SHKLAR, J - 1950. Machiavelli and Rousseau
SHKLAR, J - 1950. Machiavelli and Rousseau
Juditn Shklar
Introduction
Chapters.
Tf
III. P u b l i c Morality and the Dynamics of Corruption- 31
tf
Conclusion. 141
Bibliography,
-1-
Introduction
and said about Rousseau, or to give adequate credit to those who have
Modern S t a t e .
only those which were quoted verbatim, and those rrom whicn I had
facts.
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Chapter I
make strange companions. Nor is the distance between tnem merely one
one by using the other as an example. Even that is rare; mostly they
about human nature. "Theories which build upon the over-simple faith
that men are either wholly good or wholly bad are bound to result in
but he does not develop any further analogies that might have arisen
observes their common admiration for the Swiss, but fails to investigate
for the explanation of facts (they) were and are simply absurd". (1)
dealing only with The Social Contract, to the exclusion of the rest of
concerned to point out his isolation from the currents of opinion of his
political life in terms of what "is", while Rousseau lives in the realm
of "what ought to be", and an "ought to be" which lacks all contact with
by no means free from posing standards for political action, both abstract
and ethical in nature, and that Rousseau was not blind to the limits and
and with the avowed purpose of demonstrating that "justice and utility
in purpose that they are simply not dealing with the same subject
matter, (l)
internal dissensions", which would only ruin her. (3) War is a necessity,
there are some vast personal differences as well. What can the author
trying to collect his pay. (4) He haA, moreover, no taste for public
secretary"!
Nothing could compensate him for the sense of being l e f t out of the
"There i s my hope that these Medici lords w i l l begin to employ me, even
c a p a c i t i e s , for he has "not been asleep or playing for the fifteen years
t h a t I have devoted t o the study of the art of the s t a t e " , (l)
oman epublic. (l) The Prince, he considered "a book for Republicans",
personally he writes that he "was a proper man and a good citizen; but
being attached to the court of the Medici, he could not help veiling his
his detestable hero, Caesare Borgia, clearly enough shows his hidden aim;
and the contradiction between the teachings of the Prince and that of the
Discourses on Livy and the History of Florence shows that this profound
readers". (2) While the view that the Prince is a mere satire is not
human and fantastic images that dolour the pages of the book can easily
it and the Discourses. At any rate, Rousseau is in good company, for even
a sincere republican, but neither fell into the stupid idolatry with which
century came to regard him. The process by which the idealists came to
x
(3) Spinoza, Tradftis Theologico-Politicus. ch.v, s e c , 5. quoted from
E. Caasirer, The Myth of the State, pp. 119-120.
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accept him has been aptly likened to the "legitimization of a bastard", (l)
of him as "il divino Machiavelli". Possibly, to the extent that one may
antiquity as a moral and political ideal. Rome and Sparta were the foci
had adopted as standards for the most intense criticism of their respective
for the present was based on the same precepts. This is not surprising,
since both derived their dreams of antiquity from the same sources, Livy
send him a copy of Plutarch as soon as possible* (2) His love of the
ancient writers is also shown in one of the few really moving passages
"At the door I take off the clothes I have worn all
day, mud-spotted and dirty, and put on regal and
courtly garments. Thus appropriately clothed, I
enter into the ancient courts of ancient men, where
being lovingly received, I feea on food which alone
is mine, and which I was born for; I am not ashamed
to speak with them and ask the reason for their
(1) IViedrich Meinecke, Die Idee der Staatsraeson (Berlin & Muenchen,
1929), p. 43t>.
Plutarch. When he was only six years old, Plutarch was his favorite
This passion was not confined to childhood, for thirty years later,
he writes:
r a t h e r than about such law and justice as has never been known to man.
Chapter II
opposed to each other. While the major states of Europe were expanding,
personal i n f e r i o r i t y .
small l i t e r a t e group. Thus, for instance, Petrarch was more admired for
took the most extensive program of excavations, while Lorenzo de' Medici
could express the sentiment that without Plato one could not possibly be
strength that the i d e a l had over the popular mind. At times i t assumed
V i r g i l had been buried near their c i t y , and the conviction of the Paduans
Aeneas, ( l )
home, she constantly regretted that she had not been born a Spartan.
(3) H.T. Parker, The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries.
(Chicago, 1937), p. 35, at seq#
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Romans. Most people f e l t that the achievements of the past were too
I t was not u n t i l the hope of a new Rome, and one that lacked the pre-
and Greece, and pointed with i n f i n i t e hope t o the new society that was
of them wore a crown of laurel* The president's chair was draped with
the presence of such elevated sentiments, about the fact that the
been made I ( l ) The young and innocent were again condemned t o an heroic
Lycurgus was the idol of the radical Jacobins, and Solon that of the
for education based on the Spartan ideal was drawn up, not unlike the one
t h a t Rousseau had proposed to the Poles.
the great virtues of the ancient Republic, ( l ) Virtue formed the true
!
|Les fondateurs des anciennes republiques avoient
egalement p a r t a g e l e s t e r r e s ; cela seul f a i s o i t un
peuple p u i s s a n t , c ' e s t - a - d i r e une s o c i e t e bien
re*glee; c e l a f a i s o i t a u s s i une bonne armee, chacun
ayant un egal i n t ^ r e t , et t r e s grand, a defendre
sa p a t r i e " . ( l )
l a v i l l e " . (2)
t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and moral l i f e .
(2) I b i d . , p p . 8 5 - 8 6 .
which the sight of an ancient statue could move him was a moralistic
aphorism.
speaks of the banishment of poets from the Republic, and of the l a t t e r ' s
5uite apart from the general trends of thought, that surrounded them,
how far Florence was from h i s ideal of a republic, and called the history
thousand years, she became so imbecile", his own love for h i s native c i t y
than my soul". (1) Nor can he refrain from applauding the acts of
joined a league against the Pope in 1375, they demonstrated their supreme
love for their city. "So much did citizens at that time prefer the good
Church, that if as her friends they had defended her, they could as
habits of the city that Savonarola had been able to call forth showed him
that there were still latent sources of public spirit Deneath the general
republic, and in the general equality among the citizens he saw the basic
city, we find not one decent character.There are depraved priests, fools,
and Rome.
(3) Hans Kbhn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York, 1945), p. 239.
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to copy Livy, or rather those parts that are most picturesque and lively
than their mere imitators could ever be. Rousseau in such works as the
Geneva, he claims that "at the age of twelve I was a Roman, at twenty,
I had coursed about the wide world and then I was nothing but a bad boy", (l)
Geneva at her best, and the "Citizen of Geneva" in his most heroic mood
had occasion to perceive the difference between Geneva and the perfect
praised the world of antiquity and how shabby, in comparison, the present
looked to them.
g r e a t n e s s . " (3) Vie have already quoted h i s remarks about the "prodigious
h i s admiration.
both Rousseau and Machiavelli have an overwhelming esteem for Brutus, who
which the world cannot hope t o see again". (4) That alone, however,
world of the present fell so far below this standard that both Rousseau
that modern states no longer acquire colonies and build new settlements,
he observes that:
with whom the advantages of a citizen militia over the system of mercenary
Florence of his own day. Needless to say, the tradesmen whom he drafted
battle actually took place, and the whole adventure ended in a general
violence in any form, and he prefers to avoid mentioning the more gory
activities of the ancients, and even goes so far as to claim that Sparta
and Rome totally lacked the spirit of conquest, (l) He was, nevertheless,
or citizens. ^hat he loathed about the hirelings was their lack of courage
works, and a few examples will suffice to show how sharply he felt the
His fear of, and admiration for the Swiss is based on their constant
inseparable. "Rome and Sparta were for many centuries well armed and
free. The Swiss are well armed and enjoy great freedom."(2)
that the most ordinary leader possessed of true valour would have cover-
find decent models. Modern exercises are nothing but child's play besides
of the long marches of the Greeks and Romans, whose infantry officers, even,
were not allowed to ride a horse while their troops marched. (4)
ity he writes:
officers by merit, and warned that due honour must be given military men if
they are to pursue their calling in the defence of liberty. (3) The calling
by money.
deep resentment of the conditions about them, both f e l t that hope for a
useful for those that have the i n t e l l i g e n c e t o understand him, and the
energy t o act upon h i s maxims. Rousseau, i n such works as the two projects
adviser, while i n the Lett re a d'Alembert and the First Discourse we see
assume that i f one decides that the purpose of history i s t o instruct men
for t h e i r contemporaries, i t i s not only due t o the fact that they held
antiquity i n such high esteem, but also that they were deeply animated by
Social Contract, and he repeats them, but there is none of the ire in
his words that moves his denunciations of the present. "Au reste je n'ex-
cuse pas les fautes du peuple romain ... Je l'ai blame d'avoir usurpe la
in his words.
dit que nos moeurs s'etoient corrompus, je n'ai pas pretendu dire pQur
cela que celles de nos a|eux furent bonnes, mais seulement que les notres
warning against an uncritical worship of the old days is both shrewd and
(1) Lettres Ecrites de la Montagne. Lettre IX. p.273, Pol. Wr.. vol. II.
"Men ever praise the olden time and find fault with the
present, though often without reason....We never know
the whole truth about the past and very frequently writers
conceal such events as would reflect disgrace upon their
century... Men's hatreds generally spring from fear or
envy. Now these two most powerful reasons of hatred do
not exist for us with regard to the past, which can no
longer inspire either apprehension or envy. But it is
very different with the affairs of the present in which
we ourselves are either qctors or spectators, and of
which we have complete knowledge", (l)
While the amount of greatness in the world is always more or less the
same, it is not stably situated in the same country at all times, but
moves from one state to the next. Therefore, those states that have
declined nave every reason to think with regret of their past glory.
both the enthusiasm for the past and the corresponding disdain for
antiquity.
Chapter III
and its potentialities. Once this has been more or less determined we
held his fellow men in such low esteem. It is, of course, true that the
for such behaviour to lie in the deceitfulness and egotism of mankind, (l)
time appear good, it is only because they happen to lack opportunity for
displaying their viciousness. (2) However, harsh words about human nature
are not enough to make a man a pessimist. A real pessimist removes himself
from the worldly scene and contemplates nothingness, he does not act as
elaborate schemes for civic reform. Rather more to the point is the fact
h i s subjects, (l)
extremely malleable. The fundamental stuff that men are made of never
(1) P r i n c e , c h . x v i i , p. 60-61.
nature in the Prince and i n the Discourses, but in the former he sees
enemies.
"As t o idleness which the f e r t i l i t y of the country
tends to encourage, the laws should compel men t o
labor where the s t e r i l i t y of the s o i l does not do
i t . . . . . " B y way of an offset to the pleasures and
softness of the climate (laws can) impose upon
soldiers the rigors of a s t r i c t discipline and
severe excercises, so that they become better
warriors than what nature produces in the harshest
climates". (2)
I n the Christian scheme of things nature i s but a lowly part in the
worth i t i s never the beginning and the end of man's scope, and just
(2) I b i d . , b k . I , c h . i , p.108.
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the same that the study of history is so useful; for it can teach us to
foresee the future and to learn from the past. "All cities and all peoples
are and ever will be animated by the same desires and the same passions".
examples that the same troubles recur, but perhaps even this neglect is
inevitable, (l)
it is also true that, "men are more or less virtuous in one country or
and habits of life have been formed". (2) This education may endure
The French of his own day, he was quite sure, still retained all the
beliefs.
Most people then are not only wicked, t h e y are not very b r i g h t
(1) D i s c o u r s e s , bk. I , c h . x x x i x , p . 2 1 6 .
(2) I b i d . , b k . I I I , c h . A L I I I , p p . 5 3 0 - 5 3 1 .
(3) P r i n c e , c h . XVIII, p . 6 6 .
- 3b -
method. "I have resolved t o open a new route t h a t has not been followed
correlate them with some general law, so as to give his facts a meaning
the Polybian cycle, or his belief in the simple and systematic movement
the events about him, or in history. He accepts them, one suspects, out
First of all there is the commonplace one inherited from Polybius, but
high, when a state has overcame some of necessity's constraints, men relax
and grow feeble and evil. The first cycle is merely the governmental
when it has decayed, Ludovico Sforza brings the French into Italy, and
men lived in dispersion like beasts, but as they became more numerous
they came into contact with each other, and conflict ensued. To escape
this "tooth and claw" existence they decided to live under a common
master, usually the most respected person among them. It is there that
the sense of gratitude and ingratitude to their ruler and to each other
arose, and the notion of justice was derived from this, (l) Machiavelli
life, but rather with its later movements. If you are consciously creating
social equality reigns, while monarchy is best for one in which there is a
great distance between the various orders of society^ (l) but he admits
One thing is certain, it will not last long. Heaven has ordained a full
course for states, but unless they take care,they may not even live out
their prescribed span. Like religious sects they must be brought back to
their first principles, to the origins of their vigour. That is what the
Franciscans and Dominicans did for Christianity, and the Parlement of Paris
does for the French Monarchy. These two are an example of intrinsic forces
of Lycurgus' Sparta as the most stable form. (3) This i s certainly not
philosophy", (l)
without the o t h e r , and when the former begin t o decay the l a t t e r must be
legislation. Once the e v i l has set i n one can only temporize with i t .
the p e o p l e . (3)
(3) P r i n c e , c h . VI, p . 2 1 .
- 39 -
ed t o be s l a v e s " . (3)
among the a n c i e n t s , the same r u l e s led to the same virtues after Lycurgus
or d e c l i n e , Sparta and the Germans, both trying to remain small and stable,
are not regarded with the same admiration as Kome. One advantage, if not
achieve power. Since people are secure in t h e i r possessions, and know that
corrupt the people place the good of t h e i r country far above that of
t h e i r country, and the only way the ambitious can gain public acclaim i s
republic the c i t i z e n s remain poor while the state i s r i c h . Not only are
(2) I b i d . . b k . H , c h . I I , p.287.
the moral fibre of the people, t i l l they cease to be vigilant and honest,
and the rise of an ambitious tyrant becomes easy. From the very outset
the Romans were saved from the dangers of effeminacy by the fact that, of
their first three kings, two were interested mainly in war. I t was
essential that the second king, Nurae, give them laws and institutions,
but had Tullus followed in his peace-loving steps, Rome would never have
and habits become contageous". This happened to the Romans when they
necessity keeps tight reins on the citizens, either through some law that
The reason why states which rise to great heights must return to the
Pr
MUZ ° ^ C 0 S * " • : a n d Paace f repose; repose,
d i s o r d e r ; d i s o r d e r , r u i n ; so from d i s o r d e r order springs
excelllnce 0 ? " ^ ° b S e r V e d t h a t " ** <* l l t a r S
aSS" subsequent to t h a t of d i s t i n c t i o n i n
dangers and, being without a Cato, i t succumbed. The young men were l e f t
(1) H i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e , bk.V, c h . i , p p . 2 0 2 - 3 .
(2) I b i d . . b k . V I I , c h . v , p . 3 4 1 .
- 43 -
with regard t o human nature must be the r e s u l t , and the basic uniformity
l e T m S e r n ^ P e i i P 1 ? 3 M 3 ° n t P l u s u n m o d ^ Pour
te«d? Vonf *%* S ° n t t r ° P d a n g e r s a t o u .
egards . . . . Vous n ' e t e a n i Romains, ni S p a r t i e t e s
marchands, des a r t i s a n s , des bourgeois t o u j o u r ,
occupes de l e u r s i n t e r e t s p r l v e s , . . . dea « M
pour qui l a l i b e r t e meme n ' e s t qu'un mo^en de
posseder en s u r e t e " . ( l ) ^
different from each o t h e r t h a t one cannot deal with human nature as such,
l i f e , they are far from good, and Rousseau looks upon them with only
that they were f i t only for the rule of Nero and Calligula. (1) He had
his own experience, for he was convinced that his vices were due to h i s
" s i t u a t i o n " , r a t h e r than t o himself. Both the Confessions and the Reveries
volontes"» (2) Speaking of man before ostentation and art had taught him
but self-love has only begun to change into vanity and has not yet over-
property, bring about the " f a t a l accident" that ruins t h i s world. Wealth
foreign.
There i s a f a t a l flaw in the Discourse on Inequality. The inscription
look for the n a t u r a l not in what i s , but in what should be, clearly
as "the race was old and man was s t i l l a child", the "times of which I
(3) R e v e r i e s of a S o l i t a r y , p . 1 3 0 .
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Rousseau knew from experience just how painful moral c o n f l i c t s could be.
unity, and t o make him at one with himself and h i s fellow-men. This
right t h i n g . "Happy are those nations where one can be happy xvithout
( i ) The l a s t sentence he wrote before h i s death, was: "I doubt i f there ever
was any man i n the world who has r e a l l y done l e s s e v i l than I " . Reveries,
p. 133.
U ) % i l e . b k . H I , p.156.
t h a t each c i t i z e n " i s nothing and can do nothing without the r e s t " , (l)
jqy, and rushed off t o a temple to give thanks t o the Gods. (4) To
(4) Ibid., p. 8.
- 50 -
but one and the same span, and a very l i m i t e d one, and i t l o s e s on one
hand j u s t as much as i t gains on another", (l)
I n h i s p r a c t i c a l p r o j e c t s for p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , he t u r n s t h i s
of a b s t r a c t i o n , which he knew quite well was the only one in which the
t o m a n ' s original natural state than that of the present. On the contrary,
Not even Lycurgus was able to overcome the basic flaw of social l i f e , as
Thus, in his two projects of reform for Corsica and for Poland even
ones, ( l )
(1) L e t t r e a d'Alembert. p . 8 8 .
ion of laws and the r e j e c t i o n of old for new ones are merely the
t o govern a corrupt people according t o the laws and maxims set up for a
wholesome o n e . They are not f i t for them "any more than the regimen of
or p a t r i o t i s m had r e v i v e d .
( l ) S o c i a l C o n t r a c t , p . 120.
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disarmed ( 2 ) .
Socrates cared for nothing but t r u t h , but Cato loved nothing but h i s
was b u i l t by one king who cared only for war, and another who cared only
(2) V a l l e t t a , O P . c i t . . pp.134-38.
(3) Preface da N a r c i s s e . p . 2 3 1 .
(5) P r e f a c e de N a r c i s s e . p . 2 3 5 .
- 56 -
Rome", ( l )
(2) E m i l e . p . 7 .
(4) P r e f a c e de Narcisse,, p . 2 2 7 .
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they must be eager t o obey, they must impose i t upon themselves, t o the
(4) L e t t r e a D'Alembert. p . 1 6 3 .
i t s e l f by r e a l l y worthwhile standards.
Not only do tney impart a national character to a people, but they unite
must have one single aim, the transformation of mere men into a body
of p a t r i o t i c c i t i z e n s .
"C'est 1'education qui doit donner aux ames l a forme
n a t i o n a l e , et diriger telleraent leurs opinions et
l e u r s gouts, q u ' e l l e s soient p a t r i o t e s par inclina-
t i o n , par passion, par necessite. Un enfant, en
ouvrant l e s yeux, doit voir l a patrie et jusqu'a
l a mort ne doit plus voir qu'elle ••• cet amour fait
t o u t son existence; i l ne voit que l a p a t r i e , i l
ne vit que pour e l l e ; s i t o t q u ' i l est seul, i l est
n u l ; s i t o t q u ' i l n ' a plus-de p a t r i e , i l n ' e s t plus". (3)
the same schools, the s t a t e providing aid for the indigent. Their amu-
(3) I b i d . , c h . i v , p.437.
champion of c o l o n i a l i s m .
of p u b l i c morals and lav; and government. There hardly seems any need
(2) I b i d . , p p . 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 .
- 60 -
(1) E m i l e , bk.V, p p . l 2 0 - 1 2 l n .
- 61 -
Chapter IV
The People - On* m^ i n d j ^ «s hi«
and a d i s t r u s t for the poor and especially for the noble orders. The
judgement should have foretold him. His faith in the people as the agents
reminded the Genevan a r t i s a n s and traders that they should not fancy them-
nobility Machiavelli and Rousseau are quite at one, and when either one
increase the material possessions, and the public power of the poorer
members of the community, and to lessen those of the more prosperous ones.
and disorders, not only because they are gluttons for power, but because
population.
"The haughty manners and insolence of the nobles
and the r i c h excite in the breast of those who^
have neither b i r t h nor wealth not only the desire
t o possess them, but to revenge themselves by
depriving the former of those riches ana honors
which they see them employ so badly". (2)
might have lived i n peace had i t not been for the nobles, who "out of
office could not conduct themselves like c i t i z e n s , and those who were
corrupted people, the Church, and the threatening barbarians of the North
valuable.
Italy's worst curse. On the other hand, the dacay of the feudal order
talent except the practice of arms, and with a great willingness to sell
saw quite clearly that the nobility, as a class, had lost its place in
society, and had no longer any contribution to make to the general welfare.
Italy had reached the lowest conceivable point in its cycle, and the moment
for the creator-leader, who alone could ever impart to a fallen people
the necessary energy for an ascent, had come. The necessary situation
for the exceptional man was ready; he o n ^ had to appear, and in his march
to power petty nobles would be swept away with all the other debris of a
decadent civilization.
Even a new prince, while depriving the nobles of all power, must still
not exasperate them to the point where they become a danger, but his trust
must never belong to them. He must rely, rather, on the people whom he
-roup between hiii-elf and the people he rules. "You see in all states ruled
by princes, and especially in the kingdom of France, how the gentlemen rule
the people, the nobles, the gentlemen and the king the nobles-. (2)
they deserve t o precede the others", and whom one must accord some s p e c i a l
hand and w i t h absolute powers, may put a curb upon the excessive ambition
(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . l v i , p . 2 5 6 .
seeing themselves avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered from the
people", (l)
came t o r e s e n t h i s supremacy, whereas the Signory had warned the Duke from
than the nobles who always encroach upon l i b e r t y . The only danger l i e s
(3) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . i v , p p . 1 2 0 - 2 1 .
- 67
a tyrant. Such was the case of Marius who led the people of Rome i n the
they are t o act w i s e l y , not coercive rule, but good counsel, l e s t they
ruled by law they are perfectly capable of self-government, and even when
ways, while a l a w l e s s prince i s worse than a madman and not being "amenable
Ultimately the difference between states does not depend so much on whether
not amongst the number of those whose individual nature we have to consider
t o see whether i t resembles that of the people", since they are controlled
(3) I b i d . . b k . I , c h . l v i i i , p . 2 6 1 .
~ b8 ~
i t i s l e s s dangerous i n l a w l e s s n e s s . I n p a r t i c u l a r judgements, i n
of the people were always wise and j u s t . Indeed, great progress i s only
"I say t h a t the people are prudent and s t a b l e . . . and i t i s not without
may w e l l r e l y on them ( 2 ) .
The advantages of free government are great for the people, of course.
(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . l v i i i , p . 2 6 ^ .
(2) P r i n c e , c h . i x , p . 3 8 .
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m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s would r e t u r n from t h e i r v i c t o r i e s t o a l i f e of f r u g a l i t y
the l a t t e r d e s t r o y s them.
war had long been f o r g o t t e n , but which were kept going for years by t h e
mise. Homan l i b e r t y emerged from the struggle between the people and the
but competition for such goods as the s t a t e can safely g r a n t , and when i t
agreements i s always the same, the struggle between the people and the
n o b l e s , the r i c h and the poor, but i f they lead t o new laws, the c r e a t i o n
power, and nothing s h o r t of death and exile can end the tumult, l e a v i n g
n q 120 & H i s t o r y £ 0 2 £ E 2 S 2 2 . i b k . I I I ,
(1) D i s c o u r s e s , b k . I , c h . i v , pp.I19-lS0 * J* JL
c h . i r t m . 108-110.
- 71 -
fact t h a t he does not expect too much from people, even the b e s t . For
was t h a t i t defended the people against the nobles,without too much offence
t o the l a t t e r , and without forcing the king t o choose between the two
(1) H i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e , b k . V I I , c h . i , pp.306-307.
- 72 -
leur d u r e t e , l e u r s p r e j u g e s , l e u r p e t i t e s s e et l e u r s v i c e s , et je l e s
friends and admirers no l e s s e r personages than the Prince de Conti and the
common people and appreciated them more r e a d i l y than could the society
some eight y e a r s before he wrote the f i r s t of the Discourses and some time
about the n o b i l i t y .
I n t h e S p i t r e a M. P a r i s o t . w r i t t e n s l i g h t l y l a t e r , he again points
members follow the patn ordained for them. Not sporadic acts of devotion,
life. Useful science and such sport as was necessary for h e a l t h were
for ostentation, he assures us, never went together with a taste for
the poor follow, the middle classes are the last to be attained.-(3) 3ven
more reprehensible than their own corruption is the harm they do to the
As for the nobility, they are everywhere the mortal enemies of law and liberty,
which is not surprising, for "what can remain for fellow citizens of a heart
as we saw, the corrupter of public morals, depraving both the consumer and
the servant. It is an evil in itself, but far worse is the state of mind
that it implies. That is what must be banished from men's hearts. Inequal-
ity without luxury is harmless, and that is in fact the great plan he
before the end of the w e e , vou n,ve earned your P a y and lived in freedom,
health, t r u t h and r i g h t e o u s n e s s . " ( l ) A w«n ««™, A
U J H well-earned income i s a thing t o
be admired, but i f i t i s t o o l a r g e i t w i l l r u i n the character of i t s owner.
- I I faut que t o u t l e monde vive et que personne ne s ' e n r i c h i s s e . "
as much as a u s t e r i t y i s t h e means t o i t s p r e s e r v a t i o n .
(1) Smile f b k . I I I , p . 1 6 0 .
U ) Discourse on P o l i t i c a l Economy, p . 3 2 6 .
The people a r e mankind, the only ones who r e a l l y matter, but the
(l) Emile f b k . I I I , p . 1 5 8 .
(1)
always tend t o encroach upon freedom. "C'est par eux toujours que l ' E t a t
(1) A. Cobban, Q p . C i t . , c h . v i i , p . 2 0 3 .
I n t h i s c h a p t e r I have r e l i e d very much on Mr. Cobban's b r i e f , out
e x c e l l e n t c h a p t e r on Rousseau's economic i d e a s .
(2) Couvernement de Pologne, c h . i x , p . 4 8 1 , Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 &
Sociel Contract, p . 5 0 .
working and independent man, he i s not unprosperous, but " i n good circumst-
Dieu". (4)
wholly on t h e s i d e of the law, but the r i c h "mock them and the (poor)
(1) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 9 4 .
(2) I b i d . , p . 7 2 .
between the prince and the people t o give i t cohesion ( 5 ) . Nor does i t
(3) I b i d . , p . 6 5 .
iract^ p . 7 1 .
82 -
the poor more impoverished, or whether one man i s r i c h today and poor
tomorrow, or vice v e r s a .
(1) L e t t r e a D'Alembert, p . 1 5 5 .
"Presque t o u s l e s p e t i t s E t a t s , Republiques et
Monarchies indifferemment, prosperent par cele
s e u l q u ' i l s sont p e t i t s ; que t o u s l e s citoyens
s f y connaissent mutuellement et s ' e n t r e - g a r d e n t ,
que l e s chefs peuvent voir par eux-meme l e mal
qui se f a i t , l e bien q u ' i l s ont a f a i r e , et que
l e u r s o r d r e s s ' e x e c u t e n t sous l e u r s yeux. Tous
l e s grands p e u p l e s . . ..gemissent, . . . s o u s l e s op-
p r e s s e u r s s u b a l t e r n e s qu'une gradation necessaire
force l e s r o i s de l e u r donner." ( l )
individuals.
I n an e a r l i e r work,Rousseau had defended the r i g h t of i n h e r i t a n c e on
destined for another, and n e i t h e r those who r i s e , nor those who f a l l are
where everyone i s welcome, "ou l e s rangs soient distingues avec soin, mais,
must not wallow i n l u x u r y , which makes them an object of envy, renders them
p o l i t i c a l power, he r e s i g n s himself t o i t r a t h e r e a s i l y .
(2) Emile. b k . I , p . 9 .
(3) GQiiVM-rmmunt de Pologie.. c h . i i i , p . 4 3 4 , P o l ^ . , v o l . I I .
U) I b i d . , c h . x i i i , p.497.
- 85 -
the s o c i a l o r d e r . "Ce n ' e s t done pas par l e sentiment que l e s citoyens ont
al a u t h o r i t y .
conflicts between them, and from the compromises they impose upon each
w i l l from e x p r e s s i n g i t s e l f .
" I t i s t h e r e f o r e e s s e n t i a l t h a t t h e r e should be no
p a r t i a l s o c i e t i e s w i t h i n the State and t h a t each
c i t i z e n should t h i n k h i s own thoughts, which was
indeed the sublime and unique system established
by Lycurgus". ( l )
Rousseau i s not s a t i s f i e d with u n i t y i n a c t i o n , which he f e l t t o be
the t r u e b e a r e r of the r e p u b l i c a n i d e a l .
Though, as u s u a l , Rousseau's treatment of these matters i s more complex
i t s civic u n i t y .
for goodness. Thus he wrote t h a t : "Only among free peoples is the dignity
ultimate p o s s i b i l i t i e s .
- 89 -
Chapter V
people cannot have good laws without being morally healthy, but the required
life. The achievements of Hoses, Lycurgus and Numa Pompilius are for both
ones well-worn copies of P l u t a r c h and Livy, but for the second one had t o
search i n the world about one, and Machiavelli was the l a s t person t o
confuse such d i f f e r e n t scenes, even though he had a sharp eye for the
J. . ~T -i >»un«n m a t o r v . Tnere can be no doubt t h a t his
permanent f e a t u r e s i n a l l human ms^oxy.
highest admiration i s reservedA -fwp for thp - r e a t men
the ^rea-& u* of a n t i q u i t y ; such
- 90 -
(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . i x , pp.138-139.
- 91 -
"If a prince be anxious for glory and the good opinion of the world, he
and the Senate, but Numa, wno brought a savage people to c i v i l obedience.
h) m„t..-,T"/ of F l o r e n c e . blc.lV, c h . i , P . ^ 7 -
and virtue continue t o move h i s t o r y , but the power of the leader must
stable monarchy, and the man who must alone create a new s t a t e . The
whom he shares h i s power, and «rho cannot s e t himself above the law.
what they have s e t u p . All the Roman emperors who reached the throne hy
subject, but once one i s driven by the desire to construct, one must
Leo X. He did not expect p e r f e c t i o n , showing the pope how he could benefit
government" • (1)
had secured Ttcre from a t t a c k s , and h i s successors, Tullus end Ancus, both
(8) I b i d . , b k . I , c h . x i x , pp.173-74.
(3) P r i n c e , c h . x i v , p . 5 3 .
- 96 -
unit, \iiio ;;as going t o make I t a l y powerful, and how could i t be done?
to act on any motives except s e l f i s h ones, such as the desire for fame
and glory, nor did he see any applicable p o l i t i c a l methods other than
s t r a t e t h a t with such aims and such means a resolute man, with a strong
badly, r e s o l u t e l y or h e s i t a n t l y .
shall see, he f a c e s not only the material forces of necessity, but also
must l i e i n a d a p t a b i l i t y .
(1) The P r i n c e r c h . v i i i , p . 3 4 .
ed cooly at the l a t t e r ' s d e a t h : "The night t h a t Piero ^oderini died his soul
and (made) h i s l i e s p l a u s i b l e " , (3) and Caesare Borgia who knew now to act
A man who does not r i s k anything, cannot expect t o gain power. Even
U) History of F l o r e n c e . b k . I , c L . v i , p . 3 8 .
- 100 -
t ^ S t ^ 1 / 1 1 0 *?? ^ P U r S U i t ° f &0^ h e r e s o l v e d . . .
t o attempt something worthy of memory, and thought he
could not do b e t t e r than t o deliver h i s c o u n t r ^ r o m
the hands of t h e p r e l a t e s , and r e s t o r e the ancient
form of government; hoping i n the event of success,
t o be considered a new founder or second father of
t h e c i t y . The d i s s o l u t e manners of the priesthood
and t h e d i s c o n t e n t of the Roman barons and people
encouraged him t o look for a happy termination of his
enterprise." (l)
t o his s u c c e s s , and t o triumph over his enemies and fortune. I n the year
his troops w i t h whom he was at war, but at the l a s t moment the idea of
k i l l i n g a pope was t o o much for the nan. ilachiavelli could not heap enough
(2) I b i d . . bk.VI, c h . v i , p . 2 9 3 .
- 101 -
c h a r a c t e r " . 11)
as Numa, passing over the divine guidance he was said t o have received with
with t h e warning t h a t one "should not deviate from the good if possible,
(1) P r i n c e , c n . v i , p p . - i l - a 2 .
(2) I b i l . , c h o x x i i i , P-89 8c c i u x v i i i , PP.64-65.
(3) I b i d . , c h . v i i i , p . 2 2 #
- 10b -
i n g r a t i a t e himself with the new r u l e r s . I f the book does not deal t o any
extent with the ends of power, beyond strengthening the position of the
in the Reform of Florence and i n the History of Florence had amply set
success.
room for a choice of values for him. The fact t h a t t h i s outlook gives him
ClUXii P 155
(1) Ernst C a s s i r e r , ^ e J ^ t k ^ J ^ S ^ ^ ' ' ' '
- 105 -
and r i c h arm themselves against the poor and the weak. Such law i s accept-
ed out of f e a r , and not with consent. Law and government should be the
of t h a t w i l l .
why " i n ancient t i m e s , when philosophers Gave Eien laws", they created them
Machiavelli would agree that > ultimately^ t h a t should be the effect of the
of them". (2)
"from the beginning of the world human wisdom has made ten men capable
of governing t h e i r p e e r s " . (4) The modern world has seen only one such
the case of the Jews, war for the Spartans and v i r t u e for the Romans.
(1) Preface de N a r c i s s e . p . 2 3 5 , f o o t n o t e .
(2) Social C o n t r a c t . p 0 3 7 .
(3) I b i d . r p . 3 8 .
autre a hcrniaes". ( l ) Lycurgus did the same for the S p a r t a n s , while Numa,
not Romulus, must be considered the true founder of Rome. Here Machiavelli
p o l i t i c a l l i f e i s , of c o u r s e , what b r i n g s Calvin i n t o t h i s i l l u s t r i o u s
also as a lawgiver i n t h e p o l i t i c a l s p h e r e .
freely".
,f
3ut i t i s not every man who can make t h e
god3 speak, or get himself believed when
he proclaims himself t h e i r i n t e r p r e t e r .
The g r e a t soul of the l e g i s l a t o r i s the
only miracle t h a t can prove h i s m i s s i o n " . (4)
(2) Social C o n t r a c t . p . 4 1 n ,
(3) l b i d . T p , 3 9 n .
(4) I b i d . , p . 4 1 .
- 108 -
violence, and persuading without convincing". (1) Nor can one consider
(2) L e t t r e a D'Alembert. p . 8 9 .
J?he l e g i s l a t o r u n l i k e M a c h i a v e l l i ' s P r i n c e - h a s no d e f i n i t e p o s i t i o n i n
electivejand t o exclude the sons of kings from the candidacy for the
who invents the whole mechanism of a s t a t e . The men who follow him are
individuals must be turned av/ay from s e l f i s h ends, and the public shown
the best road t o the general good, which i t d e s i r e s , but does not always
climate, the s o i l and such customs as the simple community has already
(2) Social c o n t r a c t , p . 3 8 .
- Ill -
(3) Fragments. "Rome e t S p a r t e " , p.318 & "Droit d ' E s c l a v a g e " , p . 312,
Pol.Wr., V o l . 1 . T
112 -
less than Moses or Lycurgus, then and now. The "great soul" of the l e a d e r
(l) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 4 3 .
113 -
and then he goes on t o look for a man endowed with the "miracle of g e n i u s " ,
Chapter VI
Religion .^_.^jl_j^.li
Too much has alreadj^- been said about t h e condition of the Catholic Church
for the Lent seaaon, i n the year 1521. The joke was by no means l o s t on
reply urges him t o make some t r o u o l e for them, which could "not be a great
he rc_ rkec. t h a t , i f he had not been i n the employ of the papacy, he would
"have loved Martin l a t h e r more than (himself), for (he) would hope t h a t
of p r i e s t s . " (3)
his ime^e of the Madonna, worrying about the offerings t o be made t o i t (4).
(3) I b i d . t c h . i x , pp.205-206.
who was blessed witn two sons, ne comments: "He was the f i r s t who began
to show how far a pope might go, and how much t h a t , which was previously
might p r e v i a l both by money and by f o r c e " . (2) "He did nothing else but
astrous of enemies.
(1) History of F l o r e n c e . b k . V I I , c n . i v , p . £ 3 4 .
(2) £ r i n c e , c h . x i , p . 4 3 .
barbsrians.
~s for t h e r u l e p r e v a i l i n g i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , Machiavelli
their princes i n power i n whatever manner they proceed and l i v e " , which
not n e c e s s a r i l y bad.
expect a C h r i s t i a n r e v i v a l , l e a d i n g t o both a p u r i f i c a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s
(1) Prince f c h . x i , p . 4 1 .
(3) Discourses T b k . I , c h . x i i , p . 1 5 1 .
His success was only momentary; n i s moral reforms were based wholly on a
revival.
to I t a l y ' s defeat oy Charles VIII were not the cause of the d i s a s t e r , which
moved t o lead and bewilder us with a word". (2) On the whole i t was best
(1) Prince f c h . x i i , p . 4 b .
(2) Discourses, b k . I I I , c h . i , p . 4 0 1 .
on t h e i r s o l d i e r s , by e x c i t i n g t h e i r s u p e r s t i t i o n s , and making f a l s e
beneath t r a d i t i o n a l appearances.
(1) D i s c o u r s e s , b k . I , c h . x i , p . 14V
(3) I b i d . j b k . I I , c h . i i , p.236.
- 123 -
impiety.
ed in the same t h i n g - power, the conquest of the world about them, and the
beautifully:
heads to i n s u l t the Gauls, anc bring about a war at a time when Rome was
(3) D i s c o u r s e , b k . I I , ch.xxix', p p . 3 ; 0 - a d i l .
- 125 -
see future e v e n t s , and out of p i t y for mankind warn them by such s i g n s " . (1)
more ;;idely :nir i n the Renaissance than t h a t of Fort una. For some she
more than a pagan goddess. Innumeraole books wore w r i t t e n about her powers,
W Mscourw--r^ b a . I , c h . l v i , pp.257-258.
(2) Prince f c h . x x v i , p . 9 6 .
things of the world now here now t h e r e " . (3) Her actions seem t o follow no
(3
) I^id.f p # 214.
(4)
iMd., p.2ii.
- 127 -
Fortune's "dark and devious ways", the fact t h a t men only "second ( h e r ) ,
is thet of clouding men's minds so as t o nahe the 1,1 carry out her designs.
own downfall, by making him rush i n t o a quarrel with the Duke of Milan.
his opportunity, and making the most of i t , but i f men r e l y on her alone
they are f o o l s . "V/here inen have but l i t t l e wisdom and valor Fortune more
(2) i b i d . , b k . I I I , c h . x x x v i i , p . 3 1 8 .
t h a t ma he you act are the cause of your good and your i l l " . (2) Men must
(1) P r i n c e , ch.xxv, p . 9 1 .
U sure, are e n t i r e l y good, but beyond human comprehension. lie does not
accept t * don,, of o r i g i n a l s i n ; for though vanity and pride are the sum
of a l l s i n f u l n e s s for him, man can and must save minaelf from them by the
(4) l e t t r e a D f Alambert. p . 1 2 .
~ 131 -
faith his reason forbids him to step. Though he openly accepted Calvinism,
of which he wrote that: "It is simple and holy, and there is no religion
denominator (l).
he can find no excuse for having taken this step, except starvation. Like
external r i t e s , and a s "long as a man goes t o mass, does not care whether
commonly f o r t u n a t e for the peace of men, when those who look upon themselves
show some love for the e a r t h l y country which maintains theiji". (2) And he
as Milton and Locke both excluded Catholics and A t h e i s t s from the sphere
of the t o l e r a b l e .
(1) Confessions. b k . I I , p . 4 7 .
a p o l i t i c a l menace.
despotisms". (2)
duties, giving them two c o u n t r i e s and two r u l e r s , and making them unfit
(1) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 1 3 2 .
(2) I b i d . f p.134.
(3) L e t t r e s du 3a liontagne. L e t t r e IX, p.217, P o l ^ r . , vol.11.
U) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 2 8 .
135 -
p o l i t i c a l s t a t e f a l l s i n t o decay, A vigorous
p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y of C h r i s t i a n s , a l l s t r i c t l y
p e r f e c t , i s absurd M i l l i t be more perfect
t h a n t h a t of the Apostles? Yet t h e r e was a
Judas amongst them....My book i s not w r i t t e n
for Gods". (1)
(3) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 1 3 5 .
that "when the Cross had d r i v e n out the e a g l e , Roman valour wholly d i s -
However, i t i s made up of too much empty ceremonial, and i t makes men too
s u p e r s t i t i o u s , as w e l l as e x c e s s i v e l y b l o o d t h i r s t y . I f C h r i s t i a n i t y ends
dangerous t o humanity a t l a r g e .
(2) I b i d . , p . 1 3 5 .
(3) I b i d . , p . 1 3 9 .
spirit r e i g n e d .
(2) I b i d .
- 139 -
of the moral code. Thus the Corsicans are t o take t h e i r c i v i c oath on the
p e r f e c t l y evident i n h i s l e t t e r t o V o l t a i r e , i n h i s i n s i s t e n c e on c i v i l
(2) S o c i a l C o n t r a c t , p . 1 3 9 .
(3) I b i d . , p . 1 5 8 .
140 -
Conclusion
places in the h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t .
such republicans as Algernon Sidney and Rousseau might admire him as one
isolated and parochial in spirit, and each differing in its moral and
can lead to only one conclusion, namely, that the General hill is not
one and indivisible, but that there are many different wills, whose
accepted ideal, though one made necessary by man's limited moral capaci-
conflict. There is throughout the hope that the truly just republic
to the patriot all strangers are foes, war seems to become the inevitable
ian] tv reiects it with its demand of turning the other cheek and its
and brutality, he also admired the military man, his courage, his
that Europeans could always f i«iit the Turks to preserve their martial
operate only i n a h i g h l y n a t i o n a l i s t i c s t a t e i s i n i t s e l f a p r e d i c t i o n
of l i b e r t y .
I t i s , however, q u i t e l i k e l y t h a t Rousseau was not at a l l concerned
concentrates on the problem of the individual and the s t a t e , and the moral
I. ORIGINAL SOURCES
The P r i n c e , t r a n s l a t e d by L . R i c c i ,
(Modern L i b r a r y ) , Mew York 1940.
The H i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e , (Bonn's L i b r a r y ) ,
London, 1 8 9 8 .
Mandragola, t r a n s l a t e d by S t a r k Young,
New York, 1 9 2 7 .
Montesquieu, C h a r l e s de
Secondat, C o n s i d e r a t i o n s u r l e s Causes de l a Grandeur
des Romains e t l e u r Decadence, P a r i s , 1 8 5 2 .
L e t t r e a D ' A l e m b e r t . Oeuvres, v o l . x i ,
P a r i s , 1826.
P r e f a c e de N a r c i s s e . P e n v r e s , vol.xi,
Paris lb2b.
The S o c i a l C o n t r a c t and D i s c o u r s e s ,
t r a n s l a t e d by G.D.hl. Cole (Everyman's L i b r a r y ) ,
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E m i l e , t r a n s l a t e d by B . F o x l e y , (Everyman's
L i b r a r y ) , London, 1 9 4 3 .
J u l i e ou l a Nouvelle H e l o i s e . Oeuvres,
v o l s . v i & v i i , P a r i s , 1826.
R e v e r i e s of a S o l i t a r y , t r a n s l a t e d by
J . G . F l e t c h e r , London 1927.
L e t t r e s a Mai-•>sherbes, e d i t e d by G. R u d e l e r ,
London, 1928.
- 2 -
I I I . ARTIC
Keller, ...J., m
Plutarch and Rousseau's T i r s t Discourse",
P u b l i c a t i o n of the Modern Language Association
of America, vol.LIV, 1939, pp.212-223.
Lewis, H.L., "Some Observations on Natural Rights and the
General W i l l " , Mind, v o l . 1 7 , 1938, pp.18-44.
UNACC
! *