Presented to the Senior High School Department

De La Salle University Integrated School - Manila

Term 3, A.Y. 2021-2022

The Intsik Sitch: A Phenomenological Study of Racism Among the Selected

Filipino-Chinese Community During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Submitted by:
Ang, Isabella Perri C.
De Leon, Sophia Leigh D.
Tecson, Tyrone Martin Z.
Villaver, Raine Miguel V.

June 9, 2022

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 ABSTRACT

Racism has been present within society for years, affecting the lives of numerous

marginalized groups. Since the COVID-19 pandemic struck, the emergence of racism around the

world can be observed (Addo, 2020). In this phenomenological study, the researchers

interviewed seven Filipino-Chinese citizens, selected through purposive and snowball sampling.

Informants were interviewed regarding their experiences with racism before and during the

pandemic. The objective of this study is to examine their lived experiences, primarily those

linked to racism during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the circumstances in which they

encountered racial discrimination, how it impacted them, and how they faced such incidents.

Furthermore, the authors provided certain recommendations for future studies and community

legislations. Findings indicate the various forms of racism and its impact, as well as the

perceptions and comparison between the participants’ experiences.

2022

All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in an information

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, by

photocopying, scanning, recording, or otherwise, except under the terms of the applicable law.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page 1

Abstract 2

Table of Contents 3

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study ……………………………………………………………..5

1.2 Statement of the Problem …………………………………………………………….9

1.3 Definition of Terms ………………….………………………………………………10

1.4 Conceptual Framework …………………………………...………………………....12

1.5 Scope and Limitation ……………………………….………………………….……12

1.6 Significance of the Study ……………………………………………………………13

CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Racism…………………………………………...…………………………………..14

2.2 Types of Racism……………………………………………………….…...………..16

2.3 History of Racism in the Philippines………………………………….……………..18

2.4 Racism Against the Filipino-Chinese Community…………………………………..20

2.5 Application of Othering Theory……………………………………………………...22

Synthesis ……..………………………………………………………………………….24

CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design……………………………………………………………………..26

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 3.2 Research Setting……………………………………………………………………..26

3.3 Instrumentation………………………………………………………………………26

3.4 Data Gathering Procedure……………………………………………………………27

3.5 Data Analysis Strategy……………………………………………………………….28

CHAPTER 4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 31

CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 36

REFERENCES 38

APPENDICES 45

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 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

Racism is prejudice, discrimination, or hatred directed against people on the sole basis of

skin color, ethnicity, and origin. It is frequently associated with acts of harassment towards a

particular racial group. However, this is not always the case, as racism can take various forms

and is not always violent. Racism can happen absolutely anywhere, and it hinders people from

enjoying dignity and equality (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2021). Racism can be

practiced in a subtle and non-obvious manner, even inadvertently for some people, with the

cause of racist attitudes being institutionalized.

Racism has been present in society for decades on end. The root of the problem may be

traced back to a modern-day connection between two components. The relationship between

racism and nationalism demonstrates how history developed over time. Racism is a major

nineteenth-century ideology that focuses on persons and their potential symbolism, whereas

nationalism focuses on a societal construct to build so-called "alliances," such as conservative,

socialist, and liberal ideologies. This acts as a source of racism, causing not just forms of

discrimination but also a perception of inequalities between men and women of many social

conceptions (Mosse, 1995).

Through further studies, various forms of racism have been distinguished and been

discovered throughout the years. The most explicit form of racism in global history is slavery,

specifically of those caused by Western colonies in Africa (Price, 2020). From erecting human

zoos to forcing extreme labor, Westerners justified this with the reason of eugenics, and deemed

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Black people as “midway between man and monkey”. Eugenics is the ideology that one race is

superior to the other, and it is what validated the inferiority of Black people. It is what

constructed the idea of races and ultimately racism that can still be seen today (Goering, 2014).

Though slavery was already a common practice during the middle ages in Europe, it was not

based on skin color and race. Criminals and prisoners of war are the most customary slaves

during these times (Zdziebłowski, 2021). Indeed, racism remains prevalent in the world that

humans live in today. Various races experience this as each day passes – including Asians,

especially during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic (Addo, 2020).

With the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic pinned in China, racial discrimination

against the Chinese and people who “look” Chinese have heightened more than ever across the

globe, and as a result, significantly impacting their security, businesses, and overall day-to-day

living (Addo, 2020). People from all around the world shunned individuals for being Chinese or

Chinese-looking and denied them services such as the use of cab services, using public

bathrooms, and many more (Tiu, 2020). There are countries such as Japan and Singapore that do

not approve of the Chinese visiting their country. Japanese citizens took to Twitter about the

Chinese going to their country with the hashtag #ChineseDon’tComeToJapan. Thousands of

Singaporean citizens signed a petition to ban Chinese citizens from entering their country. Other

countries like South Korea, Hong Kong, and Vietnam do not welcome people from Mainland

China to go to their businesses (Rich, 2020).

A perennial issue often brought up is the negative connotation towards Filipino-Chinese

citizens for various reasons, usually political. In order to further understand this topic, Who

Counts as Filipino? Philosophical Issues of Identity and the Chinese Filipino, a journal article by

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Noelle Leslie Dela Cruz of De La Salle University-Manila published last 2015, explores and

examines the aspect of identity formation philosophically, intersecting race categories, ethnicity,

and culture. In this study, Dela Cruz (2015) begins with a survey of existing paradigms of

identity, which was then applied to an analysis of public discourses generated by anti-Chinese

remarks produced by a notable Filipino novelist. An excerpt from the article explains prevalent

issues:

The issue of Filipino identity—i.e., who the “true” Filipino is— has recently

come to the fore as the media reported two separate incidents. The first concerns a

series of opinion pieces published in national newspapers and penned by National

Artist for Literature, F. Sionil Jose. In his “Hindsight” columns, June 7, 2015, and

June 21, 2015, for The Philippine Star; as well as an essay published in the

Philippine Daily Inquirer on July 26, 2015, the 92-year-old Filipino novelist made

no secret of his suspicions against the ethnic Chinese in the Philippines, whom he

believed would side with China should war between the two countries break out.

The second involves the new record for the highest grade-point average achieved

by a University of the Philippines (UP) graduate since 1927. However, Tiffany

Grace Uy, who graduated summa cum laude with a Bachelor of Science degree in

biology, was criticized on the Internet for her Chinese ancestry. She was perceived

as usurping a place in the university that could have gone to someone from a

lower economic background, UP being popularly perceived as a nationally-funded

school for the poor. These two issues—coincidentally occurring in the month of

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 the Philippine Independence Day—immediately became flashpoints for debate,

often being referenced together by public commentators. (p. 79)

Dela Cruz (2015) then concludes that Filipino identity — wherein the Filipino-Chinese

identity is a subset — is anti-essentialist, intersubjective, and congruent with the formation of a

globally ethical society. Others point out that being Filipino is not a perpetual or transcendent

attribute but a constructed idea with a history, asserting that “Filipino” became a rational

category only as a patriotic response to the logic of colonialism — a common issue of all

suppressed natives of the Philippines regardless of their ethnicities. They seek to acknowledge

the validity of one's identity not only to a single factor but to their association with the general

community. Since a National Artist for Literature in the Philippines cannot get away with racial

slurs, it just shows that the Filipino identity is not a concept of sovereignty controlled by a few.

Instead, it is shaped through a performative process where our understanding of our own history

is continually reviewed and exclusionary moves are opposed.

In connection with the previous paragraph, a certain instance occurred questioning a

Filipino-Chinese teenager’s identity in the country. She shared her story pertaining to how she

noticed the treatment she received from Filipinos — who she viewed as family — treat the

Filipino-Chinese and the Chinese communities with disgust and prejudice. She also shared a time

when she was with her mother at a grocery store, and when she spoke the Chinese language,

people looked at her. She reported feeling extremely ashamed of this, looked down, and spoke

the language to show that she was Filipino (Tiu, 2020).

Most of the information in this study comes from research done in other countries, and

there is a lack of literature discussing racism in the Philippines. News outlets only report racism

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that is happening overseas, while racism in the Filipino-Chinese community is often ignored or

normalized. The lack of media exposure may contribute to the normalization of racism in the

Philippines. This study hopes to spread the awareness that racism is also prevalent in the

Philippines and that it should not be normalized. Given that the Chinese community is one of the

largest ethnic groups in the Philippines, this paper aims to dwell on the experiences

Filipino-Chineses have had with racism during the pandemic.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

This study aims to describe the lived experiences of racism against selected

Filipino-Chinese during the COVID-19 pandemic. It also aims to describe their experiences with

racism during the COVID-19 pandemic, the situations on how they experienced racial

discrimination, how these affected them, and how they coped with such incidents. Specifically, it

aims to answer the following questions:

1. What are the social demographic characteristics of the key informants?

2. What are their experiences with racial stereotyping?

3. What are their experiences regarding xenophobia?

4. What are the key informants’ experiences with racial discrimination?

5. What were the key informants’ coping mechanisms in such discrimination?

6. How has the COVID-19 pandemic affected their experience of racial discrimination?

7. How have racial stereotypes affected their experiences of racial discrimination?

8. How has xenophobia affected their experiences of racial discrimination?

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 9. How did their coping mechanisms vary based on their experiences with racial

discrimination?

1.3 Definition of Terms

Coping Mechanism. It reduces anxiety or tension in any conscious or nonconscious adjustments

in stressful situations (American Psychological Association, n.d). When dealing with stress or

trauma, these are often used to control difficult or painful emotions (Good Therapy, 2016). In

this study, coping mechanisms are referred to as the methods used by the Filipino-Chinese to

cope with the racism they experience.

Filipino-Chinese. These people are more ingrained with their Filipino roots than the first

generation of the Filipino-Chinese, wherein their cultural orientation leans more onto the

Philippines than China or Taiwan. They are often more fluent in English and Filipino than the

Chinese language, as defined and proposed by Dorothy Ang Chua in 2004. In this study, a person

is considered a part of the Filipino-Chinese community with the following conditions:

1. If their parents originated from China, but they were born in the Philippines.

2. If one or both of their parents have Chinese roots and/or are born in the Philippines.

3. If one of their parents is Filipino and the other is Chinese.

4. If they have Chinese roots but were born and grew up in the Philippines.

Racial Discrimination. It refers to the hostile, aggressive, and degrading attitudes, behavior, or

treatment of individuals towards other individuals who have differences or in comparable

circumstances like race, ethnicity, descent, national or ethnic origin, or immigration status

compared to individuals who are the same as them (Australian Human Rights Commission,

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2019). In this study, racial discrimination refers to the derogatory treatment of varying kinds to

Filipino-Chinese people due to their race.

Racial Stereotypes. It is defined as an automatic, exaggerated, and generalized belief about a

specific group or race that is rooted wherein individual differences are not taken into account and

any information that is not consistent with the stereotype developed about a certain racial group

is discarded or ignored, as defined and proposed by Morin (2020) and University of Notre Dame

(2021). In this study, racial stereotypes are referred to as the widespread, oversimplified, and

fixed belief that Filipinos have about the Filipino-Chinese.

Socio-Demographic Characteristics. It is defined as combined social and demographic factors

that determine a specific group of people or population as defined and proposed by (Formplus

Blog, 2021). This study’s socio-demographic characteristics pertain to sex assigned at birth,

marital status, educational attainment, and religious belief/affiliation.

Xenophobia. It is defined as the fear or act of disdain towards someone who is foreign and

culturally different from oneself, as defined and proposed by the Dictionary in 2021. In this

study, xenophobia refers to the antipathy that Filipinos may harbor towards the Filipino-Chinese

and their Chinese counterparts because they are culturally and racially foreign.

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1.4 Conceptual Framework

Figure 1

Research Model

1.5 Scope and Limitations

The study primarily focused on the selected members of the Filipino-Chinese

community’s experiences of racism in the Philippines and explore the possibility of its upsurge

during the pandemic. The study included seven Filipino-Chinese individuals who are currently

residing in the Philippines. The study will cover their experiences on racial stereotyping,

xenophobia, racial discrimination, coping mechanisms, and how the pandemic has influenced

these experiences.

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 Due to movement restrictions, the interviews were conducted through an online video

conferencing application, Zoom. Collection of the participants’ data was executed through the

use of an online survey administration software, Google Forms. The interview, after

confirmation of the participants’ consent, was recorded and stored for analysis.

1.6 Significance of the Study

This study aims to contribute a body of knowledge on racism and raise awareness on how it is

experienced in the Philippines. Particularly it will benefit the following:

The Filipinos and the Filipino-Chinese. The research will provide them a venue to share their

personal experiences on racial issues and thus contribute to raising awareness on such matters.

The Government. The study can provide policymakers insights into how racism is experienced

in the country, which can then be used as a resource to craft programs and guidelines to prevent

its perpetuation.

Future Researchers. Results from this study can provide future researchers with new and untold

information which could contribute to their research.

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 CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Racism

An article by McWorther in 2020 has provided three definitions of racism. The first being

referred to as prejudiced, wherein “a belief that race is the primary determinant of human traits,

and that racial differences produce an inherent superiority of a particular race.” In the 1960s, it

was used as a term to describe societal and institutional racism. The term racism is referred to as

a disadvantage of inferior groups in society due to bigot attitudes that were continuously

occurring. The second definition is specified as a “political or social system founded on racism,”

which was later on expanded by Kennedy Mitchum by writing a message to the editors of

Merriam-Webster to expand the definition to “social and institutional power”. Mitchum also

noted that racism is a “system of advantage based on skin color.” The third definition of racism is

race-based disparities and societal racism. It is the use of racism that is ought to be combated

which is often acquired by a person in college classes in the social sciences, wherein it is

fundamental to modern discourses of race and racism. To expound more on this, an example

used is about black students not performing highly on standardized tests compared to white

students, which means that the tests are racist for they are disadvantageous towards black

students. It is natural to call social differences racism because it is undeniable that bias-infused

barriers are the cause of racial differences.

Minority groups have always been victims of racism and are often oppressed by the

supposedly dominant race. It is harmful because it invalidates other races’ experiences, like

saying “all lives matter” when the Black Americans are currently being oppressed (Cuncic,

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2020). There are three essential ideas that can be helpful to best understand and explain racism.

The first idea is history, wherein racism can be presented with the use of past events as to how

minority groups face racial discrimination. An example used to better describe the first idea is

the barriers that the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people dealt with that other Australians

do not face. A specific barrier that was discussed is how they were less likely to be selected for

jobs which means that they are at a disadvantage, especially when it comes to the standard of

living and health care. This all goes way back in the past, wherein the Aboriginal and Torres

Strait Islander people were seen as inferior. Although it happened a long time ago, one cannot

just forget about something racist that happened in the past. The second idea is institutions such

as the media, schools, and many more wherein they play roles in maintaining racism. History and

institutions have to work together in order to give people of certain groups a voice as to how

their country should be built. An example used to further explain this is the colonization of

Australia by the British, wherein their laws, schools, and other bodies of institutions were

molded by the superior group, while the people from the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander

were not included in the process. The third idea is power. Power and racism create a disparity of

power that is based on race when they work together. This is the reason why Asians can make

jokes about their own race. Racism is when a dominant race makes jokes about inferior races that

do not have the same power in terms of history and institution (ReachOut Australia, 2021).

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2.2 Types of Racism

The racism of modern society refers to manifestations embedded in practices, discourse,

and institutional realities - such as legal, educational, and economic systems, as well as a

function of its distant origins (Salter et al., 2017). It can be expressed through racial

discrimination. Clair & Denis (2015) stated that racism is analytically distinct from racial

discrimination and racial inequality since racial discrimination concerns the unequal treatment of

races. In contrast, racial disparities affect unequal outcomes such as income, education, health,

etc. This leads to racial discrimination playing a considerable role in lessened opportunities and

resources for specific races.

According to Tougas et al. (2004), the two forms of racism are overt and neo-racism.

Overt racism is defined as the traditional type whereby visible minorities are denigrated on the

basis of innate characteristics. For instance, a report from the Council of Europe (2015) states

that according to Pierre-André Taguieff, a French sociologist and political scientist,

manifestations of this may be typically founded on physical appearance, especially skin color but

today tends to emphasize cultural features and religion. Meanwhile, the subtle type called

neo-racism incorporates authoritarian values and negative stereotypes in the blame of minorities

for undeserved gains and social issues (Tougas et al., 2004). This concept can take the form of

ethnocentrism, which involves judging other groups by one’s own, which is seen as perfect. It

can evoke the rejection of any culture different from one’s own which often leads to racial

discrimination against others (Council of Europe, 2015).

Additionally, there are three levels of racism, as proposed by Camara Phyllis Jones in

2000. These are institutionalized racism, personally mediated racism, and internalized racism.

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Institutionalized racism exhibits both material conditions like quality education and access to

power such as wealth. It involves unearned privilege, structural barriers, and many more. This

may be manifested in housing discrimination, government surveillance, social segregation, racial

profiling, predatory banking, access to healthcare, hiring or promotion practices, and mandatory

minimum sentences. Personally mediated racism is a prejudice wherein there are assumptions on

motives and intent according to one’s race and discrimination wherein there is a difference in

terms of treatment according to one’s race. It can be intentional or unintentional and is usually

condoned by societal norms. Acts under this type include telling a racist joke, believing in the

inherent superiority of a certain race, crossing the street to avoid passing a person of a certain

race, and so on. Lastly, internalized racism is where the stigmatized race accepts the damaging

messages about their own abilities and worth. It is a concept that explains when people of color

consciously or unconsciously accept a racial hierarchy (Kohli, 2013). It reflects on the systems’

privileges, societal values and undermines an individual’s sense of worth. According to the

National Research Council (US) Panel on Race, Ethnicity, and Health in Later Life et al. (2004),

internalized racism may be considered similar to prejudice based on a study by Allport (1958).

Prejudice is defined as a negative evaluation of a social group or an individual that is

significantly based on the individual's group membership (Crandall & Schaller, 2004). This is

usually a preconception, which aligns with the ideas of internalized racism. The critical

difference between the two is that internalized racism accepts negative stereotypes about one's

own racial group, as defined by Willis et al. (2021).

Phyllis (2000) used the analogy of the flowers as an example to further explain the levels

of racism. In this example, a gardener has two packets of flower seeds, the first packet of seeds

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were red, and the second packet was pink. The gardener preferred red flowers over pink, so she

planted the red flower seeds on a pot with rich soil and the pink ones on a pot with poor soil.

After the flowers bloomed, she told herself that she was right to prefer the red flowers over the

pink ones. Institutionalized racism happened when the gardener put the seeds into different types

of soil and did not address the difference of the soils. The gardener had already preferred the red

flowers over the pink flowers, which is a regular aspect of institutionalized racism. Personally

mediated racism happened when the gardener ignored or rejected the pink flowers because they

looked scrawny and poor. Internalized racism comes into play when a bee comes to pollinate the

pink flowers, but the pink flowers told the bee that it prefers the red flower’s pollen because the

pink flower believes that the red flowers are better for they are strong and thriving.

2.3 History of Racism in the Philippines

In the Philippines, it can be observed that most Filipinos favor a lighter skin complexion

such that of the people from the Western world. The use of skin whitening products has been

normalized and advertised for decades as having fairer skin is considered a beauty requirement.

This normalization may have led to an ironic situation of anti-black attitudes even if Filipinos

themselves have naturally darker skin. Public figures with dark skin often face ridicule for their

complexion. Any person with a darker skin tone gets perceived as dangerous and undesirable

(Dada Docot, 2020).

This hegemonic racial consciousness can be traced back as early as the Spanish Colonial

Period where racial hierarchies are prevalent. The Spanish were on the top of the pyramid and

were considered to be wealthy. These light-skinned men introduced themselves to be the chosen

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messengers of God, and God, along with his angels, were projected as being white. This idea

alone had the capability to spark inferiority among people with a darker complexion (Gonzalez,

2020). The hierarchy was then followed by people born from native Indio mixed with Spanish

blood, which created the Mestizo culture in the Philippines (Doran, 1993). People who are in this

category all have fairer skin tones. The bottom of the hierarchy were Indios, native to the

Philippines. They were seen as savages for having dark skin and were the most discriminated

against.

During the American Rule after the Spanish Colonial Era, this consciousness continued.

The whitewashing brought about during the time of the Americans is still very much ingrained in

the present culture and media of the Philippines. The socioeconomic beauty standard of the

Filipino society is based on the fairness of skin, resulting in the always flourishing

advertisements of whitening cosmetic products (Gonzalez, 2020). Foreigners with white-skinned

origins are treated with bias without any special reason other than their whiteness and so-called

beauty.

The consciousness created during the Spanish colonial rule may have contributed to the

presence of racism in our present society. However, it is not the only factor that cultivated the

racial roots in the Philippines, as the colonialism of the United States of America also played its

role. The imperialization brought about during that era created conflicts in the identity of

Filipinos. It was the ultimate motivator that birthed Filipinos' racial pride and ideals, resulting in

the current nationalism and independence that the country sees today (Cadusale, 2016).

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2.4 Racism Against the Filipino-Chinese Community

The Chinese are one of the many migrants who have long settled in the Philippines, but

have been viewed differently by society and the colonial government. The Chinese population in

the Philippines continued to grow between the years of 1899 to 1939 because of the economic

opportunities of the country despite the passage of policies and laws towards them (Langbid and

Ngo, 2016). After the post-war from 1946 to 1975, there were 600,000 Chinese that were

accounted for in 1972 and the Philippine Government imposed no consistent policy for them. In

all of Southeast Asia, it has been stated that the most legally undigested group were the Chinese

in the Philippines (Tan, 1993 as cited in Langbid and Ngo, 2016). The emergence of the growing

Filipino nationalism caused the formation of anti-Chinese policies, but the anti-Chinese

movement is mainly limited to the Chinese’s control of economic activities. Anti-Chinese

sentiments grew largely over the years which led to the acquisition of the Philippine Citizenship

by the Chinese with the following legal venues:

(1) The Congress under the American regime passed the Philippine act of July 1902;

(2) Philippine-born offspring of Chinese fathers and Filipina mothers, and;

(3) The naturalization of overseas Chinese through the Letter of Instruction No 270;

wherein overseas Chinese can fully exercise their rights as citizens of the country, which gave

birth to the Filipino-Chinese community (Wong, 1990 as cited in Langbid and Ngo, 2016).

Despite being citizens of the country, Filipinos have suspicions as to where the

Filipino-Chinese’s loyalty lies—if they were to spread communism in the country—and their

choice of isolation from the majority of society (Langbid, 2014 as cited in Langbid and Ngo,

2016). The locals viewed the community as a danger, something lesser than dirt as an individual,

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and preachers of communism as a collective group. The Filipino-Chinese community has its own

culture and brought its traditions and practices to the country, which raised the locals’ suspicions.

The community’s refusal to accustom to Filipino society was the reason as to why they were

intentionally isolated by the majority of the society which led to the Chinese isolating themselves

from Filipino society by choice (Weightman, 1967 as cited in Langbid and Ngo, 2016).

Hybrid communities with different cultures are not common in the Philippines thus, the

Filipino-Chinese are often discriminated against, leading to the Filipino-Chinese community

creating their own groups separating themselves from the majority of society (Yap, 2018). The

Filipino-Chinese community is usually oppressed or bullied with the use of offensive slurs. Some

of the many racial slurs Filipinos used to mock and ridicule the community include “Intsik

wakang” and “baboy tikangkang” (Langbid and Ngo, 2016) . The research conducted by Rose F.

Langbid and Michael Anthony R. Ngo included a personal interview with a 46-year-old Chinese

businessman who shared his experience when he was younger, saying:

During our younger years, my brother and I were sometimes the targets of jokes

from our neighbors. They call us “Intsik waking”, and we don’t even know what

that means at that time. We didn’t mind them since they were our playmates. But

sometimes other kids also tried to call us such names. (p. 81)

The commonly used term, “Intsik,” was described from the history of the Igorots of the

Cordilleras, which means “The Other” as a way of setting apart people because of their “strange

ways,” as stated by Richard Chu, a history professor at the University of Massachusetts.

However, it was said that “Intsik” might not be a slur from the beginning because, in Hokkein, it

translates to “his uncle” and is used to introduce a newcomer (Cabreza, 2014).

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 According to Ang See in 1997, there is a perception that the Filipino-Chinese in Binondo

all belong to the upper middle class, however not all of them do. This stereotyping has caused

the generalization of Filipinos in viewing the Filipino-Chinese community and has caused harm

to the Filipino-Chinese community. From the late 1980s to the mid-1990s, kidnappers targeted

Filipino-Chinese children in exchange for money, generalizing that all Chinese-Filipinos are rich

(Yap, 2018).

In the present, hatred from the Filipinos towards the Chinese has increased during

Duterte’s administration due to the President’s seeming submission to China and neglect of the

situation and continuous harassment of the West Philippine Sea. Hence, Filipinos fear losing

their sovereignty more than ever, on top of Duterte’s joke about the Philippines turning into a

province of China (Aspinwall, 2019). Hau stated in the article by Nick Aspinwall in 2019:

Many Tsinoy friends and relatives I have felt insecure, “When they go out in

public, they want to emphasize they speak Filipino… There’s a sense it’s harder

now. You need to be more careful in emphasizing you’re a Filipino.”

Recently, there have been instances where the Chinese-Filipino community feels

vulnerable and has to show that they do speak the Filipino language to show that they are

Filipino citizens.

2.5 Application of Othering Theory

The othering theory is often associated with racism. Othering is defined as a phenomenon

of complex nature that possibly differs over time, depending on how collective and

intersubjectively constructed ideologies evolve in specific contexts (Dervin, 2016). Othering can

22
relate to various identity factors - such as nationality, race, language, religion, gender, and so on.

Additionally, othering is often accompanied by the belief that some social groups are

dehumanized, as they are considered inferior. This theory may lead to racist and xenophobic acts.

According to Dervin (2016), there are various meanings of othering, depending on the

field, such as:

In sociology, othering refers to differentiating discourses that lead to moral and

political judgment of superiority and inferiority between ‘us’ and ‘them.’ In this

understanding of othering, power is constantly employed in representing others

and self. The other is also often described through a deficit framework, a view

that she is not as good or capable as ‘we’ are, which leads to stereotypes and other

forms of representation. This often takes place in the media, public discourses,

and even in scholarly work, as stated by Krumer-Nevo and Sidi (2012). (p. 46)

The creation of othering consists of applying a principle that allows certain races to be

classified into two hierarchical categories: them and us. The out-group is only coherent as a

group due to its opposition to the in-group and its lack of identity. This lack is based upon

stereotypes that are largely stigmatizing. The asymmetry in power relationships is central to the

construction of othering. Only the out-group is in a position to impose the value of its identity

and to devalue the particularity of the in-group while imposing corresponding discriminatory

measures (Staszak, 2008).

Based on Eichelberger (2007) and Joffe (1999), people often resort to othering

stigmatized groups or other minorities in the face of a public health crisis in order to reduce the

powerlessness experienced during the threat, although disease threat can not only lead to

23
stigmatization of out-groups but can stimulate violent xenophobic reactions and discrimination

(Li & Nicholson, 2021). Othering can be applied in certain names of diseases, such as in the 15th

century, syphilis was widely known as “French pox” by the English, “Morbus Germanicus” by

the French, or “Chinese disease” by the Japanese (Joffe, 1999, as cited in Li & Nicholson, 2021).

In line with this, conservative Americans racialized the pandemic, referring to it as the “Chinese

flu” or the “Wuhan virus” in early 2020 as the number of COVID-19 cases rose in the United

States and around the world (Reny & Barreto, 2020). Seeing that COVID-19 is still present

today, it is possible for the Filipino-Chinese community to undergo similar derogatory

experiences.

Synthesis

Racism, by definition, is a creation of superiority to inferior groups that undermine

individuals or communities. Race is the determinant root of human traits and capacities that

create racial differences and produce inherent superiority as stated by Merriam Webster. It was

shown that racism is a systematic advantage between the different colors of skin. Racism is a

result of societal differences between the races of the society.

Racism may be divided into three categories as stated by Camara Phyllis Jones in 2000:

institutionalized racism, individually mediated racism, and internalized racism. Institutionalized

racism manifests itself in both tangible circumstances, such as a good education, and power,

such as money. Personally mediated racism is prejudice in which assumptions about motivations

and purpose are made based on one's race and discrimination in which one's race is treated

differently. Finally, internalized racism occurs when members of a stigmatized race accept

24
harmful messages about their own talents and values. It reflects the system’s advantages, and

cultural ideals and diminishes a person's feeling of worth.

Othering, as stated by Devin (2016), is characterized as a multifaceted phenomenon that

may change over time based on how collective and intersubjectively created ideologies grow in

certain situations. Othering is frequently accompanied by the assumption that some social groups

have been dehumanized because they are considered inferior. Given the persistence of

COVID-19, it is probable that the Filipino-Chinese community may face similar discrimination

under this theory.

As there had been a difference in societal ideas, Chinese racism has been prominent

among the community and the colonial authority. Because of Filipino nationalism, anti-Chinese

policies were developed in a direct and systematic manner. It brought about changes and

problems since some individuals and communities in the Philippines were opposed to the

philosophy of transition. Intentional isolation and both systemic and direct racism were

established as a result of the reluctance to make this change. The Chinese community introduced

its own culture, customs, and practices to the Philippines, dividing the Filipino-Chinese from the

rest of the population.

25
 CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design

This study used a qualitative research design. It employed the phenomenological

approach to explore the lived experiences of racism among selected members of the

Filipino-Chinese community during the pandemic. It also examined the coping mechanisms that

they have during such encounters. A semi-structured interview guide was utilized to collect

relevant data. The study also collected socio-demographic profiles of our informants to provide a

context of these experiences.

3.2 Research Setting

The study was conducted among selected members of the Filipino-Chinese community

residing in the Philippines. Interviews were conducted in a video conferencing application,

namely Zoom, due to the travel restrictions imposed.

3.3 Instrumentation

For this study, the researchers utilized a semi-structured interview guide. The interview

guide includes different sections covering different topics. These include experiences with

racism during the pandemic, its effect on their lives, and how they were able to adjust to these

experiences.

26
Table 1

Data Collection Instrument Matrix

3.4 Data Gathering Procedure

For this paper, purposive and snowball sampling was utilized. Key informants were

chosen based on the following criteria: must be Filipino-Chinese, permanent residents of the

Philippines, and currently residing in the country. Despite the COVID-19 restrictions, ethical

considerations were still followed accordingly throughout the study.

A list of potential key informants who fulfill the above-mentioned criteria was created

from the researchers' friends and families. These potential key informants were contacted and

requested to participate in said study. When the minimum number of informants for the study

was not reached using the list, the researchers requested referrals from said contacts. They were

27
then contacted by the researchers for their participation in the study. This process was resumed

until the minimum number of informants was reached.

Participants would have received an Informed Consent Form — and a Parent's Consent

Form for those below the age of eighteen — prior to the commencement of the interviews. The

Informed Consent Form contains the nature and objectives of the research, the duration of the

research, the possible risks of participating in the research, and how the data will be gathered and

treated.

A date was then arranged with each key informant for their in-depth interview. Due to the

travel restrictions, an online interview was conducted using Zoom on the agreed-upon dates. A

semi-structured interview guide was utilized for said interviews. Before beginning the interview,

the researchers were assigned with inquiring the respondents if they authorize the recording of

their responses. Once the participants consent to this, the researchers would then start the

recording, and ask them again for their consent to be recorded during documentation. After

interviewing the participants, the researchers compiled all of their notes and watched through the

recorded copy of the meeting to avoid leaving out any necessary information. The researchers

then organized their notes among the participants who have experienced racial discrimination

and those who have not.

3.5 Data Analysis Strategy

To analyze the data, the researchers arranged the video and audio-recorded interviews

with the use of edited transcriptions. The researchers who are fluent in Filipino and English will

use both languages in the interview with the key informants.

28
 When nothing much is identified about an issue, and the goal of the research is to grasp

and make the most fundamental meaning of a phenomenon of interest from the perspective of

individuals directly involved in it apparent, a descriptive phenomenological technique is adopted

(Giorgi, 1997). This approach is suitable for this study because the researchers explore the depths

of racism prevalent in and in the eyes of the Filipino-Chinese community for clarity and

awareness.

The following steps used by the researchers were derived from Roger E. Broomé’s study,

Descriptive Phenomenological Psychological Method: An Example of A Methodology Section

from Doctoral Dissertation:

(1) The researchers assumed a phenomenological attitude which is different from the

everyday understanding of the world. It is where the researchers put aside their

assumptions and examine new data regarding racism in the Filipino-Chinese

community.

(2) The researchers listened to the video and audio recordings of the interview with

the participants and went over their notes to have an understanding of the

experiences of the participants. This emphasized the unique lived experiences of

the Filipino-Chinese participants and allow the researchers to form and theorize

new perspectives and concepts objectively.

(3) The researchers divided the meanings of the participants into categories within the

narrative to make it easier to manage. It may be possible to gain redundant and

non-redundant information in the interview, thus analyzing each participant’s

29
 statements and grouping those that express similar meanings will connect and

provide a definite conclusion.

(4) After dividing the meanings into categories, the researchers reconstructed the

meanings into descriptive expressions that are psychologically sensitive and

re-expressed them in a third-person narrative still remaining faithful to the

meanings of the participants. For the researchers’ reconstructions, they will be

utilizing an intellectual procedure by Husserl’s (2008/1931) known as imaginative

variation to be able to determine the phenomenal structure’s essence of the

experience. It is performed by changing the qualities of the thing being analyzed

that determine the qualities which are essential and accidental. The researcher’s

phenomenological attitude in the data of psychological analysis makes the results

both psychological and phenomenological.

(5) Lastly, the researchers created a critical synthesis based on the collected data and

form a concrete argument surrounding the existence of racism towards the

Filipino-Chinese community and acknowledge the objectives to be assessed.

30
 CHAPTER 4

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Based on the seven interviews that were conducted, the researchers were able to reveal

similarities of experiences between them. The different classifications made by the types of

racism, xenophobia, racial discrimination, and racial steretypes experienced through a

classification of different type of discriminatorical actions. It was observed that majority among

the seven participants had experienced discrimination through name calling, which was the most

prevalent, whereas the least common sort of discrimination was growing distant. Based on the

types of coping mechanisms, each participant is shown to have different ways of coping from

each other. When presented with racial experiences, the sole commonality between Participant M

and Participant D is that they both shrug it off. The two tables below show a representation of

Types of Racism, Xenophobia, Racial Discrimination, and Racial Stereotyping Experienced and

another is a table for types of Coping mechanisms used by the participants.

Table 2

Types of Racism, Xenophobia, Racial Discrimination, and Racial Stereotypes Experienced

31
Table 3

Types of Coping Mechanism

From the interview with Participant A, she notes the tendency of receiving slurs and

mockery directed toward her Chinese ethnicity. Call signs like “Ching Chong” and mimicry of

the Chinese language accent are the ones that were mentioned. She expressed feeling degraded

as it happened frequently and was also laughed about. During the pandemic, she reported hearing

others blaming the Chinese for the virus, and people were noticeably avoiding her most likely

due to her appearance. Her househelp even told her that she takes pity on the Chinese, stating

that they are “prone to diseases”. When asked how she copes with the instances that were

mentioned, Participant A says that avoidance is her common remedy for these issues.

32
 In the interview with Participant C, she mentions that the discrimination present before

COVID-19 got worse during the pandemic. In one instance, a customer immediately ran out of

the store she was shopping at after letting out a small sneeze. The reaction scared her because she

saw the amount of hate the Chinese community was getting on social media. A direct statement

from Participant C, “Hindi naman pero at some point you will feel upset. Some people could

think like that talaga na porket Chinese ka, porket may dugo kang Chinese, ano kumakain ka na

ng bats and everything na doon nakuha yung virus ganun”. When questioned if she had any

particular methods used for coping, Participant C mentions that there is none since she is already

used to the discrimination that she experiences, “No naman kasi parang ano nasanay nalang

ako.” Furthermore, she also expressed that “Nakakaya naman kasi parang nasanay na rin and

there’s this mindset na wala naman ako magagawa eh.”

The third research participant, Participant D, mentioned an instance which he considered

a racial experience. He was with his friend in their condominium’s elevator when a man

supposedly of Filipino descent entered. Participant D, wearing a proper face mask, let out a soft

cough which triggered a mean and glaring look from the man they were with in the elevator.

When the interviewers asked how he coped with this experience, Participant D responded, “Kasi

parang rather than being offended pero hindi ako ganon I just brush it off with a laugh.”

In the interview of Participant K, she explained that she experienced being name-called

and receiving offensive remarks by others. Her experience of racial stereotyping was when her

friend group would always joke about when it is Chinese New Year, she has to treat them for

lunch or pakain. She said that she has not received any xenophobic instances, but she has

received types of racial discrimination. She said that in terms of physical discrimination, there

33
are none, but she always recieved this joke which is “Ching Chong 1000”, and growing up for

her was difficult. She said that her coping mechanisms were just to brush it off before, but now

for her, she would stand up for what is right and stand up for herself. With regards to during the

COVID-19 pandemic, Participant K mentioned that she has yet to experience racial instances

mainly due to the reason that she receives little socialization in quarantine.

From the interview of Participant M, it can be inferred that he has experienced types of

name-calling and offensive remarks among his peers and other people. Participant M mentioned

an instance or experience with racial stereotyping through the video game, Valorant, as people

asked if he was Chinese because of his accent. Participant M noticed that they were making fun

of him by saying "Lah" after every line they said — implying the Singaporean term. Another

instance he talked about was when people would ask him if he eats dogs. He said that it was

offensive as people asked him that question even if he knows that it was a joke. When participant

M was asked if he had experienced racism during the COVID-19 pandemic and he responded by

recalling an instance during the end of 10th Grade, his classmates would create jokes at him

saying , “Oh my god, does Marvin have COVID?” He responded saying how he found it weird.

At first, he thought that it was considered normal to be afraid, but it still had a negative impact

on his daily life. When the researchers asked him if he used any certain coping mechanisms for

the matter, he mentioned sleeping and shrugging it off. He says that it helps take it down a notch,

but for other people, it is possible that they can be more offended a lot more than him.

In the interview with Participant R, it was observed that he received name calling and

offensive actions based on his experiences. He said that the instances that he was racially

stereotyped is when people would say he is good in math just because he was Chinese, he also

34
notably said that people would avoid just because of his nationality. During the pandemic, he

gave an experience of when he rode a jeepney and he said that people were ignoring him when

he was asking for help to pass his payment to the driver in front. He specifically said,

“As for me naman, while I was trying to pass on yung bayad ko sa jeep, the

people in the front wouldn’t budge, like they literally wouldn’t - you know like nakalabas

na yung kamay ko. ‘Nakikisuyo po’, I said. And everybody just ignored me, and I had to

resort to literally walking through the middle of the jeepney while it was moving to pass

on my bayad.”

He observed that it was a case of racial discrimination because he saw another person

who came by after him that did not look Chinese pass his payment and everybody that was in his

row helped him. When the researchers asked Participant R what was the coping mechanism that

helped, Participant R said that listening to music and singing were the coping mechanisms that

helped.

The last participant, Participant S, experienced racial stereotyping and discrimination by

other people. He stated that he was racially stereotyped as people assumed that he is good in

mathematics and business just because he is Chinese. He said an instance of racial discrimination

was experienced during the pandemic. Public school pupils taunted him for speaking Chinese

and coughing in front of him and his companions, implying that COVID-19 was circulated by

Chinese people. When asked what his coping mechanism was, he said he thinks positively, and

avoids dwelling on the thought too much in order to have fewer negative emotions.

35
 CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

This phenomenological study is about the lived experiences of the selected members of

the Filipino-Chinese community regarding their experiences on racism before and during the

pandemic. It also aims to describe the situations on how they experienced racial discrimination,

how these affected them, and how they coped with such incidents. The researchers conducted an

interview with the seven Filipino-Chinese participants learning about their experiences with

racism, racial discrimination, racial stereotypes, xenophobia, and their coping mechanisms.

Results showed that all the participants have experienced racism. The findings in this

study reveal that the majority of the participants have experienced name-calling, followed by a

tie among receiving offensive remarks, offensive actions, and mimicking or mocking, and lastly,

through offensive jokes and mimicking or mocking. Apart from their experiences with racism,

findings show that the participants’ coping mechanisms vary from one another except for

Participant M and Participant D’s coping mechanism which is to laugh it off.

Racism is unlikely to disappear completely in the envisioned future despite numerous

individual efforts, given that it has been deeply integrated within society for years. When the

pandemic struck, racism was focused on the Filipino-Chinese in the Philippines. With this, much

observation has been given to propose that more multicultural studies should be done and given

light in order to educate the masses. The researchers recommend that racism and its various

aspects are to be taught in certain classes such as Values Education, Personal Development,

Physical Education & Health, and other related courses. Aside from educational institutions,

work institutions are also recommended to provide and practice proper regulations to avoid

36
similar experiences within their diverse communities and their clients or products. Moreover,

racism should be given importance and taken into consideration by lawmakers by providing the

necessary assistance and legislations needed for those experiencing high levels of abuse.

Inflicting pain whether it would be physical or psychological, specifically by using offensive

remarks, jokes, and many more regarding racism should be punishable by law depending on the

severity of the situation in the near future to protect people of all races and promote inclusivity.

Several procedures have been made to improve the study’s reliability, although ample

consideration should be observed in analyzing the findings. The minority of respondents and

homogeneity of the participants that engaged restricts the capacity to extrapolate the findings of

this study. The present investigation's technique combines individual accounts in order to find

common links among the seven individuals. Given the exploratory character of this study, the

literature on this demographic and occurrence ought to be developed in terms of understanding

the Filipino-Chinese community's lived experiences. Future studies under this field may be able

to offer far more thorough results.

37
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 APPENDIX I

List of Figures

Figure 1 - Research Model

List of Tables

Table 1 - Data Collection Instrument Matrix

45
Table 2 - Types of Racism, Xenophobia, Racial Discrimination, and Racial Stereotypes

Experienced

46
Table 3 - Types of Coping Mechanisms

47
 APPENDIX II

Collection of Participant Data through Google Forms

48
 APPENDIX III

The Intsik Sitch: A Phenomenological Study of Racism in the Filipino-Chinese Community

During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Informed Consent Form

For Filipino-Chinese Individuals

Ang, Isabella Perri [email protected]

De Leon, Sophia Leigh [email protected]
Tecson, Tyrone Martin [email protected]
Villaver, Raine Miguel [email protected]
Humanities & Social Sciences 12
De La Salle University - Integrated School Manila
Practical Research

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

You are being invited to take part in a research study. Before you decide to participate in
this study, it is important that you understand why the research is being done and what your
participation will involve. Please read the following information carefully and feel free to ask
the researcher if there is anything that is not clear or if you need more information. This study
aims to contribute a body of knowledge on racism and raise awareness on how it is experienced
in the Philippines. Particularly it will benefit the following:

The Filipinos and the Filipino-Chinese. The research will provide them a venue to share their
personal experiences on racial issues and thus contribute to raising awareness on such matters.
The Government. The study can provide policymakers insights into how racism is experienced
in the country, which can then be used as a resource to craft programs and guidelines to prevent
its perpetuation.
Future Researchers. Results from this study can provide future researchers with new and untold
information which could contribute to their research.

STUDY PROCEDURES
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These are the steps the researchers will apply during the interview:
(1) The participants will be contacted by one of the researchers if they are willing to
participate in the study.
(2) If the participant agrees to participate, they will be asked to sign the informed consent
form and a Parent’s consent form to be signed by the minor’s parents or legal guardian.
(3) During the meeting, the researchers will ask the participants if they consent to recording
the interview. If they consent, the researchers will ask again if they consent to recording
during documentation.

These are the steps the researchers will apply during data gathering:
(1) The researchers will listen to the video and audio recordings once again to have a better
understanding of the meanings of the participants.
(2) When applying imaginative variation, the researchers will not change the meanings of the
participants.

DURATION
As a participant, it is expected that you will be allotting a certain amount of time for the study’s
progression. The interview to be held in the Zoom application will require at least 45 minutes for
the complete set of questions to be answered.

VOLUNTARY PARTICIPATION
Your participation in this study is voluntary. It is up to you whether or not you decide to
participate. If you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign this consent form. After you
sign this consent form, you are still free to withdraw at any time and without giving a reason.
Withdrawing from this study will not affect the relationship you have, if any, with the researcher
and not bring you any sanction. If you withdraw from the study before data collection is
completed, your data will be destroyed. You are also entitled to review their remarks in
individual interviews and erase a part or all of the recording or note.

RISKS
Risks to those who will participate are extremely low. The foreseeable risks as a participant of
our study may include:
1. A participant may find themselves challenged by questions or ideas they had not
considered beforehand.
2. A participant recalling a racial incident that has happened to them may cause stress,
anxiety, emotional distress, and/or physical discomfort.

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To minimize these, we practice ethical considerations and proper handling of these situations to
the best of our ability. You may decline to answer any or all questions and you may withdraw
your participation at any time if you choose.

BENEFITS
There will be no direct benefit to your participation in the study. Participants will have the
opportunity to reflect on, share, and become more aware of their thoughts and feelings about
their personal experiences. However, we hope that the information from this study may
positively influence the treatment towards the Filipino-Chinese community.

CONFIDENTIALITY
Your responses in this research will be anonymous. Every effort will be made by the researcher
to preserve your confidentiality, including the following:

1. Assigning codes/pseudonyms for participants that will be used on all research notes
and documents.
2. Keeping notes, interview transcriptions, and any other personal identifiers in a secure
Google Drive folder that only the researchers will have access to.
3. Deleting all records after three months after the final defense.

CONTACT INFORMATION
This study was approved by the Research Ethics Review Committee of De La Salle University. If
you have any questions at any time about this study, or if you experience any non-normative
sensations as a result of participation, you may contact the researcher whose contact information
is on the first page. If you have any questions regarding your rights as a research participant, or if
problems arise which you do not feel you can discuss with the Principal Investigator, please feel
free to contact the Director of the Research Ethics Office, Dr. Nelson B. Arboleda, Jr., at
[email protected] or by calling (632) 524-4611 local 513.

_______________________________________________________

CONSENT

I have read the provided information, or it has been read to me. I have had the opportunity to ask
questions about it and any questions I have been asked have been answered to my satisfaction. I

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understand that I will be given a copy of this form, and the researcher will keep another copy on
file. I consent voluntarily to be a participant in this study.

Print Name of Participant:

Signature:
Date:

If you are under the age of 18, we require your parent or legal guardian’s consent.

I, the undersigned, certify that I am the parent or legal guardian of the participant. I hereby
consent to the aforementioned child participating in the activities concerning this study. I have
read thoroughly and acknowledged all the information stated above.

Print Name of Parent/Legal Guardian:

Signature:
Date:
Print Name of Researcher: Ang, Isabella Perri
Signature:
Date: 09/16/2021

Print Name of Researcher: De Leon, Sophia Leigh

Signature:
Date: 09/16/2021

Print Name of Researcher: Tecson, Tyrone Martin

Signature:
Date: 09/16/2021

Print Name of Researcher: Villaver, Raine Miguel

Signature:
Date: 09/16/2021

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 APPENDIX IV

INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE GUIDE

1. What is your sex assigned at birth, marital status, educational attainment, religious

belief/affiliation?

2. Have you experienced racial stereotyping? How? What were these stereotypes?

3. Have you experienced xenophobia? What were these experiences?

4. Have you experienced racial discrimination? How? What were the instances that you

experienced racial discrimination?

5. What are your coping mechanisms when you experience racial discrimination? Were they

able to help? In what way?

6. Do you have experiences of racism during the COVID-19 pandemic? If so, what are

they? Are there any differences between your experiences of racism before and during the

pandemic? In what way?

7. Have these racial stereotypes affected your experiences with racial discrimination? How?

8. Is there an effect of xenophobia on your experiences of racial discrimination?

9. Does the kind of racial discrimination you experienced affect your coping mechanism? In

what way?

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