Exploring Blood Revenge practices and Community Perception in Adiarkay

Wereda, North Gondar Zone: The Case of Zarima Community 

BY: Sisay G/Tsadik

Adviser: Ayenew Hailu (PhD candidates)

A proposal submitted to the Department of Sociology in partial fulfilment of the

Sociology 

University of Gondar

February, 2023
Executive summary
This research proposal sought to investigate the practices of blood revenge and community
perception, as well as examine factors contributing to these practices, identify the major
consequences of these practices, investigate the mechanisms of intervention in these
practices, and explore the psychological and emotional views towards these practices in the
study area. To this end, relevant literature has been reviewed to shed light on the issue under
study. This research proposal uses a qualitative research approach, particularly key informant
interviews, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and case studies, as tools for data
collection in order to obtain the data needed for the study. Samples of twenty-seven (27)
people are selected using a purposive sampling technique based on their knowledge and
experience of the issue under study. The research proposal shows an exploration of blood
revenge practice in the Zarima community's perception.

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Table of Contents
Executive summary............................................................................................................................i
Chapter one...........................................................................................................................................1
1. Background of the Study...............................................................................................................1
2. Statement of the problem...............................................................................................................2
3. Research question.........................................................................................................................3
4. Objective of the study....................................................................................................................3
4.1. General Objective of the study...................................................................................................3
4.2. Specific objective of the study....................................................................................................4
5. The scope and significant of the study...........................................................................................4
5.1. Scope of the study.......................................................................................................................4
5.2. Significant of the study...............................................................................................................4
6. Definition of key terms..................................................................................................................4
Chapter two...........................................................................................................................................5
2. Review of the related literature......................................................................................................5
2.1. Conceptualizing of conflict.........................................................................................................5
2.2. Conceptualizing Blood Revenge.................................................................................................5
2.2.1. Blood Revenge and Violent Conflict.......................................................................................6
2.2.2.. Blood Revenge in the Typology of Causes of Violent Mobilization.......................................7
2.3. The prevalence of blood revenge practice in global perspective.................................................7
2.4. Blood revenge practices in Ethiopia...........................................................................................8
2.5. Factors contributing to blood revenge practices..........................................................................8
2.5.1. Social norms across cultures....................................................................................................8
2.5.2. Land related economic factors to blood vengeance..................................................................9
2.5.3. Socialization processes attitudes towards blood revenge.......................................................10
2.5.4. Psychological Processes Involved in Revenge.......................................................................10
2.5.5. Political corruption................................................................................................................11
2.6. Impact of blood revenge practices............................................................................................11
2.6.1. Economic impacts..................................................................................................................11
2.6.2. Social impacts........................................................................................................................12
2.6.3 Psychological impacts.............................................................................................................12
2.6.4. Political impacts....................................................................................................................12
2.7. Intervention mechanisms to reduce blood revenge...................................................................13

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 2.7.1. Indigenous conflict solving mechanism.................................................................................13
2.7.1.1. Global Perspectives on Indigenous Conflict Resolution.....................................................13
2.7.1.2. African Perspectives on Indigenous Conflict Resolution....................................................14
2.7.1.3. Indigenous resolution in Ethiopia.......................................................................................14
2.7.2. A formal intervening mechanism of blood revenge...............................................................15
2.7.3. Challenges and Weaknesses of Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanism.........................15
2.8. Theories associated with blood revenge practices.....................................................................16
2.8.1. The Social Psychological Approach to Revenge....................................................................16
2.8.2. Social learning theory............................................................................................................17
Chapter three.......................................................................................................................................19
3. Research methodology.................................................................................................................19
3.1 study area...................................................................................................................................19
3.2. Research paradigm....................................................................................................................19
3.3. Research approach....................................................................................................................20
3.4. Research design........................................................................................................................20
3.5. Sample size...............................................................................................................................21
3.6. Sampling technique..................................................................................................................21
3.7. Data sources..............................................................................................................................22
3.8. Methods of data collection........................................................................................................22
3.8.1. In-depth Interview.................................................................................................................22
3.8.2. Key informant interviews (KIIS)...........................................................................................23
3.8.3. Focus group discussions........................................................................................................23
3.9. Data Collection Procedures.......................................................................................................24
3.10. Data analysis...........................................................................................................................24
3.11. Ethical consideration..............................................................................................................25
References.......................................................................................................................................26

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Chapter one
1. Background of the Study
The need and impulse to avenge personal injustices and wrongs remains a persistent feature
of the individual human psyche (Barton, 1996). As a result, victims want to get justice and
become perpetrators of revenge. The presence of revenge intentions aggravates the practice
of blood feuds. Blood revenge is one of the most commonly cited causes of violence and
warfare in tribal societies (Chagnon, 1988). Blood revenge, or the practice of seeking blood
retribution for a grave offense committed against an individual or his or her relatives, has
been practiced since the dawn of humankind (Souleimanov & Aliyev, 2015). In history,
blood revenge was considered a legal way of achieving justice in some communities. For
example, in Japan, under the rule of the Tokugawa bakufu, blood revenge was granted the
legitimacy of law through the legalization of this practice (Curtis, 2012).

The words "revenge," "feud," "vengeance," "retribution," and "retaliation" have many
meanings (Souleimanov & Aliyev, 2015). Traditionally, blood revenge constitutes an
individual act of revenge against either the perpetrator of an offense or a member of a group
associated with the offender through blood kinship. Blood feuding is a traditional practice
that has been prevalent in many societies across the world. Some writers use the term blood
feud interchangeably with blood revenge. However, while blood revenge is normally
understood as a single act of revenge, blood feuds are a process likely to encompass multiple
acts of blood revenge (Souleimanov & Aliyev, 2015). It is a form of justice where the family
or clan of a victim seeks retribution for the harm caused to their loved one. Blood feuds have
the form of a vicious circle with a series of attacks and counterattacks that may lead to the
extinction of many families (Xhaxho, 2018). Blood revenge is an individual act of vengeance
against the perpetrator of an offense, a member of a group associated with the offender
through blood kinship, or a broader group associated with the offender not necessarily related
to him through blood kinship (Souleimanov & Aliyev, 2015).

Bloody revenge practices have been a part of human history for centuries. The act of seeking
revenge is often seen as a way to restore justice and balance, but it can also lead to a cycle of
violence that perpetuates itself. Blood revenge constitutes an individual act of revenge against
either the perpetrator of an offense or a member of a group associated with the offender
through blood kinship (Wonduante, 2019). Revenge is often sought as a response to a

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perceived injustice or wrong that has been committed against an individual or group. This can
range from personal slights to large-scale conflicts between nations. Revenge is also often
sought as a way to restore honor or dignity that has been lost in a conflict. The socio-cultural
causes of blood feuds are mainly associated with the time-honored traditions of society,
heroism, and/or the honor-shame complex (Anteneh et al., 2021).

Despite this apparent enthusiasm for vengeance, public attitudes toward revenge are mixed.
Some consider revenge to be an irrational act that has no place in civilized society, whereas
others portray revenge as both rational and morally justifiable in the face of injustice
(Schumann & Ross, 2010).

The literature review shows that blood feuds and their causes are multifaceted. As such, the
nature and causes of blood feuds are slightly different from culture to culture (Anteneh et al.,
2021). Blood feuds are deeply rooted in cultural and social norms, and they have been
practiced for centuries in many parts of Ethiopia. Blood revenge practices have been a
longstanding issue in the North Gondar Zone of Ethiopia, leading to a cycle of violence and
loss of life. Despite efforts by the government and non-governmental organizations to address
this issue, there is still a lack of understanding about the factors contributing to these
practices and their consequences.

2. Statement of the problem

Blood revenge is an exceedingly grave matter that entails the slaying of the perpetrator or his
relatives by the family of the victim. This practice is primarily a tradition for many cultures
across the globe, and its connection to the concept of honor is evidenced by the fact that
failure to respond is regarded as a sign of moral weakness. This, in turn, may imply that
entire kinship groups are perceived as lacking in moral character. It is imperative that
individuals understand the gravity of this practice and the potential consequences that may
arise from it. The disadvantages of taking revenge frequently overshadow the benefits, and
victims engaging in this comparative analysis often reject vengeance in favor of other actions
designed to achieve similar outcomes (Schumann & Ross, 2010). Others choose to follow
official channels to attain justice, such as the legal system or authorities within their
organization. Still others choose to put the harm behind them or forgive the transgressor.

Previous research conducted on the issues of blood feud practices in Ethiopia focuses on the
causes and consequences of blood revenge. For example, Wonduante (2019) studied the
factors contributing to blood revenge practices and their consequences. However, her

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research does not show us the way in which individuals perceive blood revenge practices or
the way of addressing blood revenge through the legal system in the study area. Similarly,
Anteneh and his colleagues (2021) have conducted ethnographic research on the causes of
blood feuds in the Amhara region. However, they did not show us the psychological and
emotional effects of blood revenge on individuals and communities.

The proposed qualitative research aims to investigate the perception of blood revenge among
individuals and communities. The study will explore the cultural and social factors that
contribute to the continuation of this practice. Additionally, the research will examine how to
promote indigenous reconciliation mechanisms and how the legal and judicial systems can
address the issue of blood revenge. Finally, the study will investigate the psychological and
emotional effects of blood revenge on individuals and communities.

This research is significant as it will provide insights into the perception of blood revenge and
its impact on individuals and communities. The findings of this study will inform policy and
practice in the legal and judicial systems. The study will also contribute to the existing body
of knowledge on the psychological and emotional effects of blood revenge. Therefore, this
research is planned to answer the following research questions:

3. Research question
1. What are the cultural, social, economic, and psychological factors that contribute to the
continuation of blood revenge?

2. What impact do blood revenge and individual justice practices have on the community as a
whole?

3. How can communities and societies promote indigenous reconciliation mechanisms and
forgiveness instead of blood revenge?

4. What is the community’s opinion on blood revenge practices?

4. Objective of the study

4.1. General Objective of the study
the general objective of this study is to explore the practices of blood revenge and community
perceptions Adiarkay Wereda, the North Gondar Zone, and the Amhara Region.

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4.2. Specific objective of the study
 To identify the social, economic, cultural, and psychological factors that contribute to
the continuation of blood revenge
 To investigate the impact that blood revenge and individual justice practices have on
the community as a whole.
 To explore how communities and societies promote indigenous reconciliation and
forgiveness instead of blood revenge,
 To examine the communities' opinions on blood revenge practices

5. The scope and significant of the study

5.1. Scope of the study

The focus of this study is of particular importance. The practice of "blood revenge" can be
studied by looking at the practice and views of the community. This research proposal is
exclusively limited to the cause, consequence, intervention mechanism, society's view, and
reason for the continuation of blood revenge today. The Zarima in Adiarkay Woreda, North
Gondar Zone, and Amhara Region are the only communities that will be studied. Total,
twenty-seven informants participated in the study, starting from January 2022 up to July
2023.

5.2. Significant of the study

This research aims to investigate the perception of blood revenge among individuals and
communities, exploring the cultural and social factors that contribute to its continuation as
well as how the legal and judicial systems address the issue. It will also provide insights into
the psychological and emotional effects of Blood Retribution and its impact on people and
communities. The findings of this study will promote indigenous reconciliation mechanisms,
inform policy and practice in the legal and justice systems, and provide insight into the
involvement of governmental and non-governmental organizations in the investigation. The
research is planned to answer the research questions of the depressing results of blood
vengeance, which lead to decreased labor forces and affect the local economy.

6. Definition of key terms

Blood revenge is the practice of taking revenge against someone or his relative for killing
family member

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Chapter two
2. Review of the related literature
Reviewing the literature on the topic under inquiry is the focus of this section. In order to find
gaps that have not been addressed by prior research, relevant studies in Ethiopia, as well as
experiences with blood revenge practices in other nations, are explored after conceptualizing
the words and theories whose assumptions are employed in the study.

2.1. Conceptualizing of conflict

According to Souleimanov and Aliyev (2015), conflict is the universal experience of all life
forms. Organisms are bound in multiple, conflicting configurations. And coalitions, with their
own dynamics and logic (e.g., Wilson, 1975; Barash, 1977; Alexander, 1979; Trivers, 1985;
Huntingford & Turner, 1987; Low, 1993; Van der Veen, Dennen, 1995; Wrangham &
Peterson, 1996). This does not mean, however, that the more paroxysmal forms of conflict
behavior, such as naked violence and destruction, are also universal. Conflict and cooperation
are always intertwined. Conflicts do, however, have a tendency to gravitate toward violence.
Freeman (1972) identified two basic and polar types of conflict structures: overlapping and
cross-cutting.

Overlapping conflict structures occur when opposing groups are cleaved apart by differences
in economic, political, educational, religious, ethnic, racial, etc. Adversaries are opponents on
all counts, and there is no common ground for compromise.

Cross-cutting conflict structures exist when disagreements are in opposition over a limited
number of cleavage fronts but are allied in common because social cohesion is facilitated by
the roots of social cohesion and total involvement in any one conflict against any single
opponent is precluded. Roles and statuses include interaction with a range of opponents, and
conflicts are kept open to ideas.

2.2. Conceptualizing Blood Revenge

Blood revenge is an individual act of revenge against either the perpetrator of an offense or a
member of a group associated with the offender through blood kinship. Blood revenge is a
process involving multiple acts of violence between warring families or clans that can last for
generations and is considered a single act of revenge. It is based on the principle of "eye for
an eye" and is closely associated with blood revenge. Karina Schumann and Michael Ross
(2010) consider blood feuds to be "retaliatory cycles of violence," and Trevor Dean (1997)

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observed that "vendetta was an obligation on kinsmen that did not die with an injured part."
Blood revenge is a common custom across societies that practice it, closely tied to the notion
of honor. It is an attribute of free, independent men, not of women, slaves, servants, or other
'small men," and is seen as a way to defend or restore one's honor.

Jon Elster (1990) observed that it is an important part of honor in honorific cultures and that
failure to do so is considered dishonorable. Blood revenge is obligatory, is also socially
sanctioned, and is a component of Albania's customary code, Kanun, which sanctions blood
revenge for spilled blood. The principle of reciprocity is also embedded in contemporary
blood-revenge practices, such as the Albanian saying "Blood is never lost" and the Chechen
saying "Chechens never forgive blood." William Miller (1983) explained that taking ten lives
for one was not a feud, while Peter Wildman observed that one kept track of the number of
dead on both sides in Montenegro. Blood revenge is still practiced in some parts of the world,
including the Amazon basin, South and Central America, sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast
Asia, and Oceania. It is also practiced in Pakhtun, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia,
and Turkey. Even in those who have undergone industrialization and experienced living
under centralized authority, the retreat of the state has resulted in the revival of blood
revenge.

2.2.1. Blood Revenge and Violent Conflict

Blood revenge is an intra-group phenomenon that has traditionally been studied as a cause of
violent mobilization in irregular wars. Recent case studies, such as those conducted by Karen
Ericksen and Heather Horton (blood feud, P, 1997), have suggested that there is no
relationship between blood feuds and warfare but rather a concern about premarital chastity
and the mode of marriage. David Kilcullen (2007) argues that "violent or foreign-based
intervention" in Afghanistan creates a desire for revenge when local people are killed or are
disgraced by outsiders' presence. He also shows that many members of the Taliban fighting
against U.S. and other coalition troops following the invasion in 2001 were not religious
zealots but tribesmen seeking blood revenge on behalf of family members who were killed in
air raids or drone strikes or forced to abandon their homes and livestock in the wake of
bombings or other war-related violence. Blood revenge is a form of violence that is often
taken as a deterrent against those who are not directly responsible for the death of a family
member killed in an air strike.

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This is done by Pakhtun tribesmen, who may turn their sights on those with less direct
responsibility, such as those associated with the international presence in the country or the
Afghan armed forces. The rise of insurgent violence in Afghanistan from 2003 to 2007 was a
response to the heavy-handed policies of the Afghan government and the indiscriminate
bombing of civilian areas by NATO forces. In Iraq, the custom of blood revenge assumed a
different form after the 2003 U.S. invasion. An individual belonging to a clan or tribe is not
protected since his death would incur the enmity of the extended family, so the tribal sheikh
must be prepared to avenge each and every injury in order to maintain a credible deterrent
capability. Blood revenge is a principle of international war, believed to have been a result of
local tribesmen's desire to exact blood revenge for injustices inflicted on them by U.S. troops.
This culminated in the 2014 takeover of Iraq's Sunni areas by Islamic State (IS) militants,
which was facilitated by blood feuds between local Sunni and Shiite tribes. Blood revenge
has also played a prominent role in Yemen's civil violence, with 4,698 people killed in
violence between pro-government Sunni tribes and anti-government Shiite tribes from 1998
to 2008. Blood revenge is a fundamental practice in Somalia, with its roots in inter-clan feuds
and violence that has been occurring since the early 1990s. It is often used by tribesmen with
no political or religious motivations to pursue the enemy at any cost and can lead to cycles of
attacks and counterattacks.

2.2.2.. Blood Revenge in the Typology of Causes of Violent Mobilization

The scholarship on the causes of violent mobilization has posited a variety of possible
incentives, which are often difficult to resolve. Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler (2004)
propose four major categories of grievances: "ethnic or religious hatred, political oppression,
political exclusion, and economic inequality." Mancur Olson’s (1965) collective action
theory and "greed-based motivations (material incentives for participation in conflicts) are
based on an individual's tendency to weigh the costs and benefits of their prospective
behavior. Blood revenge is categorized as an underexplored type of grievance because it is
more context-bound and does not lead to large-scale violent mobilization, unlike other kinds
of grievance that encourage individual rather than collective action.

2.3. The prevalence of blood revenge practice in global perspective

McKee Cited in Price, 2009, explains that blood revenge is a common and often harmful
practice in the four continents, particularly in largely lawless societies or in areas where tribal
rules hold more sway than the national government. The Bible also contains accounts of Cain
and Able, which are revenge stories in the Bible. When Islam came, the Bedouins believed

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that all Muslims were obliged to avenge a Muslim who was slain and to defend a Muslim
slayer against all outsiders (Pockscn cited in Patton, 1901).

2.4. Blood revenge practices in Ethiopia

Blood revenge is a common practice in Ethiopia, although it is rarely practiced due to

traditional dispute resolution methods. It is still practiced in Amhara, Tayigray, and other
regions of the country and is common in Burji, Konta, Koma, and Majangir societies. Studies
by Alula & NGetachew (2008), Getachew & Shimelis (2008), and Giday (2000) have
revealed that blood revenge is used to prevent further killing.

2.5. Factors contributing to blood revenge practices

2.5.1. Social norms across cultures

Jon Elster (1989) observes that social norms must be shared and sustained by people's
approval and disapproval, as well as feelings of embarrassment, anxiety, guilt, and shame
when violating them. Social norms consist of a rule and the threat of sanction, including
disapproval if the rule is violated. Blood revenge is a controversial issue that has been
institutionalized and ossified due to the ingrained rules of society's culture. It is closely tied to
the notion of honor and is seen as an instinct-driven barbarous practice, but it has some
cultural and adaptive behavioral patterns. Eisner (2009) and McCullough (cited in Eisner,
2009) both agree that blood revenge solves three interrelated problems. Reminick (1974),
Souleimanov and Aliyev (1995), and Hussein (2005) have argued that vengeance is driven by
the power of desire and can lead to a desire for ease, interest, or safety. The most important
details of the phrases McCullough, Orokaivas society, Williams (1969), Figueredo et al.,
Herdt (1987), and Sai (2007) are that McCullough argued that revenge is a preventive
strategy for further aggression or bellicosity and that it deters aggressors from attacking again
and invigorates altruistic behavior. De Quervain and Eisner (2009) also noted that the feeling
of belongingness and the desire to secure societal ties that keep them intact are associated
with frequent bloodshed across a variety of cultures. Lastly, Figma et al. argued that the duty
of blood vengeance originates in a society where the ideal of masculinity is tightly linked to a
culture of honor that values pride in manhood. Retaliation killing is common in Chilean and
Sambian societies. The most important details of the phrases Williams, Reminick, and Dejen
are found in Herdt, 1985, and Sai, 2007. Because they are competing for titles such as
Gegana and Gegana, Abbink, male avengers are known for their ability to respond
successfully to violent combat, which is highly appreciated by Arsovka, Eisner, and Williams

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(2009). This is exemplified by the practice of using a slayer as an avenger, as it elevates the
typically male avenger and allows male relatives of the deceased to exact retribution on the
Oromo (Dejen, 2002). Additionally, masculine aggression is a cultural tradition among
certain people of southern Ethiopia (Abbink, 1998). Eisner (2009) and Tumey (1971) have
also highlighted the importance of perseverance in the face of losing face, honor, and
reputation. Patton (1901), Murdock (1957), Gilayak, Czaplicka, and Weber all believed that
blood retribution was necessary for the stability of clan-based civilizations. Grurzplak argued
that the universal root of every act of blood retribution is the thought that only blood can
wash away the blood. Durkheim believed that the only way to understand the occurrence of
blood revenge was in relation to mechanical solidarity, which is a social bond that defines
modern society. In the United States, males who are anti-feminine are idealized, while in
Brazil they are brave, adventurous, competitive, and straight. In Orokaiva, ideal men are
those who fight their enemies, show courtesy, are practical and honest, have a good temper,
and remain chaste in marriage.

Amhara soldiers chose to fight a fortress during the Battle of Adwa in order to uphold the
ideal of "a real man". In the Awramba culture, independent behavior, comprehension,
honesty, and obedience are regarded as components of ideal masculine attributes. (Levine,
1966; Reminick, 1982; Strecker, 1988). In the Awramba culture, independent behavior,
consistency, honesty, and obedience are regarded as components of ideal masculine
attributes, in contrast to Amhara and Hamer's conceptions of the same traits. (Mulat, 2005;
Lydall, 1992).

2.5.2. Land related economic factors to blood vengeance

The land is a key factor in conflict and violence, with conflicts over access to land and
resources driving wars in many countries. Collier et al. (2003) suggest that failing to address
these issues can increase the likelihood of conflict and perpetuate poverty. Competition over
land and its resources is the nexus between land and conflict and can occur between any
number and type of identity group. Baranyi and Weitzner (2001) argue that other factors,
such as ethnic or religious tensions or political marginalization, can contribute to conflict.
Disagreement over the inheritance of land among members of a family leads to conflict, and
sometimes members kill each other. The importance of land issues is found in cases brought
to the courts as well, and in many countries, more than sixty percent of the cases in court are
land issues or land-related problems. (Noah, 2010)

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2.5.3. Socialization processes attitudes towards blood revenge
According to Dagnaw (2018), the way we are socialized has a significant impact on who we
are, how we see ourselves, and how others perceive us. Sarnai is an egalitarian society where
no one is fully male or female, and men's preferences for objects, negative behaviors, and
pursuit activities are shaped by their socialization into gender roles from childhood into
adulthood. The phrases "Ara-pesh," "Tewa people," "Mulat," "Ethiopia," and "Eshetu" are
important details of how boys are trained to be content, unaggressive, and responsive to the
needs and demands of others in various parts of the world. Boys are encouraged to be small
tyrants, to retaliate violently if their plans are frustrated, to endure suffering, to participate in
duels, and to demonstrate physical ability. Girls are also taught to be courageous and to fight
in a variety of ways, such as by struggling, to instill in them the values of a good father,
sensual acts, and warrior characteristics. Eshetu (1997) suggests that boys must be made too
manly and use their power to make servants and interiors. Amhara society is a celebration of
discipline and good parenting, with the Amhara and Gurage people encouraging boys to take
advantage of opportunities to demonstrate authority and superiority. Dessalegne and
Reminick (1983) and Messing (1957) are also popular examples. And Shack (1981) For
instance, the following shallallas and fukera are prevalent in Amhara society: Levine (1966)
suggests that if a male child is born, he should be given a spinning stick and allowed to spin
like his mother if he is not like his father. In Amhara society, the naming of children has its
own latent function of glorifying masculine traits.

Examples of these names are mentioned by

Yazachewi (e.g., "Hold them").

"Winners" Ashenafi",

"Beat them "and" Belachew." These expressions of masculinity are exhortations on how to
behave in terms of cultural values espousing masculinity (Reminick, 1971); verbs play an
important role in reinforcing the cultural ideal of masculinity (Hussein, 2005).

2.5.4. Psychological Processes Involved in Revenge

People's appraisal of a transgression is a strong predictor of whether they will take revenge.
Perceptions that are perceived as severe, aggressive, and offensive to one's central moral
values are the most likely to elicit revenge (Bavik & Bavik 2015; Carlsmith et al. 2002), even
among preschool-aged children (Mendes et al.), and in the same way (Gerlsma & Lugtmeyer

10
2018). Mind perception is also a key factor in these appraisals, as people may judge an
intentional and wilful transgression to be more morally egregious (Ames & Fiske 2013; Gray
& Wegner 2009; people will display less anger and less retaliation when children, disabled
people, and nonhuman animals transgress). Intentionality may act strongly on retaliation as it
increases perceptions of a harm-doer's responsibility for their offenses, which, in turn, makes
revenge more likely (Rudolph et al., 2004). Examples of this include Shteynberg and
colleagues (2009), Hershcovis et al. (2007), Jones (2009), and Mitchell & Ambrose (2007).

2.5.5. Political corruption

Political stability and corruption are closely linked. Canikliolu (1999) found that political
instability can lead to violence and terror incidents in a country, as well as interruptions in the
areas of economic stability, efficient and fair judicial systems, and efficient public
administration. This can weaken a country's policy and institutional framework's ability to
prevent and combat corruption, leading to governments becoming more responsive to
ensuring the satisfaction of interests.

2.6. Impact of blood revenge practices

2.6.1. Economic impacts

Blood revenge is a practice that brings negative outcomes to families, society, and
individuals. It can lead to the destruction of properties, the dislodging of communities,
fermented fear, the spoiling of social relations, and a drumbeat of uncertainties (Keizer, 2005;
Yihune, 2010; Cori, 2014). These consequences are especially negative for the residents and
society, as men often leave their homes and migrate to urban areas in search of safety, and an
agrarian society is heavily impacted by practices such as blood revenge, which reduce the
labor force required for grain production and the agricultural sector. This has led to a loss of
productive human power and productive manpower being spent in prison, making it difficult
for the nation's economic progress. Women are often exempted from revenge killings due to
the rule that they often stay in their homes without engaging in domestic and productive work
like weeding, hoeing, mowing, trampling, and other activities. Those who are unable to cope
with the burden of tedious agricultural work and rural poverty migrate to urban areas and
engage in prostitution, petty trade, and begging.

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2.6.2. Social impacts
Blood revenge is an obligatory part of social norms and is seen as a loss of honor that
weakens the group's reputation. Patricio Asfura-Heim states that an individual's failure to
fulfill this role may lead to social sanctions targeting the individual and their entire kinship
group. Elster (1990) suggests that blood revenge should be an honorable punishment as it is
motivated by social norms. Social capital is damaged due to conflict, leading to blood
revenge. This act is an affront and brings unconstructive outcomes to family members and
society, such as the destruction of properties, death, and a drumbeat of uncertainties (Keizer,
2005; Yihune, 2010).

2.6.3 Psychological impacts

Definitions of revenge in the psychology literature vary in a number of important respects,
not the least of which is their degree of complexity. Some are quite specific, describing
revenge in narrow terms that specify its particular antecedents, the goals and motives that it
serves, and even, sometimes, whether or not it is costly to the avenging party (see, e.g.,
McCullough et al., 2013). Other definitions are far simpler, placing fewer restrictions on how
revenge is conceptualized (e.g., Boon et al., 2009; Jackson et al., 2019). Some distinguish
between revenge as an act and revenge as a desire (e.g., Schumann & Ross, 2010), while
others do not (e.g., McCullough, 2008). Some treat revenge and punishment as
interchangeable (e.g., Carlsmith et al., 2008); others articulate distinctions between these
constructs (e.g., Fitness & Peterson, 2008; Solomon, 1994). Related to our earlier point that
definitions of revenge vary in their specificity, there is also considerable variation—it might
even be fair to say disagreement—across definitions in the particular motives or goals (e.g.,
deterrence, causing suffering, restoring justice, etc.) that revenge is postulated to serve (or not
serve), and in whether motives or goals are mentioned at all (compare, e.g., definitions in
Baumeister, 1997; Frijda, 1994; Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2009; McCullough et al., 2013;
Yoshimura & Boon, 2018; Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2018; Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2018;
Gollwitzer, 2018; Gollwitzer & Denzler, 2018; Gollwitzer, 2018; Gollwitzer, 2018;
Gollwitzer, Gollwitzer, Revenge is viewed as an act in many disciplines, with Tripp and Bie
(1997) defining it as the act of getting even for a perceived harm. However, some responses
to provocation, such as fantasizing about getting even, involve no observable behavior.

2.6.4. Political impacts

Crime victimization can make people withdraw from society, which lowers their involvement
in civic and political life. Individuals are said to "adopt survival tactics that restrict

12
interpersonal contact" as a result of their dread of violent crime, according to Cardia (2002,
163). According to US research, becoming a victim of crime undermines interpersonal trust
(Brehm and Rahn 1997). Very high rates of violent crime and impunity are supposed to
create a sense of "civic helplessness" among society's members, which might "cause
paralysis" (Rotker 2002a: 7–15).

2.7. Intervention mechanisms to reduce blood revenge

Indigenous punishments are preferred to more formal legal processes and conflict resolution
techniques due to their availability, promptness, legitimacy, and potential to promote
community cohesion (Alula & Getachew, 2008; Nwanunobi, Williams, & Czaplicka, 1969;
blood retribution and indigenous punishments are discussed). Conflict resolution in Africa
can be divided into four types: peer group meetings, village councils, and indigenous formal
and informal sanctions. Nwanunobi (1992) argues that decisions by the elderly are to be
expected, while Getachew & Shimeles (2008) suggest that murder cases can escalate into
revenge killings. Burji, Konta, Koma, and Majangir societies also use this method of
deterring blood revenge, which is also common among Amharas, Oromos, and Tigreans. The
most important details of the phrases Areba and Berihanu, Melaku and Wubishet, Shimelese
and Taddese, Alula and Getachew, and Bayisa are that blood revenge is common among
these societies and is usually arranged by the slayer in front of the victim's family. Ethiopia
has three types of conflict resolution: blood wealth, wife compensation, and ghost marriage.

2.7.1. Indigenous conflict solving mechanism

2.7.1.1. Global Perspectives on Indigenous Conflict Resolution

Indigenous approaches to conflict resolution vary from society to society, from region to
region, and from community to community. Research and political practice have largely
ignored these approaches, but empirical evidence from relatively successful cases of conflict
resolution demonstrates their practical relevance. In Afghanistan, indigenous dispute
resolution mechanisms are used by community councils called shuras or jirgas, which are
fairer, pro-poor, and easier for local people to access. In Cambodia, indigenous communities
overwhelmingly trust, use, and support their customary laws and conflict resolution
processes. Dahal and Bhatta (2008) found that many customary laws are still practiced in
Nepal and influence the habits, norms, and social values that build up over time.

13
2.7.1.2. African Perspectives on Indigenous Conflict Resolution
Socio-cultural norms and values embedded in indigenous institutions are essential for a
functioning society in Africa, as proposed by Thomas Hobbes and Olusola & Aisha (2013).
They bring order, maintain family ties and community networking, and prioritize restoring
relationships when there is a dispute. Conflict resolution is an important part of achieving
justice and promotes cooperation. Osei-Hwedie and Rankopo (2012) have confirmed the
importance of cultural processes, institutions, and values in conflict resolution and peace
building among the Akans of Ghana and the Tswana of Botswana. Other NGOs have also
studied indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms in various communities in Africa. Malan
(n.d.) noted that indigenous methods have values, approaches, and practices that deserve to
be maintained, but there are also criticizable aspects such as old-fashioned ideology or
methodology. Additionally, traditional leadership has a continued influence on the
interactions between the state and traditional institutions.

2.7.1.3. Indigenous resolution in Ethiopia

The process of indigenous conflict resolution is led by locally trusted elderly people with
socially eminent status and authority granted by customs. Judges are overloaded with cases,
making them inaccessible and affordable for the poor and marginalized.

In Ethiopia, various indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms have been practiced for many
centuries (Gowok, 2008; Endalew, 2014). These indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms
are deeply rooted in different ethnic groups in Ethiopia. They are associated with the cultural
norms and values of the people and gain their legitimacy from the community's values
instead of the state. Besides, due to the multi-ethnic composition of the country, the
indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms of Ethiopia are different from ethnic group to
ethnic group. As a result, they do not have uniform applications all over the country
(Endalew, 2013). In the ancient days, and especially under the Fetha Negast [law of the
kings], conflicts between individuals or communities were encouraged to be settled amicably
at the local level. Elders, or people appointed on an ad hoc basis to settle disputes, played an
important role in resolving conflicts. Even today, these mechanisms are widely practiced
among the various ethnic groups to settle various conflicts and many other problems. For
instance, the institutions of Gadaa among the Oromo and Shimagelle among the Amhara and
other ethnic groups are practiced (Gowok, 2008). Moreover, even after passing through the
procedures and penalties in the criminal court, some indigenous Ethiopians tend to use the
indigenous conflict resolution mechanism for reconciliation and to control acts of revenge

14
(Endalew, 2014). Ethiopia's Kembata society was the subject of research by Abebe, Samson,
and Tessema (2015) into the function of indigenous dispute resolution methods. The study
discovered that local communities choose customary laws over courts for the reasons listed
below: First of all, customary law is adaptable. Second, customary law plays a crucial role in
keeping the peace in the communities. Thirdly, because it is created and enforced by the
community itself, the law itself is more immediate and significant to everyone involved.

2.7.2. A formal intervening mechanism of blood revenge

Sonson and Di (2007) define conflict resolution as a group of strategies used to satisfy the
needs of all parties involved in a conflict. Dereje (2010) defines it as the suppression of
conflict that has already broken out through the pursuit of solutions that would lessen the
severity of the violence. Helvard (2020) and Slabbert (2004) have both noted that conflicts
are a normal part of existence. In Amhara, the government's justice court does not remove
from the disputants' minds what may have been a long-running feud between them. Julie
(2009) found that in many countries, particularly in Africa, the formal justice system is
inefficient, leading to informally run systems. To prevent the continuity of this practice,
elders were sent to the families of the murdered man immediately after the murderer's release
from prison.

2.7.3. Challenges and Weaknesses of Indigenous Conflict Resolution

Mechanism
 Enyew.El(2014) Indigenous conflict resolution has faced many challenges from different
directions, such as a lack of support from responsible bodies for persons who are engaged in
it, a lack of a clear legal mandate for the community, no limited involvement of court
systems, a lack or unavailability of permanent registration systems, and a lack of motivation
from local elders. These issues can lead to conflict resolution problems and have a negative
impact on the effectiveness of the system in terms of providing access to justice for society.
Local elders are particularly affected, as it may not make them free to get charges from the
court. Indigenous mechanisms are grass-roots approaches to solving conflicts in society.
These systems have been given different names by different scholars: unofficial law (Chiba
2000), traditional institutions of conflict resolution (Meron, 2010), traditional justice systems
(Slade 2000), non-state laws (Asefa 2012), customary dispute resolution mechanisms (Yntiso
et al. 2011), restorative justice (Macfarlane 2007), alternative dispute resolution (Gowok
2013), and indigenous conflict resolution (Teressa 2016). For the sake of indicating that this
system is the mechanism that was born among African people, and Oromo in particular, in

15
Ethiopia, the researcher preferred to use the term indigenous mechanism of conflict
resolution in this study. The term "indigenous" is used because this word is closely associated
with the broad masses, indicating that the practice of conflict resolution emanates from the
people and serves the people. Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms focus on the
principles of empathy, sharing, and cooperation in dealing with common problems, which
underline the essence of humanity (Murithi, 2006). Indigenous conflict resolution typically
incorporates consensus-building based on open discussions to exchange information and
clarify issues. Conflicting parties are more likely to accept guidance from these mediators
than from other sources because an elder’s decision does not entail any loss of face and is
backed by social pressure. The end result is, ideally, a sense of unity, shared involvement and
responsibility, and dialogue among groups otherwise in conflict (USAID, 2005).

2.8. Theories associated with blood revenge practices

2.8.1. The Social Psychological Approach to Revenge

The definitions of revenge in psychological literature vary in a number of ways, from specific
to simpler. For example, some define revenge as both an act and a desire, while others do not.
Additionally, definitions imply a moral legitimacy to revenge, with some defining it as
postulated to serve and others claiming it has a moral status. This is supported by research
from McCullough et al. (2013) and other authors (e.g., Schumann & Ross, 2010; Carlsmith et
al., 2008; Fitness & Peterson, 2008; Solomon, 1994). The most important psychological
definitions of revenge are that it is a response to injustice or wrongdoing and is both
provoked and entailing reciprocity (Yoshimura & Boon, 2014). It is viewed as a particular
kind of aggressive action that may occur under specific circumstances, such as in cases in
which an individual believes they have been provoked. In the absence of a provocation, an
act may be considered aggression, but it is not properly construed as revenge (Schumann &
Ross, 2010). Revenge is also viewed as an act in other disciplines, as well as in philosophy,
as a form of retaliation that seeks the satisfaction of returning a perceived humiliation, insult,
or injury—essentially, requital by the agent for a perceived injury (Uniacke, 2000). Ways that
revenge is operationalized in neuronal scientific studies of altruistic punishment suggest The
broader revenge literature has several additional assumptions. These assumptions include that
revenge is viewed as a behavior that evolved because it serves a number of adaptive
purposes, is assumed to be "in the eye of the beholder" or free from objective standards, and
is often seen as the opposite of forgiveness. Research and theorists have not yet begun to
grapple with these assumptions, and it is likely that this assumption is common in the

16
forgiveness literature. The definitions of forgiveness explicitly describe forgiveness as
requiring that a victim forego revenge and at least one measure of forgiveness, but there are
contrasting views that cast mercy and vengeance as opposite sides of the same coin. Research
suggests that both revenge and forgiveness are tools in our evolutionary toolkit, social
mechanisms that evolved over time to enable our ancestors to deter harm and preserve
valuable relationships. The social psychological literature tends to emphasize revenge's
destructive, unfair potential, but the possibility of it serving deeper, more constructive
purposes is rarely acknowledged.

2.8.2. Social learning theory

Social learning theory is an important component of sustainable resource management and
the promotion of desirable behavioral change. It is based on the idea that we learn from our
interactions with others in a social context. Bandura's theory of imitation involves the actual
reproduction of observed motor activities. Muro & Jeffrey (2008) proposed that direct
reinforcement could not account for all types of learning, so Bandura added a social element,
arguing that people can learn new information and behaviors by watching other people. The
theory has three general principles for learning from each other.

The General Principles of SLT (Observational Learning) posit that people learn from one
another through observation, imitation, and modeling. Learning can occur without a change
in behavior, while social learning theorists believe that people can learn through observation
alone. Newman, B.M., and P.R. (2007) and Bandura (1965) both agree that new learning
through modeling is always possible.

Behaviors learned through modeling

Newman, B.M., and P.R. (2007) supported the idea that behavior modeling is the process of
learning and is supported by observation and imitation. Bandura (2006a) proposed that in the
first stage of social learning, imitation and behavioral modeling can be used to imitate and
model other students' teaching styles in the real world. Previous studies have shown that at
least partly much behavior can be learned through modeling, such as reading, mathematics,
and seeing someone act bravely in a fearful situation. Additionally, research indicates that
children become more aggressive when they observe aggressive or violent models, and moral
judgments regarding right and wrong can also be developed through modeling.

Intrinsic Reinforcement

17
One of the other formats of learning is described as a form of internal reward, such as pride,
satisfaction, and a sense of accomplishment. Based on some researchers such as Muro and
Jeffrey (2008), who supported Bandura’s SLT concepts, this kind of learning also places
emphasis on internal thoughts and cognitions, and it can help connect learning theories to
cognitive developmental theories. In this regard, Bandura (1986) criticized this process and
believed that external, environmental reinforcement was not the only factor influencing
learning and behavior.

Observational Learning

Observational learning is a form of learning that involves imitating behavior rather than
following reinforcement or rewards. It was first demonstrated by Albert Bandura's Bobo doll
experiment, which showed that children learn from and imitate behaviors they have learned
from other people. He identified three basic models of observational learning: a live model, a
verbal instructional model, and a symbolic model. The results of the Bobo Doll Experiment
shifted the focus in psychology from behaviorism to cognitive behavior (Newman, B.M., &
P.R., 2007).

 
 

 
 

18
Chapter three
3. Research methodology

3.1 study area

This study will be designed to investigate blood revenge practice and community perception
in the Zarima community, one of the twenty-two kebeles of Adrakya Wereda, North Gondar
zone. Adiarkay wereda is one of the administrative rural weredas in the northwestern region
of the Gondar zone. The capital city is located in northern Waldiba Gedam and western
Telemt wereda, southern Janamora wereda, eastern Telemt wereda, western Debark wereda,
and Tsegady wereda, and is 362 kilometers from Bahir Dar and 182 kilometers from the
historical place of Gondar. According to the 2021 national census conducted by the Central
Statistical Agency of Ethiopia (CSA), there are 126,763 people residing in this wereda, a
decline of 12.36% from the 2007 census. 18,391 or 14.50% of these people, including 64,907
men and 61,856 women, reside in urban areas. A sample enumeration conducted by the CSA
in 2001 involved interviewing 24,909 farmers in this wereda, which has a land area of
1,685.16 square kilometers. Who, on average, owned 1.33 hectares of land? 94% of the
18.778 square kilometers of privately held land studied were under cultivation; 0.6% was
used for pasture, 3.5% was left fallow, and 1.9% was utilized for other purposes. Of the land
that was under cultivation in this wereda, 75.4% of the crops were cereals like teff, 7% were
pulses, 11.1% were oilseeds, 0.2% were perennial crops like gesho, and 6.3% were all other
crops. 80.8% of farmers raised both crops and animals, compared to 17.% who raised only
crops and 2.2% who only kept livestock.

3.2. Research paradigm

A research paradigm is defined as "scientists' agreement on a set of ideas and principles
relating to how issues should be recognized and handled." (Kuhn, 1970) The discussion of
how a certain piece of research should be conducted is the focus of the methodology
approach to data generation. It assists the researcher in determining the kind of information
needed for a study and the best methods for gathering that information. The methodological
query that prompts the researcher to inquire about the proper method of world study is this
one. Crotty (1998) and Ellen (1984) have added to our understanding of this idea. Data-
gathering techniques, including key informant interviews, in-depth interviews, and focus
group talks, are just some examples of qualitative methodologies. Explanatory research

19
design is another. Gathering techniques that are employed to obtain pertinent information and
Data analysis: the researcher organizes and prepares the data for analysis at the conclusion of
the data collection phase. Audio recordings of interviews and field notes are transcribed to
further organize the data into several categories based on distinct topics. This allows the
researcher to analyze the participants' voice tones, attitudes, and experiences in order to gain
a better understanding of their views. Additionally, a storyline will be created by connecting
the main themes, individual interpretations, and cross-checking facts. Thus, constructing
meaning, according to the constructivist, will involve learning about blood revenge practices
in zarima community perception and Adiarkay wereda north Gondar zone administration.

3.3. Research approach

According to Creswell (2014), research approaches comprise strategies and methods for
research that extend the decisions from general assumptions to thorough methods of data
gathering and reasoning.

A qualitative research approach is a process of exploring and understanding the meaning that
individuals or groups ascribe to major causes, consequences, intervention mechanisms, and
communities' views towards blood revenge practice. Adiarkay wereda of the Zarima
community, as well as its impacts and potential solutions, is the main objective of this
research proposal. The research strategy is therefore built on a qualitative research design.
Participants' interpretations, experiences, and points of view are appropriately considered
when conducting qualitative research to aid in our understanding of social phenomena in real
(as opposed to experimental) situations. Years’ work (2014), so, due to the complex nature of
the issue, the qualitative research proposal approach is important for a deep and precise
understanding of the experiences and views of participants on the issue under investigation to
understand the meanings associated with Qualitative approach: Transformative worldview,
narrative design, and open-ended interviewing "blood revenge" practices require a qualitative
approach with a cross-sectional study design, with data collected through focus group
discussions, key informant interviews, and in-depth interviews.

3.4. Research design

The study's goals will be to describe and investigate community perceptions of blood revenge
behaviours. In order to accomplish this, the study used a qualitative approach informed by
constructivist philosophy to gather and evaluate the data required to address the numerous

20
concerns at the center of the investigation. The investigations focused on a specific type of
context—blood vengeance.

(Creswell, 2014) explains "Research design is the specific procedure involved in the research
process: data collection, data analysis, and report writing". The research design in this
research uses an analysis research design. Narrative research is a design of inquiry from the
humanities in which the researcher studies the lives of individuals and asks one or more of
them to provide stories about their lives (Riessman, 2008). A qualitative research approach,
in contrast to a quantitative one, focuses on determining the "whys" and "how’s" of the
phenomenon under study. As a result, qualitative research is sometimes characterized as
subjective (and not objective), and its findings are recorded in a written format rather than a
narrative. The design serves a different purpose. This proposal will be a research design in
which explanatory research looks for causes and reasons and provides evidence to support or
refute an explanation or prediction. It also examines community perceptions of the study
area.

3.5. Sample size

Sample size is an important factor in the data collection process. Qualitative research
involves studying a few sites or individuals and collecting detailed information about each. It
is not to generalize the information but to elucidate the specific. Each approach to research
has its own unique considerations, such as body size, phenomenology, and case study
research. Charmaz (2006) recommends 20–30 individuals for a well-defined study of single
culture-sharing groups, while Wolcott (2008a) suggests that any case over 1 dilutes the level
of detail a researcher can provide. Overall, twenty-seven informants participated in the study,
which included focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, and key informant interviews.
In a purposive sample, researchers use their special knowledge or expertise about some group
to select subjects who represent this population.

3.6. Sampling technique.

The study's subjects are all from the Zarima kebele in the North Gondar zone's Adiarkay
wereda. A variety of Kebele leaders will be interviewed during the calls in order to gather
sufficient data on the issue under investigation through purposeful sampling.

According to Creswell (2012), purposeful sampling means that to learn or understand the
essential phenomenon, a research during the researcher intentionally selects individuals. In

21
addition, this study used homogeneous sampling. It is important that the right sample is
selected to ensure the research questions can be adequately answered. To achieve
appropriateness, qualitative research uses purposeful sampling (Creswell & Poth, 2018;
Patton, 2015). Based on their pertinent knowledge about and experiences with the problem
under examination, study participants were chosen from the general community through the
use of purposeful sampling. The group members will be chosen from among the 15 people
who will take part in the focus group, 5 participants in depth interview, interview and 7
participants in key informants based on the participants' gender and their familiarity with the
research proposal questions. The 15 participants in the focus group discussions will be
divided into three groups. Additionally, a police officer and a lawyer who usually handles
cases involving blood vengeance will be present inter Instead of being statistically
representative, this study's goal is to offer in-depth and key informant insights into the
practice of blood revenge. The study will qualitatively examine the main causes, effects,
intervention mechanisms, and community perceptions in order to provide a full and in-depth
examination of the issue.

3.7. Data sources

To ensure the triangulation of data sources and to gather substantial information on the
subject under inquiry, a combination of primary and secondary data sources will be used. The
material that the researcher gathers in any format for the current research project is referred to
as "primary data." On the other hand, secondary data refers to information that comes from
sources other than the ones you use for data collection. Therefore, secondary data is gathered
through documentation materials and official records in the wereda connected to blood
revenge practices, while primary data is obtained from selected community members,
administrative authorities, and members of the designated kebele in Adiarkay wereda.

3.8. Methods of data collection

 As John W. Creswell (2009) acknowledges, data collection requires observations, interviews,
and documentation. This proposal will be used to collect data from the participant interviews
conducted face-to-face and document it. Key informant interviews, in-depth interviews, and
focus group discussions are just some of the data-gathering techniques that are employed to
obtain pertinent information and legal reports from the police and wereda court.

22
3.8.1. In-depth Interview

In-depth interviews (IDIs) are mostly long-duration, face-to-face interviews conducted to

achieve desired goals. An in-depth interview, also known as a one-on-one, is a method of
extracting more detailed information or a deeper understanding of a subject or concept.
Participants in an in-depth interview are encouraged to talk in depth about the topic under
study. As an in-depth interview is considered a qualitative method of data collection, it is also
called qualitative interviewing. According to Patton (1987), there are three basic approaches
to conducting qualitative interviewing. These include the informal conversational interview,
the general interview guide approach, and the standard open-ended interview. Being flexible
and continuous, the interviewer in an in-depth interview asks the questions orally to the
interviewee and records the answers. In order to get detailed information about the issue
under study, an in-depth interview was used to collect data recordings and the interviewer’s
notes from the study population. In so doing, a total of five (5) in-depth interviews with
victims and family members of killers were conducted.

3.8.2. Key informant interviews (KIIS)

Seven (7) key informants were chosen, including religious figures, kebele administrators,
community leaders, elders, Dem Adiarkay members, and local government entities, based on
their knowledge of the subject matter and their roles and standing in the community in the
selected kebeles (7 member leaders). Adiarkay Wereda, a criminal investigation officer, was
also added to KIIS in order to learn more about the primary causes, effects, and difficulties of
the intervention strategies utilized to address the issue and lessen its negative effects.

3.8.3. Focus group discussions

Interviews are a popular tool of qualitative research that provide deeper insight into a
phenomenon when very little is known about it. Focus group discussions (FGDs) are more
advantageous for providing more authentic environments in which participants influence one
another and are influenced (Casey & Crueger, 2000). Group interaction is also beneficial, as
it creates synergy effects on participants (Stewart & Shamdasani, 2014). When there is
limited opportunity for data collection, focus groups are often compared to individual
interviews (Vanderstoep & Johnston, 2009). The FGDs were used and clarified by Bogadus
in 1926 in the field of social sciences (Rice & Ezzy, 1999). It is also known as the most
commonly widespread technique in social sciences and is used to explain a problem or issue
at a deeper level than a questionnaire method (Prasad & Garcia, 2017). The objective of the

23
moderator in a focus group discussion is to produce the greatest number of arguments and
perspectives within a limited duration (Gill, Stewart, Treasure, & Chadwick, 1994; Stanley
(2005), Emerson (2002), and Pickhamroueger (2005)).

As a result, three focus group talks will be held, each with five participants, including
women, seniors, and young people from both the victim and non-victim sides of the
community. Participants were chosen based on their level of familiarity with the subject. The
subjects of the discussions also focused on significant causes and effects by emphasizing how
communities feel about blood vengeance customs and the explanations for why such customs
are widespread in the study area. In order to increase the validity and reliability of the focus
group discussion, the researcher recorded (with the participant's consent) communication,
established ground rules, managed participant balance, focused on participants' individual
viewpoints, encouraged in-depth discussion of emerging issues, and examined opposing
viewpoints.

3.9. Data Collection Procedures

Comments about the role of the researcher set the stage for a discussion of issues involved in
collecting data. The steps in data collection include setting the boundaries for the study
through sampling and recruitment, collecting information through structured observations and
interviews, documents, and visual materials, and establishing the protocol for recording
information. The researcher will set the stage and establish the rules for the discussion, stage
one, focus group discussion includes identifying suitable members, resolving challenges, and
organizing the overall conversations. Stage two, The importance of confidentiality will be
emphasized, and the researcher will introduce the participants' expected roles. Participants
will be asked to introduce themselves in turn by saying their names, occupations, educational
status, and religious backgrounds to help the researcher start the discussion easily.

The idea behind qualitative research is to purposefully select participants or sites (or
documents or visual material) that will best help the researcher understand the problem and
the research question. The researcher conducts face-to-face interviews with participants and
records information from interviews by making handwritten notes, audiotaping, or
videotaping.

3.10. Data analysis    

Merriam (1988) and Marshall and Rossman (1989) proposed that data collection and data
analysis must be a simultaneous process in qualitative research. Schatzman and Strauss

24
(1973) argued that qualitative data analysis involves classifying things, persons, and events
and their properties. Jacob (1987) sought to identify and describe patterns and themes from
the perspective of the participant(s) and attempt to understand and explain them (Agar, 1980).
Data analysis involves organizing data categorically and chronologically, reviewing it
repeatedly, and continually coding a list of major ideas, as well as transcribing interviews and
diaries. The information gathered from focus group talks, key informant interviews, and
individual in-depth interviews will be examined using qualitative data analysis.

Methodologies. The procedure involved preparing the data for analysis, doing a number of
analyses, examining the data in ever-greater detail, presenting the findings, and creating an
interpretation of the relevance of the data as a whole. The researcher organizes and prepares
the data for analysis at the conclusion of the data collection phase. Audio recordings of
interviews and field notes will be transcribed for this purpose, and the data is then further
organized into several categories depending on the information sources. Similar topics will be
grouped together. Based on these categories, distinct topics will be used to test
generalizations. As a result, more time can be spent carefully analysing the participants' voice
tones, attitudes, and experiences in order to understand their perspectives in their entirety.
Finally, a storyline will be created by connecting the main themes, individual interpretations,
and cross-checking facts.

3.11. Ethical consideration

in most social science areas, ethics are a vital factor in the creation of research proposals.
Even some authors claim that getting ethical approval is necessary for social researchers who
intend to use humans in their research. Additionally, the following ethical factors were kept
in mind when conducting this study: First, prior to the study, full consent was obtained
without exaggerating or misrepresenting the goals and objectives. Participants were informed
that they would remain anonymous in all instances of data collection so that they could
express themselves as freely as possible. Sometimes, people make it known that they are
open to being recognized. The proposal will be used only for research purposes and conform
to the ethical security

25
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