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R.S.Sharma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India.

Delhi:MLBD, 2021. First edition 1959.

Kushana Polity

The period from c. 200 BCE – 300 CE was historically significant from several points of
view. In north India, several invasions from the north-west led to westward shift in the focus
of political power away from the Magadha region. The Deccan and far south experienced a
transition to a state polity and society. City life spread to new regions of the subcontinent.
Craftsperson produced larger quantities and more varied goods, trade within the subcontinent
and between its regions and other lands flourished, and money was increasingly used as a
medium of exchange. New cultural winds blew into the subcontinent in the wake of the
invasions and expanding trade, and the north-west in particular became a major cultural
crossroads. The devotional worship of images in shrines became a corner stone of religious
life, cutting across cultic and sectarian boundaries. The increasing institutionalisation of
religious activity was reflected in religious texts, permanent religious structures, and
inscriptions, stone sculptures and terracotta art.

Sources – The sources for the history of these centuries are many and diverse. The
Jatakas contain many stories of ordinary people, traders, and travellers. Incidental historical
references occur in other Buddhist works such as the Milindpanha and Lalitvistara. The
Puranas and epics are a rich source of information on the emergence of early Hindu cults and
religious practices. The later Dharmasutras and Smritis such as the Manava Dharmashastra
(c. 200 BCE -200 CE) and Yajnavalkya Smriti (c. 100-300 CE) represent Brahmanical
discourses, through which we can get glimmers of the society of their time.

After more than two centuries of disintegration following the fall of the Maurya empire
the Kushanas restored the partial political unity of northern India and maintained it for about
more than a century. The Kushana empire was formed by one of the five Great Yueh-chi
principalities, Kuei-shang. A Kuei-shang ruler named Miaos seems to have extended his rule
to north of the Oxus and established an independent Kuei-shang principality in the second
half of the 1st century BCE. In the early 1st CE, Kujula Kadphises, amalgamated the five
principalities and laid the foundations of a unified Kushana empire. His coins have been
found south of the Hindu Kush suggesting that Kushana movement into the Indian
subcontinent began in his time. Kujula Kadphises was succeeded by his son Wima
Kadphises. During his reign the Kushanas pressed further east and established their control
over the Indus valley and the Mathura region. The Kushana empire reached its zenith during
the reign of Kanishka. Most scholars accept that his reign began in 78 CE and that his
successors dated their inscriptions in an era beginning from this year.

Titles hinting at feudatory character – Kushanas adopted grandiloquent titles as


maharaja, rajatiraja. The rulers belonging to the Kanishka group generally prefixed to their
names a title shahi. The title appears as shaonano shao on the coin-legends of Kanishka and
his successors. The administrative and political significance of this title is evident in the Jaina
text Kalakacaryakathanaka. It reveals three distinct elements of the Shaka polity which was
adopted by the Kushana rulers. First the shahis were not independent king who had been
subjugated but chiefs who stood in relation of feudatories to the great lord, shahanushahi.
Secondly the shahis belonged to the same clan as the shahanushahi and therefore he was only
the first among the equals. Thirdly, because of thisfeelings of equality, at the slightest
provocation they could withdraw their fealty from him and seek their fortunes independently.

The feudatory character of the Kushana political system can also be inferred from some
other titles. The title mahishvara adopted by Wema Kadphises II means the great lord. The
title sarvaloka-ishvara means the lord of the whole world, though these titles were not
adopted by the Kanishka group of Kushana rulers. The generally prevalent Kushana titles
such as rajatiraja and shahi were not adopted by indigenous rulers, but the term ishvara
associated with the Kadphises group came to be common with the post-Gupta rulers, who
styled themselves as parmeshvara, the supreme lord.

Administration - The Kushanas were influenced by the Roman system of administration


as Kanishka adopted the title of Kaiser. They could not evolve any sound provincial system
either on Maurya or Roman lines. There is no information whether they exercised any direct
administrative control over a sizeable part of their territories. The Sarnath Buddhist image
inscription of the year 3 of Kanishka (AD 81?) refers to the rule of two kshatrapas, Vanaspara
and Kharapallana, ruling over the easternmost province, including the Banaras region of
Kanishka’s empire. The Kushanas seem to have introduced the curious practice of dual
governorship in a province. Apparently it was intended that one kshatrapa would act as a
check on the power of the other. But probably the two could not remain on the same footing
for long, since in another inscription the former is mentioned as a kshatrapa and the latter as
mahakshatrapa. The mahakshatrapa was made overlord of the kshatrapa, who assisted him in
the work of administration. The names Vanaspara and Kharapallana clearly show that they
were foreigners. It is suggested that they were the descendants of the mahakshatrapa Shodasa
of Mathura and retained in their position by the Kushanas. It would mean that even the
kshatrapas were not directly appointed by the Kushana king but were reinstated in their
position as vanquished chiefs. This may have been true in some cases but in other cases the
kshatrapas may have been appointed directly. It is clear from this that generally the scions of
the ruling family were appointed to this post. It has been suggested that empire was divided
into five or seven satrapies.

The military system of the Kushanas is not reflected in their records. The frequent use of
the term dandanayaka in its different forms in their inscriptions suggests the importance of
the military element in their polity. They were skilled horsemen using stirrups. The Mathura
statue of Kanishka clearly shows that boots and trousers formed the essential equipment of
the Kushana horsemen who seem to have been good archers. The kshatrapas exercised their
powers through semi-military officers known as dandanayaka and mahadandanayaka, who
seem to have occupied an important position in the Kushana polity. During the reign of
Kanishka we hear of dandanayaka Lala, who served Kshatrapa Veshpasi as his donation
master. He was scion of the ruling family, for he is described as “the increaser of the Kushana
race.” Kushana inscriptions from Mathura mentions mahadandanayaka Valina and
Hummiyaka Chanayakka. These references suggest they performed non-military functions
also along with their military duties. Thus the names of the Kushana functionaries do not
suggest any territorial associations as in the case of the Maurya officials, but indicate graded
hierarchy of the same type of officers. They probably received salaries in cash, as can be
inferred from cash donations made for feeding the brahmanas and from the use of gold and
copper coins on a large scale in the Kushana dominions.

As regards territorial administration under the Kushanas, the Allahabad Inscription of


Samudragupta speaks of vishaya and bhukti in their dominions. The prevalence of the bhukti
is not corroborated by any source but that of vishaya is attested by a Buddhist Mahayanaist
text of the third century AD, which while defining a devaputra, refers kings ruling in
vishayas. Four seals of the Kushana period from Bhita speak of the nigama, and an
inscription refers to two guilds (shrenis), of which one was wheat-flour dealers, at Mathura.
The lowest territorial unit was undoubtedly the village, under the gramika, who seems to
have been regular part of the Kushana system of administration in the Mathura region. A
gramika is expressly mentioned in a Mathura Jain inscription of the time of Vasudeva. On the
basis of Manu it can be said that the gramika of Kushana times had something to do with
revenue collection.

The centrifugal forces were counterbalanced by the proclaimed association of divine


elements with the ruler. Despite the fact that most of the Kushana rulers were Buddhists, they
tried to deify themselves by adopting the title of devaputra (son of God) and instituting the
dead king’s cult. F.W. Thomas contends that devaputra was not an official title of the
Kushana rulers but a complimentary epithet given to them by their subjects. This view was
also accepted by U.N. Ghoshal. The Kushanas followed the practice of erecting devakulas, in
which the statues of the dead rulers were housed. The term devakula is recorded in the
inscription on the colossal image of Wima, and we have also a reference to the repair of the
devakula of the grandfather of Huvishka during the reign of the latter. On the basis of
Pratimanataka of Bhasha the term devakula has rightly been interpreted to mean the place
where statues were erected in honour of dead potentates. It is argued that this structure was a
temporal temple and not a place of worship. The term devakula clearly means “deity-house”,
and, the Mathura inscription of Huvishka shows that the repair of the dilapidated devakula of
his grandfather by a state official was an act of religious merit intended for the increase of life
and strength of the maharaja rajatiraja devaputra Huvishka. The practice of erecting
devakulas, was in keeping with the official title of devaputra, and both contributed to the
apotheosis of the Kushana kings. The adoption of the title devaputra and establishment of
devakulas by the Kushanas were deliberate devices to deify the kings can be deduced from
the representation of divine aura round the busts of the kings on their coins. On the gold
pieces of Kadphises II the shoulders of the kings are surrounded by luminous rays of flames,
and his bust appears to issue from the clouds like the gods of Greece. The nimbus appears on
some pieces of Kanishka, but is much more frequent on certain gold pieces of Huvishka, who
is at once ornamented with nimbus, flames and clouds. Vasudeva has simply the nimbus
round his head. The nimbus or prabhamandala was especially associated with the divinities
represented on the coins of Kanishka and Huvishka. Therefore it was in order to propagate
their celestial origin that the Kushana kings got themselves represented on their coins with
the nimbus, aureole, clouds or flames. The deification of the Kushana king served to secure
him the allegiance of the subjects, of which we have enough evidence in the religious gifts
made by officers and individuals.
The Kushana coins, which are considered an important insignia of sovereignty, broadly
indicate the faith to which they belonged. Kadphises I, calls him dhramathidasa, a title which
also occurs as sacadhramathitasa on the other coins of the Kushanas. This apparently refers to
their devotion to the dharma of the Buddha. Besides, we have representations of Shiva on
their coins. The variety of gods are represented on the coins of Huvishka, this variety of gods
on their coins may also suggest the policy of the Kushanas to respect the religious sentiments
of their subjects. Under their rule Mathura was a noted centre of Jainism, as is apparent from
the numerous gifts of Jain images made there by lay and clerical votaries in the reigns of
Kanishka and Huvishka. Similarly brahmanical sacrificial religion was also tolerated. An
inscription mentions the erection of the sacrificial post (yupa) by a brahmana of the
Bharadvaja gotra after having performed a sattra of twelve nights.

The sketch of the Kushana polity, though inadequate on account of lack of material,
would show that the Kushanas introduced certain new elements in Indian polity like the dual
governorship in the provinces; the idea of the divinity of the king, which made some
impression on later rulers for Samudragupta is compared to four different gods. Again, the
office of the mahadandanayaka came to function in the eastern, southern and northern
provinces of the Gupta empire. Above all, the main characteristic of the Kushana political
structure, namely the organization of the hierarchical feudatory system, seems to have been
adopted by Samudragupta in his imperial system.

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