 155-56 (Wu-liang-shou-ching-lun), 98
Tetsugen 163^^2),Japanese Treatise on the Sutra of the Ten
priest, 126, 181 Stages (Dashabhumika-sutra-
Theravada (Theravada, P; “Way of shastra), 98, 150
 GLOSSARV-INDEX 219

Treatise on the Twelve Gates (Dva­ vinaya (P, S), pr^ecepts or monastic
dashamukha-shastra), 59, 61 rules, 16, 50, 61, 63
Tripitaka. See Tipitaka Vinaya-pitaka (Vinaya-pif^^, P, S;
Tripitaka Koreana. See Kory/5 Edition Ordinance Basket), 16, 51, 70, 114
of the Tripitaka
Ts’ui Hac (tt:i1i; 381-450), Northern Wang Fu (::Ai fl. 4th cent.), com­
Wei court minister, 95-96 piler or author of spurious Sutra on
Tsung-li chung-ching mu-lu (Com­ the Conversion of the Barbar^ians,
prehensive Catalogue of the Su­ 48
tras), 50, 102 Wan-Ii Edition of the Tripitaka
Tsung-mi (*ttf; 780-840), fifth Hua- (Leng-yen-Mu-pan), 126, 180, 181,
yen patriarch, 121 182, 183
Tung-ch’an Temple Edition of the Wei-chi-nan (^ % .; fl. 3rd cent.),
Tripitaka (Tung-ch'an-ssu-pan), Indian monk, 52-53
176-77,178 Wen Ti (3t-lW; r. 559-66), Ch’en em­
Two Heian Sects, of Japanese Bud­ peror, 165
dhism, 151 Wen Ti (3t-lW; r. 581-604), first Sui
emperor, 95, 165
Udana (Solemn Utterances of the White Lotus Society (Pai-lien-she), 62
Buddha), a Pali sutra, 114; para­ Wu-ch’ao-lo (it3UI; fl. ca. 291),
phrased, 13-14 translator, 49, 163
Udana-varga (Solemn Utterances of wu-chung ^hsUan-i (1i.m::E#), five pro­
the Buddha), a Sarvastivadin sutt-a, found ways of expounding sutras,
34 143
Wu Hou (Jil.:Fc'; 625-705), T’ang and
Vajrabodhi (S; 671-741), translator, Chou empre^, 90, 107
107-8, 109 Wu-liang-i-ching (Sutra of Innumer­
Vajracchedika-prajnaparamita-sutra able Me^anings), 117
(Diamond Sutra), 98, 99, 164, 169, Wu-liang-shou-ching-lun (Treatise on
173 the Sutra of Eternal Life), 98
Vajrashekhara-sutra (Diamond Peak Wu Ti (JiI.:-lW;r. 141-87 B.C.), Former
Sutra), 109 Han emperor, 43
Vasubandhu (S; 4th or 5th cent.), Wu Ti (Jit-lW; r. 420-22), Liu Sung
Mahayana leader, 150, 164 emperor, 73
Vatsiputriya (Vatsiputriya, S), Hina­ Wu Ti (JiI.:-lW;r. 424-51), Northern
yana school, 152 Wei emperor, 95-96
Vedic Sanskrit (Sarpskrta), early Old Wu Ti (Jit-lW; r. 502-49), Liang em­
Indic form of Sanskrit, 27-28, 29 peror, 94, 119
Vibhasha-shastra, 51 Wu Ti ; r. 557-59), Ch’en em­
Vijnanavada (Vijnânavâda, S; Con­ peror, 165
sciousness Only), Mahayana doc­ Wu Ti (JiI.:-lW;r. 561-77), N orth s
trine, 78 Chou emperor, 94-95, 96-97, 104­
Vijnaptimatratasiddhi-shastra 5, 147
(Treatise on the Establishment of Wu-tsung (Jit*; r. 8^^47), T’ang
the Doctrine of Consciousne^ emperor, 95, 98, 168
Only), 98, 150, 178-79
Vimalakirti-nirdesha-sutra (Vimala­ Yang Ti (:I-lW; r. 604-18), second and
kirti Sutra), 70-71, 143, 167 last Sui emperor, 97
220 GLOSSARV-INDEX

Yao Ch'ang (M8; r. 384-93), first Yüan-chao (M®; fl. ca. 800), cata­
Later Ch’in emperor, 6^0-1 logue compiler, 109, 165, 168
Yao Hsing (MJQ; r. 393-415), second Yüan-chüeh-ching. See Sutra of Per­
Later Ch’in emperor, 61--62, 72­ fect Enlightenment
73, 100 Yüan Edition of the Tripitaka (Ta-
Yen Tsung (^ ^ ; fl. ca. 602), cata­ p'u-rung-Mu-pan), 177, 179, 183
logue compiler, 1M Yüan-Wei chung-ching mu-lu
Yogachara (Yogacara, S; Yoga Prac­ (Northern Wei Dynasty Catalogue
tice), Mahayana school, 83, 152-54 of the Sutras), 103
Yogacharabh^umi-shastra (Treatise Yung-Io (1.k!f; r. 1403-24), Ming
on the Stages of Yoga Practice), emperor, 180
78, 83, 89, 100
Yogacharabhumi-sutra (Dharma- Zen (Ch’an, ijI) Buddhism, 73, 144,
tara-dhyana-sutra; Sutra on the 146, 151, 154, 169-70; scriptures
Stages of Yoga Practice), 73 of, 73, 117, 120-21, 165
ded in India some twenty-five hundred years ago by the historical
lha, Shakyamuni Buddhism ranks with Christianity and Islam as one of
iree great universal religions. The history of its transmission from India
e countries where it flourished is in essence the story of the transmission
e teachings recorded in its sutras, or scriptures. The present book offers
^grossing account both of the origin and development of those sutras and
le monks who braved perilous journeys and mastered unfamiliar lan­
es in order to carry the sutras to new lands.
îcause of China's significance in the history of Buddhism—as home to
greatest scriptural translators and seminal Buddhist thinkers and the
place of most of the extant sects of Mahayana Buddhism—the story of
ransmission of the sutras to China is a particularly fascinating and
»rtant one. Related here are the hardships and achievements of the early
ilators of Chinese Buddhist scripture and of the intrepid pilgrims who
leyed to India to take additional scriptures to China, as well as the in-
:tual ferment that led to the founding of numerous schools of Buddhism
;he devotion that led to the compilation of the Chinese canon—by far the
St body of Buddhist scripture today.

ÍEN MIZUNO, Litt.D ., one of Japan's foremost scholars of Buddhism,

\es Buddhology at Komazawa University, where he also serves as vice­
dent. An authority on Pali texts, his numerous books on Buddhist
îcts include, in English, The Beginnmgs o f Buddhism .

|l I L T n f l r
> < . . • •» ^ ^ 1 I B T il I 'i i M f M ~ n n * ’

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Kosei Publishing Co.