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ANTHONY BRYER
1 C. Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey: A general survey of the material and spiritual culture and history,
c. 1071-1330 (London, 1968), 307-14: "... it will come as no surprise to find that the emanicipation
of the Turcomans was accompanied by a new expansion at the expense of the Byzantine Empire"
(after 1243). S. Vryonis, Jr., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of
Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1971),
194: "The invasions, settlements, and raids of the Turkmens played a crucial role in the fate of the
Anatolian peninsula. The impact of this nomadic-pastoral-warrior society, which was at the height
of its heroic age, upon Christians was one of the principal factors in the cultural transformation of
Asia Minor"; idem, "The Byzantine Legacy and Ottoman Forms," DOP, 23-24 (1969-70), 251-308.
P. Wittek, The Rise of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1963), 31; F. Stimer, Oguzlar (Tiirkmenler).
Tarihleri-boy teskildth-destanlarz, 2nd ed. (Ankara, 1972), esp. 327-35; M. Angold, A Byzantine
Government in Exile. Government and Society Under the Laskarids of Nicaea (1204-1261) (Oxford,
1974), 101: "The pressure of the Turkomans upon the Nicaean frontier seems to have become more
noticeable from the 1250s." H616ne Ahrweiler, "L'histoire et la g6ographie de la r6gion de Smyrne
entre les deux occupations turques (1081-1317) particulibrement au XIIIe siecle," TM, 1 (1965), 27.
2Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, 110-11, 281-82; idem, "Quelques textes n6glig6s concernant les
Turcomans de Rfim au moment de l'invasion mongole," Byzantion, 14 (1939), 133-34; idem, "Notes
sur l'histoire des Turcomans d'Asie Mineure au XIIIe siecle," JA, 239 (1951), 340-49; idem, " Questions
d'histoire de la province de Kastamonu au XIIIe siecle," Selpuklu Arastzrmalarz Dergisi, 3 (1971),
145-58.
3 Vryonis, Decline, 283-84; W. E. D. Allen, A History of the Georgian People from the Begin
down to the Russian Conquest in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1932), 95-108.
9 Among them X&hAr, one of the last nine Christian villages of Ophis (Of): I. Parcharides, ITrraTlrtKjl
-rilS TrapXias "OpEcoS -To0 vopo TparreloOv-ros, in Tlapvacr6S, 3 (1879), 228.
10 Irene M61likoff, La geste de Melik Danismend, I (Paris, 1960), passim; C. Cahen, "Une famille
byzantine au service des Seljouqides d'Asie Mineure," Polychronion. Festschrift Franz D61lger (Heidel-
berg, 1966), 145-49; A. Bryer, "A Byzantine Family: the Gabrades, c. 979-c. 1653," University of
Birmingham Historical Journal, 12 (1970), 164-87; and A. Bryer, S. Fassoulakis, and D. Nicol, "A
Byzantine Family: the Gabrades. An Additional Note," Byzantinoslavica, 36 (1975), 38-45.
31 Illustrated in The Church of Haghia Sophia at Trebizond, ed. D. Talbot Rice (Edinburgh, 1968),
pls. 9A, 9B, 10A, 10B, 21E, 21F, 22D, 23A-D, figs. 12-53; see also J. M. Rogers, "Recent Work on
Seljuk Anatolia," Kunst des Orients, 6 (1970), 153-61, 165. Sculpturally and architecturally the inter-
change was overwhelmingly between Armenians and Seljuks, not Greeks. Tamara Talbot Rice's
proposition that the Hagia Sophia work is that of Seljuk refugees from the battle of K6se Da' in
1243 is hardly convincing: "Decorations in the Seljukid Style in the Church of St. Sophia at Trebi-
zond," Geddchtnisschrift Diez (Istanbul, 1963), 87-119.
32 The evidence is potentially important, yet of the kind that falls to pieces in the hands, but
there are attestations that it may have some reliability, which will have to be argued out. (1) The
Synaxarion of St. Athanasios is palpably very late, but he is known from earlier Greek sources.
That his tomb was venerated in Trebizond, in 1318 at least, may be confirmed from an unexpected
quarter: Odoric de Pordenone, O.F.M., was shown "the body of Athanasius upon the gate of the
city" then. (Odoric is rightly used with caution, but his opening paragraphs about the Pontic shore-
where he may have picked up his Central Asian Tales--are reliable enough, and even his tale of
4,000 tame 'partridges' at Zigana is credible to anyone who has witnessed the migration of vast flocks
of exhausted quail which blacken the sky there in September.) Later, John Mandeville embroidered
Odoric by reporting that in Trebizond "lieth Saint Athanasius that was bishop of Alexandria, that
made the psalm QVIQVNQVE VVLT." St. Athanasios the Great had (of course) nothing to do with
Trebizond; the only other sainted Athanasios native of the city, the Athonite, was buried in his
Great Lavra. Odoric (and Mandeville) must therefore intend the Exorcist. His Synaxarion states
that his body was translated back to the monastery of St. Phokas, presumably after the emir's wife
and Odoric venerated it, and perhaps after 1461, when the relics of a Greek metropolitan above an
Ottoman city gate would have been inappropriate: there is, in fact, what appears to be a chapel
or shrine above the Gate of St. George of the Limnians to the northeast of the citadel. (2) The
monastery of St. Phokas, perhaps ToO A&itrhov, and not to be confused with that at Kordyle, may
be referred to in 980. It would have had to have been within commuting distance of Trebizond,
where we are told that St. Athanasios took the weekend cathedral services. Ioannides, a 19th-
century Trapezuntine schoolmaster and antiquary, placed its ruins in the Hotz-Kymena district,
south of modern Trabzon airport and the University of the Black Sea. He gives no explanation for his
identification, but his instructions led me in 1973 to a partly rock-cut church (painted, perhaps, in
the 14th century) near Hosmesalos; it will be published in Bryer's and Winfield's study. The Synaxa-
rion gives the monastery an iron-rich estate at TLapwroipou; there is a Cam Burunu east of Sourmaina
(Siirmene), but the Cam Burunu on Cape Jason, in the Chalybian iron lands, seems more likely.
(3) The Synaxarion does not state in which Grand Komnenos Manuel's reign the emir's wife came.
Manuel II reigned very briefly in 1332; in Manuel III's reign (1390-1417), Sivas was wrecked by the
Mongols. I have therefore followed other commentators in taking it to be the reign of the more famous
Manuel I (1238-63). (4) If this is so, and if the other indications cited add sufficient weight for the
Synaxarion to be taken seriously, the tale of the emir's wife fits well enough in a cultural milieu of
late 13th-century Sivas, which was even more hybrid than that of Manuel's Trebizond. Among three
splendid medreses erected there in 1271/72, the G6k was designed by the Greek Kaluyan al-Qunawi,
and the Buriiciye and Gift Minare show Armenianizing influences. A Franciscan house was established
there about eight years later. The emir's wife need not have been Muslim Turk. One candidate would
be the Caucasian Khoshak Mkhargrdzeli, who probably married Sams al-Din Ciivayni (patron of
the Qifte Minare in Sivas) in the last years of Manuel's reign. A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Xu pPoXai
EIs Tilv taropiav TpawrrEoiv-ros, Viz Vrem, 12 (1906), 138-41; F. Halkin, Auctarium Bibliothecae Hagio-
graphicae Graecae, SubsHag, 47 (Brussels, 1969), 194, no. 2047t; A. W. Pollard, The Travels of Sir
John Mandeville, with three narratives in illustration of it .... (London, 1900; New York, 1964), 98,
326; Papadopoulos-Kerameus, FHIT, I, 53, 47, 58, 120; K. Lake, The early days of monasticism on
Mount Athos (Oxford, 1909), 103; S. Ioannides, 'I-ropia K Xi T-rTrl-rlK1 TpaSrrEloiv-ros Kil Tf l wEpi T-raj-
Trnv Xcbpas (Constantinople, 1890), 239; Chrysanthos, 'EKKmAlaia (supra, note 24), 217-21; Bryer, Isaac,
and Winfield, "Nineteenth-century Monuments," pt. 3 (supra, note 26), 294; Golubovich, Biblioteca
(supra, note 27), I, 301; A. Bryer, "Trebizond and Rome," 'ApX.nT6v-r., 26 (1964), 294-95, 300 note 2;
Vryonis, Decline, 486; J. M. Rogers, Patronage in Seljuk Anatolia, 1200-1300 (Oxford, 1971) (un-
published Dr. Phil. thesis); 0. Turan, "Les souverains seljoukides et leurs sujets non musulmans,"
Studia Islamica, 1 (1953), 80-83. I am grateful to Miss Barbara Brend and Father Jean Darrouzvs for
discussion and information.
46 D. E. Pitcher, An Historical Geography of the Ottoman Empire, from earliest times to the end of
the sixteenth century (Leiden, 1972), map viii. Terme and Ordu are 19th-century revivals.
4 Bryer, "Laz and Tzan," pt. 1, 174, 195; pt. 2, 163-68; C. Cahen, "Ibn Sai'd sur l'Asie Mineure
Seldjuqide," Ankara Universitesi FakWiltesi Tarih Arastirmalari Dergisi, 6 (1968), 49: "les montagnes
de DJANIK ... sont habit6es par un peuple indocile et rude, pratiquant la religion chr6tienne."
48 De Planhol, Fondements, 224, 236.
49 J. P. Fallmerayer, Original-Fragmente, Chroniken, Inschriften und anderes Materiale zur Geschichte
des Kaiserthums Trapezunt, pt. 2, AbhMiin, Hist.Kl., 4 (1) (1844), 106-7: Trapezuntine Armenian
inscription of 1413/14 (incorrectly computed to 1415 by Fallmerayer), referring to the emperors
of Trebizond as kyr and 'takhavor.'
S0 Cahen, "Quelques textes" (supra, note 2), 137.
51 Al Umari, trans. Quatrembre (supra, note 25), 379-80: "Le royaume de Tr6bizonde, qui apparti
aux adorateurs de la croix, est un empire consid6rable, situ6 le long du rivage de la mer, sur un go
demi-circulaire, form6 par les eaux du Pont. Il se prolonge, d'occident en orient, sur la fronti6re
territoire occup6 par des Turcs, sur cette c6te que nous avons d6crite. Plac6 au midi du pays de Rou
il a ses deux extr6mit6s 6troites, tandis que son milieu pr6sente une largeur consid6rable. Il semble
que, des deux c6t6s, on a promen6 un compas en dehors du centre de la circonf6rence, de manier
imiter la figure d'un fruit de mirobolan. C'est sous cette forme que Belban le G6nois m'a trac6 la
carte de ce royaume. Suivant son r6cit, le souverain de Tr6bizonde est un prince grec descendu d
Constantin, fondateur de la ville de Constantinople. Ce monarque s'assied sur un tr6ne, port
couronne, a des revenus dignes d'un roi, une cour nombreuse, et jouit, aupres du pape, d'une hau
consid6ration. Lui et tous ses sujets se distinguent par une extreme beaut6; seulement, le pr
aujourd'hui r6gnant a, comme son pbre, sur les reins une excroissance mince, allong6e, pro6mine
qui a la longueur et la largeur d'un pouce, et qui ressemble a une sorte de queue. On voit, dans le m
pays, plusieurs personnes dont la conformation pr6sente cette particularit6. Lorsque Belban me f
ce r6cit, j'h6sitais ' le transcrire, attendu qu'il me paraissait peu vraisemblable; mais il me fut confir
par Behadur-Abouami, et ensuite, successivement, par trois hommes vou6s ' la vie religieuse. Alor
je n'ai pas h6sit6 a consigner le fait dans mon ouvrage, en en laissant la responsabilit6 a ceux don
je le tiens. D'ailleurs, la puissance de Dieu est infinie; il fait tout ce qu'il lui plait, et cr6e, quand i
veut, des objets inconnus aux hommes.
Suivant le t6moignage du meme Belban, les habitants du royaume de Tr6bizonde sont des homm
belliqueux et hardis. Leur pays est continuellement travers6 par des voyageurs qui se dirigent ve
la province de Krim, le d6sert de Kabdjak et les autres contr6es du nord. L'empire de Tr6bizonde
est plus vaste que la royaume des Kurdjes (la G6orgie), et plus important aux yeux des monarques
chr6tiens, attendu que la population est plus forte et plus brave. Le roi de Tr6bizonde porte, com
celui d'Armenie, le titre de Takafour. Il est d'une naissance plus illustre que l'empereur de G
actuellement r6gnant, et il s'attribue sur ce monarque une grande sup6riorit6. Les soldats qui com
posent son arm6e, quoique peu nombreux et mal 6quip6s, sont autant des h6ros, autant de lions r
doutables qui ne laissent jamais 6chapper leur proie. Du reste, ce pays ressemble, sous tous les rappo
aux principaut6s turques qui l'avoisinent. Tel est le r6cit de Belban le G6nois." This Egyptian compil
tion was made in the period 1342-48; Belban was a former Genoese slave: F. Taeschner, Al-Umaris
Bericht i4ber Anatolien in seinem Werhe (Leipzig, 1929). I have no comment on the tailed Grand
Komnenoi (a tradition otherwise unattested), but see H. Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo,
(London, 1871), 244; and S. Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature, III (Copenhagen, 195
138, no. F518.
52 H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Battfita, A.D. 1325-1354, II (Cambridge, 1962), 465-6
Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey, 312, 321.
65 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, FHIT, 61; Arrian, 22; Miller, Itineraria Romana, col. 646; Nice
Acominatus (Choniates), Bonn ed. (1835), 45-46; Theodore Prodromos in PG, 133, cols. 1340-
Idrisi (supra, note 41), ed. Jaubert, 394, trans. Nedkov, 98-99; F. Chalandon, Les Comndne,
Jean II Comndne (1118-1143) et Manuel I Comndne (1143-1180) (Paris, 1912; New York, 1971
4e~ ~ ~
lr' lt
2. Tzanicha (Canc
"Fortresses there will be, that rub shoulders wit
rr6KacTrpov of the akritic Greco-Laz Tzanichites
1. The Pontic Rain Forest. two late medieval painted churches and overlook
route and the silver mines of Thia (later Argyrop
"Forests there will be, where the red serpent can find no path ..." Dede
shane is in the middle distance and the Pontic Al
Korkut. Coniferous forest, receiving about 2,500 mm. of rain annually,
from the monastery of Sonmela at about 1,600 m., looking south to the
tree line at about 2,000 m., above which is the Parcharin of Larachanes
(Larhan yayla), leading to the Pontic Gates.
"Bylae": the principal summer pass on the Trebizond-Tabriz route, standing abov
Parcharin of Stavri (Istavri yayla), at about 2470 m., looking north.
"We went down into Rum, we wintered, we wrought much good and evil; Spring came, w
back again, elhamdiililldh." Yunus Emre. Aerial view of the Iris (Yesil Irmak) River delta,
north from above (arsamba to the Black Sea, about 20 km. away. Taslikki*y (? Limni
the coast to the right (east), near the medieval mouth of the Iris, which now debouches to
(west).
5a /1 AQ o Matzouk ?Rhizain
Ainsosr Palaioma zouka G
S (t Canik 1330) raSmsn (c.1197)
imisso Athena
1 1O
to (tkC
A emi
1393)
o) Iolar emiritLmn
naion Om
tr aleodlu Kal - St. Bai I SPharos
E/P.E I 1277 A/ . r-1/Phadisan /L TrebizodO
Emirla / -Polemor Ker asous Ko alla St.ma
2 ) CAP J.O Kenc ina Soumaina
7ro Io 0) 12 Ophis
HAr6u)3 130P ZAS
o Havza 7mas 1
Taoanogula
OPrireoe
emirate B B
NromamKas P
(1313 a
n
( *
'Koloneia 0~ rl~i~
13 W fled Town %~iiii
M 'or MonasterjiF~riii :::1;
oM or MC aster* * H2 3
A XM
M ne,
*or ravan, route from
B attle c aTrobiizoimd ..i ::
n ... .......
C ravaa route f m TrebizondA
Kf~y o :,...... ~ .... .........~
The Empire o
During this visit Alexios III "took control of Limnia" and marr
daughter to a certain Taceddin pelebi, who had first sought a ma
alliance in June 1362. In 1384 comes a final reference to a bishop of
and administrator of Amaseia,55 and in 1386, when he was succeeded by
Altamur (? I), Panaretos entitles Taceddin pelebi emir of Limnia.
What had been happening? In the words of the poet Yunus Emre, sp
for Tiirkmens further west and earlier in the century:
We went down into Rum, we wintered, we wrought much good and
Spring came, we went back again, grace be to Allah.56
177, 178 note 1; A. Bryer, "The littoral of the Empire of Trebizond in two fourteenth-centu
lano maps," 'ApX.f6v-r., 24 (1961), 101-2. The problem, which has exercised historians of t
since Fallmerayer, Trapezunt (supra, note 15), 303, will be further explored in the forthcom
by Bryer and Winfield.
54 F. Miklosich and J. Miiller, Acta et Diplomata Graeca medii aevi sacra et pro/ana, I (V
1860), 69-71; Vryonis, Decline, 291, 318.
s5 Miklosich and Miiller, Acta et diplomata, II (Vienna, 1862), 64-66. Metropolitan Joseph o
was consecrated by Paul Tagaris, successive charlatan Orthodox patriarch of Jerusalem and
less genuine Latin patriarch of Constantinople, and was, not unnaturally, uneasy about the
of his ordination.
56 "ndik Rumu kisladhk, qok hayr u ?er isledik/U? bahar oldu, geri gogtiik elhamdiilillah." De
Planhol, Fondements, 224.
e1 H. H.imGiesecke,
mittelalters KleinasienDas
(i.e.,Werk
Bazm udes 'Azz(Leipzig,
Razm) ibn Ardaslr Astarab.df.
1940), 110; Eine Quelle
Siimer, Oguzlar, 328. zur Geschichte des Spdt-
62 Clavijo, trans. Le Strange, 109; ed. Estrada, 73; Schiltberger, trans. Telfer, 41-43; Miller, Trebi-
zond, 74-75.
63 J. Bordier, "Relation d'un voyage en Orient," ed. Chrysanthos (Philippides) Metropolitan of
Trebizond, 'ApX.TT6v-r., 6 (1935), 115.
64 G6kbilgin, "Trabzon," 333.
65 Efendi, Travels, trans. von Hammer (supra, note 14), II, 40.
66 Clavijo, trans. Le Strange, 108; ed. Estrada, 73, has "Meliseno" or "Melaseno," which Miller,
Trebizond, 75, identifies with "the great Greek family of Melissenos, well known for its pious foundations
on Mount Pelion.... " But they are otherwise unrecorded in Trebizond, while a MsFAsoIvos of Rhizaion
is attested in 1432: Laurent, "Deux chrysobulles," 265.105
74W. Tomaschek, Zur historischen Topographie von Kleinasien im Mittelalter, SBWien, Phil.-
Hist.Kl., 124 (8) (1891), 80; K. Kretschmer, Die italienischen Portolanen des Mittelalters (Berlin,
1969), 648; A. Delatte, Les portulans grecs (Liege-Paris, 1947), I, 238; II, 33; Bryer, "Littoral,"
105-6. Despite the fact that it appears as ?1 Mi?Sta in a late portolan (and even as NIKOp?8EIa in
another), Tomaschek's suggestion that it is in fact 6 Mij8ias [AlCpv] must be no more than a happy
notion, for the Greek definite article cannot be expected to be so firmly attached to a name (especially
in a confusing gender). Kretschmer's opinion that the place was in fact the Boz Tepe of Ordu is equally
farfetched. Balabanes argues improbably that Bulancak was originally nepavrL~dlv, a diminutive of
Pera. It is possible, I suggest instead, that Omidia could be the otherwise unidentified settlement of
'Appc8iov beach in the district of TO0 HouTrLUa, mentioned by Lazaropoulos in connection with the
events of 1222/23, and not heard of again, suggesting that it was lost to the Trapezuntines at an early
stage. G. Balabanes, H6Sev -r6 6vopa T~irS ovXaavrrLKS T-ro0 H6vrov, in Horl&ovTK caoXa, 3 (27) (1938),
108-11; Papadopoulos-Kerameus, FHIT, 122.
75 In discussion, Mme Ahrweiler proposed that the 'Amitiotai' derived from 'Apr-rT6S (Amisos).
This would be a possibility were it not for the fact that this form is otherwise unattested throughout
the history
which of theed.
Panaretos, city, which was
Lampsides, 69, known
75, usesincreasingly
exclusively. from the tenth century as 'Apiva6;, a form
76IrJne M61likoff-Sayar, Le destan d'Umur Pacha (Paris, 1954), 106-8; P. Lemerle, L'dmirat
d'Aydin, Byzance et l'Occident (Paris, 1957), 175, 221; M. Izeddin, "Notes sur les mariages princiers
en Orient au Moyen Age," JA, 257 (1969), 144-45.
82 tbn Battuta, trans. Gibb (supra, note 52), II, 488-89, 498-503.
83 See V. Vladimirtsov, Le rigime social des Mongols (Paris, 1948).
4 I am not here concerned with the origins of the title, on which there is an immense bibliography,
ending with D. Polemis, "A note on the origin of the title 'Miyas Kowqv6s',"Neo-Hellenika, 1 (1970),
18-23; 0. Lampsides, "Bessarions Zeugnis iiber den Titel Miyas Kovrlv6s," 'ApX.TT6vr., 30 (1971),
386-97; B. Hemmerdinger, "M-yas Kopvnv6s, Calque de Hohenstaufen," Byzantion, 40 (1970), 33-35
(perhaps the most bizarre and unconvincing of all explanations); and 0. Lampsides, "Miyas Kopivv6s-
Hohenstaufen," Byzantion, 40 (1970), 544-45.
85 D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos (Cantacuzenus), ca. 1100-1460. A Geneal-
ogical and Prosopographical Study, DOS, XI (Washington, D.C., 1968), xi.
101 This area will be described in detail, and places identified, in the forthcoming study by Bryer
and Winfield.
102 D. Talbot Rice, Haghia Sophia, fig. 121.
103 Clavijo, trans. Le Strange, 115.
104 Vazelon Acts, no. 166 of the 15th century; cf. G. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, II, 2nd ed. (Berlin
1958), 343-44.
105 Chalkokondyles, Bonn ed., 437.
106 Panaretos, ed. Lampsides, 75.
107 H. Gregoire, "Les veilleurs de nuit ' Tr6bizonde au XIVe sidcle," BZ, 18 (1909), 490-99.
108 J. Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos, Traitd des Offices (Paris, 1966), 341-42, 348; Laurent, "Deu
Chrysobulles," 26154, 2671s5, 269202; Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, II, 68. I am grateful to Professo
Speros Vryonis, Jr., for discussion of the term.
109 A term whose etymology (not, apparently, Georgian or Turkish) eludes me. Clavijo, ed. Estrada
75-76; trans. Le Strange, 112; Verpeaux, Pseudo-Kodinos, 341-42, 345. Although the list published
by Verpeaux contains, exceptionally, the emir candar and "Vrcho," he insists that it does not represen
a Trapezuntine order of precedence; if it were, it would indeed raise difficulties, but Verpeaux over-
looks the fact that it is inserted in Cod. Marc. gr. 608 immediately after the unique MS of Panaretos,
and is in the same hand. That this is, therefore, a Trapezuntine list is a strong possibility.
110 Vazelon Acts, no. 166 of the 15th century; but see Laurent, "Deux Chryso
KoqcAwEOV).
111 lorga, Notes et extraits (supra, note 26), I, 34; III, 246.
112 Listed in Bryer, doctoral thesis (supra, note 12), II, 171-96.
113 For example, the overhaul of the judicial structure in Constantinople in 1
imitated in Trebizond, with its Supreme Judges of the Imperial Court: Vazelo
of the 14th century; 133 of 1381; 134 of 1415.
114 Chalkokondyles, Bonn ed., 461-62.
115 Vryonis, Decline, 363-402.
116 V. Cuinet, La Turquie d'Asie, I (Paris, 1890), 55.
117 A. H. Wichter, Der Verfall des Griechenthums in Kleinasien im XIV. Jahrh
118 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, "Trapezountiaka," 679; Laurent, DHGE, X
Gelzer, Ungedruckte und ungeniigend veriffentlichte Texte der Notitiae episcopa
philol.Kl., 21 (1901), 635.
119 Laurent, DHGE, XII, cols. 632-33.
o20 Gelzer, loc. cit. in note 118.
Much of the argument in this paper depends upon a close interpretation of the text
of Panaretos and upon the accuracy and logic of identifications of names in it (where
Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, II, has been widely consulted). A translation of the relevant
passages is therefore given below. References are to the page and line numbers of Lampsides'
edition of Cod. Marc. gr. 608, fols. 287r-312r (supra, note 22); Panaretos' dating system
is simplified and indiction numbers are given in Roman numeral capitals.
633 And Kaloioannes Komnenos [John II, 1280-97] ... died in Limnia on Friday 16 August,
X, 6805 [1297]. But during his reign the Turks seized Chalybia [Onye district] and launched
a great invasion [into Trebizond proper], so that all those places became uninhabited.
6315 The Emperor kyr Alexios [II, 1297-1330] set out against the Turks in September 6810
[1301]; he found KouorrouydvrS129 at Kerasous [Giresun] and overwhelmed him, slaughtering
many Turks.
6324 lTapidsT&CS [Bayram] seized the -rTpya [pergi, tented stalls]a30 in the evening of Tuesday
2 October 6822 [1313].
6326 In 6827 [1318/19] the Sinopitans started a great fire which entirely devastated the beauties
of the city [of Trebizond], both inside and outside.
Pampoukes,
pkovos flov-rtaK&
'EyKcbptOV rrolKfica,ininNos
Ei TpaCTrLOVTCa, Xpov.J6vr., 1 (3) (November
~'EAA., 13 (1916), 1943),as74-75;
187; also published S. P. Lampros,
a monograph (Athens, Brjacra-
1916), 45.
135 D. M. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453 (London, 1972), 225.
136 In the map attached to H. Kiepert, "Der Verbreitung der griechischen Sprache im Pontischen
Kiistengebirge," Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin, 25 (4) (1890), 317-30, Phiande
pastures are placed too close to the western ridge of the Matzouka-Prytanis valley, and Gantopedin
is apparently equated with the Lavra castle (and fortified chapel) of Vazelon, near Hava (Papadopoulos-
Kerameus, FHIT, I, 119), although it should also be a pasture. The route of this expedition is impor-
tant because, if it can be worked out beyond Fikanoy yayla, it should lead to Kutlu' beg's camp.
One possibility is that Gantopedin represents the Haska yayla, at 2150 m., that Marmara is the yayla
of Mimera (now Erikli, attested in 1371 and 1432), that Saint Merkourios is in Trikomia (now the
Kalenima Dere) and that Achantakas (which is not the chandax of Saint Kerykos) is the Achantakas
attested in 1429 (Ahanda, now Kavakh, near the coast, 2 km. northwest of Akgaabat). This makes a
round tour of about 40 km., but leads straight into the densely populated Trapezuntine coastal
bandon of Trikomia, and hardly to an Akkoyunlu camp. It is more likely that from Fikanoy Alexios
followed the yayla watershed at the heads of the valleys onward past Tonya and the Horosdag,
southwest to Kiirtiin, Suma Kale, and the Harsit-Philabonites valley. From the pastures of Phianoe
this would have entailed a round trip of about 80 km. It would have brought him into the known
lands of the Cepni, a principal Akkoyunlu federate.
137 The term is usually taken to indicate specifically Ottoman pirates and hence the first Trapezuntine
encounter with the Osmanhs (in, e.g., Miller, Trebizond, 66), but at this date is much more likely
to represent Sinopitan or local Tiirkmen corsairs. In what is perhaps his most egregious flight of
scholarship, Gr6goire erected a Greco-Turkish emirate of Ares, but his proposed state (which would
have extended the entire 180 x 150 m. of the walled island) must, sadly, be dismissed, if only on
epigraphic grounds. H. Gr6goire, "Notes 6pigraphiques. X, Michel Comnene, 6mir d'Arane," Revue
de l'instruction publique en Belgique, 52 (1909), 12-17; F. Cumont, "Notes sur une inscription d'Ico-
nium," BZ, 4 (1895), 101-5; P. Wittek, "L'6pitaphe d'un ComnBne a Konia," Byzantion, 10 (1935),
505-15; and 12 (1937), 206-11; Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey (note 1 supra), 210; Fallmerayer, Original-
Fragmente, pt. 2, p. 91.
NOTES TO APPENDIX II
142 OSMAN KARA ILtK ('Yuluk' or 'Siiliik,' the 'Black Leech') = Na, d. of Alexios III. Ducas,
Istoria Turco-Bizantind, ed. Grecu (supra, note 80), 163, 165.
143 MUTAHHARTEN (or Taharten) = Na, d. of either Alexios III or (less likely) Manuel III.
The third of three proposed matrimonial alliances between Trebizond and Erzincan, and the only
one certain enough to include in the genealogy. They are: (1) An ulu hatun and presbyterissa, who
died on 28 December 1342, recorded on a ceramic Greek epitaph from Erzincan. Cumont proposed
that she was "sans doute une princesse du sang des Comnbnes ou la fille de quelque grande famille
de leur entourage." The notion is attractive, for she would perhaps be a daughter of Alexios II, who
seems to have initiated the Trapezuntine sequence of marriage alliances with Muslim neighbors,
but it is curious that, if she were a Komnene, her name was not included on the epitaph-as was
the famous Komnenos of Konya. Perhaps it was on a second and now lost tile. (2) Unaware of this
inscription and of Mutahharten's alliance, Izeddin concludes from Brosset's summary translation of
Panaretos that Alexios III married a daughter to an emir of Erzincan, probably the ahi Ayna beg,
who invaded Trebizond in 1348 and 1361. There is no evidence for the supposition, nor can the ulu
hatun who died in 1342 be a wife of ahi Ayna beg, for she evidently outlived her husband to become
a presbyterissa (? wife of a priest, ? deaconess) in the Orthodox Church of Erzincan, which was then
undergoing travails), although how she managed to change her status is a matter of speculation, in
which the possibility that she had, all along, been the ulu hatun of a Greek priest, should not be ruled
out. (3) The ahi Ayna beg was succeeded in Erzincan by Mutahharten, under Burhan al-Din (poet,
kadz, and self-proclaimed Sultan of Eretna in 1381, who may, or may not, have died at the hands of
the Karakoyunlu in 1398). Sultan Bayezid captured and released Mutahharten's Trapezuntine wife
at his siege of Erzincan in 1401. Mutahharten was restored by Timur, but the Muslims of the largely
gavur city (as Ibn Battuta pointed out, its Armenian bishop enjoyed more than local influence) took
the opportunity to complain that "prince Taharten was even more favourable to [Christians] than
he was to them, seeing that he specially cherished the Christians. Further they asserted that the
Christian churches were superior in size to their mosques. On this Timur, it is said, sent for Taharten,
reporting to him the complaint of the Moslems, and in reply Taharten agreed that it was true he
especially favoured the Christians throughout his country for they brought him, he said, wealth by
their trade. For an answer Timur then gave an order, commanding that a certain priest of the Greek
church, who was regarded as a chief among the Christians, should be brought to him. Then by reason
of the hatred in which he, Timur, held the Greeks of Constantinople, as also the Genoese of Pera,
he forthwith ordered that this priest of the Christians should immediately change his faith and be-
come a Moslem, but to do this that man would by no means consent. Timur on the spot gave orders
that all the Christian population of Arzinjin should be put to the sword, but prince Taharten now
besought him to have mercy, offering if Timur would spare their lives to bring him a gift of 9,000
aspers. ... This sum Taharten having paid on behalf of the citizens Timur relented, but none the
less ordered
ruined castle that all the Christian
overlooking churches
Erzincan from be demolished
the muddy ... ."Not
Euphrates. Timur took possession
surprisingly, of theto
there seems now
have
been a continuous state of tension, economic and religious, in this Christian majority caravan city,
serving a Muslim majority area (which, on a smaller scale, was probably reflected in Bayburt). In
1314 three Roman Catholic missionaries were martyred in Erzincan maydan and in 1316-19 its Greek
bishop (not subject to Trebizond) complained of the dire state of his establishment. But for Christian
artisans and entrepreneurs there, things seem to have bettered with Mutahharten's rule. He died
before 1404 and "left no legitimate male issue to succeed him, and his wife was the daughter of the
Emperor of Trebizond." Clavijo, trans. Le Strange, 125, 130 ('Zaratan'); Askipasazade, in Kreutel,
Vom Hirtenzelt zur Hohen Pforte (supra, note 68), 107, 109, 113; Nesgr, eds. Unat and K6ymen (supra,
note 58), I, 334-35; Ibn Battuta, trans. Gibb (supra, note 52), II, 437; Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey,
231, 286, 362-63; Golubovich, Biblioteca (supra, note 27), II, 64-68, 544; III, 183-84; M. Bihl, "De
duabus epistolis fratrum minorum Tartariae Aquilonaris An. 1323," AFrH, 16 (1923), 90; Miklosich
and Miiller, Acta et diplomata, I, 83; Izeddin, "Notes sur les mariages princiers" (supra, note 76), 151;
A. A. M. Bryer, "The fate of George Komnenos, ruler of Trebizond (1266-1280)," BZ, 66 (1973),
334 note 9, 347 note 76; F. Cumont, "Inscription de l'6poque des Comn6nes de Trebizonde," Mdlanges
Pirenne, I (Paris, 1926), 67-72; Giesecke, Quelle (= Bazm u Razm), 45-49, 66-69, 94-111.
144 ALI (ULU) BEG = Na, d. of Alexios IV. This marriage has a long and respectable history in
secondary sources, ending with Nicol, Kantakouzenos, 169. I have a ten-year-old note that it begins with
"D'Herbelot, 893," but Barthdlemrny d'Herbelot, Bibliothkque Orientale, ou Dictionaire Universel con-
tenant gdndralement tout ce qui regarde la connoissance des Peuples de l'Orient, 893, in the editions of
Paris, 1697; Maestricht, 1776; La Haye, 1777-79; and Paris, 1781, does not contain it. More to the
point, I am unable to find an original source to justify this oft-cited marriage, other than Chalkokondy-
les, Bonn ed., 462, which is far from explicit. The alliance must therefore be regarded as dubious.
Uzun Hasan's actual mother was, in any event, the Armenian Sara hatun: Asikpasazade, trans.
Kreutel, 225.
145 CIHANSAH = Na, d. of Alexios IV. Chalkokondyles, Bonn ed., 462.
TURALI
(fl. 1352)
11
OSMAN KARA ILtYK -- Na4
(d. 1435)
YAKUB
(d. 1478)
ALEXIOS II GK
(1297-1330)
BASIL GK
(1332-40)
TURALI BAYRAM
(fl. 1352) (fl. 1313-32)
FAHREDDIN KUTLUG BEG = MARIA HACI EMIR = THEODORA ALEXIOS III GK
(fl. 1352-67) (fl. 1357-61), (1349-90)
OSMAN KARA ILtYK - Na142 SULEYMAN = Na MUTAHHARTEN -- Na143 MANUEL
(d. 1435) (fl. 1386-96) Emir of Erzincan (1390-1417
(fl. 1381-1401)
ALEXIOS IV GK
(1417-29)
St
YAKUB I = HAYDAR
'ELIEL' 'EZIEL' MAR(T)A I (
(d. 1478) Pontic Greek-speaking daughters. (1460-88) fi
Fled Harput, 1478, for Damascus, the Safavid
where still living in 1512.
ALEXIOS II GK
(1297-1330)
MIUTAHHARTEN - Na14
Emir of Erzincan (1390-1417) (fl. 1367-86) (1) (d. 1390)
(fl. 1381-1401) (2)
- ? KONSTAN
(d. 1395)
ALEXIOS IV GK ALTAMUR ( ? I)
(1417-29) (fl. 1386-1404)
think any other Mahommedan or Christian king ever granted, even to their neare
tomb in St. George, Diyarbekir (ruined in 1883 and now lost) was shown to an Italian
"meanly buried under a portico near the door of the church in the earth, and above
like a box, one cubit high and one wide and about three in length, built of bricks an
Yakub is apparently not identical with the Yakub who succeeded Uzun Hasan (
probably killed by one of Uzun Hasan's Muslim wives in 1478. In 1500 there was a
to recognize another son as pretender to Trebizond. A daughter, Mar(t)a, became m
conqueror of the Akkoyunlu and (from 1501) first Safavid Shah of Persia. Her two un
found their way to Damascus, where one Italian wrote: "I myself have often conve
in Trebizond Greek, which they learnt from Queen Despinacaton, their mother." H
met them in 1512; they recognized each other as relatives and spoke of their dynast
Trebizond over half a century before. Chalkokondyles, Bonn ed., 490, 497; Doukas,
F. Babinger, Mahomet II le Conqudrant et son temps, 1432-1481 (Paris, 1954), 229;
zon" (supra, note 22), 317, 320; Caterino Zeno, Iosafat Barbaro, Antonio Contarini,
in Persia,' Travels to Tana and Persia, Hakluyt Society, 1st ser., 49 (London, 18
18, 41 note 4, 43, 74 note 1, 146 note 6, 173-74, 178-79, 183; Iosafat Barbaro, Viagg
(supra, note 26), 48V; V. Laurent, "Le Vaticanus latinus 4789," REB, 9 (1951),
"Catherine ou Theodora ?", BZ, 22 (1913), 88-89; idem, Dans l'Orient Byzantin (Pari
(= "La Princesse de Trebizonde," Revue de Paris, 1 October 1912); V. Minorsky,
sidcle entre la Turquie et Venise," Orientalia Romana, 1 (1958), 99-117; Jorga, Notes
note 26), V (Paris-Bucharest, 1916), 328; Hinz, Uzun Hasan, 29-30, 57, 63, 80
Kur'anskis, "Une alliance probl6matique au XVe siecle. Le mariage de Valenza C
empereur de Trebizonde, a Niccolo Crispo, Seigneur de Santorin," 'ApX.T6vr.,
N. Iorga, Studii istorice asupra Chiliei si Cetitii-Albe (Bucharest, 1899), 121; A
Goths in the Crimea (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), 282; P. Nasturel, "Une pr6tendue oe
Tsamblak: 'Le Martyre de Saint Jean le Nouveau'," Actes du Premier Congrds
Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europdennes, VII (Sofia, 1971), 345-51.
147 ANNA = ZAGAN PASA. Chalkokondyles, Bonn ed., 527; Babinger, Mah
legend, she fled to the Thismountains south
content downloaded fromof Trebizond. A. Bryer, "Trebizond and Se
27 (1966), 5.27.45.11
38 noteon27; Bryer,
Sat, 13 May 2023Isaac, and
11:24:34 Winfield, "Nineteenth-century monuments
+00:00
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