Machiavelli and Rousseau

Juditn Shklar

Suomitted in partial fulfilment of

the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts in tne Department of
Economics and Political Science,
McGill University.
 IU0E2L

Introduction

Chapters.

I. Machiavelli and Rousseau: A l l i e s or Antagonists? Page 1

II. The Worship of A n t i q u i t y " 11

Tf
III. P u b l i c Morality and the Dynamics of Corruption- 31

IV. The People - One and I n d i v i s i b l e . " 61

V. Leaders and Lawgivers. " 89

VI. R e l i g i o n and the S t a t e . " 114

tf
Conclusion. 141

Bibliography,
 -1-

Introduction

This study attempts t o compare two p o l i t i c a l philosophers who are

i n many r e s p e c t s so different as almost t o defy such an e f f o r t .

Nevertneless, we s h a l l t r y to show that tne s i m i l a r i t i e s that unite

tnem are frequently as striking as are t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s .

In Machiavelli 1 s case I have r e l i e d e n t i r e l y on authorized

t r a n s l a t i o n s of his works, as w e l l as on a number of commentaries.

Of these by far the most valuable nave been the cnapter e n t i t l e d ,

"Machiavelli's New Science of P o l i t i c s " i n Ernst Cassirer's The

Myth of the S t a t e and Priedrich Meinecke's Die Idee der Staatsraeson

i n der Neueren Geschichte. Prom the latter,particularly,many of the

ideas for t h i s study were derived. Authorized t r a n s l a t i o n s have been

used for quotations from Rousseau's writings whenever p o s s i b l e . Where

no r e l i a b l e English version was a v a i l a b l e , the original French has

been employed. While t n i s i s not conducive t o smooth reading, i t i s

hoped that s t i l l more i s to be gained by the consequent accuracy.

I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o estimate the value of a l l that has been written

and said about Rousseau, or to give adequate credit to those who have

by t h e i r work made the understanding of t h i s complex writer l e s s

difficult. C.E. Vaughan's "Introduction" t o h i s e d i t i o n of the

P o l i t i c a l Writing/of Jean Jacques Rousseau was very helprui i n t h i s

r e s p e c t , as was Ernest Cassirer's illuminating a r t i c l e , "Das Problem

Jean-Jacques Rousseau", ( l ) Possibly the most useful book for the

( l ) Archiv fuer die Geschichte der Philosophic. Vol.XII, 1932.

 - ii -

purposes of t h i s study has been Alfred Cobban's Rousseau and the

Modern S t a t e .

While a l l the books and a r t i c l e s which were i n any way helpful

i n writing t h i s paper have been l i s t e d i n the bibliography, I have

t r i e d t o avoid an excess of foot-notes by mentioning i n t h i s way

only those which were quoted verbatim, and those rrom whicn I had

d i r e c t l y and consciously derived a large number of v i t a l ideas and

facts.
 - 1 -

Chapter I

Machiavelli and Rousseau: Allies or Antagonists?

The first impression upon seeing the names of Machiavelli and

Rousseau together is often one of absolute contrast. The wily devil's

disciple and the apostle of the natural goodness of man undoubtedly

make strange companions. Nor is the distance between tnem merely one

tnat their respective reputations has created; it is very real,

beginning witn first principles, their general world view, their

personal characters and their environments. While we do not intend

to gloss over the many differences,or to disregard the inherent

difficulties in comparing such diverse writers, it is the aim of this

study to demonstrate the numerous similarities that bind them together.

In spite of ail that separates tnem, MacMavelli and Rousseau are by

no means natural adversaries in the battle of ideas.

One of the greatest difficulties in trying to establish any

relationship between Machiavelli and Rousseau lies in the fact that

those few commentators on the history of political thought, who have

chosen to look at them together at all, have done so only to criticize

one by using the other as an example. Even that is rare; mostly they

are kept at an almost unbridgeable distance.

Professor Laski manages to dispose of both in one sentence, since

both, it seems, have held inadequate, even though opposed, theories

about human nature. "Theories which build upon the over-simple faith

that men are either wholly good or wholly bad are bound to result in

a distorted political philosophy", (l) He also remarks that, for all

(l) H. Laski, "Machiavelli and the Present Time" in

The Dangers of Obedience (London & New York 1930)
pp. 238-264. ' ''
 - 2 -

Machiavelli's show of Realpolitik, Utopia is "inscribed upon his map",

but he does not develop any further analogies that might have arisen

out of this statement.

Giovanni Ferrari finds a aommon chord in the revolutionary impli-

cations of their theories. "D'apres Machiavel la vieille civilisation

etait meprisable a cause de sa faiblesse, d'apres Rousseau elle etait

faible a cause de son iniquite." (1) The inclination to build upon a

tabula rasa, and to exalt a Graeco-Roman ideal as a means of inciting

radical political action, is evident in both writers. Shrew^dly he

observes their common admiration for the Swiss, but fails to investigate

the nature or cause of this attitude. (2)

One of the most typical and sweeping statements of their relative

position is presented by Benedetto Groce, who sees Machiavelli as a man

of deep moral impulses, driven by the very sterMss of his conscience

to the discovery of the realm of "pure politics".

"Machiavelli discovers the necessity and autonomy of

politics, of politics which is beyond, or rather, below
moral good and evil, which has its laws against which
it is useless to rebel, politics that cannot be drivem
from the world by holy water", (3)

Rousseau, on the other hand, is a typical representative of the

Age of Enlightenment, addicted to the cult of pure reason, "which is

nothing but the mathematical attitude of the human spirit".

"His book is an extreme form, or one of the extreme forms, and

certainly the most famous, of the school of natural law".

(1) G. Ferrari, (Machiavel Juge des Revolutions de notre Temps.

(Paris, 184y), JJ. 30.

(2) Ibid., pp. 100-101.

(3) B. Groce, P o l i t i c s and Morals (New York, 1945), pp. o9-7'5.

 - 3-

Such ideas have their uses as propaganda, "but as doctrines or criteria

for the explanation of facts (they) were and are simply absurd". (1)

Such a characterization of Rousseau is inadmissable, as is the

unfortunate glorification of Machiavelli. One clue to Croce's mistake

lies in the reference to Rousseau's "book", which implies that he is

dealing only with The Social Contract, to the exclusion of the rest of

his works. Even with such scant material, it is unforgivable to picture

Rousseau as a typical philosopher of the Enlightenment. Very few, if

any, scholars, would be willing to place him in that particular category.

Certainly he nimself would have objected violently, since he was much

concerned to point out his isolation from the currents of opinion of his

own time. The essence of Groce's opinion is that Machiavelli sees

political life in terms of what "is", while Rousseau lives in the realm

of "what ought to be", and an "ought to be" which lacks all contact with

political actualities. We will later try to show that Machiavelli was

by no means free from posing standards for political action, both abstract

and ethical in nature, and that Rousseau was not blind to the limits and

necessities of political life. Nevertheless, there is much in their

writings that supports the opposite view. "%at makes it legitimate?"(2)

Rousseau asks himself in examining civil society.

"My intention is to write something of use for

how we l i v e i s so far removed from how we ought t o
l i v e that he who abandons what i s done for what ought
to be done, w i l l rather learn t o brin^about his own
ruin thah h i s preservation". (3)

(1) B. Croce, P o l i t i c s and Morals, pp. 58-73.

(2) S o c i a l Contract, t r . by G.D.H. Cole (Everyman's E d i t i o n ,

New York, 1950), p . 4 .

(3) The P r i n c e , t r . by I . Ricci (Modern Library, New York, 1940),

ch. XV, p # 56.
 - 4 -

When we compare this with Rousseau's inquiry based on "principles",

and with the avowed purpose of demonstrating that "justice and utility

may in no case be divided", it appears that there is such a difference

in purpose that they are simply not dealing with the same subject

matter, (l)

Rousseau, who is never tired of condemning war and violence, wishes

to live only in a country "diverted by a fortunate impotence from the

brutal love of conquest." (2) Machiavelli advises his ruler to be a lion

and a fox in enlarging his domain, and at times appears to be glorying

in the very wickedness of such heroes as Gaesare Borgia and Castruccio

Castracani. As for a republic, "tranquility would enervate her or provoke

internal dissensions", which would only ruin her. (3) War is a necessity,

and the problem is how to win.

Besides such obvious differences, and the intervention of two

centuries which, among other notable events, witnessed the Reformation,

there are some vast personal differences as well. What can the author

of so ribald a comedy as Mandragola have in common with the didactic

romancer of the Nouvelle Helotse? Machiavelli was gregarious, Rousseau

shunned the society of his fellow men. Rousseau's experience with

practical politics was limited to a snort and unhappy career as secretary

to a half-insane French ambassador in Venice. There his chief occupation

seems to have consisted in issuing passports, and in unsuccessfully

trying to collect his pay. (4) He haA, moreover, no taste for public

(1) Social Contract, p. 3 .

(2) Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, t r . by G.D.H. Cole
(Everyman's Library, New York, 1950), p . 179.

(3) Discourses, t r . by C.E. Detmold (Modern Library, New York, 1940),

b k . I , c h . v i , p . 129.

(4) Confessions (Modern Library, New York, n . d . ) , bk.VLI, pp.305-320.

 - 5 -

activity. While he recognized the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of great achievements

in t h a t l i n e , he could not persuade himself t o go t o Corsica. He had no

hope for success, and "twenty years of profound and s o l i t a r y meditation

would be l e s s painful t o (him) than six montns of an active l i f e in the

midst of men and public a f f a i r s " , (l) In a l e t t e r to Buttafuoco, who had

suggested tnat he write a plan for a Corsican constitution, Rousseau

wrote: " I I me manque, enfin, l'experience dans l e s a r f a i r e s , qui seule

e c l a i r e plus sur l ' a r t de conduire l e s hommes, que toutes l e s medi-

t a t i o n s " . (2) He was quite aware of his own limitations as a practical

politician. How strange h i s words sound beside those of the "Florentine

secretary"!

"Fortune has decreed that since I cannot discuss

silk-making or wool-manufacture, or profits and
l o s s e s , I have t o discuss matters of s t a t e . I
must either make a vow of silence or t a l k about
that subject". (3)

Machiavelli's i n a c t i v i t y was to him an unendurable punishment.

Nothing could compensate him for the sense of being l e f t out of the

bustle of public a f f a i r s . I f he t r i e d to ingratiate himself with the

Medicis even i f i t involved such an unworthy action as deserting his

erstwhile benefactor, Piero Soderini, i t was neither safety nor money

t h a t he r e a l l y sought so much as a chance to return t o the p o l i t i c a l

scene, t o practice h i s metier. Anything was preferable to being excluded:

"There i s my hope that these Medici lords w i l l begin to employ me, even

i f they begin my making me r o l l a stone*1. Nor does he doubt his own

(1) Confessions, bk. XII, p. 677.

(2) Lettre a M. Buttafuoco, le 22 septembre, C.E. Vaughan,

The Political Writings of Rousseau (Cambridge, 1915), vol. II,
p. 357.
(3) Letter to Vettori, April 9, 1513, Familiar Letters,
tr. by A.H. Gilbert (Chicago, 1941), p. 228.
 - 6 -

c a p a c i t i e s , for he has "not been asleep or playing for the fifteen years
t h a t I have devoted t o the study of the art of the s t a t e " , (l)

I n the face of such examples of d i v e r s i t y , there seems to be l i t t l e

reason to expect signs of s i m i l a r i t y . Nevertheless, at l e a s t one w r i t e r
has supported the notion that there might be a more profound bond between
Rousseau and Machiavelli than i s commonly supposed. In discussing
Rousseau's a t t i t u d e t o the problem of State and Church, Irving Babbitt
remarks:

"Machiavelli (too) had sought t o discredit the idea of

a separate s p i r i t u a l order, and also of Christian
humility i t s e l f , so that the s t a t e might be a l l in a l l .
^iuite apart from Rousseau's admiration for Machiavelli
and from any conscious discipleship, his view of the
State has more in common with the Machiavellian view
than one might f i r s t suppose. Machiavelli i s not, of
course, l i k e Rousseau, an emotionalist, but i s , in his
main trend, u t i l i t a r i a n . . . . R o u s s e a u too has a strongly
u t i l i t a r i a n side. Indeed one finds in him, as i n the
whole of our modern age, an endless interplay of s e n t i -
mental and u t i l i t a r i a n elements". (2)

I t i s along the l i n e s of thought suggested by t h i s paragraph t h a t

we propose t o examine the r e l a t i o n that Machiavelli's and Rousseau's
p o l i t i c a l theories bear to one another.

F i r s t of a l l there i s the matter of Rousseau's opinion of Machiavelli.

With the exception of Plato and Plutarch there i s scarcely a writer whom
he appreciated with l e s s reserve. His notes in the Social Contract show
t h a t he was acquainted with the Prince, the Discourses and the History
of Florence, and he mentioned as conclusive Machiavelli's statements on
such matters as l e s s e r associations in a republic, the character and
methods of the "extraordinary l e g i s l a t o r " , and the tribunate of the

(1) L e t t e r t o V e t t o r i , December 10, 1513, Familiar L e t t e r s , p . 243*

(2) Irving Babbitt, Democracy and Leadership (Boston, 1924),

p . 94.
 - 7 -

oman epublic. (l) The Prince, he considered "a book for Republicans",

teaching the people to guard themselves against tyrants. Of Machiavelli

personally he writes that he "was a proper man and a good citizen; but

being attached to the court of the Medici, he could not help veiling his

love of liberty in the midst of his country's oppression. The choice of

his detestable hero, Caesare Borgia, clearly enough shows his hidden aim;

and the contradiction between the teachings of the Prince and that of the

Discourses on Livy and the History of Florence shows that this profound

political thinker has so far been studied only by superficial or corrupt

readers". (2) While the view that the Prince is a mere satire is not

accepted generally, it is not an entirely absurd idea. Some of the acrid

human and fantastic images that dolour the pages of the book can easily

impart such an impression, arid there is the surface discrepancy between

it and the Discourses. At any rate, Rousseau is in good company, for even

Spinoza was puzzled by the apparent contradictions in "that most ingenious

Machiavelli's" thought. On the whole he too decided that the Prince is a

book of warning to free peoples.

"I am led to this opinion concerning that most farseeing

man, because it is known that he was favourable to
liberty, for the maintenance of which he has, besides,
given the most wholesome advice." (3)

Although probably unduly kind to Machiavelli, both Spinoza and Rousseau

admired him as a shrewd observer, a man steeped in ancient learning and

a sincere republican, but neither fell into the stupid idolatry with which

the German idealists, and some Italian nationalists of the nineteenth

century came to regard him. The process by which the idealists came to

(1) Social Contract, pp* 27n, 41n. & 85n.

7
(2) Ibid., v ln & Discourse on Political Economy, p* 293.

x
(3) Spinoza, Tradftis Theologico-Politicus. ch.v, s e c , 5. quoted from
E. Caasirer, The Myth of the State, pp. 119-120.
 - 8 -

accept him has been aptly likened to the "legitimization of a bastard", (l)

It was nothing for such an apostle of "sacro egoismo" as Alfieri to speak

of him as "il divino Machiavelli". Possibly, to the extent that one may

consider Rousseau a precursor of modern nationalism, his admitted debt

to Machiavelli is rather an ill omen of things to come.

The agreement on the republican form of government is, however, only

a small part of a far greater kinship, consisting of a common worship of

antiquity as a moral and political ideal. Rome and Sparta were the foci

or boundless admiration. Moreover, both used the idealized images they

had adopted as standards for the most intense criticism of their respective

contemporaries. Both their appreciation of the past and their loathing

for the present was based on the same precepts. This is not surprising,

since both derived their dreams of antiquity from the same sources, Livy

and, above all, Plutarch.

Even while busy at the court of Caesare Borgia, Machiavelli found

time to write frantic letters to a friend in Florence, begging him to

send him a copy of Plutarch as soon as possible* (2) His love of the

ancient writers is also shown in one of the few really moving passages

in his letters, in which he tells us how after a day spent in degrading

labours and company on his farm, he returns home to his books.

"At the door I take off the clothes I have worn all
day, mud-spotted and dirty, and put on regal and
courtly garments. Thus appropriately clothed, I
enter into the ancient courts of ancient men, where
being lovingly received, I feea on food which alone
is mine, and which I was born for; I am not ashamed
to speak with them and ask the reason for their

(1) IViedrich Meinecke, Die Idee der Staatsraeson (Berlin & Muenchen,
1929), p. 43t>.

(2) P. Villari, Niccolo Machiavelli and his Times, tr. by L. Villari

(London, 1878), vol.11, p. 131.
 - 9 -

actions, and they courteously answer me. For four

hours I feel no boredom and forget every worry; I
do not fear poverty and death does not terrify me.
I give myself completely over to the ancients." (l)

This, he tells us, is where he derived the inspiration for the

Prince.

Rousseau was led to an excess of effusiveness in his love for

Plutarch. When he was only six years old, Plutarch was his favorite

author, and at eight, he claims, he knew him by heart. (2)

"Unceasingly occupied with thaughts of Rome and Athens,

living as it were amongst their great men, myself by
birth the citizen of a republic and son of a father
whose patriotism was his strongest passion, I was fired
by his example; I believed myself a Greek or a Roman." (3)

This passion was not confined to childhood, for thirty years later,

on learning that he had been awarded a prize by the Academy of Dijon,

he writes:

"This news awoke again all tne ideas whicn had

suggested it (the Discourse on Arts & Sciences)
w u m©, animated them with fresh vigour, and
stirred up in my heart the first leavening of
virtue and heroism, which my father, my country
and Plutarch had deposited there in my infancy. (4)

At the very end of his life he could still say that:

"In the small number of books which I still read

sometimes, Plutarch is the one which attracts me
most. This was the first reading of my childhood,
it will be the last of my old age; he is almost
the only author whom I have never read without
profit to myself". (5)

(1) Letter to Vettori, December 10, 1513, Familiar Letters, p.240.

(2) Lett re a Malesherbes, le 12 Janvier, 1762,

Lettres a Malesherbes, ed« by G. Rudeler (London, 1928), p. 30.

(3) Confessions. bk.I, p« 7.

(4) Confessions, bk. VIII, p. 366.

(5) Reveries of a Solitary, by J.G. Fletcher, (London, 1927.)

p. 78.
 - 10 -

This intense absorption i n t a l e s of ancient l i f e influences the

whole work of both w r i t e r s . Coupled with the conviction that the purpose
of h i s t o r i c a l studies was purely didactic, and an urge to condemn and
reform the scene t h a t surrounded them, i t led to a great unanimity of
opinion. Religion, leadership, i n t e l l e c t u a l and economic a c t i v i t y ,
military organization and the virtues of patriotism a l l were closely
examined by both w r i t e r s , and the r e s u l t s of t h e i r deliberations were
frequently i d e n t i c a l . Even on the point where t h e i r agreement seems t o
end abruptly, over the notorious issue of morals and p o l i t i c s , we will
t r y to show t h a t , in spite of a l l their differences, i t i s fa3.se to
place Rousseau at the opposite pole from Machiavelli, a pole that i s
reserved for t r u s t i n g and simple souls, such as the Abbe de Saint-Pierre,
for whom Rousseau had but l i t t l e sympathy, i n spite of his apparent
i n t e r e s t in his work.

Lastly, as Babbitt notes, there i s the same u t i l i t a r i a n b i a s .

Machiavelli openly declares his intention to write about the useful,

r a t h e r than about such law and justice as has never been known to man.

I n his l a s t p o l i t i c a l works, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the Considerations sur le

GouverneBient de Pologae, we find Rousseau abandoning his most cherished

i d e a l s i n favour of a stern attention to the d e t a i l s of p o l i t i c a l

a c t u a l i t y and p o s s i b i l i t y , so as t o give the Poles some p r a c t i c a l

advice in t h e i r days of adversity.

 - 11 -

Chapter II

The Worship of Antiquity

One of the many difficulties in studying political theories is that

they are unintelligible when examined in vacuo. They acquire a meaning

only as we place them into the context of their historical background,

as we compare them with their antecedents, and explain them in terras of

the experience of their authors.

As far as Machiavelli is concerned, we encounter a rare unanimity

of approach among the commentators. He is always, and not unjustly,

treated as a "child of his age", and almost every sentence of his

writings has been interpreted as an expression of some general trend

of the later Renaissance, or as a description of the events that he

witnessed. Even so, he can by no means be said to have absorbed the

entire content of the Renaissance, or to have been representative of

all its aspects. Its speculative, philosophical, artistic, and critical

preoccupations scarcely touched him. Unfortunately this general method

of study is entirely useless as far as Rousseau is concerned. Among

the elegant theorists of his time he was an outcast. The contempoijy

climate of opinion was alien to him. In an age of religious indiffer-

ence he was deeply interested in religious problems, and a sincere

admirer of the Gospels. At a time when most intellectuals supported

enlightened despots, he scorned princes as being ipso facto self-

interested, and warned that egoism and enlightenment were, by definition,

opposed to each other. While the major states of Europe were expanding,

he sang the praises of the city-state. The cosmopolitanism of his fellow-

intellectuals he distrusted profoundly, preferring the social cohesion

of the narrowest parochialism. In an atmosphere of optimism about manfs

 - 12 -

powers of s e l f - p e r f e c t i o n , once certain external r e s t r a i n t s were removed,

he was thoroughly sceptical of the p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of human reason.

Students of Kousseau therefore have found an explanation of his thought

i n h i s own character, and personal experiences, in h i s plebeian o r i g i n ,

i n h i s extreme s e n s i b i l i t y and awkwardness, in his republican heritage

of Genevan c i t i z e n s h i p , and i n h i s i n a b i l i t y to adjust nimseir to the

standards of Parisian s o c i e t y . "Malgre l a p o l i t e s s e de mon s i e c l e , je

s u i s grossier comme l e s Macedoniens de Philippe", ( l ) This was h i s own

comment on t h i s d i s p a r i t y , and i t was not meant as an expression of

personal i n f e r i o r i t y .

In one r e s p e c t , however, l i k e Machiavelli, he adopted, and adapted

t o h i s particular purposes, the fashion of the times. The worship of the

antique was as rampant in the 18th century as i t was i n the I t a l y of the

Renaissance. I t i s now a commonplace of historianB t o dwell on the

devotion of the I t a l i a n humanists to the culture of antiquity. In the

main i t was confined t o the a r t i s t i c 8nd philosophical a c t i v i t i e s of a

small l i t e r a t e group. Thus, for instance, Petrarch was more admired for

h i s i m i t a t i v e i a t i n work than for h i s I t a l i a n poetry. Julius II under-

took the most extensive program of excavations, while Lorenzo de' Medici

could express the sentiment that without Plato one could not possibly be

e i t h e r a good c i t i z e n or a good Christian. This enthusiasm can be

explained both, as a reaction t o the mediaeval s p i r i t , and as an impetus

t o the creativene\ss and o r i g i n a l i t y of the period i t s e l f . Moreover, the

many material reminders of Roman greatness i n I t a l y , as well as the

f r a n t i c i n t e l l e c t u a l preoccupation with antiquity, served to popularize

the cult. The career of Cola di Rienzi alone i s an indication of the

strength that the i d e a l had over the popular mind. At times i t assumed

(1) * w . ™ d« N a r c i s s e . Oeuvres (Paris, 1826), voLXI, p.222,

 - 13 -

a pious s i m p l i c i t y , such as the pride of the Neapolitans i n the fact that

V i r g i l had been buried near their c i t y , and the conviction of the Paduans

that Livy's cones had been interred near t h e i r c i t y - w a l l s . Parents whose

children might have spent an inconspicuous l i f e as plain Giovanni were

blessed with no l e s s e r names than those of AgaWeranon, A c h i l l e s , or

Aeneas, ( l )

In the 18th century the cult became even more intense, t i l l i t

reached a veritable frenzy i n the Revolution. Speaking of the 18th

century philosophersBecker writes:

"The Garden of Eden was for them a myth, no doubt,

but they looked enviously back at the Golden Age
of Roman virtue or across the waters to the unspoiled
innocence of an Arcadian c i v i l i z a t i o n that flourished
i n Pennsylvania". (2)

Montesquieu cried out, "J'avoue mon gout pour l e s anciens, cette

a n t i q u i t e m'enchante", and i n the colleges young people were surfeited

with t a l e s of Rome, thougn the conservative teachers of the ancien

regime counselled t h e i r pupils to cultivate only the private, not the

p u b l i c , mores of the Romans. (3) Madame Rolland claimed that, as a

young g i r l , l i v i n g i n the apparently too drab world of a middle-class

home, she constantly regretted that she had not been born a Spartan.

B r i s s o t , as an unsuccessful lawyer, convinced himself that, i n a rree

l l ) Most of these remarks are based on information derived from Jakob

Burckhardt, The C i v i l i z a t i o n of the Renaissance in Italy> t r . by
3.G.C. Middlemore (London & Oxford, 1945),
J.A. Symonds, Renaissance i n I t a l y . (Modern Library, New York, 1935)
and Hiram Haydn, The Counter-Renaissance. (New York, 1950).

(2) C. Becker, The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth Century Philosophers,

(New Haven, 1932), p . 30.

(3) H.T. Parker, The Cult of Antiquity and the French Revolutionaries.
(Chicago, 1937), p. 35, at seq#
 - 14 -

s o c i e t y , such as he thought Rome t o have been, the t a l e n t s of a budding

r
Cicero, l i k e himself, would not have gone unrewarded. tfie battle of the

Ancients and the Moderns had been confined t o a r t i s t i c and s c i e n t i f i c

achievements. Even Fontenelle admitted to the moral superiority of the

Romans. Most people f e l t that the achievements of the past were too

sublime to be copied, not t o mention surpassed, by t h e i r contemporaries.

I t was not u n t i l the hope of a new Rome, and one that lacked the pre-

r e q u i s i t e of small t e r r i t o r i a l confines, across the Atlantic, encouraged

them, and u n t i l their accumulated grievances reached an explosive pitch,

that the Creation of a neo-Roman state became a practicable ideal for

them. Condorcet even spoke with contempt of the slave-system of Rome

and Greece, and pointed with i n f i n i t e hope t o the new society that was

to emerge from the ruins of the old.

During the Revolution the c u l t , as i t was during the Renaissance,

was popularized. When the National Assembly moved to i t s new quarters

i n the T u i l l e r i e s in 1793, i t was decorated with statues of Solon,

Lycurgus, P l a t o , Demosthenes, Junius Brutus, and Cincinnatus. Each

of them wore a crown of laurel* The president's chair was draped with

s i l k , "a l a romaine". A spectator described the room as being noble

and simple, "dans l e s t y l e de l a b e l l e antiquite". Who could worry, in

the presence of such elevated sentiments, about the fact that the

a c o u s t i c s were t e r r i b l e , and that no provisions for ventilation had

been made I ( l ) The young and innocent were again condemned t o an heroic

nomenclature. In some l o c a l i t i e s during the year 1792 no l e s s than

three-hundred children were called either Lycurgus, or Junius Brutus.

Babeuf was, of course, a well-known example of t h i s craze; from a

modest Franqois-Noel he ascended t o the heights of Camillus Caius Grachus.

( l ) Parker, op. c i t . , ppo 146-147.

 - 15 -

Lycurgus was the idol of the radical Jacobins, and Solon that of the

Girondins, and i t not i n s i g n i f i c a n t , in trying to estimate Rousseau's

influence on the leaders of the Revolution, that under Robespierre a plan

for education based on the Spartan ideal was drawn up, not unlike the one
t h a t Rousseau had proposed to the Poles.

There can be l i t t l e doubt that Montesquieu of a l l the writers of the

period influenced Rousseau's p o l i t i c a l thinking most profoundly.

C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y , the majority of the "philosophes" looked upon him

"7ith some suspicion. I t is therefore worth-while to examine his words

on a n t i q u i t y a l i t t l e more closely. Equality and frugality were for him

the great virtues of the ancient Republic, ( l ) Virtue formed the true

basis of the Republican order, which is defined as one in which "le

peuple en corps ou seulement une p a r t i e du peuple a l a souveraine

puissance". Patriotism i s the essence of the Republican s p i r i t , and

he admires t h i s quality even though he recognizes t h a t i t stands in an

equivocal position t o the ordinary rules of morality.

" C ' e t o i t un amour dominant pour l a p a t r i e qui sortant
des regies ordinaires des crimes et des vertus, n ' e -
coutoit que l u i seul^ et ne voyoit ni citoyen, ni ami,
ni b i e n f a i t e u r , ni pere; l a vertu sembloit s'oublier
pour se surpasser elle-meme; et 1'action qu'on ne
pouvoit d'abord approuver, parce qu'elle e t o i t atroce,
e l l e l a f a i s o i t admirer comme divine." (2)

This patriotism, though based on equality, was also based on property.

For Montesquieu was convinced t h a t only property-holders had a r e a l "stake"

in the welfare of t h e i r country.

(1) Maxima Leroy, Histoire des Idees Sociales en France

(De Montesquieu a Robespierre) ( P a r i s , 1946), pp.97 & 108.

(2) Montesquieu, Considerations sur l e s Causes de l a Grandeur des Remains

et de leur Decadence. ( P a r i s , 1852), pp.112.
 - 16 -

!
|Les fondateurs des anciennes republiques avoient
egalement p a r t a g e l e s t e r r e s ; cela seul f a i s o i t un
peuple p u i s s a n t , c ' e s t - a - d i r e une s o c i e t e bien
re*glee; c e l a f a i s o i t a u s s i une bonne armee, chacun
ayant un egal i n t ^ r e t , et t r e s grand, a defendre
sa p a t r i e " . ( l )

And he r e i t e r a t e s : "On avoit a t t e n t i o n a ne r e c e v o i r dans l a m i l i c e que

des gens qui eussent assez de bien pour avoir i n t e r e t a l a conservation de

l a v i l l e " . (2)

The s t r i c t observance of law was the sign of t r u e l i b e r t y among t h e

Romans. Much, however, as he admired them, and pointed t o them when he

wished t o c r i t i c i z e h i s own t i m e s , t h e r e i s no attempt t o r e s u r r e c t Rome

i n another a g e . That " l i b e r t y i s not t h e f r u i t of a l l climes" was one of

the l e s s o n s he t a u g h t Rousseau, and h i s own conservative preferences made

h i s f e e l i n g for the a n c i e n t s an e n t i r e l y a b s t r a c t p a s s i o n . Though Rousseau's

longing for the ancient s t a t e could lead him t o say t h a t i t i s b e t t e r t o

immitate the a n c i e n t s than t o explain them, which i s indeed the a t t i t u d e

of t h e t r u e b e l i e v e r , i n the main he shared Montesquieu's opinion. (3)

Unlike the humanists, Machiavelli seems t o have had l i t t l e interest

i n t h e a r t i t i s t i c achievements of a n t i q u i t y . What he admires i n them i s

t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and moral l i f e .

"When xve consider the general r e s p e c t for a n t i q u i t y ,

and how often - t o say nothing of other examples -
a g r e a t p r i c e i s paid f o r some fragment of an antique
s t a t u e , which we are anxious t o possess t o ornament
our houses w i t h , or t o give t o a r t i s t s who s t r i v e t o
i m i t a t e them i n t h e i r own works; and when we s e e , on
the o t h e r hand, the wonderful examples which the h i s t o r y
of ancient kingdoms and r e p u b l i c s present t o u s , t h e
p r o d i g i e s of v i r t u e , and of wisdom displayed by k i n g s ,
c a p t a i n s , c i t i z e n s and l e g i s l a t o r s who have s a c r i f i c e d

(1) Montesquieu, Considerations sur l e s Causes de l a Grandeur des Remains

et de l e u r Decadence. ( P a r i s . 1852), p.22 "

(2) I b i d . , p p . 8 5 - 8 6 .

(3) L e t t e r t o P e r d i a u , January 18, 1756, quoted from C.W- Hendel,

J - J . Rousseau. M o r a l i s t . (London & New York, 1934), v o l . 1 , p . 1 5 7 .
 - 17 -

themselves for their country - when we see these,

I say, more admired than imitated, or so much
neglected that not the least trace of this ancient
virtue remains, we cannot but be at the same time
as much surprised as afflicted", (l)

This indifference is shared by Montesquieu, while for Rousseau

artistic excellence is so much a sign of decay that the only comment to

which the sight of an ancient statue could move him was a moralistic

aphorism.

"Le moral a une grande reaction sur l e physique et

change quelque f o i s jusqu'aux t r a i t s du visage. I I
y a plus de sentiment et de beaute dans l e s visages
des anciens grecs q u ' i l n'y en a dans ceux d'aujouri'hui". (2)

His preference for Sparta t o Athens i s based on h i s d i s t r u s t of the

l a t t e r ' s a r t i s t i c achievements, which were to him only an expression of

a t a s t e ibr luxury. His praise of Socrates i s never greater tnan when he

speaks of the banishment of poets from the Republic, and of the l a t t e r ' s

remarks on the pride and f o l l y of a r t i s t s . (3)

5uite apart from the general trends of thought, that surrounded them,

Machiavelli and Rousseau had a special impetus to f e e l drawn towards the

p o l i t i c a l l i f e of a n t i q u i t y . For both stemmed from small republics i n

which some semblance of the old p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t had survived, and i n

which they could s t i l l see the remnants of popular participation i n the

management of public a f f a i r s . Though Machiavelli had no i l l u s i o n s as t o

how far Florence was from h i s ideal of a republic, and called the history

of the c i t y an account of "the means by iriiich, through the labour of a

thousand years, she became so imbecile", his own love for h i s native c i t y

was quite s i n c e r e . (4)

(1) Discourses. "Introduction", pp. 103-104.

(2) fragments. "Histoire des Moeurs", Pol.Wr.. v o l * I I , p . 340.

(3) Discourse on the Arts and S c i e n c e s , t r . by G.D.H. Cole

(Everyman's Edition, New York, 1950), p p . l 5 4 - 1 5 o .
I A.) Hiatorv of Florence. (Bohn's Library, London, 1898), bk. I , c h . v i i i , p.46
 - 18 -

When he speaks of "patria" he means Florence, not Italy as a whole.

It is Florence he refers to when he writes: "I love my native land more

than my soul". (1) Nor can he refrain from applauding the acts of

patriotism that once distinguished the citizens of Florence. When they

joined a league against the Pope in 1375, they demonstrated their supreme

love for their city. "So much did citizens at that time prefer the good

of their country to tneir ghostly consolations, and thus showed the

Church, that if as her friends they had defended her, they could as

enemies depress her". (2) Moreover, the temporary transformation in the

habits of the city that Savonarola had been able to call forth showed him

that there were still latent sources of public spirit Deneath the general

corruption of the times. In his Discourse on Reforming the Government of

Florence he suggests to Pope Leo X that nothing he could do would be more

glorious or pleasing in God's eyes than to mould Florence into a stable

republic, and in the general equality among the citizens he saw the basic

prerequisite for such an order. (3) However, on the whole, contemporary

Florence offered little cause for enthusiasm to Machiavelli. In his

comedy Mandragola, in which he sardonically caricatures the life of the

city, we find not one decent character.There are depraved priests, fools,

and adventurers, no heroes, no soldiers and no upright citizens. There

is no one there to arouse the least sympathy among the audience. He is

never anxious to hide the corruption of morals or institutions in Florence.

For a model of republican life he had to turn to the memories of Greece

and Rome.

(1) Letter to Vettori, April 16, 1527, Familiar Letters, p. 270.

(2) History of Florence. bk«I, ch. ii, p. 119.

(3) Discourse on Reforming the Government of Florence,

tr. by A.H. Gilbert (Chicago, 1941), pp. 91 & 84.
 - 19 -

Though Rousseau too was t o be disappointed by h i s native c i t y , the

influence of Geneva on h i s thought can be scarcely over-estimated, both

in. the sense that he f e l t himself t o be closer to the men of antiquity

by being a c i t i z e n of that republic, and in that i t formed the concrete

b a s i s for his highly idealized view of republicanism and the ancient

city-state, (l) Even though f i n a l l y he was forced t o renounce h i s

c i t i z e n s h i p , t o t a l l y d i s i l l u s i o n e d by the contrast of the actual c i t y ,

governed by a patrician c l i q u e , and h i s imaginary picture of a popular

r e p u b l i c , i t was h i s experience there that gave him a far more i i v e l y

sense of the l i f e i n ancient republics than the two-dimensional image

that was admired by most of h i s contemporaries. In that respect h i s

a t t i t u d e was closer t o that of the Revolutionaries of the following

generation, even though he would not have shared t h e i r optimism or t h e i r

means of resurrecting antiquity.

"His whole conception of the s t a t e assumes the

existence of a public s p i r i t , which to modern ears
may sound i n c r e d i b l e , but which was intensely real
t o the student of Plutarch, for the s p i r i t u a l child
of Sparta and Rome". (2)

And we might well add, "to the c i t i z e n of Geneva".

He b u i l t h i s thought on a n o s t a l g i c memory of the

c i v i c and republican virtues of Calvin's community,
i n which the influences of the Old-Testament t h e o -
cracy and the l i t e r a r y memories of republican Rome,
and of S t o i c philosophy were r e v i t a l i z e d by the
Reformation i n a hard-working and proud middle-class
s o c i e t y " . (3)

I t i s t h i s sense of writing as a c i t i z e n for f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s that

a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h e s Machiavelli from the many contemporaries who attempted

(1) For information on Rousseau's r e l a t i o n s t o Geneva I have mostly

r e l i e d on Gaspard V a l l e t t e ' s J-J. Rousseau Genevois. ( P a r i s , 1911) #

(2) C E . Vaughan, "Introduction", P o l . Wr.. Vol. I , p . 6 2 .

(3) Hans Kbhn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York, 1945), p. 239.
 - 20 -

to copy Livy, or rather those parts that are most picturesque and lively

in the old historian. In his History of Florence and in the Discourses,

Machiavelli is neither a mere chronicler, nor simply an author of

historical fiction. He is closer in spirit to the republican historians

than their mere imitators could ever be. Rousseau in such works as the

Lettre a D'Alembert and the "Dedication" of the Discourse on Inequality

appears very self-consciously in the role of the ancient republican

defending public morality against dangerous innovations. He not only

seems to prefer Cato to Socrates, but actually wants to identify himself

with the former. Speaking of his childhood as a son of an artisan in

Geneva, he claims that "at the age of twelve I was a Roman, at twenty,

I had coursed about the wide world and then I was nothing but a bad boy", (l)

Geneva at her best, and the "Citizen of Geneva" in his most heroic mood

are an illustration of the ancient ideal. Nevertheless, Rousseau also

had occasion to perceive the difference between Geneva and the perfect

republic, and that the absolute surrender of the individual to the

community had not been realized in the city of his birth.

"At such times he turned eagerly to the records of

antiquity. Deep as was the spell that Geneva had
cast upon his imagination, that of Rome and Sparta
was still deeper, and it is to them that, even more
than Geneva, we must look for the practical type of
his ideal". (2)

It is interesting, moreover, to see in what terms these two authors

praised the world of antiquity and how shabby, in comparison, the present

looked to them.

"Je me plais a tourner les yeux sur ces venerables

images de l'antiquite ou je vois les horames eleves

(1) Letter to Dr. Tronchin, November 26, 1756, C.W. Hendel,

Citizen of Geneva (New York & London, 1937), p.160.

(2) "Introduction" to Contrat Social. Vaughan, Pol. Wr..

Vol. II, p.6.
 - 21 -

par de sublimes i n s t i t u t i o n s au plus haut degre

de grandeur e t de vertus ou puisse atteindre l a
sagesse humaine. L'ame s ' e l e v e a son tour et l e
courage s'enflamme, en parcourant ces respectables
monuments. Rome e t Sparte porterent l a g l o i r e
humaine aussi haut q u e l l e puisse a t t e i n d r e , t o u -
t e s deux b r i l l e r e n t a l a f o i s par l e s vertus et
par l a valeur. ( l )

"Sparta was a republic of demi-gods rather than

of men, so greatly superior t h e i r virtues seemed
t o those of mere humanity". (2)

These few examples serve t o i l l u s t r a t e with what ardour Rousseau

admired the a n c i e n t s , and Machiavelli, usually more restrained i n h i s

expressions, i s equally carried away by t h i s image. Speaking with some

approval of Florence, he at once hastens t o add that "nothing has sub-

sequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at a l l corresponding t o her ancient

g r e a t n e s s . " (3) Vie have already quoted h i s remarks about the "prodigious

virtue of the ancients". He goes on t o point out that c i v i l law c o n s i s t s

of nothing but the d e c i s i o n s of Roman j u r i s - c o n s u l t s , and medicine i s

based e n t i r e l y on the experience of ancient physicians. (4) Not only the

w i l l i n g n e s s of c i t i z e n s t o s a c r i f i c e themselves for their country, the

s p i r i t of j u s t i c e , but even the great s e v e r i t i e s of Roman l i f e arouse

h i s admiration.

"Even i f we had not an i n f i n i t y of other evidences

of the greatness of t h i s republic i t would be made
manifest by the extent of her executions, and the
character of the punishments she i n f l i c t e d on the
g u i l t y . Rome did not h e s i t a t e to have a whole l e g i o n
put t o death according t o a judicial d e c i s i o n , or t o
destroy an entire c i t y , or t o send eight or ten thous-
and men i n t o e x i l e with such extraordinary conditions
as could hardly be complied with by one man, much
l e s s by so many" (5)

(1) Fragments. "Rome et Sparte", P o l . Wr. v o l . 1 , pp.314-315.

(2) Discourse on the Arts & S c i e n c e s , p. 153.

(3) S i s t o r y of Florence, bk. V, c h . i , p . 2 0 3 .

(4) "Introduction" t o Discourses, pp.104-105.

(5) Discourses , b k . I I I , c h . x l i x , p.539.

 - 22 -

I f one i s tempted t o find a sign of j u s t i f i c a t i o n for Machiavelli' s

e v i l reputation i n t h i s passage, i t must be recalled that a l l admirers

of the s p i r i t of antique republicanism f a l l i n t o the danger of sanction-

ing harshness. Montesquieu, who enjoys so great a place i n the a f f e c t i o n s

of l i b e r a l s , found i t i n h i s heart t o admire the brutality of the Romans

in dealing with t h e i r enemies, and even gives praise to A t i l l a . ( l ) The

ancient s p i r i t , i f not always quite so cruel, i s at a l l times s t e r n . Thus

both Rousseau and Machiavelli have an overwhelming esteem for Brutus, who

k i l l e d h i s own sons when they threatened the newly established l i b e r t y

of the Roman republic. For both i t was an example of that s p i r i t of virtue

that maintains republics.

"Whoever makes himself tyrant of a state and does

not k i l l Brutus, or wnoever restores l i b e r t y and
does not immolate his sons w i l l not maintain himseli
i n h i s p o s i t i o n long". (2)

"II sera toujours grand et d i f f i c i l e de soumettre

l e s plus cheres a f f e c t i o n s de l a nature a l a patrie
et a l a vertue. Apres avoir absous ou refuse de
condamner son f i l s , comment Brutus e u t - i l jamais
ose condamner un autre citoyen? "0 consul! l u i
eut d i t ce criminel, a i - j e f a i t pis que de vendre
ma patrie? e t ne s u i s - j e pas aussi votre f i l s ? "
<4u'on me montre aujourd'hui un seul juge capable
de s a c r i f i e r a l a patrie et aux l o i s l a v i e de
ses enfantsl" (3)

In a footnote that he l a t e r crossed out, Rousseau added:

"Je s u i s fache pour St-Augustin des p l a i s a n t e r i e s

q u ' i l a ose f a i r e sur ce grand et bel acte de
v e r t u . Les Peres de l ' E g l i s e n'ont pas su voir
l e mal q u ' i l s f a i s a i e n t a leur cause, en f l e t r i s -
sant a i n s i tout ce que l e courage et l'honneur
avaient produit de plus grand".

In short, "Rome was for five-hundred years one continued miracle

which the world cannot hope t o see again". (4) That alone, however,

(1) Montesquieu, op. c i t . . ch.VL, p.58 & ch. XVIII, p . 189-90.

(2) Machiavelli, Discourses. b k . I I I , c h . i i i , p.405.

(3) Fragments. "Histoire des Moeurs", Pol.Wr.. V o l . 1 , p.337.

(4) Discourse on P o l i t i c a l Economy* t r . by G.D.H. Cole (New York, 1950) p . 3 1 0 .
 - 23 -

would not necessarily be a cause for lamentation, but it is because the

world of the present fell so far below this standard that both Rousseau

and Machiavelli cried out in despair.

"L'histoire moderne n'est pas depourvu de traits ad-

mirables; mais ce ne sont que des traits; j'y vois
quelques grandes actions, mais je n'y vois de grands
hommes". (l)

That was one of the kindest judgements, particularly when compared

to some of Machiavelli's more bitter phrases. In deploring the fact

that modern states no longer acquire colonies and build new settlements,

he observes that:

"This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the

negligence of princes who have lost all appetite
far true glory, and of republics which no longer
possess institutions that deserve praise" (2)

"Although the transactions of our princes at home

and abroad will not be viewed with admiration of
their virtue and greatness like those of the
ancients, perhaps they may on other accounts be
regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses
of high spirited people were kept in restraint by
such weak and disorderly forces. And if in de-
tailing the events which took place in this wasted
world, we shall not have to record the bravery of
the soldier, the prudence of the general, or the
patriotism of the citizen, it will be seen with
what artifice, deceit and cunning princes, warriors
and leaders of republics conducted themselves, to
support a reputation they never deserved. This
perhaps, will not be less useful than a knowledge
of ancient history; for if the latter excites the
liberal mind to imitation, the former will show
what ought to be avoided and decried." (3)

The physical vigour and military excellence of the ancients is a

particular source of admiration. This is especially true of Machiavelli,

with whom the advantages of a citizen militia over the system of mercenary

(1) Fragments: "Histoire des Moeurs", pp.338, p. 510. Pol.Wr.f Vol.1

(2) History of Florence. bk.II, ch.i, p.48.

(3) Ibid.. bk.V, ch.i, p.204.

 - 24 -

soldiers was a constant theme. In fact it amounted to an "idee fixe".

He even went so far as to attempt an organization of such an army in the

Florence of his own day. Needless to say, the tradesmen whom he drafted

were unenthusiastic heroes. Machiavelli himself fell ill before the

battle actually took place, and the whole adventure ended in a general

debacle. Altogether, as far as military affairs are concerned, Machiavelli

was little but an over-enthusiastic amateur. Rousseau detested physical

violence in any form, and he prefers to avoid mentioning the more gory

activities of the ancients, and even goes so far as to claim that Sparta

and Rome totally lacked the spirit of conquest, (l) He was, nevertheless,

very appreciative of the virile habits and vigorous discipline engender-

ed by military activity. Unlike Rousseau, Machiavelli was not at all

upset by the excessive brutality of soldiers, whether they were mercenaries

or citizens. ^hat he loathed about the hirelings was their lack of courage

and efficiency, particularly in defending Italy against her Northern

neighbours. There are countless references to this evil in all his

works, and a few examples will suffice to show how sharply he felt the

difference between the soldiers of ancient Rome and those of modern

Italy, especially, since he held good military institutions to be of

supreme importance in the life of states.

"The foundation of states is a good military

organization.••.without (such) organization
there can be neither good laws nor anything
else good. The necessity of this appears on
every page of Roman history. We also see that
troops cannot be good unless they are well
disciplined and trained, and this cannot be
done with any troops other than natives of the
country......Any republic that adopts the military
organization and discipline of the Romans, and
strives by constant training to give her soldiers
experience and to develop their courage and mastery
over fortune, will always and under all circumstances
find them to display courage and dignity similar to
that of the Romans". (2)

(1) Fragments. "Rome et Sparte", Pol. Wr. . vol.I, p. 319

(2) Discourses. bk.III, ch XXXI, pp.503-504.
 - 25 -

"The best armies are those of states that arm their

own people. Only armies like them can resist them.
Recall the armies that have gained renown, they are
the Romans, the Lacedemonians, the Athenians, the
Aetolians and Acheans and the swarms of peoples from
beyond the Alps", (i)

His fear of, and admiration for the Swiss is based on their constant

military readiness. Only Italy seems to be weak and degenerate, incapable

of organizing an effective army. Freedom and military power are to him

inseparable. "Rome and Sparta were for many centuries well armed and

free. The Swiss are well armed and enjoy great freedom."(2)

The Italians, however, through the adoption of the system of

mercenary troops have "made the practice of arms so totally ridiculous

that the most ordinary leader possessed of true valour would have cover-

ed them with disgrace". In battles there is only a general display of

cowardice, both sides end by being iosersjand modern history is filled

with nothing but "idle princes and contemptible arms." (3)

Rousseau is also vastly impressed by the military valour of the

ancients^and disdains the armies of his cwro days. Emile is advised to

abstain frcm a military career because courage has ceased to be honored.

Comparing the physical strength of the Romans to that of modern men he

concluded, "Nous sommes dechus en tout". Painters can no longer even

find decent models. Modern exercises are nothing but child's play besides

the gymnastics of the ancients. As to troops, they are no longer capable

of the long marches of the Greeks and Romans, whose infantry officers, even,

were not allowed to ride a horse while their troops marched. (4)

(1) Letter to Vettori, August 26, 1513. Familiar Letters, p. 239.

(2) The Prince, ch. XII, p. 46.

(3) History of Florence, bk. I , ch.vLi, p.46.

(4) Lettre a D'Alembert. p. 137 - Oeuvres. vol.XI (Paris 182b).

 f 26 -

In denouncing the evil effects of the arts and sciences on moral-

ity he writes:

"With what courage in fact can it be thought that

hunger and thirst, fatigues, dangers and death can
be faced by men whom the smallest want overwhelms
and the slightest difficulty repels? With what
resolution can soldiers support the excessive toils
of war, when they are entirely unaccustomed to them"?

While he doe3 not doubt the personal courage of modern soldiers or

their ability to obey a good general, their powers of endurance are

negligible in his eyes.

"I have no doubt that you would have triumphed with

Hannibal at Cannae, and at Trasimene, that you would
have passed the Rubicon with Caesar and enaded him
to enslave his country, but you would never have been
able to cross tne Alps with the former or with the
latter to subdue your own ancestors, the Gauls." (l)

"All the victories of the early Romans, like those

of Alexander were won t>y brave citizens, who where
ready, at need, to give their blood in the service of
their country, but would nevex* sell it."

Witn the institution of mercenaries, however, Rome lost her liberty.

"(The merit of) mercenaries may be judged by the

price at which they sold themselves, proud of their
own meaness, despising the laws that protected them,
as well as their fellows whose bread they ate, imagi-
ning themselves more honoured in being Caesar's
satellites than in being defenders of Rome. As they
were given over to blind obedience, their swords were
always at the throats of their fellow-citizens and
they were prepared for general butchery at first sight". (2)

For Poland he therefore prescribed a citizen army, a system of selecting

officers by merit, and warned that due honour must be given military men if

they are to pursue their calling in the defence of liberty. (3) The calling

of the soldier, like that of the teacher, is too noble to be recompensed

by money.

(1) Discourse on the Arts & Sciences, pp.165-166.

(2) Discourse on Political Economy, pp. 318-319.

(3) Considerations sur le Gouvernement de Pologne. Pol.Wr.. vol.11,

chap, xii, pp.485-492.
 - 27 -

Although the above examples of effusive admiration for antiquity might

seem s u f f i c i e n t i n expressing Machiavelli's and Rousseau's sentiments, they

form only a small segment of the concentrated effort i n eulogy. However,

neither Machiavelli nor Rousseau were content with mere adulation.In t h e i r

deep resentment of the conditions about them, both f e l t that hope for a

regeneration i n imitation of ancient glory was not wholly impossible. Both

considered the purpose of h i s t o r i c a l writings t o be d i d a c t i c , and looked

upon themselves as t e a c h e r s , i n t h e i r exposition of the events of ancient

days. Machiavelli i s always ready t o avow h i s intention t o write something

useful for those that have the i n t e l l i g e n c e t o understand him, and the

energy t o act upon h i s maxims. Rousseau, i n such works as the two projects

for c o n s t i t u t i o n s for Poland and for Corsica, assumes the role of p o l i t i c a l

adviser, while i n the Lett re a d'Alembert and the First Discourse we see

him as a scolding school-master, a second Cato. I t seems only l o g i c a l t o

assume that i f one decides that the purpose of history i s t o instruct men

i n t h e i r a c t i o n s , and i f one thereupon writes detailed and consciously

m o r a l i s t i c accounts of past events, one considers men capable of improvement

by i n s t r u c t i o n . I f our two authors seem unduly harsh in t h e i r contempt

for t h e i r contemporaries, i t i s not only due t o the fact that they held

antiquity i n such high esteem, but also that they were deeply animated by

a desire t o change the world. In Machiavelli t h i s attitude i s simple.

His two basic t e n e t s , the uniformity of nature and the c y c l i c a l movement

of h i s t o r y , make i t impossible for him t o speak of Rome as an Age of Gold

that can never be regained. While Rousseau accepted both these i d e a s ,

he added so many modifications t o them that h i s p o s i t i o n becomes more

complex* Before examining these problems more thoroughly, i t would be

unfair t o leave unmentioned those occasional instances where Rousseau

and p a r t i c u l a r l y Machiavelli, seem doubtful of the absolute p e r f e c t i o n

 - 28 -

of antiquity. In neither case does this happen frequently. The former

devotes several, not uncritical chapters to Roman institutions in the

Social Contract, and he repeats them, but there is none of the ire in

his words that moves his denunciations of the present. "Au reste je n'ex-

cuse pas les fautes du peuple romain ... Je l'ai blame d'avoir usurpe la

puissance executive qu'il devait seulement contenir". (l)

Considering how much he loathed slavery his words on that institution

in ancient Greece are oddly lenient; still there is an implicit criticism

in his words.

"There are some unhappy circumstances in which we

can only keep our liberty at other's expense, and
where the citizen can be perfectly free only when
the slave is the most a s.lave. Such was the case
in Sparta". (2)

He also recognizes the essential cruelty of paganism in spite of the

manly virtues it engendered. (3)

In a mood of total distress about humanity he exclaims: "Q,uand j'ai

dit que nos moeurs s'etoient corrompus, je n'ai pas pretendu dire pQur

cela que celles de nos a|eux furent bonnes, mais seulement que les notres

etoient encore pires". (4)

It is at such moments tnat ne comes closest to Machiavelli, whose

warning against an uncritical worship of the old days is both shrewd and

honest, more so, in fact, than Rousseau's half-hearted attempt at an

objective evaluation. For, since at times he chose to adopt the same

(1) Lettres Ecrites de la Montagne. Lettre IX. p.273, Pol. Wr.. vol. II.

(2) Social Contract, p.96

(3) Premiere Version du Contrat Social. Li v. IV, ch.viii, Pol.Wr. vol.1,

p. 502.

(4) Preface de Narcisse. p. 227.

 - 29 -

premise of unchanging degrees of virtue and evil in the world as a whole,

he had little justification for such an over-generous appraisal.

"Men ever praise the olden time and find fault with the
present, though often without reason....We never know
the whole truth about the past and very frequently writers
conceal such events as would reflect disgrace upon their
century... Men's hatreds generally spring from fear or
envy. Now these two most powerful reasons of hatred do
not exist for us with regard to the past, which can no
longer inspire either apprehension or envy. But it is
very different with the affairs of the present in which
we ourselves are either qctors or spectators, and of
which we have complete knowledge", (l)

While the amount of greatness in the world is always more or less the

same, it is not stably situated in the same country at all times, but

moves from one state to the next. Therefore, those states that have

declined nave every reason to think with regret of their past glory.

"If after the Roman Empire none other sprung up that

endured for any length of time, and where the aggregate
virtues of the world were kept together, we nevertheless
see them scattered amongst many nations .....but whoever
is born in Italy and Greece and has not become an Ultra-
montane in Italy or a Turk in Greece has good reason to
find fault with his own and to praise the olden times;
for in their past there are many things worthy of the
highest admiration whilst the present has nothing that
compensates for all the extreme misery, infamy and
degradation of a period where there is neither observance
of religion, law or military discipline and which is
stained by every species of the lowest brutality".

"I know not then, whether I deserve to be classed with

those who deceive tnemselves, if in these Discourses
I shall laud too much the times of ancient Rome and
censure those of our own day. And truly, if the virtues
that ruled then and the vices that prevail now were not
as clear as the sun, I should be more reticent in my
expressions".

However, his ultimate justification lies not in his factual accuracy,

but in his moral purpose.

(l) Discourses, bk. II, "Introduction", pp.271-275.

 - 30 -

"I s h a l l boldly and openly say what I think of the

former times and of the present, so as to excite i n
the minds of the young men who may read my writing
the desire t o avoid the e v i l s of the l a t t e r , and t o
prepare themselves to imitate the virtues of the
former whenever fortune presents them the occasion", (l)

I n t h i s chapter we have t r i e d to show the extent and nature of

M a c h i a v e l l i ' s and Rousseau's worship of antiquity. Their^s i s not a

balanced view, ignoring great parts of ancient l i f e , Athens being

disregarded i n favor of Rome and Sparta, and only a glorified Plutarch-

ian picture of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and moral habits i s considered.

Rousseau emerges as the l e s s circumspect admirer, but on the whole

both the enthusiasm for the past and the corresponding disdain for

the present are shared by Machiavelli. The virtues that captivated

t h e i r respective imaginations are the same; s e l f - s a c r i f i c i n g patriotism,

m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e , obedience t o law and the asceticism of a simple

life. In both cases the personal experience of participating d i r e c t l y

i n the l i f e of a declining republic contributed much t o the i n t e n s i t y

with which they looked towards the more successful c i t y - s t a t e s of

antiquity.

( l ) Discourses, b k . I I , "Introduction", pp.271-275

 - 31 -

Chapter III

Public Morality and the Dynamics of Corruption

In the proceeding chapter we referred to Machiavelli's and Rousseau's

concept of history and their inclination to be didactic, and also indicat-

ed some of the reasons for their admiration of the ancient republican

order. Before we can go on to discuss these matters further, to derive

a clearer picture of their political thinking, we must first examine

their attitudes to the raw material of political life - numan nature

and its potentialities. Once this has been more or less determined we

find that much of what follows is either an elaboration of, or even, a

foregone conclusion to the basic premise.

Machiavelli has generally been accused of "pessimism", because he

held his fellow men in such low esteem. It is, of course, true that the

evil of man is a fundamental axiom of his political philosophy. When

he advises his prince to be a lion and a fox, he declares the necessity

for such behaviour to lie in the deceitfulness and egotism of mankind, (l)

In the Discourses he reminds all legislators that if mn should at any

time appear good, it is only because they happen to lack opportunity for

displaying their viciousness. (2) However, harsh words about human nature

are not enough to make a man a pessimist. A real pessimist removes himself

from the worldly scene and contemplates nothingness, he does not act as

ambassador for a republic, or write histories and, least of all, composes

elaborate schemes for civic reform. Rather more to the point is the fact

that absolute rulers have generally tried to justify their existence in

(1) The Prince, ch.xviii, p. 64.

(2) Discourses. b k . I , c h . i v , pp.117-118.

 - 32 -

terms of a necessity imposed on them by the baseness of those they r u l e .

I t i s not without significance that Frederick the Great, in the hopeful

Age of Enlightenment, spoke of men as "that damned race". Thus when

Machiavelli speaks of men as being "ungrateful, voluble, dissemblers,

anxious to avoid danger and covetous of gain", more interested in t h e i r

patrimony than in the well-being of t h e i r fathers, he goes on to advise

the Prince t o r e l y on cruelty, rather than on gentleness, in dealing with

h i s subjects, (l)

I t has been observed that in regarding human nature as the basic e v i l ,

and one t h a t must be overcome, Machiavelli displayed a similarity t o

Christian thinking, p a r t i c u l a r l y Calvin's morose belief in the t o t a l

depravity of man. Though he t o t a l l y ignores the question of divine grace,

for h i s scope of i n t e r e s t i s limited to the temporal sphere, i t i s s t i l l

held that he presents a resemblance t o t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e s . (2) Such an

attempt t o return Machiavelli - even i f only as a very dark sheep - t o

the Christian fold seems very far-fetched. While i t i s true that he

considers man t o be e v i l , and unchageably so, he holds him also t o be

extremely malleable. The fundamental stuff that men are made of never

changes; i t i s a natural force which i s only one factor i n the complex of

forces t h a t xrork in h i s t o r y . I t undergoes no real transformation when i t

i s debased i n the I t a l y of h i s own time, or elevated in the Roman republic.

Necessity shapes i t , organizes i t , or leaves i t i d l e , and t h i s necessity

may be e i t h e r a p o l i t i c a l r u l e r , p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , laws, habits or

merely the natural environment. I n i t s turn i t i s one of the ingredients

(1) P r i n c e , c h . x v i i , p. 60-61.

(2) E . g . , Hiram Havdn.on.cit.. c h . v i i i , p.467

 - 33 -

t h a t form the n e c e s s i t i e s a r u l e r must take i n t o account when he builds

and administers a s t a t e . There i s no difference in his a t t i t u d e to human

nature in the Prince and i n the Discourses, but in the former he sees

human matter l e f t to r o t , in the l a t t e r i t has been laboriously moulded

into a workable mechanism. "Men act r i g h t l y only upon compulsion,.

I t i s t h i s t h a t has caused i t to be said that poverty and hunger make men

industrious and that the law makes men good", (l)

I n considering the question whether i t i s best to establish a city on

f e r t i l e or on barren s o i l , he observes t h a t : "Virtue has more sway where

labor i s the r e s u l t of necessity rather than of choice . . . . ( f o r they) are

l e s s given t o idleness (and) would be more united". However, f e r t i l e soil

makes the s t a t e r i c h e r and more capable of defence against i t s inevitable

enemies.
"As t o idleness which the f e r t i l i t y of the country
tends to encourage, the laws should compel men t o
labor where the s t e r i l i t y of the s o i l does not do
i t . . . . . " B y way of an offset to the pleasures and
softness of the climate (laws can) impose upon
soldiers the rigors of a s t r i c t discipline and
severe excercises, so that they become better
warriors than what nature produces in the harshest
climates". (2)
I n the Christian scheme of things nature i s but a lowly part in the

hierarchy of values, ana something that must be consciously transcended

i n man's quest for salvation. Whether i t i s Plato speaking of the

appetitive part of man, or Calvin scorning nature as degraded, and even

S t . Thomas, who f e l t t h a t nature was i n i t s e l f not lacking in positive

worth i t i s never the beginning and the end of man's scope, and just

because Machiavelli i s disdainful of his fellow creatures he does not

move one inch nearer t o the world of these t h i n k e r s .

(1) Discourses. b k . I , c h . i i i , p.118.

(2) I b i d . , b k . I , c h . i , p.108.
 - 34 -

That nature is not to be overcome, and that this is, in fact,

impossible, Machiavelli repeats frequently. It is because men are always

the same that the study of history is so useful; for it can teach us to

foresee the future and to learn from the past. "All cities and all peoples

are and ever will be animated by the same desires and the same passions".

If we study the ancients properly we can copy their techniques in dealing

with the events of the present; it is only because we disregard their

examples that the same troubles recur, but perhaps even this neglect is

inevitable, (l)

However, while "human events ever resemble those of past times"

it is also true that, "men are more or less virtuous in one country or

another, according to the nature of the education by which their manners

and habits of life have been formed". (2) This education may endure

for a long time^so that nations always preserve certain characteristics.

The French of his own day, he was quite sure, still retained all the

qualities of their barbaric ancestors, the Gauls. Education itself

consists of a mixture of laws, good or bad examples, habit and religious

beliefs.

I n h i s whole approach t o the problem of huifian n a t u r e Machiavelli

i s r e a l l y not i n t e r e s t e d i n the i n d i v i d u a l as such. The e x t r a o r d i n a r y

man t h e l e a d e r and the c r e a t o r of s o c i e t i e s f a s c i n a t e s h i s i m a g i n a t i o n ,

but " t h e v u l g a r ere always taken i n by appearances and t h e i s s u e of

t h e e v e n t ; and t h e world c o n s i s t s only of t h e v u l g a r " . (3)

Most people then are not only wicked, t h e y are not very b r i g h t

either. Only when t h e y act as a t o t a l i t y i n a s u c c e s s f u l r e p u b l i c , when

(1) D i s c o u r s e s , bk. I , c h . x x x i x , p . 2 1 6 .

(2) I b i d . , b k . I I I , c h . A L I I I , p p . 5 3 0 - 5 3 1 .

(3) P r i n c e , c h . XVIII, p . 6 6 .
 - 3b -

t h e y are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e types of a community permeated by v i r t u e , which

i s v a l o u r , energy and s e l f - d e n i a l , do they concern him.

Much has been made of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s supposedly s c i e n t i f i c approach

t o t h e study of p o l i t i c s , h i s exclusive concentration on "brute f a c t s " .

He himself seems t o be very conscious of t h e newness of h i s empirical

method. "I have resolved t o open a new route t h a t has not been followed

by anyone" ( l ) ^ h e proclaims i n t h e Discourses r and he boasts of h i s

r e l i a n c e on h i s own observations as a b a s i s for judgement. " I do not

know what A r i s t o t l e said . . . . but I consider well what reasonably can

b e , what i s and what has been". (2) We a l s o saw t h a t he was c r i t i c a l of

t h e o b j e c t i v i t y and methods of h i s t o r i a n s and warned against an excessive

r e l i a n c e on t h e i r t e s t i m o n y . One author even goes so f a r as t o claim t h a t

Machiavelli was t r e a t i n g s o c i a l problems i n terms of the dynamics of

G a l i i l e o and the science of the medical men of Padua, and c i t e s such

r e f e r e n c e s as h i s laws of p e r p e t u a l motion of s t a t e s , and of the purging

of i l l humours from s o c i e t y . (5) However, one must not exaggerate

M a c h i a v e l l i ' s attempt a t s c i e n t i f i c t h i n k i n g ; h i s notion of the laws of

evidence was a f t e r a l l p r i m i t i v e . There i s a very common tendency t o

assume t h a t when a w r i t e r d e p i c t s a p a r t i c u l a r l y sordid scene he i s being

e x c e p t i o n a l l y " r e a l i s t i c " , when he i s a c t u a l l y only being d i s a g r e e a b l e .

J u s t because some of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s " f a c t s " are so b r u t a l , i t i s not un-

l i k e l y t h a t t h i s i n c l i n a t i o n has worked t o give him a r e p u t a t i o n for

t r u t h f u l n e s s and accuracy i n d e s c r i b i n g p o l i t i c a l l i f e . Even i f t h a t

(1) D i s c o u r s e s . " I n t r o d u c t i o n " , p . 1 0 3 , and P r i n c e , ch.xv, p . 5 6 .

(2) L e t t e r t o V e t t o r i , August 26y 1513, F a m i l i a r L e t t e r s , p . 2 3 8 .

(3) Leonardo O l s c h k i , Machiavelli t h e S c i e n t i s t . (Berkeley, California,

1945.
 - 36 -

were the case, to be scientific he would have to show, beside a disint-

erested attitude to the "simple occurences of life", also the ability to

correlate them with some general law, so as to give his facts a meaning

and an explicatory function. For his acceptance of such hypotheses as

the Polybian cycle, or his belief in the simple and systematic movement

of grandeur from state to state, on the other hand, he has no evidence in

the events about him, or in history. He accepts them, one suspects, out

of an academic admiration for their symmetry.

In the flow of history Machiavelli actually discerns two cycles.

First of all there is the commonplace one inherited from Polybius, but

there is also a lav; of corruption that affects the people as a whole.

When necessity farces men to be good, the civic morality of a people is

high, when a state has overcame some of necessity's constraints, men relax

and grow feeble and evil. The first cycle is merely the governmental

expression of the condition of the social fabric. When that is sound9

Manlius Capitolinus is executed, and Cincinnatus returns to his plow;

when it has decayed, Ludovico Sforza brings the French into Italy, and

Caesare Borgia is a hero.

The origin of cities lies in the need for self-defence. At first,

men lived in dispersion like beasts, but as they became more numerous

they came into contact with each other, and conflict ensued. To escape

this "tooth and claw" existence they decided to live under a common

master, usually the most respected person among them. It is there that

the sense of gratitude and ingratitude to their ruler and to each other

arose, and the notion of justice was derived from this, (l) Machiavelli

is not much concerned with analyzing the fundamental basis of political

(l) Discourses, ch.i, p.106 and ch.II, pp.112-113.

 - 37 -

life, but rather with its later movements. If you are consciously creating

a state, he advises that a republic is possible only in a community in which

social equality reigns, while monarchy is best for one in which there is a

great distance between the various orders of society^ (l) but he admits

that the original constitutions of a state are mostly a matter of chance.

One thing is certain, it will not last long. Heaven has ordained a full

course for states, but unless they take care,they may not even live out

their prescribed span. Like religious sects they must be brought back to

their first principles, to the origins of their vigour. That is what the

Franciscans and Dominicans did for Christianity, and the Parlement of Paris

does for the French Monarchy. These two are an example of intrinsic forces

of revitalization, but an external pressure, such as a war, may have the

same effect. (2)

Like Polybius he believes in three "pure" forms of government,

monarchy, aristocracy and popular government. Transition from these t o

t h e i r respective degenerate opposites, tyranny, oligarchy and licentiousness

i s easy and i n e v i t a b l e . He then goes on t o admire the mixed government

of Lycurgus' Sparta as the most stable form. (3) This i s certainly not

the most original part of Machiavelli's thought, but, as we noted, an

almost superfluous imitation of ancient maxims. However, he gives t h i s

commonplace theory a new t w i s t . Beneath t h i s ancient wheel of governmental

change he places the forces of history t h a t r e a l l y make t h i s world t u r n .

I t i s through the action and reaction of necessity and virtue t h a t s t a t e s

(!) TH a ^ i on Reforming F l ^ e n c e , pp.84-85.

•KV TTT r»h. I PP.39V-98, and 401-402.
(2) Discourses, bk. x n , en. A, yyw *
(3) iiifiUi b k . I , c h . U , pp.114-15.
 - 38 -

l i v e and d i e . " V i r t u and n e c e s s i t a are i n r e l a t i o n t o each other something

l i k e t h e sphere of v a l u e s and the sphere of causal determination i n modern

philosophy", (l)

Good laws c r e a t e good h a b i t s , and as long as t h e s e survive the

prominent c i t i z e n s of a r e p u b l i c s e t a good example to Gue x-«*u 01 the

citizens. Good h a b i t s and good laws are i n s e p a r a b l e , one cannot l i v e

without the o t h e r , and when the former begin t o decay the l a t t e r must be

a l t e r e d t o s u i t them. Thus when men's propensity t o be ambitious i n

excess of t h e i r c a p a c i t i e s s t i r s up i l l humours i n the c i t y , r e p r e s s i v e

l e g i s l a t i o n must be imposed. When t h i s i s not done the decay moves on

unchecked. For i n s t a n c e , the r i g h t of a l l Roman c i t i z e n s t o propose new

l a w s , w h i l e good i n i t s e l f , became an e v i l once an o l i g a r c h i c clique

arose and monopolized the r i g h t , and only used i t t o strengthen i t s own

position. However, one must not act too d r a s t i c a l l y in imposing r e s t r i c t i v e

legislation. Once the e v i l has set i n one can only temporize with i t .

R e t r o a c t i v e law must always be avoided, i t only hastens the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n

and t h e d i s u n i o n . (2) At the lowest ebb no law can check or improve t h e

rampant c o r r u p t i o n of the community, only a s i n g l e l e a d e r can by the force

of h i s i n d i v i d u a l v i r t u e and s t r e n g t h r a i s e i t a g a i n . There again n e c e s s i t y

becomes o p e r a t i v e ; for i t was necessary t h a t the children of I s r a e l be

enslaved for Moses t o d i s p l a y h i s powers, or t h a t Cyrus should find t h e

P e r s i a n s d i s c o n t e n t e d with the empire of the Medes. The g r e a t events i n

h i s t o r y a r e a mixture of the prowess of t h e l e a d e r and the degradation of

the p e o p l e . (3)

(1) F r i e d r i c h Meinecke, o p . c i t . . p.7.

(2) Pi aooursea. b k . I , ch. XVII, pp.168 and 170.

(3) P r i n c e , c h . VI, p . 2 1 .
 - 39 -

A s t a b l e monarchy, t o o , can achieve a degree of v i t a l i t y i n a country

t h a t has l o s t i t s v i r t u e . Such was the condition of France and Spain, which

were l e s s d i s o r d e r l y than I t a l y , "not owing t o the goodness of t h e i r people,

i n which they a r e g r e a t l y d e f i c i e n t " , but because they are kept united, by

a k i n g , and a l s o by i n s t i t u t i o n s which are s t i l l pure, ( l ) To c r e a t e a

r e p u b l i c a n o r d e r , however, when the people are used t o the r u l e of t y r a n t s ,

i s almost i m p o s s i b l e , for t h e y are l i k e domesticated animals which have

been s e t l o o s e . A new p r i n c e might r e s t o r e a measure of l i b e r t y t o them,

but they w i l l r e l a p s e as soon as he i s dead. (2) As t h e F l o r e n t i n e e x i l e s

i n 1397 found o u t , " i t i s dangerous t o attempt t o s e t free a people determin-

ed t o be s l a v e s " . (3)

What a r e the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the v i r t u o u s r e p u b l i c , and where can

i t be s e t up? The best pLace t o s e t up a r e p u b l i c i s amongst "simple

mountaineers, who are almost without c i v i l i z a t i o n , (not i n ) c i t i e s where

c i v i l i z a t i o n i s already c o r r u p t " ; for *\intutored and ignorant men are

more e a s i l y persuaded t o adopt new l a w s " . (4) However, even i n Florence,

he remarks, Savonarola was able t o persuade a highly s o p h i s t i c a t e d population

t o change i t s h a b i t s . I n h i s own time he saw the small c i t i e s of Germany

s t i l l swayed by " p r o b i t y , obedience, t o law and r e l i g i o n " . This was due

t o t h e s t r i c t maintenance of e q u a l i t y among them, t h e i r great h o s t i l i t y t o

a l l s t r a n g e r s , and the fact t h a t they p r e f e r r e d poverty t o commerce. In

t h e i r w i l l i n g n e s s t o pay t a x e s they were equal t o t h e Romans. (5) In Sparta,

(1) D i s c o u r s e s , bk. I , ch.LV, p . 2 5 3 .

(2) I b i d . , bk. I , ch. XVL, pp.160-161 & ch.XVII, p . 1 6 5 .

(3) History of Florence. bk.III, ch.7, p. 154.

(4) Discourses. bk.I, ch.XI, pp.148-149.

(5) Ibid., bk.I, ch.LV, pp.£55-54*

 - 40 -

among the a n c i e n t s , the same r u l e s led to the same virtues after Lycurgus

established an equality i n poverty, a great unity, and a t o t a l isolation

from foreign influences, (l) However, because s t a t e s must either expand

or d e c l i n e , Sparta and the Germans, both trying to remain small and stable,

are not regarded with the same admiration as Kome. One advantage, if not

the g r e a t e s t , of a free s t a t e , i n Machiavelli's eyes,is i t s a b i l i t y t o

achieve power. Since people are secure in t h e i r possessions, and know that

the road t o success i s open to t a l e n t , they are ready to increase t h e i r

families, and the s t a t e i s , as a r e s u l t , rich in manpower. (2) Moreover,

not only does the population increase, but as long as i t s s p i r i t i s un-

corrupt the people place the good of t h e i r country far above that of

their private i n t e r e s t s . Nothing i s stronger in them than the love of

t h e i r country, and the only way the ambitious can gain public acclaim i s

t o do something remarkable in the service of t h e i r country. In a good

republic the c i t i z e n s remain poor while the state i s r i c h . Not only are

i t s men ready to s a c r i f i c e themselves, but theykiow no considerations of

private morality in the defence of tneir country. In war "no tnoughts 01

j u s t i c e or i n j u s t i c e , humanity or cruelty, nor of glory or of shame should

be allowed to prevail" (3) No wonder t h a t , animated by such resolutions,

Rome came t o conquer the world I Power, i t must be remembered, i s for

Machiavelli the ultimate c r i t e r i o n of success.

The iron law of h i s t o r y , however, demands that such b r i l l i a n c e be

s h o r t - l i v e d , and t h a t the decline inexorably follow the ascent. At one

point Machiavelli suggest t h a t sheer delight in change can bring men t o

prefer a tyranny after having long lived in a r e p u b l i c .

(1) Discourses. b k . I , ch.VE, pp.126-27.

(2) I b i d . . b k . H , c h . I I , p.287.

(3) I b i d . , b k . U I , ch.XU, p.528.

 - 41 -

t ^ r ^ ^ f l d y ^ i r r e l i g i o n can give reputation

a province w h e
^?J™ I , ^ humanity, faith and
l 0 n g U m e
hSifit f ,l f u n d e d . In the same way
humanity, faith and religion are of value where
ZTl ?? P 6 r ^ y * * i r r e l i S i o n have been in pwer
for a time. The reason is that just as bitter
things disturb the taste and sweet things surfeit
evil3" ?i? g<5t Weapy
° f S °° d and GOm lain of
^
I t is an amusing suggestion, at any rate, but not the explanation he

usually offers. I t is the slow infusion of luxurious habits that destroys

the moral fibre of the people, t i l l they cease to be vigilant and honest,

and the rise of an ambitious tyrant becomes easy. From the very outset

the Romans were saved from the dangers of effeminacy by the fact that, of

their first three kings, two were interested mainly in war. I t was

essential that the second king, Nurae, give them laws and institutions,

but had Tullus followed in his peace-loving steps, Rome would never have

been greet. (2)

Even a well regulated republic may become "enervated by pleasures

and luxury", brought to them by foreign nations/'for these indulgences

and habits become contageous". This happened to the Romans when they

invaded Capua.(3) I t will not necessarily be a permanent injury, but i t

i s a constant danger. However, this effeminacy is inevitable, unless

necessity keeps tight reins on the citizens, either through some law that

carries them back to "first principles", or, even better, by means of

wars that reunite them and restore them to v i r i l i t y .

The reason why states which rise to great heights must return to the

ultimate depth l i e s in the fact that:

(1) Letter to Soderini, January, 1512-13, Familiar Letters, p. 225.

(2) Discourses,. bk.I, ch.xix, p.172.

(3) Ibid.. bk.II, ch.xix, p.348.

 - 42 -

Pr
MUZ ° ^ C 0 S * " • : a n d Paace f repose; repose,
d i s o r d e r ; d i s o r d e r , r u i n ; so from d i s o r d e r order springs
excelllnce 0 ? " ^ ° b S e r V e d t h a t " ** <* l l t a r S
aSS" subsequent to t h a t of d i s t i n c t i o n i n

I t i s an "excusable indulgence, (but) indolence (cannot) with g r e a t e r

or more dangerous d e c e i t e n t e r i n t o a well regulated community". Cato

acted with the g r e a t e s t wisdom when he banished the Greek philosophers

from *ome; for he knew the " e v i l s t h a t might r e s u l t t o h i s country from

t h i s specious i d l e n e s s " , (l)

After peace was r e s t o r e d i n 1474 Florence was subject t o the same

dangers and, being without a Cato, i t succumbed. The young men were l e f t

without employment, and came t o spend t h e i r time i d l y and d i s s o l u t e l y ,

" t h e i r p r i n c i p a l study being how t o appear splendid in apparel and a t t a i n

a c r a f t y shrewdness i n d i s c o u r s e ; he who could make the most poignant

remark being considered the w i s e s t " . (2)

I n t e l l e c t u a l i t y , wit and elegance are the expressions and stimulants

of c o r r u p t i o n . For M a c h i a v e l l i , the g r e a t e s t c i t i z e n of Rome at her

r e p u b l i c a n b e s t was C i n c i n n a t u s , and while we might feel t h a t the

contemporary of Michelangelo and Leonardo da Vinci l i v e d i n an age of

s p l e n d o u r , he would see i n them, and i n t h e i r fame, only a manifestation

of the u t t e r degradation of Renaissance I t a l y .

I t must a t once be admitted t h a t Rousseau's a t t i t u d e t o human nature

g e n e r a l l y b e a r s l i t t l e resemblance t o M a c h i a v e l l i ' s . His i n t e r e s t i n the

m a t t e r i s f a r more profound, h i s treatment t h e r e o f i n f i n i t e l y more e l a b o r a t e

and s u b t l e . V/e cannot here adequately examine the problem of the s t a t e of

n a t u r e , h i s i d e a s on n a t u r a l law or even the whole genealogy of law, but

(1) H i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e , bk.V, c h . i , p p . 2 0 2 - 3 .

(2) I b i d . . b k . V I I , c h . v , p . 3 4 1 .
 - 43 -

can only indicate the bare ftsq«rrMoia A* UJ

oare e s s e n t i a l s of his tneories and their connection
with n i s estimation of human nature /H- -\*ae,+ v -,-,
urnau nature. At l e a s t we shall attempt to avoid
a t t r i b u t i n g t o Rousseau a consiqt.pnr^r i« 4-v^,, u* u. ,
^unsisxency m thought which he never attained.
Before we can discuss the q u a l i t i e s of numan nature we must f i r s t
determine just what t h i s entity meant to Rousseau. I s i t always

fundamentally toe same, or does i t a l t e r in i t s essence? There are for

him three separate categories called nature. First of a l l there i s nature

as n o n - a r t , as raw primitiveness. Secondly, there i s i t s diametrical

opposite, nature as a t o p o l o g i c a l concept. This i s a l l that man would
be i f he fully developed a l l his highest moral p o t e n t i a l i t i e s . I t implies
the triumph of the w i l l . I t is for men in t h i s state that a social

contract i s a r e a l i t y . Only they are ruled by a communal w i l l , only t h e i r

every action i s in conformity with the general good, and i t i s only they
who are t r u l y f r e e . Both these concepts of nature are universal, dealing
with a l l mankind, uniform in i t s abstraction. Lastly, there is human
nature as we observe i t in h i s t o r y . Here Rousseau ceases t o generalize,
and recognizes the endless v a r i a b i l i t y of the species.

"L'homme est un je l'avoue, mais l'homme modifie par

l e s r e l i g i o n s , par l e s gouvernements, par l e s l o i s ,
par l e s coutumes, par l e s prejuges, par l e s climats,
deviant si different de lui-meme q u ' i l ne faut plus
chercher parmi nous, ce qui est bon aux horames en
general mais ce qui leur est bon dans t e l temps et
dans t e l pays", (l)
Coupled with his acceptance of Montesquieu's climatic theories

as t o l i b e r t y and industriousness, i t appears that a thorough relativism

with regard t o human nature must be the r e s u l t , and the basic uniformity

of mankind relegated t o the l e v e l of a purely biological fact, and to the

sphere of t h e ends of his moral and p o l i t i c a l development. Thus he warns

the Genevans not t o imitate the ancient Romans.

( l ) Lett re a D'Alembert. p.21

 - 44 -

l e T m S e r n ^ P e i i P 1 ? 3 M 3 ° n t P l u s u n m o d ^ Pour
te«d? Vonf *%* S ° n t t r ° P d a n g e r s a t o u .
egards . . . . Vous n ' e t e a n i Romains, ni S p a r t i e t e s
marchands, des a r t i s a n s , des bourgeois t o u j o u r ,
occupes de l e u r s i n t e r e t s p r l v e s , . . . dea « M
pour qui l a l i b e r t e meme n ' e s t qu'un mo^en de
posseder en s u r e t e " . ( l ) ^

Moral and e x t r i n s i c f o r c e s combine then t o make men so r a d i c a l l y

different from each o t h e r t h a t one cannot deal with human nature as such,

b u t , as f a r as p o l i t i c s are concerned, must consider only the s p e c i f i c

m a t e r i a l a t hand. Unfortunately Rousseau did not c o n s i s t e n t l y pursue t h i s

t r a i n of t h o u g h t . U l t i m a t e l y even h i s t o r i c a l nature i s uniform and the

v a r i a t i o n s a r e only s u p e r f i c i a l , depending on outside forces, not on any

deep i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n c e . He had derived from a n t i q u i t y a p i c t u r e of not

the a b s o l u t e l y b e s t conceivable, but of t h e best h i s t o r i c a l l y possible

/
s t a t e , and t h i s remained an i d e a l by means of which he judged the merits
of s t a t e s and p e o p l e s of d i f f e r e n t ages and c i v i l i z a t i o n s .

" ^ u ' o n t de commun l e s F r a n q a i s , l e s Anglais, l e s

Russes avec l e s Romains e t l e s Grecs? Rien presque
que l a f i g u r e . . . . ( m a i s ) c ' e t a i e n t des hommes comme
n o u s . § u ' e s t - c e qui nous empeche d ' e t r e des hommes
comme eux? Nos p r e j u g e s , n o t r e basse p h i l o s o p h i c . . .
L'egoisrae dans t o u s l e s coeurs, ( l e s ) i n s t i t u t i o n s
i n e p t e s " . (2)

With t h i s i n mind he proceeds t o provide the Poles with i n s t i t u t i o n s

designed t o make them, i n t i m e , i n t o a second S p a r t a . Human n a t u r e i s

t h e n not i n c a p a b l e of change for t h e b e t t e r , but t h i s i s s t i l l a long

d i s t a n c e from t h e c e l e b r a t e d n a t u r a l goodness of man. Man's n a t u r e i n

i t s o r i g i n a l p r i m i t i v e p u r i t y i s n e i t h e r good nor e v i l ; i t i s morally

indifferent. N a t u r e ' s u l t i m a t e p o s s i b i l i t y i s t o . reach goodness through

t h e supremacy of t h e free w i l l . As for men as they appear i n h i s t o r i c a l

(1) L e t t r e s de l a Montague. L e t t r e IX, P o l . W r . . v o l . 1 , p . 2 7 3 .

(2) GniiTOT»n«Triftnt de Pologne. c h . i i , p . 4 2 7 , Pol.Wr. v o l . 1 1 .

 - 45 -

l i f e , they are far from good, and Rousseau looks upon them with only

s l i g h t l y l e s s disfavour than does Machiavelli. At times he even f e l t

that they were f i t only for the rule of Nero and Calligula. (1) He had

at a c e r t a i n point i n h i s t o r y seen an approximation of n a t u r e ' s ideal end,

and i t was h i s intention to r a i s e certain hopeful communities from t h e i r

present degradation t o t h a t level or moral attainment, and a modified

version of t n e i r methods was prescribed for a l l s t a t e s as a standard of

Tightness. The means of advancement depend in t h i s , as well as in a l l

e l s e , e n t i r e l y on the s t a t e ; for man i s only clay, p o t e n t i a l l y good,

but i n s t i t u t i o n s alone can lorm him. Only adverse p o l i t i c a l and moral

rules have perverted human nature, that i s , destroyed i t s p o t e n t i a l i t y for

goodness. Rousseau admits ingenuously t h a t t h i s opinion is derived from

his own experience, for he was convinced that his vices were due to h i s

" s i t u a t i o n " , r a t h e r than t o himself. Both the Confessions and the Reveries

of a S o l i t a r y are f i l l e d with the most t a s t e l e s s protestations of his own

v i r t u e , and i t might be i n t e r e s t i n g t o note here, for comparison's sake,

that Machiavelli too thought of himself as an uncommonly upright c i t i z e n .

However, h i s t o r i c a l man i s not l i k e l y to reach that point of v i r t u e at

which his good w i l l dominates him e n t i r e l y ; - Rousseau resigns himself to

a l e s s e r goal. Thus good conduct engendered by law, which i s p o s s i b l e , i s

not t o be confused with genuine goodness. Until the w i l l i s a l t e r e d , man

i s not r e a l l y v i r t u o u s . "La l o i n ' a g i t que dehors et ne regie que l e s

a c t i o n s ; l e s moeurs seules penetrent interieurement et dirigent l e s

volontes"» (2) Speaking of man before ostentation and art had taught him

t o disguise hi3 behaviour, he observes that "human nature was. at the

(1) T e t t e r t o Mirabeau. July 26, 1762, Citizen of Geneva, p.352

(2) Fragments, "Les Mtats de 1'Europe." P o t . Yfr.. v o l . 1 , p.322.

 - 46 -

bottom no b e t t e r than now", but because people lacked s k i l l in deceit

they were farced t o act with greater decency, (l)

The s t a t e of nature finds man isolated and s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , possessing

only two strong f e e l i n g s , self-love and an aversion t o seeing others suffer,

Moral judgements have no place or use in such a condition. In the second

stage t h a t Rousseau p o s t u l a t e s , man had l o s t h i s original moral vacuity,

but not h i s moral balance. This i s a s t a t e of arcadian f e l i c i t y in which

men l i v e in i d y l l i c v i l l a g e communities. Inequality has already appeared,

but self-love has only begun to change into vanity and has not yet over-

powered compassion. Grain and metal, and the i n s t i t u t i o n of private

property, bring about the " f a t a l accident" that ruins t h i s world. Wealth

and poverty, avarice, competition and war a r i s e . I t i s then that the

Hobbesian war of a l l against a l l begins to rage. What Rousseau ?ri.shed

to i l l u s t r a t e with t h i s allegory was that Hobbes' s t a t e of war wa3 not

natural in the sense that i t i s an o r i g i n a l , basic and irrevocable part of

man's being, and a l s o , to dispose of Locke, t h a t neither human rights nor

duties are t o be derived from nature i t s e l f , to which a l l judgements are

foreign.
There i s a f a t a l flaw in the Discourse on Inequality. The inscription

on t h e t i t l e page, a quotation from A r i s t o t l e to the effect t h a t one must

look for the n a t u r a l not in what i s , but in what should be, clearly

demonstrates Rousseau's original purpose, as does h i s promise t o lay a l l

facts aside. Unfortunately he keeps that promise while he goes on to deal

with man's progress towards society in h i s t o r i c a l terms. Such phrases

as "the race was old and man was s t i l l a child", the "times of which I

speak are very remote", t h i s or t h a t lasted a long time, or the comparison

of n a t u r a l man with the Caribbean savages, are t o t a l l y i n c o n s i s t e n t .

(1) Discourse on the Arts and Science, pp.148-9

 - 47 -

However, i f we overlook t h e s e l a p s e s , i t becomes f a i r l y evident t h a t man's

natural goodness l i e s i n t h e d e s t i n y of h i s w i l l , not i n h i s p r i m i t i v e or

present c o n d i t i o n , and t h a t t h e Discourse i s an extended a l l e g o r y of each

man's moral n i s t o r y . (l)

Society i s the r e s u l t of dependence created by the d i v i s i o n of l a b o u r .

The end of s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y l e a v e s man weak, morally and m a t e r i a l l y . It

i s one of R o u s s e a u ' s most f r e q u e n t l y r e i t e r a t e d axioms, and p o l i t i c a l l y

perhaps t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t , t h a t every sign of s o c i a b i l i t y and even of

personal a f f e c t i o n i s a weakness, and an admission of i n s u f f i c i e n c y . Weakness

i s e v i l , p a r t i c u l a r l y since dependence of n e c e s s i t y involves i n e q u a l i t y ,

and e x p l o i t a t i o n . (2) The problem of p o l i t i c s i s t o deprive t h i s weakness

of i t s s i n i s t e r consequences, t o make dependence on men as innocuous as

dependence on t h i n g s . Rousseau's contempt for weakness was i n t e n s e , and

as we s h a l l s e e , coloured h i s whole a t t i t u d e t o C h r i s t i a n i t y . " I t i s

s t r e n g t n aija l i b e r t y which make e x c e l l e n t men, and weajaiess and slavery

have made n o t h i n g but base o n e s " . (3)

Art must r e s t o r e t o men t h a t s t r e n g t n which man enjoyed i n the s t a t e

of n a t u r e . The i n s t i t u t i o n of laws has removed him i r r e v o c a b l y from t h a t

condition. Though law grew out of the d e s i r e of the r i c h t o hold t h e i r

p o s s e s s i o n s more s e c u r e l y , and of t h e poor t o avoid g r e a t e r enslavement, and

i s t h u s e n t i r e l y immoral i n i t s o r i g i n , i t i s under i t s imperfect r u l e t h a t

man a c q u i r e s a sense of j u s t i c e and of duty, and ceases t o be "a stupid and

limited animal". I t i s by making t h i s r u l e of law absolute and c o n s i s t e n t ,

by making man completely the c r e a t u r e of a r t and of s o c i e t y , t h a t he can be

(1) See E r n s t C a s s i r e r ' s "Das Problem Jean-Jacques Rousseau".

(2) Emile. t r . by B. Foxley, (Everyman's L i b r a r y , London, 1948),

b k . I , P*49 & bk. IV, p . 1 8 2 .

(3) R e v e r i e s of a S o l i t a r y , p . 1 3 0 .
 - 48 -

free and strong again. I t i s the s u b s t i t u t i o n of moral freedom for the

physical independence of nature. At present man i s l e f t with a dreadful

c o n f l i c t as the r e s u l t of the f a l s e s t a r t he has made. He i s neither an

animal nor a c i t i z e n , but a confused and indecisive mixture of both.

Rousseau knew from experience just how painful moral c o n f l i c t s could be.

He was c o n s t a n t l y harassed by the struggle between duty and convenience,

independence and o b l i g a t i o n , the demands of solitude k those of s o c i a b i l i t y ,

and he i s constantly j u s t i f y i n g himself for the mistakes he has committed.

(1) The great end of p o l i t i c s becomes the return of man to h i s original

unity, and t o make him at one with himself and h i s fellow-men. This

demands a s t a t e i n which man, though not perfect, i s at l e a s t so integrat-

ed into a community that no p o s s i b i l i t y of a clash between h i s private

and public i n t e r e s t s can a r i s e , where i t i s l e s s d i f f i c u l t to do the

right t h i n g . "Happy are those nations where one can be happy xvithout

e f f o r t , and just without conscious virtue". (2) This sentence already

shows how l i t t l e Rousseau r e a l l y expected the unaided power of the w i l l t o

r a i s e man to v i r t u e . I f i t were not for the inadequacy of the w i l l , man

would need n e i t h e r law nor government, but thia^ l i k e a society of

C h r i s t i a n s , i s chimerical. The next step i s to create a form of government

that w i l l enable men t o l i v e harmoniously with each other. He himself t e l l s

us what was i n h i s mind i n composing the Social Contract.

"I had come to see that everything i s radically

connected with p o l i t i c s , and that . - . . n o people
would be other than the nature of i t s government
made i t . What government i s best adapted t o prod-
uce virtuous c i t i z e n s . . . ( a n d ) what government
keeps c l o s e s t t o the law?" (3)

( i ) The l a s t sentence he wrote before h i s death, was: "I doubt i f there ever
was any man i n the world who has r e a l l y done l e s s e v i l than I " . Reveries,
p. 133.

U ) % i l e . b k . H I , p.156.

(5) ffpnfgas!ona. bk.IX, pp.417-41, a l s o Discourses on P o l i t i c a l Economy.

$•297-98.
 - 49 -

The consequence t o i n d i v i d u a l s of such a s t a t e i s t h a t they w i l l be

freed from warring motives of duty and s e l f - i n t e r e s t , while mutual

dependence w i l l i n v o l v e a minimum of i n e q u a l i t y . The aim of s o c i e t y

i s t o a n n i h i l a t e man's n a t u r a l resources and t o give him new ones, so

t h a t each c i t i z e n " i s nothing and can do nothing without the r e s t " , (l)

"Donnez-le t o u t e n t i r e a 1 ' E t a t ou l a i s s e z - l e t o u t e n t i e r a lui-meme". (2)

The choice between n a t u r e and s o c i e t y , independence and duty, i s too

d i f f i c u l t far man. There i s n e i t h e r harmony nor consistency at p r e s e n t ,

for man cannot be both a man and a c i t i z e n . "Good social i n s t i t u t i o n s

are t h o s e b e s t f i t t e d t o make maninnatural, t o exchange h i s independence

far dependence." Men must cease t o be i n d i v i d u a l s and become only u n i t s

i n a group, and t h u s at one with themselves. I t was the great achievement

of the a n c i e n t r e p u b l i c s t h a t they were able t o drain a l l n a t u r a l impulses

away from t h e i r c i t i z e n s . "A c i t i z e n of Rome was n e i t h e r Caius or Lucius,

he was a Roman; he ever loved h i s country b e t t e r than h i s l i f e " . (3)

''*hen a S p a r t a n mother was t o l d t h a t her f i v e sons had been k i l l e d i n a

b a t t l e , but t h a t the Spartans had won a v i c t o r y , she was overcome with

jqy, and rushed off t o a temple to give thanks t o the Gods. (4) To

Rousseau her a c t i o n v/as a symbol of the essence of t r u e c i t i z e n s h i p .

I t i s the educative function of governments t o create and maintain t h e

s p i r i t of such c i t i z e n s h i p . This i s p o s s i b l e only i n a r e p u b l i c , under

the r u l e or law and j u s t i c e , for witnout t h e l a t t e r no p a t r i o t i s m can

thrive. I n numan n a t u r e such government finds Wo a l l i e s , t h e power or

ll) Social Contract, p. 36.

(2) Fragments. "Le Bonheur Public", Pol.vfr.« vol.1, p.bzb

(3) Emile. bk.I, p. 7.

(4) Ibid., p. 8.
 - 50 -

the w i l l and the c a p a c i t y of q«i -p ^-»*> 4.J

y u v 01 s e l f - p e r f e c t i o n which enables men t o r i s e
from d e g r a d a t i o n . This cannot h™^™^ v
a- xixs cannot, however, be achieved by appealing t o h i s
reason o r t o h i s s e l f - i n t e r e s t ^ a i „«„ o J i. n .
xnueresx. m a t was S a i n t - P i e r r e ' s great mistake.
No one knows h i s aim b e s t i n t e r e s t , and "human understanding has always

but one and the same span, and a very l i m i t e d one, and i t l o s e s on one
hand j u s t as much as i t gains on another", (l)

I n an i d e a l s t a t e s e l f - l o v e has no p l a c e , but on a lower l e v e l even

t h i s has i t s u s e s .

"The l o v e of oneself i s the most powerful, and i n

my o p i n i o n , the sole motive t h a t makes human beings
a c t . But how v i r t u e , as a metaphysical t h i n g and
t a k e n a b s o l u t e l y , i s founded on the love of s e l f ,
t h a t p a s s e s ray comprehension". (2)

I n h i s p r a c t i c a l p r o j e c t s for p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s , he t u r n s t h i s

unavoidable egoism t o p u b l i c use by means of mass emotion t h a t can,

b e n e v o l e n t l y , be c a l l e d p a t r i o t i s m . I n the Social Contract he l e g i s l a t e s

for the best p o s s i b l e community, and assumes the existence of a communal

w i l l above t h a t of discordant p r i v a t e w i l l s . I n a sense the Social

Contract i n v o l v e s the p o l i t i c a l equivalent of the C a l v i n i s t b e l i e f t h a t

only i n a fundamental change i n the meaning of l i f e , at every moment and

i n every a c t i o n , could t h e e f f e c t s of a transformation from the s t a t e of

n a t u r e t o t h a t of grace be m a n i f e s t . For Rousseau's Social Contract has

nothing i n common with the o l d e r t h e o r i e s of t h a t name, which t r y t o

account far a l l man's present and future o b l i g a t i o n s by t h i s one a c t .

Such a n a t i o n i s r e j e c t e d e n t i r e l y by Rousseau, and h i s Contract i s not

j u s t one agreement, but r a t h e r the dramatization of a p e r p e t u a l p r i n c i p l e ,

which must c o n s t a n t l y animate t h e w i l l s of a l l c i t i z e n s . I t i s nothing

(1) L e t t e r t o Mirabeau. July 26, 1762, C i t i z e n of Geneva,

p . 350.

(2) L e t t e r t o M. l'Abbe de Corondelet, March 4 , 1764,

C i t i z e n of Geneva, p . 273.
 - 51 -

less than a moral conversion. I t l a ^ q +v^ i

i t lacks the element of divine grace, and
i s therefore termed man's natural end but in «n ^
ona Dut l n
> ^ 1 other respects i t i s
a secularization of the Christian n+™r,~i +
* onristian struggle for salvation, the triumph
of s p i r i t over f l e s h . I t i s t o be regretted that he leaves t h i s realm

of a b s t r a c t i o n , which he knew quite well was the only one in which the

ultimate laws of p o l i t i c a l law and right could be postulated. (1, There

i s no l o g i c a l place here for his calculations as t o the practical poss-

i b i l i t i e s and p r o b a b i l i t i e s of climate, organization and leadersnip.

He never suggests t h a t the s t a t e pictured in the Social Contract

i s ever to be fully realized in a c t u a l i t y . I t remains a powerful i d e a l ,

similar t o , though not i d e n t i c a l with, the Roman-Spartan one, which he

also uses as a standard of p o l i t i c a l judgment. At no point i s he so

simple, though he has been frequently accused of t h i s , as to assume that

the s t a t e s of a n t i q u i t y , or the s t a t e of the Social Contract were closer

t o m a n ' s original natural state than that of the present. On the contrary,

t h e i r virtue lay i n alienating man from t h a t condition. Nor does he claim

that ancient s t a t e s , or any conceivable h i s t o r i c a l one, could be perfect.

Not even Lycurgus was able to overcome the basic flaw of social l i f e , as

known t o man, with i t s i n e q u a l i t i e s , and i t s laws based on compulsion. (2)

The only t h i n g one can do i s t o minimize the consequences of these evils

for individuals and for s t a t e s .

Thus, in his two projects of reform for Corsica and for Poland even

the importance or the v a i l i n g of law i s disregarded. The t i g h t l y knit

republic animated by the s p i r i t of patriotism, which had in the Social

(1) L e t t e r t o Mirabeau, July 26, 1762. Citizen of Geneva, p.350.

(2) Discourse on I n e q u a l i t y , p.254.

 - 52 -

Contract only been a means of freeing the w i l l s of i n d i v i d u a l s , became

an end i n i t s e l f . After a l l , even i n Rome and Sparta i t was h a b i t ,

not w i l l t h a t r u l e d . The r e p u b l i c a n i d e a l alone remains. I f the s t a t e

of th0
S o c i a l Contract was a choice of t h e second best possible l i f e ,

a f t e r C h r i s t i a n f r a t e r n i t y was recognized t o be a f u t i l e dream, the plans

for Corsica and Poland are an even l e s s p e r f e c t a l t e r n a t i v e , with many

concessions t o be made t o human c o r r u p t i o n . I t i s here a matter of

finding t h e laws b e s t s u i t e d t o r a i s e a given people, not those best

in themselves. Any l i t t l e law student can devise a code as pure as

P l a t o ' s , but the s p e c i f i c problems are the r e a l l y complex end urgent

ones, ( l )

The d i f f e r e n t forms of government have t h e i r o r i g i n i n the d i f f e r e n t

degrees of i n e q u a l i t y i n the community, and the progress of i n e q u a l i t y

i s i n e v i t a b l e and d e s t r u c t i v e i n i t s course, leading the s t a t e through

the f a m i l i a r cycle from a r e p u b l i c t o t y r a n n y . (2) Vanity and competitiveness

a r e the two v i c e s which n e c e s s a r i l y end i n i n e q u a l i t y . The Polybian

cycle i s a l s o accepted, for with the decline of morality comes p o l i t i c a l

l a x i t y , and t h e u s u r p a t i o n of sovereignty by the few. After a l l , " i f

Rome and S p a r t a p e r i s h e d , what S t a t e can hope t o l i v e f o r e v e r ? " . (3)

"Le temps s e u l donne a l ' o r d r e des choses une pente n a t u r e l l e vers

c e t t e i n e g a l i t e e t un progres successif jusqu'a son d e r n i e r terrae". (4)

Even the i d e a l s t a t e of the S e r i a l Contract l a c k s permanence, which i s

not r e a l l y s u r p r i s i n g s i n c e even P l a t o ' s Republic e v e n t u a l l y d e c l i n e d .

All t h i n g s p e r t a i n i n g t o man must share i n h i s decay but t h e r e i s some

(1) L e t t r e a d'Alembert. p . 8 8 .

(2) Discourse <™ I n e q u a l i t y , p p . 2 6 2 - 3 .

(3) flnrvtwl C o n t r a c t . PP* 87-88

(4) Lettre a d'Alembert, P#156.

 - 53 -

comfort i n Rousseau's suggestion t h a t the s t a t e , being a woric of a r t ,

can a r t i f i c i a l l y prolong i t s l i f e by being provided with a good

constitution. Once c o r r u p t i o n has set i n , i t i s impossible t o stop

it. Once accustomed t o m a s t e r s , men are u n f i t t o shake off tne yoke

without f a l l i n g i n t o b r u t i s h l i c e n s e . As i n e q u a l i t y , and the ambitious

s p i r i t t h a t c r e a t e i t , make morals and manners depart ever f u r t h e r from

the law, so much more must government Decame r e p r e s s i v e . The m u l t i p l i c a t -

ion of laws and the r e j e c t i o n of old for new ones are merely the

m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of a d e c l i n i n g moral s t a t e . For i t i s u s e l e s s t o attempt

t o govern a corrupt people according t o the laws and maxims set up for a

wholesome o n e . They are not f i t for them "any more than the regimen of

h e a l t h i s s u i t a o l e f o r the s i c k " , ( l ) I n Europe only Corsica and Poland

offered an opportunity for e s t a b l i s h i n g a r e p u b l i c , the former because

of the simple h a b i t s and the poverty or i t s rugged i n h a b i t a n t s , the

l a t t e r because i t found i t s e i r i n a s t a t e of c r i s i s i n which the s p i r i t

or p a t r i o t i s m had r e v i v e d .

Rousseau had a g r e a t d i s t a s t e for revolutions of any kind. What-

ever r e s u l t t h e y might a c h i e v e , he f e l t t h a t the human cost was too

g r e a t t o make i t w o r t h - w h i l e . Nevertheless, he thought t h a t such times

of anarchy, when t h e s t a t e , e i t h e r through external or i n t e r n a l war, had

reached i t s lowest depth, i t was presented with a chance of building a

republic. S p a r t a a t the time of Lycurgus, Rome a f t e r t h e expulsion of

the Tarquins and Switzerland and Holland i n t h e i r s t r u g g l e s a g a i n s t

foreign o p p r e s s i o n were examples of such r e b i r t h . (2) To r e t u r n a

corrupt s t a t e , however, t o the customs and temper of i t s ancient h e a l t h

i s a doomed e n t e r p r i s e . That was the tragedy of Cato, who would once

have ruled Rome, but " t h e g r e a t e s t of m e n . . . . d i e d with Rome because he

( l ) S o c i a l C o n t r a c t , p . 120.
 - 54 -

did not f i t t h e age he l i v e d i n " , ( l ) Laws can influence morality

e f f e c t i v e l y only a t tne b i r t h of s t a t e s , l a t e r on they are at the mercy

of p u b l i c m o r a l i t y . When the l a t t e r i s wnolesome, the laws derive t h e i r

s t r e n g t h from p u b l i c opinion; but when t h a t i s not the case, law and

government must d e c l i n e , and find themselves disobeyed, unable t o e r a d i -

cate t h e e v i l ( 2 ) . I t i s then best t o temporize with immorality, and even

t h e very c o r r u p t i o n s of s o c i e t y , such as a r t and science, must be r e t a i n -

ed once they have a r i s e n ; for t h e y become means of h a l t i n g tne decay of

which t h e y are only an e x p r e s s i o n . The s p i r i t of competition, loathsome

i n i t s e l f , can s t i l l be exploited t o serve a community already infested

with i t ( 3 ) . Rousseau advises t h e Poles t o make use of i t by i n c i t i n g

men t o d i s t i n g u i s h themselves i n the service of t h e i r country. For the

i n h a b i t a n t s of l a r g e c i t i e s , which he hated, he agrees t h a t even the a r t s

and the t h e a t r e must n e c e s s a r i l y be r e t a i n e d , l e s t the corrupt massres t u r n

t o even mare mischievous e n t e r t a i n m e n t . O s t e n t a t i o n , luxury, philosophy,

a r t and v a t a r e a l l the r e s u l t s of v a n i t y , which, for Rousseau, i s the

equivalent of o r i g i n a l s i n . Good customs can make i t harmless i n i t s

s o c i a l e f f e c t s , even i f i t cannot be o b l i r a t e d . The s t r i c t regime of

Poland i s designed t o deprive i t of a l l opportunity t o develop i n t o

o s t e n t a t i o n , but only a conversion of the w i l l can erase i t entirely

from the human h e a r t , and even then not for l o n g .

"The l o v e of l e t t e r s and the a r t s a r i s e s i n a people from an i n t e r n a l

weakness whicn i t augments....The age of L e l i u s and Terence foreshadowed

t n e age of Nero and Seneca". (4) Rome, n a t i o n of c i t i z e n s and w a r r i o r s ,

(1) Discourse on I n e q u a l i t y . p.2o^

(2) JLettre a D'Alembert. p.87

(3) P r e f a c e dft N a r c i s s e . p.233

(4) L e t t e r t o V o l t a i r e , September 10, 1755, C i t i z e n of Geneva,, p.135

 - 55 -

declined with the appearance of l e t t ^ Q w-+ ,.„ v

iv cux^o ui l e t t e r s . "Let us be as proud of our lack
of t a s t e as (the French) are of possessing i t " , ( l )

The L e t t r e a D'Alembert i s Rousseau's r e a l "profession of f a i t h " -

c i v i c , P r o t e s t a n t , republican and bourgeois. I t was the i l l - t r e a t e d

a p p r e n t i c e ' s revenge on the Genevan p a t r i c i a n s , and t o what degree i t was

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the f e e l i n g s of the lower bourgeoisie t h e r e , i s shown

by the f a c t t h a t , before a t h e a t r e could be established i n 1783, the

" c i r c l e s " had t o be c l o s e d , the m i l i t i a abolished and the c i t i z e n s

disarmed ( 2 ) .

Much as he f e a r s t h e a r t s as a corruption of m o r a l i t y , h i s deepest

contempt i s saved for p h i l o s o p h e r s . "La f a m i l l e , l a p a t r i e deviennent

pour l u i des mots vides de s e n s , i l n ' e s t n i p a r e n t , ni citoyen, ni

homme; i l e s t p h i l o s o p h e " . (3) I f a r t leads t o effeminacy, philosophy

l e a d s t o atheism, s e l f i s h n e s s , dishonor and a host of unsociable h a b i t s .

Philosophers make n o t o r i o u s l y poor s o l d i e r s themselves and d i v e r t the

minds of t h e i r fellow c i t i z e n s from a l l m a r t i a l a c t i v i t y . Cato's

warnings are r e p e a t e d , and h i s sound a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l s p i r i t p r a i s e d .

Socrates cared for nothing but t r u t h , but Cato loved nothing but h i s

country, which i s i n f i n i t e l y s u p e r i o r . "He seems l i k e a God among men",

i n f a c t . (4) The p h i l o s o p h i c s p i r i t i s , above a l l , u n c r e a t i v e . Rome

was b u i l t by one king who cared only for war, and another who cared only

for r e l i g i o n - t h e two most unphilosophic occupations imaginable ( 5 ) .

(1) L e t t e r t o Vernes, A p r i l 2 , 1752, C i t i z e n of Geneva, p.134.

(2) V a l l e t t a , O P . c i t . . pp.134-38.

(3) Preface da N a r c i s s e . p . 2 3 1 .

(4) Discourse o" P o l i t i c a l Economy, p.502 & Discourse on the A r t s

and S c i e n c e s , p . 1 5 5 .

(5) P r e f a c e de N a r c i s s e . p . 2 3 5 .
 - 56 -

One of t h e most undesirable r e s u l t s of the philosophic s p i r i t i s

i t s i n c l i n a t i o n t o extend the scope of a man's a l l e g i a n c e s beyond t h e

confines of h i s f a t h e r l a n d . Cosmopolitanism i s a sign of deep moral

decay both i n i n d i v i d u a l s and i n n a t i o n s . "The p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t i s a

jealous one, which makes us regard anyone other than our f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s

as a s t r a n g e r and almost as an enemy. Such was the s p i r i t of Sparta and

Rome", ( l )

"The smaller s o c i a l group, firmly united i n i t s e l f

and dwelling a p a r t from o t h e r s , tends t o withdraw
i t s e l f from t h e l a r g e r s o c i e t y . Every p a t r i o t h a t e s
f o r e i g n e r s ; they are only men, and nothing to him.
This defect i s i n e v i t a b l e , but of l i t t l e importance.
Among s t r a n g e r s t h e Spartan was s e l f i s h , grasping
and u n j u s t , but u n s e l f i s h n e s s , j u s t i c e and harmony
r u l e d h i s home l i f e . D i s t r u s t those c o s m o p o l i t a n s . . .
such p h i l o s o p h e r s w i l l love the T a r t a r s t o avoid
l o v i n g t h e i r n e i g h b o u r s " . (2)

I n t h e Discourse on P o l i t i c a l Economy Rousseau had spoken of the great

" c i t y of a l l mankind",of the primacy of o n e ' s duty t o mankind over one's

d u t i e s as a c i t i z e n . I t was a f l e e t i n g n o t i o n ; for even t h e r e he warned

t h a t our love grows feeble as i t i s extended, and t h a t " i t i s proper t h a t

our humanity should confine i t s e l f t o our fellow c i t i z e n s " . (3)

A l l t h a t f a c i l i t a t e s i n t e r c o u r s e between d i f f e r e n t nations i s bad for

morals, because they only acquire each o t h e r s v i c e s , while t h e i r v i r t u e s

cannot be a s s i m i l a t e d ( 4 ) . I t appears t h a t vice i s u n i v e r s a l , and v i r t u e

particular. I f you want c i t i z e n s t o be v i r t u o u s , make them p a t r i o t s ,

Rousseau once w r o t e , for p a t r i o t i s m gives s e l f - l o v e the semblance of

virtue but i n t h e Considerations sur l e Gouvernement de Pologne the means

had become an end.

(1) L e t t e r t o U s t e r i , A p r i l 30, 1762. C i t i z e n of Geneva, p . 2 6 3 .

(2) E m i l e . p . 7 .

(3) Discourse r>n P o l i t i c a l Economy, p . 3 0 1 .

(4) P r e f a c e de Narcisse,, p . 2 2 7 .
 - 57 -

L i b e r t y c o n s i s t s for Rousseau i n submission t o law, but t h e passive

a c t of obedience, though important, i s not enough. The respect due t o

m a g i s t r a t e s i s a constant tneme, but i t i s uoo t u c only feature of law-

fulness. "Respect for m a g i s t r a t e s c o n s t i t u t e s t h e gLory of the c i t i z e n s

of r e p u b l i c s , and nothing i s so fine as knowing how t o submit a f t e r having

proven t h a t one could r e s i s t " . (1) Even when l i v i n g i n a foreign monarchy

i t i s t h e duty of r e p u b l i c a n s t o render s t r i c t obedience t o the law ( 2 ) .

N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h a t i n i t s e l f i s not enough. C i t i z e n s must love the law,

they must be eager t o obey, they must impose i t upon themselves, t o the

extent where law enforcement becomes superfluous and the general s p i r i t

of m o r a l i t y alone r u l e s . Rousseau was c e r t a i n t h a t t h i s was the case i n

S p a r t a , and S p a r t a exemplifies the s p i r i t of republican a u s t e r i t y and

patriotism (3). The means of achieving t h i s s p i r i t i s education, public

education such as S p a r t a provided by keeping the c i t i z e n s constantly

t o g e t h e r , so t h a t everyone was always under everyone e l s e ' s eyes, and

public censure was the chief means of c o n t r o l . Privacy was abolished ( 4 ) .

"Lycurge e n t r e p r i t d ' i n s t i t u e r un peuple deja

degrade par la s e r v i t u d e et par l e s v i c e s qui en
sont l ' e f f e t . I I l u i imposa un joug de f e r , . . . .
mais i l l ' a t t a c h a , 1 ' i d e n t i f L a pour a i n s i d i r e ,
a ce joug, en l ' e n occupant t o u j o u r s . I I l u i
montra sans cesse l a p a t r i e . . . . i l ne l u i l a i s -
sa pas un i n s t a n t de r e l a c h e pour e t r e a l u i s e u l .
Et de c e t t e c o n t i n u e l l e c o n t r a i n t e - . . . . naquit en
l u i cet a r d e n t amour de l a p a t r i e . . . . ^ u n i q u e
p a s s i o n des S p a r t i a t e s qui en f i t des e t r e s au-
dessus de l ' h u m a n i t e " . (5)

(1) L e t t e r t o M. D ' l v e r n o i s , March 24, 1768, C i t i z e n of Geneva, p . 3 5 8 .

(2) L e t t e r t o M. Rey, May 29, 1762, C i t i z e n of Geneva, pp.227-28.

(3) Discourse ™ I n e q u a l i t y , pp.263-264.

(4) L e t t r e a D'Alembert. p . 1 6 3 .

(5) q — ^ ^ n t : d* Pologne. c h . i i , p p . 4 2 8 - 9 , Pol^Wr., v o l . 1 1 .

 - 58 -

Moreover, a nation must be roused to a c t i v i t y my means of s t i -

mulating i t s p r i d e . Where there i s no luxury and ostentation, vanity

loses i t s purpose, whereas pride is natural, since i t can also measure

i t s e l f by r e a l l y worthwhile standards.

"Comme i l n'y a rien de plus reellement beau

que 1'independence et l a puissance, tout peuple
qui se forme est d'abord orgeuilleux. Mais
jamais peuple nouveau ne fut vain; car l a va-
n i t e par sa nature est individuelle". (l)
Similarly the Poles are advised to have a high opinion of tnemselves;

national pride makes men anxious to live up to t h e i r own concept of tnem-

selves ( 2 ) . That i s also tne purpose or cultivating **noieut customs.

Not only do tney impart a national character to a people, but they unite

them i n a common worship of t h e i r native land. Above a l l , education

must have one single aim, the transformation of mere men into a body

of p a t r i o t i c c i t i z e n s .
"C'est 1'education qui doit donner aux ames l a forme
n a t i o n a l e , et diriger telleraent leurs opinions et
l e u r s gouts, q u ' e l l e s soient p a t r i o t e s par inclina-
t i o n , par passion, par necessite. Un enfant, en
ouvrant l e s yeux, doit voir l a patrie et jusqu'a
l a mort ne doit plus voir qu'elle ••• cet amour fait
t o u t son existence; i l ne voit que l a p a t r i e , i l
ne vit que pour e l l e ; s i t o t q u ' i l est seul, i l est
n u l ; s i t o t q u ' i l n ' a plus-de p a t r i e , i l n ' e s t plus". (3)

All Poles enjoying the r i g h t s of citizenship must be educated in

the same schools, the s t a t e providing aid for the indigent. Their amu-

sements, t h e i r games and public f e s t i v a l s a l l must be used to inspire

p a t r i o t i c sentiments in the p a r t i c i p a n t s . Equality i s found in common

p a t r i o t i c devotion to one's country, and education provides the means t h e r e t o . (4

(1) P^-[«*. pnm- l a Corse, pp.344-345, Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 1 .

(2) o ^ ^ - n ^ t . n> Pologne. c h . i i i , P.433, Pol, Wr., vol.11

(3) I b i d . , c h . i v , p.437.

(4) Discourse o" "Pmitleal Lconomy. pp.309-311.

 - 59 -

Rousseau's preference for a g r i c u l t u r a l I t f e i s based p a r t l y on the

p a t r i o t i c s p i r i t t h a t i t i s supposed t o breed. »le m e i l l e u r mobile d'

un
gouvemement e s t 1'amour de l a p a t r i e , e t cet amour se c u l t i v e avec l e s

champs". (1) Commercial a c t i v i t y only produces corrupting wealth, n e c e s s i t -

a t e s i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o n t a c t s , and enhances greed. The r u s t i c l i f e , moreover,

i s w e l l s u i t e d t o make good s o l d i e r q A <*+*+* ^ „-u A -L. .
6
»uxuj.ers. ii s t a t e r i c h i n such men i s always
strong ( 2 ) . Nor does Rousseau ignore the m i l i t a r y advantages of an

i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n which i s both the r e s u l t of a t r u e republican

order and the standard for judging i t s s u c c e s s . I t i s also the cause

of i t s d e c l i n e ^ s i n c e Rousseau f e l t t h a t l a r g e s t a t e s and urban settlements

are always bad for c i v i c m o r a l i t y . Machiavelli also c l e a r l y saw t h e

d i f f i c u l t i e s , for he a t t r i b u t e s the decline of Rome t o an excessively

l a r g e and heterogeneous p o p u l a t i o n , and he i s , t h e r e f o r e , an active

champion of c o l o n i a l i s m .

We have so f a r placed side by side Rousseau's and M a c h i a v e l l i ' s

opinions on such a v a r i e t y of t o p i c s as human n a t u r e , the moral l i f e

and death of r e p u b l i c s , the s p i r i t of p a t r i o t i s m and the i n t e r a c t i o n

of p u b l i c morals and lav; and government. There hardly seems any need

to p o i n t out t h e many s i m i l a r i t i e s t h a t a r i s e . There are r e a l l y only

two major d i f f e r e n c e s ; Rousseau's preoccupation with the moral l i f e of

t h e i n d i v i d u a l , and the importance he p l a c e s on tne w i l i i n moial conduct,

are not snared by M a c h i a v e l l i . Rousseau a t t a c h e s a g r e a t e r s i g n i i i c a n c e

t o i n e q u a l i t y , based on the ever present i n c l i n a t i o n t o v a n i t y , as the

chief cause of the decline of r e p u b l i c s . This i s not s u r p r i s i n g , since

i t was j u s t t h i s d e f e c t t h a t was r u i n i n g t h e republican s p i r i t of Geneva,

as the p a t r i c i a n s gained an i n c r e a s i n g l y exclusive hold on the

(1) P r o l e t nour l a Corse, p . 3 4 7 , P o l . Wr.. v o l . 1 1 .

(2) I b i d . , p p . 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 .
 - 60 -

government of the c i t y . Rousseau d i f f e r s only i n emphasis from

Machiavelli, who a l s o considered e q u a l i t y a basic feature of republican

life. P o s s i b l y , s i n c e m i l i t a r y danger was destroying Florence he was

p a r t i c u l a r l y conscious of the m i l i t a r y consequences of republican equa-

lity. For i t i s not the moral l i f e of the c i t i z e n s , but the physical

might of the s t a t e t n a t preoccupies him most. Both Machiavelli and

Rousseau saw i n effeminacy a g r e a t danger i n corrupting public morals,

and effeminacy and i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y go t o g e t h e r . Law i s tne creator

of the p u b l i c s p i r i t , t h e great educator and founder of h a D i t s . Love of

country, t o the exclusion of a l l o t h e r l o y a l t i e s , i s for both t h e g r e a t e s t

and most admirable a t t r i b u t e of the republican s p i r i t , and n e i t h e r one

r e g r e t s the l o s s of a wider range of a f f i n i t e s . Civic unity and p a t r i o t i s m

are the two g r e a t guardians against tyranny. L a s t l y , both are convinced

t h a t no s t a t e , not even the b e s t , can evade the law of i n e v i t a b l e d e c l i n e .

One f a u l t u n i t e s b o t h , a bland disregard of h i s t o r i c a l t a c t . Rousseau

admits t h i s f a i l i n g p r o u d l y . "The ancient h i s t o r i a n s are f u l l of opinions

which may be u s e f u l , even i f the f a c t s they present are f a l s e " . I t does

not m a t t e r wnether a et at anient i s t r u e or f a l s e , as long as "we are able

t o g e t a u s e f u l l e s s o n from i t " . U ) Machiavelli only w r i t e s t o stimulate

the youtn of h i s country t o emulate ancient v i r t u e , or r a t h e r M s and

P l u t a r c h ' s i d e a s about ancient h a o i t s . This i s understandable, for n e i t h e r

was i n t e r e s t e d i n h i s t o r y as a study in i t s e l f , but as a means of forming

moi..ais. Given the r i g h t physical environment, tne proper moment i n

h i s t o r y , and a people u n s o p h i s t i c a t e d and free of the h a b i t s of c i v i l i z a t -

i o n , one could consciously r e c r e a t e the republican order p i c t u r e d i n t a l e s

about Rome and S p a r t a . I f t h e s e t a l e s served t o i n s p i r e men t o a c t i o n

t h e i r purpose was w e l l fulfilled*

(1) E m i l e , bk.V, p p . l 2 0 - 1 2 l n .
 - 61 -

Chapter IV
The People - On* m^ i n d j ^ «s hi«

"In a well regulated republic the s t a t e ought

t o be r i c h and the citizens poor", (l) - Machiavelli.
"Je veux que l a propriety de 1'Etat soit aussi
grande, aussi forte et celle des citoyens aussi
p e t i t e , aussi faible q u ' i l est possible". (2) -Rousseau.

We saw already that equality was one of the features of republican

l i f e t h a t aroused the greatest admiration i n both Machiavelli and Rousseau.

The equal d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods i n i t s e l f does not suffice, however, and

an austere l i m i t a t i o n of a l l wealth must be maintained among the c i t i z e n s .

Both carefully t r a c e the corrupting influence of riches and of l e i s u r e .

These two r u l e s are accompanied by a distinct preference for the solid

middle-classes, as the only sincere supporters of l i b e r t y and lawfullness,

and a d i s t r u s t for the poor and especially for the noble orders. The

sober, industrious middle-class citizen i s not only the true beneficiary

of the republican order, he i s also, as an individual, the true represent-

ative of the moral ideal of republicanism. Not that Machiavelli failed

t o d i s t r u s t them at times; the unfitness of the Florentine tradesmen for

military l i f e aroused h i s exasperated i r e . Nevertheless, he hopefully

t r i e d t o organize them i n t o a c i t i z e n - m i l i t i a , and f a i l e d , as hiw own cool

judgement should have foretold him. His faith in the people as the agents

of republican l i b e r t y , however, remained staunch. Rousseau similarly

reminded the Genevan a r t i s a n s and traders that they should not fancy them-

selves Romans or Spartans, since t h e i r occupations of necessity gave them

a l e s s d i s i n t e r e s t e d l y p a t r i o t i c outlook on l i f e . .His greatest hope r e s t s

(1) Machiavelli: Discourses. b k . I , c h . x x v i i i , pp.208-209.

(2) Rousseau: P™iet POUT l a Corse. Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 1 , p.337.

 - 62 -

on the a g r i c u l t u r a l population, but h i s affection far the simple a r t i s a n s ,

for the conscientious burgher remains strong. In t h e i r contempt for the

nobility Machiavelli and Rousseau are quite at one, and when either one

mentions "the people" he i s not speaking of the P r o l e t a r i a t , but of

people "with a stake" i n t h e i r country.

Egalitarianism r a r e l y consists merely of an impersonal desire to

increase the material possessions, and the public power of the poorer

members of the community, and to lessen those of the more prosperous ones.

I t generally involves a h o s t i l i t y to the l a t t e r group based not only on

t h e i r s t a t e of well-being, but on a general dislike for their manners and

morals as a c l a s s . Machiavelli i s no exception to t h i s r u l e .

"(Gentlemen) l i v e idly upon the proceeds of their
extensive possessions, without devoting themselves
to agriculture or any other useful pursuit to gain
a l i v i n g . Such men are pernicious to any country
or republic; but more pernicious even than these
are such as have, besides t h e i r other possessions,
c a s t l e s and subjects who obey theiju . . . f o r that^
class of men are everywhere enemies of a l l c i v i l
government w . (1)
I n any s t a t e where such men exist they inevitably s t i r up dissefc&ion

and disorders, not only because they are gluttons for power, but because

t h e i r very existence excites the worst i n s t i n c t s in the rest of the

population.
"The haughty manners and insolence of the nobles
and the r i c h excite in the breast of those who^
have neither b i r t h nor wealth not only the desire
t o possess them, but to revenge themselves by
depriving the former of those riches ana honors
which they see them employ so badly". (2)

Anyone who wants t o establish a republic must reconcile himself t o

k i l l i n g them a l l . The history of Florence shows t h i s quite c l e a r l y .

(1) Discourses. b k . I , ch.lv, p.255.

(2) I b i d . , b k . I , ch.v, p.124.

 - 63 -

After freeing i t s e l f from the tyranny of the Duke of Athens the c i t -

might have lived i n peace had i t not been for the nobles, who "out of

office could not conduct themselves like c i t i z e n s , and those who were

in the government wished t o be l o r d s , so that every day they furnished

some new instance of t h e i r insolence and pride", (l) Instead of one

tyrant tne peop±© aere now tortured \iy a thousand.

In nothing does Machiavelli reflect the p o l i t i c a l experiences of

Renaissance I t a l y more thoroughly than in his hatred of the nobility.

Feudalism had never oeen as strong or as stable a system in I t a l y as in

the r e s t of Europe, and i t s days of efficiency were far shorter there.

While i n Machiavelli's day i t was almost obliterated by the consolidat-

ing dynasties of France, England and Spain, i t nowhere left remnants as

f u t i l e and, p o l i t i c a l l y , as undesirable as in I t a l y , particularly since

no organizing dynasty was able, or ready,to substitute i t s e l f for the

prevailing anarchy. I t was for Machiavelli a constant source of disgust

to behold these petty l o r d s , too weak to govern I t a l y themselves and, in

the aggregate, too strong t o allow anyone else t o do so. These, t h e i r

corrupted people, the Church, and the threatening barbarians of the North

were the central fears t h a t lend his ambassadorial reports, his l e t t e r s ,

and h i s books t h e i r tone of urgency.

Actually, Machiavelli was not blind to the virtues of "gentlemen".

When, after years of unrelieved struggle between the Florentine people

and t h e i r nobles, the l a t t e r were f i n a l l y crushed, and forced to live

and behave l i k e ordinary c i t i z e n s , the republic lost something very

valuable.

(1) History of Florence. b k . I I , oh.ix, p.103.

 ~ 64 -

•Military virtue and generosity of feeling

becane extinguished in them; the people not
possessing these qualities ....and Florence
became by degrees more and more depressed and
humiliated".(1)

A republic -wholly in the hands of men brought up in trade" was

forced to hire its warriors, and mercenaries were in Machiavelli's eyes

Italy's worst curse. On the other hand, the dacay of the feudal order

had crested a whole class of unemployed gentry with no land, with no

talent except the practice of arms, and with a great willingness to sell

themselves to the highest bidder. In this state of affairs Machiavelli

saw quite clearly that the nobility, as a class, had lost its place in

society, and had no longer any contribution to make to the general welfare.

Italy had reached the lowest conceivable point in its cycle, and the moment

for the creator-leader, who alone could ever impart to a fallen people

the necessary energy for an ascent, had come. The necessary situation

for the exceptional man was ready; he o n ^ had to appear, and in his march

to power petty nobles would be swept away with all the other debris of a

decadent civilization.

In a stable monarchical order the hierarchical system had its place,

Even a new prince, while depriving the nobles of all power, must still

not exasperate them to the point where they become a danger, but his trust

must never belong to them. He must rely, rather, on the people whom he

drags from corruption, A prince requires the assistance of an intermediary

-roup between hiii-elf and the people he rules. "You see in all states ruled

by princes, and especially in the kingdom of France, how the gentlemen rule

the people, the nobles, the gentlemen and the king the nobles-. (2)

(1) History of Florence,, bk.IH, ch.i, pp.109-110 L bk.I, ch.7, PP.45-6.

(2) discourse on Refovmiv&J±2I2!!&> P*84-

 - 65 -

While he a d v i s e s Leo X t h a t i n Florence a r e p u b l i c can f l o u r i s h , he

recognizes t h e e x i s t e n c e m the c i t y of "some l o f t y s p i r i t s who think

they deserve t o precede the others", and whom one must accord some s p e c i a l

place i n the government l e s t they be driven t o active opposition. 7Je

r e c a l l t h a t Llachiavelli i s not a blind reformer; he temporizes with e v i l ,

i n t h i s case hoping t h a t , i f t r e a t e d i n t e l l i g e n t l y , i t will disappear.

I f a r e p u b l i c can expect t o survive only i n a community where equality

e x i s t s , a new p r i n c e has no hope of enduring unless he i s w i l l i n g t o

c r e a t e a n o b i l i t y - "not only i n name but i n fact giving tnem c a s t l e s ,

p o s s e s s i o n s , as w e l l as money and subjects t o r u l e " . Only by such bribes

w i l l he persuade the boldest s p i r i t s i n a c i t y of equals t o accept the

yoke of a p r i n c e . Even then i t i s unlikely t h a t he w i l l succeed. (1)

For the e x i s t e n c e of e q u a l i t y implies an uncorrupted population, whereas

i n those p l a c e s where the nobles are already established "the people i s

so thoroughly c o r r u p t , t h a t laws are powerless for r e s t r a i n t , (and) i t

becomes necessary t o e s t a b l i s h some superior power which, with a royal

hand and w i t h absolute powers, may put a curb upon the excessive ambition

and c o r r u p t i o n of the powerful". (2)

I n a badly c o n s t i t u t e d r e p u b l i c t h e r e i s constant dissension between

the people and the nobles wnicn l e a d s t o only two a l t e r n a t i v e s - tyranny

or l i c e n s e . L i b e r t y i s impossible wnere no one obeys the laws or t h e

magistrates. I n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e "the i n s o l e n t have too much a u t h o r i t y ,

and i n the l a t t e r the f o o l i s h " . (5) I n e i t h e r case i t i s not the middle-

(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . l v i , p . 2 5 6 .

(2) I b i d . , " " " " P-255.

(3) H i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e . bk.IV, c h , i , p«157.
 - 66 -

c l a s s who d e s i r e t h e s e extremes of misgovernment,but the nobles and the

plebeians. The c a r e e r of the Duke of Athens offers an excellent example

of t h i s . His t y r a n n i c a l ambitions " g r e a t l y t e r r i f i e d the middle c l a s s of

c i t i z e n s , but gave s a t i s f a c t i o n t o the great and t o the p l e b e i a n s " , t o the

l a t t e r , because " t h e y n a t u r a l l y d e l i g h t i n e v i l " , t o the former, "by thus

seeing themselves avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered from the

people", (l)

E v e n t u a l l y t h i s despot made l i f e unendurable for a l l classes i n the

c i t y , and a l l joined i n t h e i r hatred for him, except the "lowest p l e b e i a n s " ,

whom he had e a s i l y converted t o h i s cause by b r i b e r y . The nobles eventually

came t o r e s e n t h i s supremacy, whereas the Signory had warned the Duke from

the very f i r s t t h a t t h e y would r e s i s t him.

"What i s i t you imagine you can do t h a t would be

an equivalent far the sweets of l i b e r t y . . . That
time can n e i t h e r d e s t r o y nor abate the desire for
freedom i s most c e r t a i n . . . . To one accustomed t o
t h e enjoyment of l i b e r t y , the s l i g h t e s t chains
f e e l heavy and every t i e upon h i s free soul
oppresses him • • • • No dominion can be durable t o
which t h e governed do not consent". (2)

I n such terms Machiavelli expected republican c i t i z e n s t o speak of

t h e i r c o n d i t i o n ; for "the demands of a free people are r a r e l y pernicious

t o t h e i r l i b e r t y , they are g e n e r a l l y inspired by oppression expected or

apprehended". (3) I f they happen t o be mistaken t h e advice of some honest

l e a d e r w i l l be quickly accepted. Each republic must have some s p e c i a l

guardians of i t s freedom. The people are far b e t t e r suited t o t h i s duty

than the nobles who always encroach upon l i b e r t y . The only danger l i e s

i n t h e i r tendency t o follow any l e a d e r who promises them t o r u i n the

(1) History of F l o r e n c e . b k . I I , c l u v i i i , p#91.

(2) I b i d . , bk. I I , c h . v i i i , pp*93-94 0

(3) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . i v , p p . 1 2 0 - 2 1 .
 - 67

nobles e n t i r e l y and who, once he has acquired their t r u s t , makes himself

a tyrant. Such was the case of Marius who led the people of Rome i n the

c o n f l i c t over the agrarian laws. Nevertheless, compared to kings and

nobles they are the better keepers of public l i b e r t y .

"The excesses of the people are directed against

those whom they suspect of interfering with the
public good; w h i l s t those of princes are against
apprehended interference with their individual
interest." (l)

Absolute power quickly corrupts the people, however excellent their

condition may have been o r i g i n a l l y . Moreover, leadership i s essential i f

they are t o act w i s e l y , not coercive rule, but good counsel, l e s t they

loose their heads i n some moment of excitement. As long as the people i s

ruled by law they are perfectly capable of self-government, and even when

they f a i l t o respect the laws they can be e a s i l y persuaded to improve their

ways, while a l a w l e s s prince i s worse than a madman and not being "amenable

to good i n f l u e n c e s . . . . . t h e r e i s no remedy against him, but cold s t e e l . " ( 2 )

Ultimately the difference between states does not depend so much on whether

they are governed monarchically or popularly, hut on whether they are

ruled by law; for "whoever i s not controlled by laws w i l l commit the

sane errors as an unbridled multitude". (3)

Kings such as those of ancient 3parta and of modern France "are

not amongst the number of those whose individual nature we have to consider

t o see whether i t resembles that of the people", since they are controlled

by law, they share the good q u a l i t i e s of a lawful republic i n which the

people "neither obey with s e r v i l i t y nor rule with insolence". On the

whole a republican people i s superior t o e law-abiding prince, just as

(1) ma course. b k . I , c h . l v i i i , p.266.

(2) I b i d . , b k . I , o h . l i i i , P.247, ch.xxxv, p.206 & c h . l v i i i , p.265.

(3) I b i d . . b k . I , c h . l v i i i , p . 2 6 1 .
 ~ b8 ~

i t i s l e s s dangerous i n l a w l e s s n e s s . I n p a r t i c u l a r judgements, i n

matters sucn as t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of nonors and offices i t s decisions

are f a r wiser t h a n those of p r i n c e s or of small bodies of l e g i s l a t o r s .

I t i s only i n general questions of policy t h a t they are led a s t r a y , and

even then t h e y can e a s i l y be persuaded t o change t h e i r opinions. In

appraising i n d i v i d u a l m e r i t they are always guided by r e l i a b l e criteria,

such as a man's family background, h i s a s s o c i a t e s and n i s past c o n t r i b u t -

ions t o h i s c o u n t r y . Since so much importance i s placed on the l a t t e r ,

ambitious young men i n r e p u b l i c s t r y t o d i s t i n g u i s h themselves by some

spectacular a c t of p u b l i c service ( l ) . I n Rome where there was an appeal

t o the people i n a l l cases involving capita], punishment, the decisions

of the people were always wise and j u s t . Indeed, great progress i s only

possible i n c i t i e s ruled by the people. Princes alone can create l i b e r t y ,

but only the p e o p l e , provided t h a t i t i s morally sound, can maintain i t .

"I say t h a t the people are prudent and s t a b l e . . . and i t i s not without

reason t h a t i t i s said t h a t the voice of the people is the voice of God", ( l )

At times the people d i s p l a y such foresight t h a t one could almost ascribe

occult powers t o them. Their character i s always b e t t e r than t h a t of the

n o b i l i t y , and the saying t h a t "he who b u i l d s on the people builds on mud"

i s nothing but a " t r i t e p r o v e r b " . They w i l l never help oppressors, but

a man of v i r t u e and courage, who can animate them with h i s own s p i r i t ,

may w e l l r e l y on them ( 2 ) .
The advantages of free government are great for the people, of course.

Only under such a r u l e can they enjoy t h e i r property securely and be

., . „,* n „-+• hft molested. £ven a prince constructing a
c e r t a i n t h a t t h e i r women w i l l not be raoxe»uou. * <r>
s t a b l e s t a t e must encourage 4.W the niti7flna
c i t i z e n s tt oo follow
±v±±u t h e i r various c a l l i n«*
gs

(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . l v i i i , p . 2 6 ^ .

(2) P r i n c e , c h . i x , p . 3 8 .
 - 69 -

quietly and f r e e them from t h e fear of excessive t a x a t i o n and robbery.

Otherwise he cannot expect any v i r t u e t o develop amongst them. The

struggle over t h e a g r a r i a n laws i n Rome shows t h a t the t h i r s t for r i c h e s

i s the worst v i c e of the people and the one most l i k e l y t o r u i n them.

While people must be allowed t o enjoy t h e i r own i n peace, a general

poverty i s e s s e n t i a l i n maintaining the republican s p i r i t . I n Rome

t h i s was achieved by naking honours independent of wealth. The great

m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s would r e t u r n from t h e i r v i c t o r i e s t o a l i f e of f r u g a l i t y

and humble l a b o u r on t h e i r l i t t l e p r o p e r t i e s , "obedient t o the magistrates

and r e s p e c t f u l t o t h e i r s u p e r i o r s " , ( l ) The f r u i t s of poverty are far

more p r e c i o u s t h a n those of w e a l t h . The former brings honour t o r e p u b l i c s ,

the l a t t e r d e s t r o y s them.

A r e p u b l i c w i t h no d i s t i n g u i s h e d c i t i z e n s has no future, but i t must

recognize no merit except i n what i s done far the country as a whole.

While i t must reward t a l e n t i n whatever order of society i t may a r i s e ,

i t must guard a g a i n s t a l l persons who t r y t o acquire fame by p r i v a t e

a c t s of g e n e r o s i t y , and who t h u s gather a p r i v a t e following among the

citizens. Any excess of wealth or p o p u l a r i t y among i n d i v i d u a l s i s a

t h r e a t t o u n i t y and t o freedom. The conditions t h a t give p o t e n t i a l t y r a n t s

t h e i r chance a r i s e out of t h e unavoidable q u a r r e l s between t h e nobles and

the people. The f a u l t r e s t s e n t i r e l y with the former; for only a small

part of the p o p u l a t i o n wants freedom t o command, t h e majority wants l i b e r t y

so as t o l i v e i n s e c u r i t y . The nobles want power; the people want law.

The problem of f a c t i o n s was one t h a t g r e a t l y troubled M a c h i a v e l l i .

He was aware of the f a c t t h a t u n i t y breeds s t r e n g t h and, e s p e c i a l l y when

he beheld t h e havoc t h a t the i n t e r n a l d i s s e n t i o n s of Florence had brought

t h a t c i t y , he would declaim l o u d l y against the " s p i r i t of f a c t i o n " .

(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I I I , ch.xxv, pp.487-488.

 - 70 -

Private q u a r r e l s a r e . of course ITIATH-I-O^I* „

, x ^uurse, i n e v i t a b l e , as are public accusations,
but they can be s e t t l e d e f f e c t i v e l y hv i^i«-ioi + ^ u
ivei
" °y Judicial t r i b u n a l s . Once, however,
factions a l r e a d y e x i s t they a s s o c i a t e themselves with these petty d i f f e r -

ences, and a major upheaval r e s u l t s . I t a l i a n h i s t o r y i s f i l l e d with

p r o t r a c t e d and exceedingly v i c i o u s family l i g h t s , i n which the cause of

war had long been f o r g o t t e n , but which were kept going for years by t h e

force of h a b i t and the steady accumulation of mutual i n j u r i e s . Political

f a c t i o n s , though p o t e n t i a l l y even more dangerous, are recognized t o have

their value. Machiavelli r e a l i z e d , at times, t h a t law i s based on compro-

mise. Homan l i b e r t y emerged from the struggle between the people and the

Senate. I n F l o r e n c e , on t h e other hand, sucn differences always ended i n

bloodsned and e x i l e ( l ) . I n analyzing t n i s difference, Macuiavelii a r r i v -

ed ao a pic&ure of r e p u b l i c a n l i f e t h a t d i f f e r s considerably from h i s

f a v o u r i t e image of a people a b s o l u t e l y united and e n t i r e l y devoted t o the

state. There a l s o a r i s e s a new explanation for the o r i g i n of law, and one

quite d i f f e r e n t than the usual one of the hero-lawgiver.

Dissension i n a r e p u b l i c can be very healthy when i t involves nothing

but competition for such goods as the s t a t e can safely g r a n t , and when i t

permits s e t t l e m e n t without r e s o r t t o c i v i l war. The cause of these d i s -

agreements i s always the same, the struggle between the people and the

n o b l e s , the r i c h and the poor, but i f they lead t o new laws, the c r e a t i o n

of new r a n k s , and not the o b l i t e r a t i o n of old ones, they bring about an

increased love of country, because a l l p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y i n i t s growth.

When t h e r e i s a r e f u s a l t o compromise, as there was i n Florence, law

becomes t h e e x p r e s s i o n , not of general purpose, but of the conqueror's

power, and nothing s h o r t of death and exile can end the tumult, l e a v i n g

the c i t y p o o r e r i n d e p r i v i n g her of the s e r v i c e s of a whole c l a s s . The

n q 120 & H i s t o r y £ 0 2 £ E 2 S 2 2 . i b k . I I I ,
(1) D i s c o u r s e s , b k . I , c h . i v , pp.I19-lS0 * J* JL
c h . i r t m . 108-110.
 - 71 -

p a r t i e s c o l l e c t p r i v a t e armies by e n t e r t a i n i n g the populace with

s p e c t a c l e s , by g i f t s t o the poor and by d i s t r i b u t i n g undeserved honours.

Since nothing h i g h e r animates the members of such f a c t i o n s than personal

i n t e r e s t , t h e i r union ends as soon as they have gained t h e i r ends i n a

particular dispute. I n Rome, where the p a r t i e s were held together by

some general aim, based on p o l i t i c a l purpose, the quarrels ended i n

compromise and t h e improvement of the whole s t a t e ( ! ) • The mixed c o n s t i t u t -

ion of Rome, t h e m i l i t a r y v i r t u e s and the steady growth of law were the

r e s u l t of the c o n f l i c t between the people and the Senate. A free s t a t e

has two aims, aggrandizement and the maintenance of i t s l i b e r t y , which

implies u n i t y i n s p i t e of d i s s e n s i o n , t h e i r freedom being upheld by

constant a g i t a t i o n , t h e i r power by t h e i r unity i n times of war.

I t must not be supposed t h a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r a t t i t u d e t o republican

l i f e i s a dominant one i n Machiavelli, but merely because i t i s not a

main trend i n h i s t h i n k i n g , t h e r e i s no reason to ignore i t . I n the long

run he l i k e s u n i t y and d e t e s t s i n t e r n a l s t r i f e . He fancies the notion of

one l e a d e r and one p e o p l e , "not s u b j e c t s , but p a r t i s a n s " . Nevertheless,

he was probably more t o l e r a n t of d i s s e n s i o n , d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n and " i l l

humours" i n t h e s t a t e t h a n was Rousseau. Possibly t h i s i s due t o the

fact t h a t he does not expect too much from people, even the b e s t . For

Florence he s u g g e s t s a mixed c o n s t i t u t i o n , s t a b l e , and with a place for

the n o b i l i t y . The chief function of the Parlement of P a r i s , he thought,

was t h a t i t defended the people against the nobles,without too much offence

t o the l a t t e r , and without forcing the king t o choose between the two

sides. I t i s an example of u n i t y through balance. Rousseau begins by

demanding an " a u s t e r e democracy" or an "absolute tyranny", and ends by

suggesting the government of the landed gentry t o the P o l e s .

(1) H i s t o r y of F l o r e n c e , b k . V I I , c h . i , pp.306-307.
 - 72 -

Rousseau's l o a t h i n g for the noble and the r i c h was, at t i m e s ,

spectacular i n i t s v i r u l e n c e . " J e hais l e s grands, je hais l e u r e t a t ,

leur d u r e t e , l e u r s p r e j u g e s , l e u r p e t i t e s s e et l e u r s v i c e s , et je l e s

h a i s s o i s davantage s i je l e s meprisois moins". ( l ) There i s no need t o

elaborate upon t h i s s e n t e n c e ; i t expresses h i s feelings p e r f e c t l y . The

sources of t h e s e s e n t i m e n t s , however, are worth examining. Much has been

made by commentators, as well as by Rousseau himself, of his malaise i n

P a r i s i a n s o c i e t y , h i s i n a b i l i t y t o j o i n i n the l i f e of the upper c l a s s e s

and t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l s a s s o c i a t e d with them. Probably h i s social f a i l u r e s

were l e s s dismal than he claimed. I t appears t h a t he a c t u a l l y possessed

considerable s o c i a l charm, and i t i s well known t h a t he counted among h i s

friends and admirers no l e s s e r personages than the Prince de Conti and the

Marechal de Luxembourg. His lower c l a s s o r i g i n and h i s lack of formal

breeding no doubt did make h i s contacts with p o l i t e society d i f f i c u l t , and

i t c e r t a i n l y made him f a n t a s t i c a l l y proud and s e l f - r i g h t e o u s , but an express

d e s i r e t o d i s s o c i a t e himselr from i t may well have played a part in h i s

frequently b o a s t f u l admissions of h i s complete incompatability with i t .

He r a t h e r l i k e d t o see himself i n t h e p o s i t i o n of an upright republican,

e n t i r e l y l o s t i n a s u p e r f i c i a l and corrupt s o c i e t y ; hence n i s i n s i s t e n c e

on the t i t l e of " c i t o y e n " . C e r t a i n l y he knew more about the l i f e of the

common people and appreciated them more r e a d i l y than could the society

people and p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s whom he met in P a r i s . He had himself

been i n t u r n an a p p r e n t i c e t o a clockmaker and t o an engraver, a lackey,

a s e c r e t a r y t o a f i n a n c i e r and t o an ambassador, a music master and

copyist, a composer, a n o v e l i s t and a t l a s t a p o l i t i c a l philosopher. No

wonder t h a t he claimed an acquaintance with a l l classes of s o c i e t y .

(1) L e t t r e a Malesherbes, m Janvier 1763, L e t t r e s a MalesherDes, pp.58-53

 - 73 -

" J ' a i connu t o u s l e s e t a t s i ' a i ™£™. /?^

s J ai v e c u da
» *is t o u s , depuis l e s plus bas
jusqu'aux p l u s s i e v e s , " ( l )

For a l l h i s wide experience, he f e l t a r e a l attachment for only two

s o c i a l o r d e r s , the sober m i d d l e - c l a s s , and e s p e c i a l l y , t h e independent

farmer. His d i s t r u s t of the lowest classes almost equals h i s scorn for

the n o b i l i t y . I n r a c t , h i s whole outlook i s at one with the social order

of O a l v i n i s t Geneva before the r u l e of the p a t r i c i a n s . I n 1741, t h a t i s ,

some eight y e a r s before he wrote the f i r s t of the Discourses and some time

before h i s e n t r y i n t o the P a r i s i a n world, he already wrote b i t t e r words

about the n o b i l i t y .

"Mangeant fierement notre bien,

Exigeant t o u t , n*accordant r i e n . " (2)

I n t h e S p i t r e a M. P a r i s o t . w r i t t e n s l i g h t l y l a t e r , he again points

with d i s g u s t at the s o c i a l system of France^and p o i n t s with pride t o the

f r e e , proud and l a b o r i o u s l i f e of the Genevans. I t i s thus t o Geneva and

t o the s o c i a l d o c t r i n e s of Calvinism t h a t we must look for the r e a l o r i g i n

of Rousseau's i d e a l economic order.

According t o Calvinism the v i r t u e s incumbent upon the e l e c t are

diligence, t h r i f t , s o b r i e t y and prudence. As t h e r e are no simple ways

of being assured of e l e c t i o n , those who are i n the s t a t e of grace can

recognize t h e i r condition only in a l i f e of constant s t e a d f a s t n e s s , v i r t u e

and a p p l i c a t i o n t o whatever t a s k s they are called upon t o perrorm. Each

man has a c a l l i n g and t o the extent t h a t he c a r r i e s i t out with a maximum

of success he has a t l e a s t a sign of g r a c e . As C a l v i n ' s God was primarily

one of o r d e r , and tne world He created meant t o be u s e f u l l y employed by

mankind, nothing could seem more r i g h t e o u s than the w e l l - r e g u l a t e d and

(1) ^ o t e d from Maximo Leroy, o p . c i t . . p . 1 3 6 .

(2) E t t l t r e a M. de l ' E t a n g . quoted from A. Cobban, o p . c i t . , ch.vii.

 - 74 -

solid e x i s t e n c e of the b o u r g e o i s i e . Even those lacking grace must devote

themselves t o u s e f u l l a o o u r , not oecause i t w i l l benefit tnem, out for t n e

g r e a t e r glory 01 God. I t i s the duty of the community t o see t h a t a l l i t s

members follow the patn ordained for them. Not sporadic acts of devotion,

but only a whole l i f e of perpetual hard work can be considered a sign of

goodness. There i s no room here for the familiar cycle of Catholicism,

from s i n t o a b s o l u t i o n t o renewed s i n f u l n e s s , nor for vicarious atonement,

every man must be a dedicated monk at every moment of h i s l i f e , and i n

a l l h i s wordly a c t i v i t y . Baxter, an English P u r i t a n , counted l o s s of

time through s o c i a b i l i t y , i d l e t a l k , luxury and even too much sleep as

being worthy of condemnation. Such an a t t i t u d e t o l i f e involved a r e j e c t -

ion of a l l t h a t i s l e i s u r e l y and even emotional i n culture and i n social

life. Useful science and such sport as was necessary for h e a l t h were

sanctioned, but a l l t h e a r t s , the t h e a t e r , even p r e t t y clothes were

scorned as i d l e o s t e n t a t i o n and s u p e r f l u i t y , serving no r a t i o n a l purpose

and enhancing the g l o r y of man, not t h a t of God. We need only r e c a l l the

heat w i t h which the English P u r i t a n s opposed the reopening of the t h e a t e r s

a f t e r the R e s t o r a t i o n t o understand the single-mindedness and devotion

t h a t t h e y brought t o every-day l i f e . Wealth, however, unless i t l e a d s t o

i d l e n e s s and v a n i t y , was not i n i t s e l f thought an e v i l . On the contrary,

i t was a sign of s u c c e s s i n o n e ' s c a l l i n g t h a t betokened divine grace,

whereas p o v e r t y implied a lack t h e r e o f . I n s h o r t , t h e l i f e of i d l e n e s s

was held i n contempt and t h a t of i n d u s t r i o u s t r a d e r s and farmers e x a l t e d , ( l )

We have a l r e a d y seen t o what an extent Rousseau shared t h i s outlook,

p a r t i c u l a r l y i n h i s o b j e c t i o n s t o t h e t h e a t e r and t o t h e fine a r t s , which

(1) This s e c t i o n i s l a r g e l y based on m a t e r i a l presented i n Max Weber's

The P r o t e s t e d Bfc™ « ** *H« 8 P i r i t o f Capitalism, t r . by
T. Parsons (London, 1930 & 1948), p a r t i c u l a r l y c h . ' s i v &
v, p p . 9 5 - 1 8 3 .
 - 75 -

he felt were valued for their verv ,,cpiflo

e r y Ubel
essnes3, while the work of the
artisans, honourable and neopcjoonv „
necessary, w a s poorly rewarded (1). A taste

for ostentation, he assures us, never went together with a taste for

righteousness, while "gluttony is the vice of feeble minds-, for the

gourmand has "his brains in his •na-tn+eif to\ m. *
nis
P ala te". (2) The desire for inequality,
the "rage to distinguish oneself" iq th« n*,,** ~* ^
b wucocxj. , is the cause of these unforgivable
habits, and excessive wealth iq in -5-HO^-I-P « 4. J. ^ .
, xvc wecij_tn is m itself a temptation to such activity.
"Everywhere it is the rich who are the first to be touched by corruption,

the poor follow, the middle classes are the last to be attained.-(3) 3ven

more reprehensible than their own corruption is the harm they do to the

rest of the community.

"The privileged few gorge themselves with superfluities,

while the starving multitude are in want of the bare
necessities of life...The poor perish of want and the
rich of surfeit."(4)

As for the nobility, they are everywhere the mortal enemies of law and liberty,

which is not surprising, for "what can remain for fellow citizens of a heart

already divided between avarice, a Mstress and vanity?" (5) Luxury is

as we saw, the corrupter of public morals, depraving both the consumer and

the servant. It is an evil in itself, but far worse is the state of mind

that it implies. That is what must be banished from men's hearts. Inequal-

ity without luxury is harmless, and that is in fact the great plan he

proposes to the Poles (6). Idleness is in itself dangerous and

(1) -Smile, bk.III, p.149.

(2) fliscour.-^ on t h e Arts. anjl ^ i e n c e ^ , p.162 & jSmile, b k . I I , p . 1 1 7 .

(3) L e t t e r t o J r . Tronchin, September 26, 1758, C i t i z e n of Geneva, p . 1 6 0 .

(4) Discourse on I n e q u a l i t y : , pp.272 & 276.

(5) Discciijrj39_o_n ^ P o l i t i c a l ^conony, p . 3 0 8 ,

(6) Qouver; ement de Fp.lggiQ* c h . i i i , pp.435-437, l£W^•, vol.11.

 - 76 -

d r t . r t . U L . , and Rousseau's o b j e c t i o n s t o wealth are based on •„

axe Dasea on the r e c o g n i t -
ion t h a t i t cannot be separated from i d l e n e s s „** i
J-^^nesa and luxurious l i v i n g .

Success a t ones work i s a d n i r a b l e , and * i t you are 3ober ^ ^nov,

before the end of the w e e , vou n,ve earned your P a y and lived in freedom,
health, t r u t h and r i g h t e o u s n e s s . " ( l ) A w«n ««™, A
U J H well-earned income i s a thing t o
be admired, but i f i t i s t o o l a r g e i t w i l l r u i n the character of i t s owner.
- I I faut que t o u t l e monde vive et que personne ne s ' e n r i c h i s s e . "

Taxation on consumption and luxury goods i s one way of achieving t h i s . (g)

S t i l l b e t t e r i s the avoidance of i t s s o u r c e . Hence h i s objections t o

commerce, whicn, while involving no great e x e r t i o n , can s t i l l produce

sizeable p r o f i t s . Rousseau claims t h a t the ancients despised commerce

and only allowed s t r a n g e r s t o p r a c t i c e i t ( 3 ) . There i s a d e f i n i t e

hierarchy of o c c u p a t i o n s , with farming as the most honourable, metal work

as the next choice and carpentry as the t h i r d . Farmers and a r t i s a n s , the

good peasants of N e u f c h a t e l , whom he described t o D'Alembert, and h i s own

people i n Geneva, p a t r i o t s a l l , were the only two classes f i t for r e p u b l i -

canism. "Les b r a s , 1'emploi du temps, l a v i g i l a n c e , l f a u s t e r e parcimonie,

voila l e s t r e s o r s du g e n e v o i s . " (4)

The moral n e c e s s i t y for work i s s t r e s s e d everywhere. The whole

Project for Corsica i s i n s p i r e d by t h i s aim. I t i s t h e r e t h a t he advises

the government t h a t i t i s not only i t s duty t o i n s i s t on e q u a l i t y , but

filso on u s e f u l a c t i v i t y . "Les peuples seront toujours laborieux quand l e

t r a v a i l s e r a en honneur, e t i l depend toujours du gouvernement de l ' y

m e t t r e . " (5) That a l l must work i s an e s s e n t i a l law t o c i v i l s o c i e t y ,

as much as a u s t e r i t y i s t h e means t o i t s p r e s e r v a t i o n .

(1) Smile f b k . I I I , p . 1 6 0 .

U ) Discourse on P o l i t i c a l Economy, p . 3 2 6 .

(3) Fragments, " l e L u x e , " p . 3 4 2 , Pol.V*r., v o l . 1

(4) l e t t r e a D'Alembert. p . 1 2 5 .
(5) f r o i a t pour l a Corse, p . 3 4 7 , P o l . W r . . v o l . 1 1 .
 - 77 ~

" l h e man who e a t s i n i d l e n e s s what he has not

himself earned i s a t h i e f . . . O u t s i d e the pale
of s o c i e t y t h e s o l i t a r y , owing nothing t o any
man, may do as he p l e a s e s , but i n s o c i e t y ,
e i t h e r he l i v e s a t the cost of others or owes
them i n labour the cost of h i s keep. There i s
no exception t o t h i s r u l e . . . . H a n i n society i s
bound t o work." ( l )

The n o b i l i t y are not the only sinners i n the system of i n e q u a l i t y ;

the w e l l - t o - d o t r a d e r i s as much t o blame. "Le sot orgeuil des bourgeois

ne f a i t q u ' a v i l i r e t decourager l e l a b o u r e u r . " (2) Feudalism, though he

r,
considered i t an absurd system i f t h e r e ever was one", had long ceased

t o be a m a t t e r worth d i s c u s s i n g , and the n o b i l i t y he saw about him was

nothing but a "corps de v a l e t s " . He t h e r e f o r e concentrates even more on

t h e commercial c l a s s e s , wnose i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z i n g influence ne d i s l i k e d as

much as t h e i r w e a l t h . The Corsicans were t o abolish the use of money

e n t i r e l y and t o r e t u r n to a system of simple b a r t e r , so as t o avoid any

great accumulation of p r i v a t e w e a l t h . Taxes are t o be paid i n personal

labour not i n cash, which i s e s p e c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e , since c i t i z e n s snould

serve t h e i r country d i r e c t l y , not with money. From the very f i r s t , a

large p u b l i c domain i s t o be s e t aside for the use of the s t a t e , so t h a t

i t w i l l be independent of the property of i n d i v i d u a l s . That had been tne

system of Romulus, and i t was t o be t h a t of Corsica as well ( 3 ) .

The people a r e mankind, the only ones who r e a l l y matter, but the

people as a group i n c l u d e s n e i t h e r the r i c h nor "une populace a b r u t i e e t

s t u p i d e " , but t h e s o l i d middle c l a s s , "ni assez eleves pour avoir des

p r e t e n s i o n s , n i a s s e z bas pour n»avoir r i e n a p e r d r e . " (4) Their great

(l) Emile f b k . I I I , p . 1 5 8 .
(1)

(2) Pro let pour l a C o r s e . p*317, Pol.Wr., vol.11.

(3) Discourse on P ^ t i ^ l Economy,, p.314 & Pro j e t pour l a Corse, p . 3 3 8 .

(4) yttT-nA flu l a M o n t a g e , L e t t r e IX, pp.282-283, P o l ^ r . , vol.11.

 - 78 -

interest l i e s i n t h e common sood in ««*-?*„ ±u

gooa, m seeing the magistrates respected and
the laws obeyed, The a r t i s a n s are decent, modest, r e s p e c t f u l , reserved

and grave i n demeanor; " c ' e s t l a plus saine p a r t i e de l a Republique,"

"He was r e v o l u t i o n a r y i n so far as he wished for

the a b o l i t i o n of a r i s t o c r a t i c p r i v i l e g e s and the
power of w e a l t h ; but looked a t from a broad h i s t -
o r i c a l s t a n d p o i n t t h i s did not imply the social
r e v o l u t i o n as i t has been understood l a t e r , but
r a t h e r the continuance and the completion of the
p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n t h a t began when feudalism
was f i r s t repulsed from Swiss mountain r e t r e a t s
and Flemish c i t y w a l l s . P o l i t i c a l l y Rousseau
b e l i e v e s i n t h e small owners of property, the
middle c l a s s e s , because he believes t h a t i t i s
only on them t h a t the r u l e of law be imposed with
any hope of s u c c e s s . " ( l )

Rousseau i s convinced t h a t e q u a l i t y i s the r e s u l t of uncorrupted morals

and the i n d i s p e n s a b l e b a s i s far republican l i f e . I n the well regulated

s t a t e one must have n e i t h e r m i l l i o n a i r e s nor beggars. Both these extremes

are i n s e p a r a b l e and t h e f r i e n d s of t y r a n t s ; for "the one buys (public

l i b e r t y ) and the o t h e r s e l l s ( i t ) . " (2) The excessively r i c h or poor

always tend t o encroach upon freedom. "C'est par eux toujours que l ' E t a t

degenere: l e r i c h e t r a i t l a l o i dans sa bourse, l e pauvre aime mieux du

pain que l a l i b e r t e . " (3) The P o l i s h s e r f s cannot be given l i b e r t y at

once, only a slow process of education can f i t them for civic l i f e .

,"Ce que je c r a i n s n ' e s t pas seulement l ' i n t e r e t

mal entendu, l f amour propre et l e s prejuges des
m a i t r e s . Get o b s t a c l e vaincu, je c r a i n d r a i s l e s
v i c e s e t l e s l a c h e t e s des s e r f s . . . . J e r i s de ces
peuples a v i l i s - q u i , se l a i s s a n t ameuter parades
l i g u e u r s , osent p a r l e r de l a l i b e r t e sans meme en
a v o i r l ' i d e e . . . . ( q u i ) s'imaginent que pour S t r e
l i b r e s i l s u f f i t d ' e t r e des mutins." (4)

(1) A. Cobban, Q p . C i t . , c h . v i i , p . 2 0 3 .
I n t h i s c h a p t e r I have r e l i e d very much on Mr. Cobban's b r i e f , out
e x c e l l e n t c h a p t e r on Rousseau's economic i d e a s .
(2) Couvernement de Pologne, c h . i x , p . 4 8 1 , Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 &
Sociel Contract, p . 5 0 .

(3) L e t t r e s de 3a Montagne, L e t t r e IX, p . 2 8 3 , P o l ^ r . , vol.11.

 - 79 -

There i s a famous passage i n th« Prm-p^*,*

* so m tne .Confessions l n W h i c n Rousseau t e l l s
of h i s encounter with a farmer who t r e a t s hi™ ^+u
uo t r e a t e d him with g r e a t i n h o s p i t a l i t y ,
because he suspected him of being an exciseman. When h i s host discovered

his m i s t a k e , he at once became f r i e n d l y and generous, explaining t h a t he

dared not show h i s p r o s p e r i t y , because the t a x - c o l l e c t o r s would at once

deprive him of h i s p o s s e s s i o n s , if they knew of t h e i r e x i s t e n c e . Rousseau

claims t h a t t h i s i n c i d e n t impressed him prodounfly and t h a t i t awakened h i s

s o c i a l conscience and sense of j u s t i c e .

I t was the germ of t h a t inextinguishable hatred
which subsequently grew up i n my h e a r t against
t h e oppression t o which these unhappy people are
s u b j e c t . . . . T h i s man, although i n good circumstances,
did not dare t o eat t h e bread he had obtained by
t h e sweat of h i s b r o w . . . . I l e f t his house equally
indignant and touched, lamenting t h e l o t of these
b e a u t i f u l c o u n t r i e s upon which nature has only
l a v i s h e d her g i f t s t o make them the prey of
barbarous farmers of t a x e s . " (l)

Whether the s t o r y i s t r u e , and whether i t r e a l l y was one of the several

r e v e l a t i o n s t h a t he underwent, i s r e a l l y not very important. Rousseau was

too much given t o s e l f - d r a m a t i z a t i o n and l i t e r a r y exaggerations t o be taken

at h i s ward. The i n t e r e s t i n g t h i n g about t h i s t a l e i s t h a t i t shows with

whom Rousseau sympathized, and what s o c i a l wrongs revolted him. It is

not t h e s i g h t of the most sordid poverty, and of the r e a l l y debased members

of s o c i e t y t h a t arouses him. He admits t h a t those who wrong them are more

t o blame t h a n t h e y themselves, but they remain, p o l i t i c a l l y , a hopeless

class. The farmer for whom a new s o c i a l order must be b u i l t i s a hard-

working and independent man, he i s not unprosperous, but " i n good circumst-

ances", and he h a s every r i g h t t o enjoy t h a t c o n d i t i o n . The Third E s t a t e

are the t r u e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t , Rousseau claims, but

(l) Confessions, bk.IV, pp.169-170.

 80 -

only the more s u c c e s s f u l commoners seem t o belong t o t h a t category ( 1 ) .

I t i s the farmer, and h i s c l a s s , who are the "people", the l o v e r s of

law and l i b e r t y , who are t h e w i s e s t of r u l e r s . "They are far l e s s often

mistaken i n t h e i r choice of (magistrates) than the p r i n c e ; and a man of

r e a l worth among the k i n g ' s m i n i s t e r s i s almost as r a r e as a fool at the

head of a r e p u b l i c a n government". (2) Emile i s warned never t o under-

estimate the p e o p l e ' s i n t e l l i g e n c e and common sense ( 3 ) . "Souvent i » i n -

j u s t i c e et l a fraude t r o u v e n t des p r o t e c t e u r s , jamais e l l e s n'ont l e

public pour e l l e s , c ' e s t en ceci que l a voix du peuple e s t l a voix de

Dieu". (4)

The t a s k of governments i s the maintenance of lax? and j u s t i c e

p a r t i c u l a r l y , t h e p r o t e c t i o n of the poor against the r i c h , although,

"the g r e a t e s t e v i l has already occurred once t h e r e are poor t o be defended

and r i c h t o be r e s t r a i n e d / ' (5) The middle class i s always the loser

once t h i s s i t u a t i o n has a r i s e n , since they are "equally powerless against

the t r e a s u r e s of the r i c h and the penury of the poor". Their i n t e r e s t i s

wholly on t h e s i d e of the law, but the r i c h "mock them and the (poor)

escape them"« I t i s advantageous for the middle c l a s s , therefore^to

preserve a high degree of e q u a l i t y , which can only be achieved by r e g u l a t -

ive l e g i s l a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y , s i n c e , " t h e force of circumstances always tends

t o destroy i t " . (6)

(1) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 9 4 .

(2) I b i d . , p . 7 2 .

(3) Emile. bk.IV, p . 1 8 7 .

(4) L e t t r e s de l a M o n t a g e . L e t t r e V I I I . p.257, Pol.Wr., vol.11

(5) Discourse on Polit.i c^j Economy, p.306.

(6) Social Contract., p . 5 0 .

 - 81 -

absolute equality i n thfi HIQ+T.-IV,,!-

<i y m tne d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth i s , however, r e j e c t e d .
"Cette e g a l i t e ne peut s'ad™ptt-n« w " -^ ^, .
P it aamettre meme nypothetiquement parce q u ' e l l e n ' e s t
pas dans l a n a t u r e des choses." (l)

"I have already defined c i v i l l i b e r t y by equality

we should understand, t h a t the degrees of power '
and r i c h e s are not t o be i d e n t i c a l for everybody,
but t h a t power s h a l l never be great enough for
violence and s h a l l always be exercised by v i r t u e
of rank and law which implies on tne part of
t h e g r e a t , moderation i n goods and p o s i t i o n and on
the s i d e of t h e common s o r t , moderation i n avarice
and c o v e t o u s n e s s . " (2)

We already saw t h a t the s t a t e s of equality and self-government are

e n t i r e l y dependent on each o t h e r , increasing and decreasing p r o p o r t i o n a l l y .

As absolute e q u a l i t y i s r e j e c t e d , so i s absolute democracy, and for the

same reason, not because i t i s not good in i t s e l f , but because i t i s

impossible; for "so p e r f e c t a form of government is not for men". (3)

I n t h e most s t e r i l e p a r t s of Switzerland he observed with approval a

general p o v e r t y , as well as a highly e g a l i t a r i a n and democratic s o c i a l

order. C o r s i c a , f o r t u n a t e l y deprived of her n o b i l i t y by t h e Genoese, was

also s u i t a b l e ground for such an arrangement. Since t h e r e were no great

differences i n w e a l t h t o begin with, and since the barreness of the s o i l

would prevent any g r e a t accumulation of wealth i n the f u t u r e , i t offered

a rare o p p o r t u n i t y for a free and equal s t a t e ( 4 ) . I n small countries

e q u a l i t y i s Doth n e c e s s a r y and p o s s i b l e , but Rousseau e x p l i c i t l y rejects

such a p a t t e r n f o r the l a r g e r s t a t e s of Europe. A large s t a t e requires a

monarch, a s i n g l e c e n t r e of c o n t r o l , t o u n i t e i t , and intermediary orders

between the prince and the people t o give i t cohesion ( 5 ) . Nor does i t

(1) gragments. "La R i c h e s s e " , p . 347, P o l . W r . . v o l . 1 .

(2) Social Contract, p . 5 0 .

(3) I b i d . , p . 6 5 .

U) Projet pour l a Corse, pp.339-340, Pol>Wr«, v o l . 1 .

iract^ p . 7 1 .
 82 -

matter i f t h e economic s t a t u s of i n d i v i d u a l s i s i n constant f l u x , for the

b a s i c r e l a t i o n of the sovereign t o the subjects remains unchanged.

P o l i t i c a l l y i t i s of no s i g n i f i c a n c e whether t h e r i c h get w e a l t h i e r and

the poor more impoverished, or whether one man i s r i c h today and poor

tomorrow, or vice v e r s a .

"Jamais dans une monarchic, l'opulance d'un

p a r t i c u l i e r ne peut l e mettre au-dessus du
p r i n c e , mais, dans une republique e l l e peut
aisement l e mettre au-dessus des l o i s . Alors
l e gouvernement n ' a plus de f o r c e , e t l e r i c h e
e s t t o u j o u r s l e vrai souverain." (1)

E q u a l i t y , democracy, poverty and the preference for the small s t a t e

are u l t i m a t e l y only means t o an end far Rousseau, unity and the a b o l i t i o n

of a l l t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and c o n f l i c t s t h a t a l l the social l i f e t h a t he

saw about him p r e s e n t e d . His i n s i s t e n c e t h a t only the small s t a t e can be

r e a l l y prosperous and free i s not a c t u a l l y based on the complicated

mathematical r e a s o n s t h a t he offers i n the Social Contract, namely, t h a t

i f the sovereign c o n s i s t s of one-thousand persons, each i n d i v i d u a l ' s w i l l

i s only a one-thousandth p a r t of the sovereign w i l l J and therefore, has only

a very small i n f l u e n c e on the supreme authority of the s t a t e . (2) However,

since t h e General W i l l i s not the w i l l of a l l , but an objective standard

of s o c i a l j u s t i c e , independent of the s h i f t i n g w i l l s and opinions of the

c i t i z e n s , i t can make no d i f f e r e n c e t o the individual whether he i s one of

a thousand, or one of a hundred^persons who are "forced t o be free" by l i v -

ing i n unanimous agreement t o i t s l a w s . On a l e s s a b s t r a c t plane, i t i s

quite t r u e t h a t i t i s more d i f f i c u l t t o u n i t e and improve a l a r g e group of

people than a small one, but i t s r e l a t i o n t o pure j u s t i c e i s not n e c e s s a r i l y

affected by t h a t f a c t . A sounder explanation for h i s i n s i s t e n c e upon small

(1) L e t t r e a D'Alembert, p . 1 5 5 .

(2) Social C o n t r a c t , p.56 & Emile. bk.V, p . 4 * 7 .

 - 83 -

s t a t e s i s given by Rousseau i n h i s concern for the actual r e l a t i o n s h i p s

between people i n a s t a t e , and h i s recognition t h a t tnese are made morally

most p e r f e c t by t n e cohesion, and even the inbredness, of small communities.

"Presque t o u s l e s p e t i t s E t a t s , Republiques et
Monarchies indifferemment, prosperent par cele
s e u l q u ' i l s sont p e t i t s ; que t o u s l e s citoyens
s f y connaissent mutuellement et s ' e n t r e - g a r d e n t ,
que l e s chefs peuvent voir par eux-meme l e mal
qui se f a i t , l e bien q u ' i l s ont a f a i r e , et que
l e u r s o r d r e s s ' e x e c u t e n t sous l e u r s yeux. Tous
l e s grands p e u p l e s . . ..gemissent, . . . s o u s l e s op-
p r e s s e u r s s u b a l t e r n e s qu'une gradation necessaire
force l e s r o i s de l e u r donner." ( l )

E q u a l i t y even i s s a c r i f i c e d to n a t i o n a l u n i t y , and p a t r i o t i s m . The

condition of i n e q u a l i t y was a t f i r s t attacked because i t was opposed to

the r u l e of lav/. For Rousseau, however, the r u l e of law involved a unanimity

of consent and, t h a t f a i l i n g , a t l e a s t a unity i n p a t r i o t i c dedication t o

the s t a t e . I n P o l a n d ' s case he f e l t t h a t t h i s second a l t e r n a t i v e could be

best achieved by not only maintaining the e x i s t i n g c l a s s s t r u c t u r e , but by

making d i s t i n c t i o n s i n rank very d i s t i n c t . However, the social standing

of i n d i v i d u a l s i s not h e r e d i t a r y and must be separated from t h e i r wealth,

so t h a t t h i s source of corruption and wrangling might be eliminated.

"Je voudrais que t o u s l e s g r a d e s , t o u s l e s emplois, t o u t e s l e s recompenses

honorifiques se marquassent par des signes e x t e r i e u r s . " (2) No one must

appear i n c o g n i t o i n p u b l i c , and t h e marks of a man's rank and d i g n i t y must

follow him everywhere, so t h a t he may be respected for them, and l e a r n t o

respect h i m s e l f . The p u b l i c s e r v i c e to be rendered by each c l a s s remains

the chief c r i t e r i o n for d i s t i n g u i s h i n g them, and for judging the worth of

individuals.
I n an e a r l i e r work,Rousseau had defended the r i g h t of i n h e r i t a n c e on

t h e ground t h a t the s h i f t i n g of ranks and fortunes among the c i t i z e n s was

(1) Gouvernement a« Pologne. c h . v , p . 4 4 2 , P o l A . , vol.11.

(2) I b i d . . c h . x i , p«4?9 f Pol.Wr.. v o l o l l .

 - 84 -

fatal t o p u b l i c m o r a l i t y ; for "those brought up t o one thing find themselves

destined for another, and n e i t h e r those who r i s e , nor those who f a l l are

able t o assume t h e r u l e s of c o n d u c t . . . o f t h e i r new condition, s t i l l l e s s

t o discharge t h e d u t i e s i t e n t a i l s " . (1)

" I n t h e s o c i a l order where each has h i s place

a man must be educated for i t . I f such a one*
l e a v e s h i s own s t a t i o n he i s f i t for nothing
e l s e . . . . I n Egypt, where the son was compelled
t o adopt h i s f a t h e r ' s c a l l i n g , education had,
a t l e a s t , a s e t t l e d aim". (2)

There must, however, be no s o c i a l exclusiveness, which could lead only

t o jealousy and d i s u n i o n . Let the Poles have many open-air f e s t i v a l s ,

where everyone i s welcome, "ou l e s rangs soient distingues avec soin, mais,

ou tout peuple prenne p a r t egalement comme chez l e s anciens". (3) It is

important t o c r e a t e an atmosphere in which everyone w i l l f e e l inspired t o

d i s t i n g u i s h himself by performing some great deed in the service of h i s

country, whatever h i s s o c i a l p o s i t i o n may b e . Above a l l , the n o b i l i t y

must not wallow i n l u x u r y , which makes them an object of envy, renders them

unfit far t h e i r high p o s i t i o n and s e t s a corrupting example t o the nation

as a whole. While Rousseau r e g r e t s t h a t only t h e higher orders should have

p o l i t i c a l power, he r e s i g n s himself t o i t r a t h e r e a s i l y .

"Bien que chacun s e n t e quel grand mel c ' e s t pour

l a Republique que l a n a t i o n s o i t en quelque faqon
renferme dans l ' O r d r e e q u e s t r e , e t que t o u t l e
r e s t e , pay sans e t bourgeois, s o i t n u l , t a n t dans
l e Gouvernement que dans l a l e g i s l a t i o n , t e l l e
e s t l f a n t i q u e c o n s t i t u t i o n " . (4)
He goes on t o suggest t h a t gradually t h i s s t a t e might be ameliorated,

as the people became more e n l i g h t e n e d , and j u s t i c e was slowly rendered t o

(1) Discourse on P o l i t i c k Economy,, p . 3 1 3 .

(2) Emile. b k . I , p . 9 .
(3) GQiiVM-rmmunt de Pologie.. c h . i i i , p . 4 3 4 , P o l ^ . , v o l . I I .

U) I b i d . , c h . x i i i , p.497.
 - 85 -

the s e r f s , rfhat, however, has become of the general w i l l ? \ie have

already seen t h a t p o . e r , "exercised hy v i r t u e of rank and law" i s necessary

end good i n a r e p u b l i c a n o r d e r . The public w i l l i s not made general by

"the nuuV-er of v o t e r s , but by the i n t e r e s t that u n i t e s them". (1) Not even

the happiness of the c i t i z e n s i s a c r i t e r i o n for gauging tne success 01

the s o c i a l o r d e r . "Ce n ' e s t done pas par l e sentiment que l e s citoyens ont

de l e u r bonheur, ni per consequent, par l e u r bonneur merae q u ' i l faut juger

de l a p r o s p e r i t y de l ' ^ t a t . " (2) Rousseau i s always ready t o recognize

the need for i n e q u a l i t y i n governmental power. As long as a c e r t a i n class

within t h e s t a t e i s best f i t t e d t o care for the public good, i t has every

right t o monopolize governmental a u t h o r i t y , provided t h a t the rule of law

p r e v a i l s , and the u n i t y of t h e s t a t e i s maintained. I n the Social Contract,

however, Rousseau makes a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n between the sovereign and the

government. To be l e g i t i m a t e , the former had t o consist of a l l subjects

of the s t a t e . I n t h e plan for Poland t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n has disappeared.

Moreover, not a l l s u b j e c t s are c i t i z e n s , and n e i t h e r the c o n s t i t u t i o n , nor

any subsequent fundamental l e g i s l a t i o n , r e q u i r e s t h e i r consent. This does

not involve as g r e e t a c o n t r a d i c t i o n as one might suppose. The general w i l l

i s the sovereign, but i t i s w e l l known t h a t the general w i l l and the w i l l

of a l l are by no means i d e n t i c a l . The general w i l l comprises only the

morally p e r f e c t , t h e t o t a l l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d w i l l s of the community. Probably

Rousseau f e l t t h a t only a small c l a s s i n Poland was capable or achieving a

w i l l guided by p u b l i c d e v o t i o n . I f t h a t be the case, i t follows quite

l o g i c a l l y t h a t t h i s c l a s s alone should possess both sovereign and government-

al a u t h o r i t y .

(1) Discourse on P o l i " ^ Booncm. P-897 & T>™rt ^ Vers!on du Gontrat

TO1BI
S o c i a l . b > . I , c n . v i , p . 4 7 2 , Polt''fa>> '

(2) fragments. ^ ttnnh«,,r Public',' p . 3 8 8 , P o l , VTr,., vol. I .

 — 86 •»

With such an emphasis on u n i t v »nri ™ +^

un u n i t y , and on the general w i l l , whatever
i t s form, as the only guide t o a c t i o n , Rousseau's a t t i t u d e t o l e s s e r

a s s o c i a t i o n s , or " f a c t i o n s " , as Machiavelli called them, becomes s e l f -

evident. At one p o i n t he suggested t h a t the general w i l l , t h a t i s fund-

amental law, might emerge from the cancelling out of p r i v a t e w i l l s , but

he r e j e c t s t h i s n o t i o n as d e f i n i t e l y as the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e system, because

each i n d i v i d u a l ' s moral conscience must p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n t h e

determination of the general w i l l . At other times he even agrees t h a t a

free s t a t e , of n e c e s s i t y , implies an agitated one, since freedom means self-

expression. "La n a t i o n l a mieux gouvernee, n ' e s t e l l e pas precisement celle

qui murmure l e p l u s " ? ( l ) I n the Social Contract he quotes Machiavelli t o

the effect t h a t i n t e r n a l dissension* as well as external d i s a s t e r , may give

a s t a t e vigour, and t h a t " p r o s p e r i t y i s gained not by peace, but by l i b e r t y " . (2)

He also defends the " c e r c l e s " of Geneva a s agents of public morality.

"II n ' y a que l e p l u s farouche despotisme qui s'alarme a l a vue de sept ou

huit hommes assembles, craignant t o u j o u r s que l e u r s e n t r e t i e n s ne roulent

sur l e u r s m i s e r e s . " (3)

However, even when he chooses t o defend l e s s e r a s s o c i a t i o n s , he does

not believe for an i n s t a n t t h a t law and l i b e r t y might a r i s e from the

conflicts between them, and from the compromises they impose upon each

other. Mixed government i s r e j e c t e d because i t l a c k s s i m p l i c i t y , presumably

since t h i s q u a l i t y f a c i l i t a t e s u n i t y . The fear of the "tyranny of f a c t i o n s " ,

led Rousseau t o oppose any d i v i s i o n i n the executive power of the s t a t e , both

in h i s proposals f o r a P o l i s h Senate and i n h i s c r i t i c i s m of S a i n t - P i e r r e ' s

Polysvnodia. (4) He i n s i s t s t h a t a good s o l d i e r or a good p r i e s t i s l i k e l y

(1) fragments. "Le Bonheur P u b l i c " , p . 3 2 8 , Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 .

(2) Social flontractr p.89.

(3) L e t t r e a D'Alembert, p.145

l±\ T „ ,,-r -> i ramr*Ai A" de 1'Abbe *» S a i n t - P i e r r e , p . 4 1 8 , P o l . f o . , v o l . 1 .
V4J Jup*™t$^^tfM'n'n a PolysynoQie c e •*- «*"^° ^ g - — '
 - 87 -

t o be a poor c i t i z e n , and t h a t a s t a t e t h a t c o n s i s t s of a web of smaller

s o c i e t i e s , which s e t and modify i t s aims, i s not well c o n s t i t u t e d . Their

power must never be so g r e a t t h a t they can s u b s t i t u t e tnemselves for the

s t a t e , e s p e c i a l l y since one of them might became so strong as t o replace

the general w i l l . There i s no room i n tne s t a t e for a v a r i e t y of personal

l o y a l t i e s , and the voice of tne people can De said to be t h a t of God, only

wnen the w i l l of a l l i s i d e n t i c a l t o the general w i l l . Partial societies

always l i v e a t the expense of the general s o c i e t y , and prevent the general

w i l l from e x p r e s s i n g i t s e l f .
" I t i s t h e r e f o r e e s s e n t i a l t h a t t h e r e should be no
p a r t i a l s o c i e t i e s w i t h i n the State and t h a t each
c i t i z e n should t h i n k h i s own thoughts, which was
indeed the sublime and unique system established
by Lycurgus". ( l )
Rousseau i s not s a t i s f i e d with u n i t y i n a c t i o n , which he f e l t t o be

superficial,without a corresponding unity i n thought. Equality i s important

i n achieving t h i s end, but i n e q u a l i t y must be t r e a t e d gently, l e s t haste

defeat i t s own p u r p o s e s . Poverty remains an important p a r t of the republican

spirit. He even p o i n t s out t h a t t h e poor Swiss defeated the wealthy

Austrians, and t h e Dutch t h e Spaniards, t o prove the s u p e r i o r i t y of poor

md united n a t i o n s over l a r g e and degenerate o n e s . L a s t l y , the whole moral

code t o be imposed on the r e p u b l i c i s t h a t of the middle c l a s s , which i s

the t r u e b e a r e r of the r e p u b l i c a n i d e a l .
Though, as u s u a l , Rousseau's treatment of these matters i s more complex

„ v. «,. t w e are no vast differences i n t h e i r opinions. I t

than M a c h i a v e l l i ' s , t h e r e are no
< a i n t e r e s t e d i n the moral l i f e of i n d i v i d u a l s ,
must be repeated t h a t Rousseau i s i n t e r e s t e d i n
„ , „ „ „ - . a - - t o f u r t h e r , while Machiavelli i s
which he expects t h e r e p u b l i c a n order t o
+v,«t he b e l i e v e s t o be the outcome of
concerned w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l power t h a t he
, . This g r e a t d i f f e r e n c e appears i n a l l t h a t tney
that same r e p u b l i c a n o r d e r . This g r e *

" "" „n P o l i t i c a l Sconomy,, p.29S.

ll) fl»M„i r . t m t r a o t , p.l<»» * _
 - 88 -

say. For i n s t a n c e , t h a t i s why Rousseau i n s i s t s on a small r e p u b l i c ,

while Machiavelli holds aggrandizement to be one of i t s chief aims. It

i s not u n l i k e l y t h a t t h i s difference i s based on t h e i r respective

experiences i n t h e i r n a t i v e c i t i e s . Florence was collapsing because

of m i l i t a r y impotence, while Geneva was decaying morally, and losing

i t s civic u n i t y .

I t would be f a l s e , i n s p i t e of a l l the evidence here presented, t o

forget t h a t Rousseau was able t o teach Kant t h e respect due t o the

individual, and t h a t , for a l l h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , the purpose of p o l i t i c a l

society, for h i n , was always i t s p o t e n t i a l i t y for l i b e r a t i n g man's w i l l

for goodness. Thus he wrote t h a t : "Only among free peoples is the dignity

of man r e c o g n i z e d . " ( l ) At t i m e s , however, he subjects man t o such

extensive c o e r c i o n , t h a t one must suppose t h a t he ha3 forgotten the

dignity of the i n d i v i d u a l , or r e l e g a t e d i t t o the distant realm of

ultimate p o s s i b i l i t i e s .
 - 89 -

Chapter V

Leaders and Lawflivarfl

Nowhere are t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s and the differences between Rousseau and

Machiavelli more c l e a r l y displayed than i n t h e i r respective p i c t u r e s of

the c r e a t o r s of s t a t e s . We have already seen t h a t while, for both the

origin and growth of law depends on single a c t s of construction, not on

slow s o c i a l development, i t s maintenance and decline are e n t i r e l y determin-

ed by the moral and m a t e r i a l condition of the community as a whole. A

people cannot have good laws without being morally healthy, but the required

civic s p i r i t can only be generated by the proper laws and i n s t i t u t i o n s .

Both authors solved t h i s dilemma by a b e l i e f i n the creative powers or

single i n d i v i d u a l s , who appear at given points in a people's h i s t o r y t o

give i t p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , and so form i t s national

life. The achievements of Hoses, Lycurgus and Numa Pompilius are for both

the b r i g h t e s t examples of the great heights that p o l i t i c a l genius can reach.

In h i s d e s c r i p t i o n of the i d e a l lawgiver Rousseau scarcely deviates from

the image he nad formed of t h e s e g i a n t s of a n t i q u i t y . Machiavelli, on the

other hand, though he e n t e r t a i n s f a i r l y similar notions as t o t h e i r

characters and work, a l s o conceives of a second, and i n many respects

very d i f f e r e n t , kind of l e a d e r s h i p . There i s the founder of ancient r e p u b l i c s ,

and t h e r e i s the p r i n c e who must a r i s e i n the I t a l y of the Renaissance t o

bring about her r e j u v e n a t i o n . I f not t o t a l l y d i s s i m i l a r , these two figures

are by no means i d e n t i c a l , is'or t h e f i r s t type one had merely t o look i n t o

ones well-worn copies of P l u t a r c h and Livy, but for the second one had t o

search i n the world about one, and Machiavelli was the l a s t person t o

confuse such d i f f e r e n t scenes, even though he had a sharp eye for the
J. . ~T -i >»un«n m a t o r v . Tnere can be no doubt t h a t his
permanent f e a t u r e s i n a l l human ms^oxy.
highest admiration i s reservedA -fwp for thp - r e a t men
the ^rea-& u* of a n t i q u i t y ; such
 - 90 -

fanciful i d o l s as Gaesare Borgia or Oastruccio Gestracani cannot compete

with Romulus or Numa. Nor i s t h e Prince a mere manual for p e t t y despots.

Machiavelli was p e r f e c t l y aware of the fact t h a t no one could teach the

Sforzas, t h e M a l a t e s t a s or t h e Visconti t h e i r b u s i n e s s , nor had he any

desire t o do s o . We saw t h a t he considered t h e i r p o l i t i c a l existence and

t h e i r m i l i t a r y system a menace t o I t a l y . However, Machiavelli knew h i s

I t a l y w e l l , and he saw t h a t no one but the condottieri were available t o

be groomed for the high t a s k of emulating t h e ancient Duilders of s t a t e s .

Nevertheless, the P r i n c e i s dedicated t o a prince of some achieved

position. Macniavelli had q u i t e enough h i s t o r i c a l sense t o r e a l i z e

that t h e luethods, forces and t a l e n t s that, would be employed were those

p r e v a l e n t , not t h o s e of a n t i q u i t y . Just as a leader must s u i t h i s actions

to the temper of the t i m e s , so a p o l i t i c a l t h e o r i s t must accommodate him-

self t o the h a b i t s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of h i s contemporaries.

At any time the reform of an old r e p u b l i c , or the creation of a new

one,can only be the work of one man.

"A sagacious l e g i s l a t o r of a r e p u b l i c , t h e r e f o r e , whose
obiect i s t o promote the public good and not h i s p r i v a t e
i n t e r e s t , and who p r e f e r s h i s country t o h i s own successors
should concentrate e l l a u t h o r i t y i n himself". ID

I n pursuing h i s aim t h e l e a d e r may employ any means necessary for h i s

success, and Romulus i s absolved from the crime of f r a t r i c i d e by nis

c r e a t i v e labours and, above a l l , by having set up the Roman Senate.

* ^ ^ vi«i« « t a t e only at one point of the c y c l i c a l
The s i n g l e man need be the whole s t a t e omy
+* Once he has given a people i t s laws h i s use-
progression of a s +t a t e . Once ne iw.» &±

fulness as a r u l e r i s fit an end.

~™H iflw<3 for i t s b a s i s , and good
U 0
" r S n s i c T S S y S t S i n t o e f f e c t , needs not
n K h S s , T h e v S u f o f one man for i t s maintenance.

(1) D i s c o u r s e s . b k . I , c h . i x , pp.138-139.
 - 91 -

"Uith such e x c e l l e n t laws and i n s t i t u t i o n s , many

of t h o s e a n c i e n t r e p u b l i c s which were of long
d u r a t i o n , were endowed", ( l )

To give a s t a t e such laws t h a t i t can survive on i t s own v i t a l i t y

i s the great aim of a l l t: ;reat men. Ilachiavelli i s even c e r t a i n t h a t sucn

b r i l l i a n t men as P l a t o and A r i s t o t l e only wrote p o l i t i c a l t r e a t i s e s

because they lacked the opportunity t o r u l e s t a t e s themselves. (2) Only

such l e a d e r s as r e a l l y produce a l a s t i n g edifice deserve admiration. As

much as Moses, Lycurgus and Romulus are t o be p r a i s e d , so much must Cesser

be despised, ^e was g u i l t y of ruining Rome. When a man cannot save h i s

rank i n a s t a t e except by r e f u s i n g t o give i t good laws, he has some

excuse at l e a s t , but Caesar lacked even t h a t feeble apology for h i s a c t s .

"If a prince be anxious for glory and the good opinion of the world, he

should r a t h e r wish t o possess a corrupt c i t y , not t o r u i n i t wholly,

like Caesar, but t o r e o r g a n i z e i t l i k e Romulus". (3) The r e a l founder

of Rome, however, was not Romulus, who gave i t i t s m i l i t a r y i n s t i t u t i o n s

and the Senate, but Numa, wno brought a savage people to c i v i l obedience.

For t h i s grand d e s i g n he used r e l i g i o n , as must a l l r e a l law-givers.

" I n t r u t h t h e r e never was any remarkable lawgiver

among any people who did not r e s o r t to divine
a u t h o r i t y , as otherwise his laws would not heve
been accepted by the p e o p l e ; for t h ^ are many
good l a w s , t h e importance of wnich i s known t o tne
s a g a c i o u s ' l a w g i v e r , but the r e a s o n s J » f i o j ^ r e
not s u f f i c i e n t l y evident t o enable him t o persuade
o t h e r s t o submit t o them; ^ . ^ f l g ^ J L
men for tne nurpose of removing t h i s d i f f i c u l t y ,
Te^ort t o d i v i n e ' a u t h o r i t y . Thus did ^ - r g u .
and Solon and many others who aimed at the same
t n i n g " . (4)

h) m„t..-,T"/ of F l o r e n c e . blc.lV, c h . i , P . ^ 7 -

(2) Discourse on p - f ™ V " p XIorence, p.91.

(3) Discourses. bk.I, ch.x, pp.143-45.

(4) Ibid.. bk.I, ch.xi, p.147.

 - 9a -

For i t i s u s e l e s s t o count on th« T>«^VO I . ._ ,

un* on the p e o p l e ' s i n t e l l i g e n c e and good-

will in b u i l d i n g a s t a t e , one must mould then by a l l me,ns a v a i l a b l e .

The people of t h a t time admittedly were a simple l o t , but Llacrnavelii

had seen many r u b e r s of the P l a t o n i c Academy of Florence renounce

their Hellenism under tne influence of Savonarola's sermons, ana ne was

no* l i k e l y t o underestimate t h e p o l i t i c a l importance of r e l i g i o n , although

i t s d o c t r i n a l t r u t h ivas a matter of indifference t o him. Fear of Qod i s

the great stimulant t o lawful behaviour, and where i t i s wanting, "a

country w i l l come t o r u i n unles3 i t i s sustained by the fear of the prince

which may t e m p o r a r i l y supply the want of r e l i g i o n , but as the l i v e s of

princes are s h o r t , the kingdom w i l l of n e c e s s i t y perish as the prince f a i l s

in v i r t u e " , ( l ) 'Phis sentence well i n d i c a t e s what considerations moved

i^achiavelli i n h i s advice t o the p r i n c e , and why i t d i f f e r s from the

admirable maxims followed by Numa and Romulus. Besides the d i s t i n c t i o n

in method, the p e o p l e ' s moral s t a t e imposes c e r t a i n l i m i t a t i o n s on a

leader. A people i s i n a condition t o receive new laws either when i t i s

s t i l l very rude and simple i n i t s h a b i t s , l i k e the OVJISS, whom Machiavelli

admired^and whose power he feared so much, or when i t has reached the

lowest ebb i n i t s c y c l i c a l l i f e , -according t o the laws of h i s t o r y a leader

must a r i s e , and an ascent must follow, once a people has reached t h i s u t t e r

depth of d e g r a d a t i o n . When Uuma gave Rome i t s laws i t was s t i l l a t o t a l l y

uncivilized community, but the s t a t e of I t a l y was t h a t of the l a s t possible

degree of decadence. The n e c e s s i t y for organization a r i s e s i n each case,

and the response t o i t by dynamic l e a d e r s h i p i s almost i n e v i t a b l e , but

the nature of t h e s e two f o r c e s d i f f e r s , as does t h e i r i n t e r a c t i o n . Necessity

and virtue continue t o move h i s t o r y , but the power of the leader must

grow in d i r e c t p r o p o r t i o n t o the corruption of the l e d .

(1) Discourses. b k . I , c h . x i , p.148.

 - 93 -

'There i s also a g r e a t difference between the prince who r u l e s a

stable monarchy, and the man who must alone create a new s t a t e . The

government of F r a n c e , and t h a t of the Roman Empire are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e

of the former t y p e , A t r u e monarchy for Machiavelli, as we saw, i s

exemplified by the feudal s t a t e , by a monarch surrounded by nobles with

whom he shares h i s power, and «rho cannot s e t himself above the law.

Opposed t o t h i s i s the o r i e n t a l prince, whose power i s absolute, and who

has only an entourage of s a t r a p s t o a s s i s t him. The former i s more s t a b l e ,

the l a t t e r can be more powerful, and is suited t o times of corruption.

Machiavelli g e n e r a l l y preferred the f i r s t , as the best a l t e r n a t i v e t o a

republican o r d e r . 3oth suffered from an inherent defect, the r u l e s of

succession. That the a b i l i t y t o r u l e i s not inherited i s one of Machiavelli's

most c o n s t a n t l y repeated warnings. That i s why he advises a l l founders of

s t a t e s t o build so t h a t a f t e r t h e i r death the rule of the many w i l l maintain

what they have s e t u p . All the Roman emperors who reached the throne hy

i n h e r i t a n c e , T i t u s excepted, were wicked, and "when the Empire became

h e r e d i t a r y , i t came to r u i n " . After vividly describing the worst horrors

of the l a t e r Empire, I l a c h i a v e l l i concludes t h a t these were "the i n f i n i t e

obligations Hone, I t a l y and the whole world owed Caesar", ( l )

I n reforming a monarchy or a r e p u b l i c , r u l e r s should t r y t o change as

few customs as p o s s i b l e , and avoid a l l t h a t might upset the l o y a l t i e s t h a t

c i t i z e n s have a l r e a d y formed. Reform must proceed slowly and cautiously.

A prospective t y r a n t , however, i s planning a r e v o l u t i o n , and cannot afford

to leave anything as i t was. Monarchies and republics r e s t on the foundat-

ions of t r a d i t i o n , but a new prince must leave "nothing unchanged i n t h a t

( l ) Discourses. b k . I , c h . i x , p.139 & ch.x, p . 1 4 5 .

 - 94 -

province, so t h a t t h e r e should be n e i t h e r rank nor *****

°UB>, nor grade, nor honor,
nor wealth, t h a t should not be recognized *Q „„ *
snized as
coning from nim". (1)
Obviously i f a new r u l e r faces » Q-> r,r^
es Q S l m p l e P « p l e , W i t h o u t any previous
p o l i t i c a l l i f e , such an upheaval i s t o l e r a b l v M q v »„* A
a D l y eas
y> ^ d does not necessarily
involve e x t r e m i t i e s of c r u e l t y . That was Hoses', Romulus' and Huma's

good f o r t u n e . Their people were i n the best condition t o absorb the

vigour t h a t a determined l e a d e r would transmit to them. Machiavelli',

I t a l y , however, was r i d d l e d with sophisticated corruptions and powerful

centres of r e s i s t a n c e t o any attempted regeneration. The work of the

prince would d o u b t l e s s l y have t o be "cruel and destructive or a l l

civilized l i f e , and n e i t h e r C h r i s t i a n nor even human, and should be

avoided by every one. I n fact t h e l i f e of a p r i v a t e c i t i z e n would be

preferable t o t h a t of a king at the expense of the r u i n of so many

human beings". (2)

«t any r a t e , anything i s b e t t e r than a middle course, which brings

only confusion and s u f f e r i n g t o r u l e r and ruled a l i k e . I f a man does

not want t o undertake t h e b u i l d i n g of a s t a t e , l e t him remain a mere

subject, but once one i s driven by the desire to construct, one must

face the consequences. Cruelty for c r e a t i v e purposes is condoned in

Romulus, and Machiavelli applauds i t in modern heroes as w e l l . There i s

no anecdote t h a t he r e p e a t s more frequently, or with greater approval,

than the one about Duke V a l e n t i n o ' s t r i c k s in bringing d i s c i p l i n e to the

dissolute c i t i z e n s of the i<onagna, without making them hate Mm. Finding

the province i n a s t a t e of u t t e r lawlessness, he sent them one of his

henchmen, a c e r t a i n Remirro de 1 Oreo, who proceeded t o subdue the people

(1) Piscourses T b k . I , c h . x x v i , p.184,

tf u
(2) Ibid.., tt r, if rl
 - 95 -

with the most extreme c r i M l t v , and # m n ^ * i ~ x

,y mo
' > needless to say, was universally
feared and feted. TVhen he had done the necessary job, Caesare had him

brutally murdered, end h i s body p u b l i c l y displayed. Thus demonstrating

his repudiation of Remirro's a c t i o n s , he assumed the character of a

l i b e r a t o r , and enjoyed the order s e t up by h i s envoy. "Force and fraud,

and r, the l i o n and t h e fox"'.

The n e a r e s t thir.y to the antique method of building or reforming

states i s the scheme f o r reforming Florence t h a t Machiavelli proposed to

Leo X. He did not expect p e r f e c t i o n , showing the pope how he could benefit

himself, h i s family, h i s friends end his c i t y , a l l at once, by moderate

reforms, and then leave t h e c i t y in a free and self-governing condition

after h i s d e a t h . The b a s i c conditions for such a change were present, as

we saw, and he thought Sienna and Lucca mi^ht be similarly revived, by

some ur.an of s a g a c i t y , well versed in the ancient forms of c i v i l

government" • (1)

Machiavelli loved h i s country well enough to desire to see i t well

governed, but he a l s o knew t h a t i t could never be powerful. I t could never

carry on s r e a t w a r s ; and the vocation of princes and republics a l i k e i s to

increase t h e i r t e r r i t o r y , and t h e i r importance on the p o l i t i c a l scene.

"I c a l l t h a t p r i n c e f e e b l e who i s incapable of carrying on war". (2)

Muma was able t o r u l e by the a r t s of peace only because Romulus' wars

had secured Ttcre from a t t a c k s , and h i s successors, Tullus end Ancus, both

fought frequently and v i g o r o u s l y . Oood laws depend on good arms. « A prince

should t h e r e f o r e have no o t h e r aim. or thought, nor take up any other thing

for his s t u i v , but 7.ar and i t s organization and d i s c i p l i n e " . (3)

(1) Discourses, b k . I , c h . l v , pp.255-256.

(8) I b i d . , b k . I , c h . x i x , pp.173-74.

(3) P r i n c e , c h . x i v , p . 5 3 .
 - 96 -

Machiavelli knew t h a t only l a r g e s t a t e s could be powerful, and t h a t

while i t was, of course, h i g h l y laudable t o rebuild Florence on the model

of an ancient c i t y - s t a t e , i t was i n f i n i t e l y more urgent t o make I t a l y

into an e f f i c i e n t s t a t e , w e l l organized i n t e r n a l l y , and ready to make war

on her neighbours. He had an intimate acquaintance /itn tne i n d i g n i t i e s

of p o l i t i c a l impotence. There can scarcely be a position more humiliating

than t h a t of an ambassador of an unimportant s t a t e . At the court of

Gaterina Sforza, a t t n e headquarters of Caesare Borgia and in F a r i s he

was outwitted or i g n o r e d . I n P a r i s he even lacked funds for clothing

suitable for a f o r e i g n envoy. Wherever he went he was treated shabbily,

and for a man so conscious of his own a b i l i t y , t h a t must have been

p a r t i c u l a r l y hard t o b e a r . His i n t e r e s t s could not be confined t o the

l i t t l e r e p u b l i c ; i t had t o extend i t s e l f over a more imposing p o l i t i c a l

unit, \iiio ;;as going t o make I t a l y powerful, and how could i t be done?

The p r i n c i p l e of l e g i t i m a c y had f a l l e n i n t o decay in I t a l y . The t y p i c a l

ruler was a self-made man. That i s doubtlessly why Machiavelli i s so

much more concerned with the whole problem of c r e a t i n g , r a t h e r than with

that of r u l i n g e s t a b l i s h e d s t a t e s . The sense of hierarchy had similarly

disappeared, and with i t the concept of an assigned place for each

individual i n the general o r d e r . The new despot depended for h i s support

not on v a s s a l s , but on f r e e - l a n c e r s l i k e himself. For l u s t r e he might

add men of t a l e n t , exhuberantly s e l f - r e l i a n t men of l e t t e r s and a r t i s t s

t o his c o u r t . Nothing might seem odder than the sight of Sigismondo

lialatesta of Rimeni, a c o n d o t t i e r e with an almost d i s i n t e r e s t e d love

of pure c r u e l t y , surrounded by a l l s o r t s of learned men and a r t i s t s .

However, i n t h e l a s t a n a l y s i•s they

4-i^-rrf-i-P-Pflred onlv i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of
d i i r e r e a uu±y
• -*• Th* much celebrated individualism of
t h e i r e n e r g i e s , and not i n s p i r i t . The mucn cexeox
-!*.?*,« rr«n^ral d i s t a t e for any kind of
the Renaissance expressed i t s e l f i n a general aibo
 - 97 -

conformity t o r u l e s . E c c e n t r i c i t y in dress and mannerisms was carried

to extremes. The devotion t o a n t i q u i t y had served to s u b s t i t u t e the

worship of h i s t o r i c a l g r e a t n e s s and glory for the Christian ideal of

humility. Hence, for i n s t a n c e , the innumerable h a l f - f i c t i t i o u s

biographies of g r e a t men t h a t appeared. Machiavelli too wrote one of

Castruccio C a s t r a c a n i , t y r a n t of Lucca, which i s t y p i c a l of the genre.

Possibly the most f l a g r a n t example of the r e j e c t i o n of conventional

manners and morals i 3 t h a t of one of the e a r l i e s t c o n d o t t i e r i , 'ierner

von Urslingen, whose s i l v e r haubek bore the revealing i n s c r i p t i o n ,

"enemy of God, of p i t y and of mercy", ( l ) Machiavelli's picture of

Caesare Borgia i s the i n c a r n a t i o n of a l l the outstanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

of the "new prince* 1 , u n r e s t r a i n e d egotism and c r u e l t y , and immense

ambition. The c o n s t r u c t i v e element t h a t Machiavelli adds to his h e r o ' s

actions, however, was not t y p i c a l . He never expected a man of his time

to act on any motives except s e l f i s h ones, such as the desire for fame

and glory, nor did he see any applicable p o l i t i c a l methods other than

those p r a c t i c e d by t h e c o n d o t t i e r i , but h i s main purpose was t o demon-

s t r a t e t h a t with such aims and such means a resolute man, with a strong

army, could s t i l l b a t t e r I t a l y i n t o shape. V/e may feel some disgust at

the e n t h u s i a s t i c approval with which, for i n s t a n c e , he describes Caesare's

"well used c r u e l t y " i n the massacre at S i g n a g l i a . However, l e t us consider

the v i c t i m s . O l i v e r o t t o of Fermo had i n one night k i l l e d his uncle and

v ..n -.-» v,no -fYH *mdct while Vitellozzo V i t e l l i p r a c t i c -

benefactor, as w e l l as a l l h i s f r i e n a s , mi±±v

ed Ms t r a d e with such an e l a n , t h a t ha was considered an uncomnonly

vicious s o l d i e r , even i n h i s own day. Hot an agreeable p a i r , nor one

/ x ~Q4-i,r hnqfid on information derived from

(1) These g e n e r a l remarks are mostly based o n i s pp.262_296> m d
J. Burckhardt,OTUCX^., P a r t I I , PP.8X ^ P** ' **
J.A. Symonds, o t t . c i t , , v o l . 1 1 , c h . n i , pp.51-98.
 - 98 -

likely t o arouse ones sympathies. Thev «n* +*, . , .

iney and t h e i r kind, however, constituted
the "new p r i n c e ' s " m i l i e u , t h e y were the nomvi « u
jr weie uie people whom he must count on,
overcome, subdue and o r g a n i z e , : ^ e v n-p* ™v,„4-
- ^ „ are what create the element of necessity,
* i d h be must consider i n a l l h i s a c t i o n s , m his ascent to power, cruelty

becomes i n e v i t a b l e , and t h e question i s whether i t is exploited well or

badly, r e s o l u t e l y or h e s i t a n t l y .

"Well committed may be called those c r u e l t i e s

( i f i t i s p e r m i s s i b l e t o use the word well of
e v i l ) which are perpetuated once for the need
of securing o n e ' s s e l f and which afterwards
are not p e r s i s t e d i n , but are exchanged for
measures as useful t o the subjects as possible", (l)

Necessity c r e a t e s v i r t u e , and each type of necessity brings forth a

different form of v i r t u e . Only t h e end of creative v i r t u e remains the

same, t o d r i l l out of t h e poor material of the average community a power-

ful body of c i t i z e n s . Once t h a t i s done, we see the l i f e of collective

virtue t h a t maintains a s t a t e , but i t must be preceded ^7 the organizing,

the i n s p i r i n g v i r t u e of the l e a d e r . For t h i s purpose power is e s s e n t i a l .

In I - a c h i a v e l l i ' s world the l e a d e r was l e f t alone, with nothing but his

natural c a p a c i t i e s of mind and body t o fight fate and fortune; for, as we

shall see, he f a c e s not only the material forces of necessity, but also

the supernatural ones of t h e goddess Fortuna. The essence of his strength

must l i e i n a d a p t a b i l i t y .

"Len i n t h e i r conduct and e s p e c i a l l y in t h e i r

most prominent a c t i o n s should well consider
and conf arm t o the times i n which they l i v e .
And t h o s e who, from an e v i l choice or n a t u r a l
i n c l i n a t i o n , do not conform t o the times i n
which t h e y l i v e , w i l l i n most instances l i v e
unhanpily and t h e i r undertakings v/ill come t o
a bad end; w h i l s t on the contrary, success
a t t e n d s t h o s e who conform t o the times . 12J

(1) The P r i n c e r c h . v i i i , p . 3 4 .

(2) Pi scour sea f b k . I I I , c h . v i i i , p . 4 3 9 .

 - 99 -

A man's n a t u r e i s h i s g r e a t enfimv i« 4.1. •

g r e a t enemy m t h i s r e s p e c t , because i t
requires i n t e n s e will-power t o change one's n a t u r a l d i s p o s i t i o n . That

was the misfortune of P i e r o . o d e r i n i , who was "governed in a l l his

actions by p a t i e n c e and humanitv" but sine* t>>. +<«, A
v , uuu &mce the times demanded sterner
q u a l i t i e s , he was r u i n e d . Machiavelli, with a remarkeable snow of t a c t l e s s -

ness, informs the unfortunate e x i l e of these f a i l i n g s ( l ) . Though he owed

to S o d e r i n i ' s support a great p a r t of h i s success in his career, ne comment-

ed cooly at the l a t t e r ' s d e a t h : "The night t h a t Piero ^oderini died his soul

went down t o the mouth of h e l l ; but Pluto c r i e d , "Foolish soul, no h e l l

for theel Go t o the Limbo of the babes". (2) For Lachiavelli a l l f a i l u r e

was d e s p i c a b l e . Savonarola who was "careful t o adapt himself to the times

and (made) h i s l i e s p l a u s i b l e " , (3) and Caesare Borgia who knew now to act

r e s o l u t e l y were admirable, i n so f a r as they proved successful.

The extent t o which Hachiavelli deprecated even those measures jiiich

he acclaimed amongst ancient r u l e r s , when employed at the wrong moment,

i s best shown oy h i s d i s d a i n for Cola di Rienzi and. Stefano Porcari.

Rienzi, he f e l t , lacked a b i l i t y more than, anything e l s e , and though,

t h e o r e t i c a l l y one would expect Lachiavelli t o have approved nis aim, at

l e a s t , t h e r e are nc words of approbation for him.

"Hiccolo, notwithstanding his great reputation,
l o s t a l l energy i n the beginning of h i s e n t e r p r i s e ;
and a3 i f oppressed with the weight of so vast an
u n d e r t a k i n g , without being driven away, s e c r e t l y
f l e d " . (4)

A man who does not r i s k anything, cannot expect t o gain power. Even

more i l l u m i n a t i n g a r e h i s remarks on the adventures of Stefano P o r c a r i ,

f-n TU wi TTT •* w -n AAP ;- l e t t e r t o S o d e r i n i , January, 1512-13,

UJ Discourses. b k . I I I , c n . i x , p . 4 4 ^ , c. ^OUDA
Familiar l e t t e r s , p . 4 3 9 .
(2) quoted from E . J a n n i , M a d i i a v e l l i , **• * K« E n t h 0 V e n ( L ° n d ° n 1 9 8 0 ) '
ch.iii, p.60.

(3) L e t t e r t o Bachi, March 9, 1497-98, Familiar L e t t e r s , p.221

U) History of F l o r e n c e . b k . I , c L . v i , p . 3 8 .
 - 100 -

a noble c i t i z e n of Home, who i n IA^P =++ 4. .

, no i n 1452 attempted t o r e s t o r e that c i t y t o
i t s ancient g r a n d e u r . H i s c h i e f i n a p i r a t i o n a , ^ ^ ^ ^

from P e t r a r c h ' s p r e d i c t i o n t h a t Home would some day be delivered by a

noble k n i g h t .

t ^ S t ^ 1 / 1 1 0 *?? ^ P U r S U i t ° f &0^ h e r e s o l v e d . . .
t o attempt something worthy of memory, and thought he
could not do b e t t e r than t o deliver h i s c o u n t r ^ r o m
the hands of t h e p r e l a t e s , and r e s t o r e the ancient
form of government; hoping i n the event of success,
t o be considered a new founder or second father of
t h e c i t y . The d i s s o l u t e manners of the priesthood
and t h e d i s c o n t e n t of the Roman barons and people
encouraged him t o look for a happy termination of his
enterprise." (l)

Through some t r e a c h e r y i n h i s own camp his plot was discovered, and

he and a l l h i s followers were put t o death. Though Machiavelli hoped for

nothing more than the fulfillment of such attempts as P o r c a r i ' s , he h a s ,

as u s u a l , no a p p r e c i a t i o n for mere good i n t e n t i o n s .

"Thus ended h i s e n t e r p r i s e ; and, though many may

applaud h i s i n t e n t i o n s , he must stand chargeable
with d e f i c i e n c y of understanding; for such under-
t a k i n g s , though possessing some s l i g h t appearance
of g l o r y , are almost always attended with r u i n " . (2)

Of a l l t h i n g s Machiavelli condemns half-measures most, whether adopted

by r e p u b l i c s or by p r i n c e s . The glory of the Romans was l a r g e l y due t o

t h e i r d e t e r m i n a t i o n i n carrying out a l l t h e i r designs. I f a man i s going

t o be wicked, and a l l p r i n c e s must be cruel, he must be e n t i r e l y and

splendidly s o . I t i s the way t o acquire both the "reputation" so e s s e n t i a l

t o his s u c c e s s , and t o triumph over his enemies and fortune. I n the year

1505 Oiovanpaolo Baglioni could e a s i l y have crushed Pope Julius I I and

his troops w i t h whom he was at war, but at the l a s t moment the idea of

k i l l i n g a pope was t o o much for the nan. ilachiavelli could not heap enough

(1) History of Florence.. bk.vT, c h . v i , p.292.

(2) I b i d . . bk.VI, c h . v i , p . 2 9 3 .
 - 101 -

scorn on such a h y p o c r i t e and coward - ^ 4-v.

coward, ., h0 threw away "eternal feme and
rich b o o t y " . Kveryone would have a d m i r e VH Q n
uave aamired his courage if he had been the
f i r s t t o show "these p r e l a t e s h e ; l i t t l e esteem those merit who l i v e and

govern as t h e y do; (and such) an act of greatness would have overshadowed

the infamy... t h a t could p o s s i b l y r e s u l t from i t " . Certainly no one

thought t h a t Oiovanpaolo was r e s t r a i n e d by moral considerations. He was

known t o have coumitted,amonc other t h i n g s , incest and p a t r i c i d e , and

"no p i e t y or r e s p e c t could enter the heart of a man of such v i l e

c h a r a c t e r " . 11)

Yet i . a e h i a v e l l i , and a l l mankind would have forgiven t h i s , had he

committed "a crime of grandeur or magnanimity", instead of putting on a

show of f a l s e r e l i g i o s i t y at the crucial moment. When s u f f i c i e n t l y

spectacular even m a l i g n i t y can be impressive.

unlike looses, whom Liachiavelli regards as a figure as purely p o l i t i c a l

as Numa, passing over the divine guidance he was said t o have received with

a few i r o n i c a l remarks, the modern leader cannot count on any r e l i g i o u s

feeling among the p e o p l e , t o help him i n his organization of the s t a t e .

Hence h i s t a s k i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t , and h i s a b i l i t y must be except-

ionally g r e a t . Important as r e l i g i o n i s , without m i l i t a r y power i t w i l l

not s u f f i c e ; whereas s t r e n g t h without the aid of r e l i g i o u s feelings can

succeed. I t i s easy t o persuade the people of anything, but d i f f i c u l t to

"keep them i n t h a t p e r s u a s i o n " . Therefore only "armed prophets", l i k e

Homulus or Moses, gained t h e i r ends, and Savonarola, who r e l i e d on f a i t h

alone, f a i l e d . Great men emerge only under the s t r e s s of the most d i f f i c u l t

of t i m e s , but once they have overcome,by t h e i r own a b i l i t i e s , * ! the dangers

(l) Disco-arses. b k . I , cw.wwvi, pp.185-86.

 • 102 -

and o b s t a c l e s t h e y meet, they w i l l be "held in veneration . . . and remain

powerful and s e c u r e , honoured and happy". (l) ^ lfl the b£it M a c h i a v e m

holds out t o any I t a l i a n l e a d e r w i l l i n g t o r a i s e his country from i t s

abject c o n d i t i o n .

Obligation t o the l e a d e r is the best s u b s t i t u t e for a genuine public

s p i r i t ; i t i s the germ of unity on which one can build an enduring s t a t e .

At a l l times t h e p r i n c e must s e t a good example i f he wants t o rule over

a decent p o p u l a t i o n , ^ h i l e i t i s not possible t o succeed in a world of

evil by g e n t l e n e s s , a prince does not rule by force alone. The comparison

of man t o a centaur i l l u s t r a t e s the fact t h a t one must rule the r a t i o n a l

part of men by l a w s , and h i s b e s t i a l side by f o r c e . A prince can count on

men t o be f a l s e , "unless n e c e s s i t y compels them t o be t r u e " , but necessity

implies law as much as arms. liachiavelli sums up h i s counsel t o princes

with t h e warning t h a t one "should not deviate from the good if possible,

but be able t o do e v i l when constrained". No r u l e r should think himself

fortunate i n o b t a i n i n g a v i c t o r y t h a t a f f l i c t s his s u b j e c t s , but should

emulate the a n c i e n t s i n sharing the s p o i l s of war with the» IE). Lastly,

even c r u e l t y must have i t s l i m i t s . The enormity of Agathocles' r u t h l e s s n e s s

was too much for k a c h i a v e l l i *

« I t cannot be called v i r t u e t o k i l l ones fellow

c i t i z e n s , b e t r a y one's f r i e n d s , be without f a i t h ,
without p i t y , and without r e l i g i o n , by ™ s «
methods one may indeed gain power b ^ ^ fj!ry ...
(Agathocles') barbarous cruelty and ^ ~ ^ '
t o g e t h e r with countless a t r o c i t i e s , do not permit
h i s name a^ong the most famous men. rfe cannot
a t t r i b u t e t o fortune or v i r t u e t h a t which he
achieved without e i t h e r " . (3J

(1) P r i n c e , c n . v i , p p . - i l - a 2 .
(2) I b i l . , c h o x x i i i , P-89 8c c i u x v i i i , PP.64-65.

(3) I b i d . , c h . v i i i , p . 2 2 #
 - 10b -

I n the P r i n c e Machiavel "H rin^^A*

m a v e l H d e s c n o e s only the means by v*dch a prince
might gain power over I t a l y n t t i a ,•,.
7> l i U l e l s s a i d a
^ u t h i s actions once t h a t
end i s achieved. C e r t a i n obiectivfl «fl Vfl nf a ^ *. ,
uujecTiive advantages must be present t o aid him,
such a s , for i n s t a n c e , the support nf +Vi* nu„* u ^ J. ~
, uo support or the Church t h a t Caesare Borgia had,
wnile h i s f a t h e r was *>pe. This condition was also availaole t o the Medici

lord t o whom t h e book i s dedicated, lending some p l a u s a b i l i t y t o the notion

that t h i s was meant as more than a mere attempt on U a c n i a v e l l i ' s part t o

i n g r a t i a t e himself with the new r u l e r s . I f the book does not deal t o any

extent with the ends of power, beyond strengthening the position of the

prince i n d i v i d u a l l y and I t a l y c o l l e c t i v e l y , Maeniaveili in zne Discourses,

in the Reform of Florence and i n the History of Florence had amply set

forth what the r u l e r must t r y t o do, once he i s in the necessary position

of wower t o organize a s t a t e . Military might, good laws and i n s t i t u t i o n s

and strong r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s are the basis of the good r e p u b l i c . The

prince serves only t o construct and t o breathe l i f e i n t o such a s t r u c t u r e .

The only c r i t e r i o n for judging his actions in t h i s process is his ultimate

success.

I t has been suggested t h a t , in expecting the prince to renounce the

s a l v a t i o n of h i s own s o u l , i n h i s attempt to benefit h i s country,

machiavelli had l o c a t e d the highest moral point of "raison d ' e t a t * ,

thinking, and so s e t up a standard for a super-morality beyond and above

t h a t of ordinary l i f e ( l ) . * i i t e aside from the question of the i n t r i n s i c

v a l i d i t y of such a m o r a l i t y , the assumption t h a t the e n t i t i e s weighed by

the prince are the supremacy of h i s s t a t e , and h i s personal hope for

eternal b l e s s e d n e s s , seems *f a lis~~ seeing Machiavelli 1 s comments
L-e+ar seeing
e . Alter

(1) F r i e d r i c h Heineeke, o n . c i t . , ch.i.

 - 1<

on the importance of " g h o s t l y consolations", t h i s i s hardly a j u s t i f i a b l e

view. Tlio p r i n c e i s merely comparing an immense present good, t h a t of

private and p u b l i c g l o r y , t o a highly uncertain future advantage, morality,

pedestrian or e x t r a v a g a n t , does not enter i n t o h i s calculations as a

measure of h i s a c t i o n s . Machiavelli does not demand any personal s a c r i f i c e

of h i s p r i n c e . I t i s j u s t because of t h i s feature t h a t i t has been said

that Machiavelli d e a l t only with "hypothetical imperatives", t o use Kantian

terminology, and t h a t the Prince i s a purely "technical book", (l) This

seems t o be a f a i r e r a p p r a i s a l of h i s i n t e n t i o n s , but i t can be accepted

only as f a r as The Prince i s concerned, and does not apply to h i s writings

as a whole. Machiavelli considered a l l a c t i v i t i e s , r e l i g i o u s , moral and

i n t e l l e c t u a l , t o be a b s o l u t e l y subservient to p o l i t i c a l l i f e , and so, of

n e c e s s i t y , he has s e t h i s own highest imperatives, and has given the

reasons for them, as well as the means t o t h e i r attainment. Pie f i r s t

informs us t h a t the c r e a t i o n of a powerful and lawful s t a t e i s the most

important t h i n g i n the world, t h a t everything else hinges on t h i s , and

then explains haw i t can be achieved, i-ifter that there i s obviously l i t t l e

room for a choice of values for him. The fact t h a t t h i s outlook gives him

a c h e s s - p l a y e r ' s a t t i t u d e to i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s and t o human l i f e in

general, as w e l l as a b l i t h e disregard of most of the things t h a t are

important t o t h e m a j o r i t y of men, cannot be denied. I t i s t h i s that

gives The Prince the a i r of a text-book in r u t h l e s s n e s s .

T- of4> -t-v,^
There i s not v e r y much the V'-.Phirwtfpllian urince about Rousseau's
Macniuveixiau JJXX

lawgiver. While t h i s f i g u r e i s of central importance i n his p o l i t i c a l

thought, ne does not a t t a c h n e a r l y as i m e n s e and exclusive a weight t o

the c h a r a c t e r and p r a c t i c e s of the lawgiver as Kachiavelli does to those

ClUXii P 155
(1) Ernst C a s s i r e r , ^ e J ^ t k ^ J ^ S ^ ^ ' ' ' '
 - 105 -

of the p r i n c e . Above a l l , Rousseau has no use for b r u t a l i t y and violence,

well or i l l employed. P h y s i c a l coercion i n any form has no part i n a

lawgiver's work. That i s one of the things t h a t s e t s ancient lawgivers

high above the modern p r o c e s s of l e g i s l a t i o n , which i s nothing but an

expression of the power of the s t r o n g e s t , a means by which the strong

and r i c h arm themselves against the poor and the weak. Such law i s accept-

ed out of f e a r , and not with consent. Law and government should be the

r e s u l t of the w i l l of the governed, and the chief problem i s the guidance

of t h a t w i l l .

The t a l e n t of r e i g n i n g consists i n making men love tne law. That i s

why " i n ancient t i m e s , when philosophers Gave Eien laws", they created them

anew to command them ( l ) . A king reigns over people i n d i f f e r e n t l y , all

t h a t matters i s t h a t he De obeyed, but a republic requires men, not mere

s u b j e c t s , and i t i s t h e lawmaker's task t o create men, and give tnem w i l l s .

Machiavelli would agree that > ultimately^ t h a t should be the effect of the

p r i n c e ' s d e a l i n g s with h i s s u b j e c t s , but the s i m i l a r i t y in views does not

extend very much f u r t h e r .

The r e s p e c t i v e a t t i t u d e s k a c h i a v e l l i and Rousseau take t o Romulus

are an apt i l l u s t r a t i o n of some of the differences between them. Vic have

seen t h a t HachiaveOli approves e n t i r e l y of a l l t h a t Romulus did, even h i s

cruelty. Rousseau a l s o finds i t impossible t o castigate the man who found-

«~ for
ed Rome, but he must find some excuse -p^v «fhft ferocious Romulus".
the lerocious aou Romulus1

c r e a t i v i t y does not f u l f i l l t h a t purpose, as i t does for Machiavelli.

Rousseau e x p l a i n s t h a t the man was not so much wicked, as ignorant of

,vp vi-rtue and vice are c o l l e c t i v e ideas t h a t
virtue. Since the notions of v i r t u e anu
T. ^ n ^ fo have l i v e d in a pre-moral
e x i s t only i n s o c i e t y , Romulus can be said to have

(1) Discourse on P o l i t i c a l j^onojSL, pp.29b-298.

 - 106 -

condition, and not i n an immoral one. I n s h o r t , he n e i t h e r knew, nor

could have known t h a t f r a t r i c i d e i s wrong, ( l ) Unlike Machiavelli, Rousseau

will never simply consent t o coercion, or e v i l - d o i n g i n any form, whatever

i t s r e s u l t may be. Probably t h a t i s v/liy he could not imagine M a c h i a v e l l i ' s

picture of Caesare Borgia t o be anything but a s a t i r i c a l caricature.

What s o r t of man does Rousseau expect the lawgiver t o b e , and what i s

the nature of h i s functions? The lawmaker must be a man of almost super-

human v i r t u e , "beholding a l l the passions of men without experiencing any

of them". (2)

"He must feel himself capable of changing human

n a t u r e , of transforming each i n d i v i d u a l , who i s
by himself a complete and s o l i t a r y whole, i n t o
a p a r t of a g r e a t e r whole from which he, i n a
manner, r e c e i v e s h i s l i f e and being". (3)

I t i s up t o him t o a n n i h i l a t e man's n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s ; which i s not

a modest t a s k . No wonder t h a t Rousseau finds t h a t i t i s doubtful whether

"from the beginning of the world human wisdom has made ten men capable

of governing t h e i r p e e r s " . (4) The modern world has seen only one such

person, Calvin, while t h e e i g h t e e n t h century, of course, completely

f,
lacked such men of g e n i u s . Je regarde l e s n a t i o n s modernes. J ' y vois

force f a i s e u r s de l o i s et pas un L a g i s l a t e u r " . (5)

The cnief ancient l e g i s l a t o r s are Hoses, Lycurgus and Numa. Each

gave t h e i r people a c o n s t i t u t i o n with a s p e c i f i c p r i n c i p l e , r e l i g i o n i n

the case of the Jews, war for the Spartans and v i r t u e for the Romans.

All t h r e e gave t h e i r people u n i t y , and defended them a g a i n s t any s o r t of

(1) Preface de N a r c i s s e . p . 2 3 5 , f o o t n o t e .

(2) Social C o n t r a c t . p 0 3 7 .

(3) I b i d . r p . 3 8 .

(4) Discourse on P o l i t i c a l Economy, p.28'3.

^ a ° ^ e r n e m e n t de Polo^ne. c h . i i , p . 4 2 7 , Pol.Wr., vol.11.

 - 107 -

foreign influence by endowing them with s p e c i f i c customs, ceremonies,

and r e l i g i o u s r i t e s . "(Moise) gena (son peuple) de m i l l e faeons, pour

le t e n i r sans cesse en h a l e i n e et l e rendre toujours e t r a n g e r parmi l e s

autre a hcrniaes". ( l ) Lycurgus did the same for the S p a r t a n s , while Numa,

not Romulus, must be considered the true founder of Rome. Here Machiavelli

and Rousseau are q u i t e at one, and Rousseau even goes on t o quote

Machiavelli 1 s Lis courses as an a u t h o r i t a t i v e proof of t h e need for

religion in building c i v i l s t a t e s ( 2 ) . Thus a l l t h r e e of the great law-

givers used r e l i g i o n and n a t i o n a l customs t o t i e t h e i r people t o g e t h e r ,

and to separate them from a l l o t h e r s . The unity of r e l i g i o u s and

p o l i t i c a l l i f e i s , of c o u r s e , what b r i n g s Calvin i n t o t h i s i l l u s t r i o u s

company, although Rousseau was, i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , influenced by p a t r i o t -

ic pride as w e l l . M, any r a t e , he sees him not only as a t h e o l o g i a n , but

also as a lawgiver i n t h e p o l i t i c a l s p h e r e .

"Whatever r e v o l u t i o n time may bring i n our

r e l i g i o n , so long as t h e s p i r i t of p a t r i o t i s m
and l i b e r t y s t i l l l i v e s among u s , the memory
of t h i s great man w i l l forever be blessed- 1 . (3)

I n the e a r l y p e r i o d s of n a t i o n s r e l i g i o n i s used as an instrument t o

furtherthe 4 r p o l i t i c a l e x i s t e n c e , and, as we saw, a l l lawgivers must use i t ,

and " c r e d i t the gods with t h e i r own w i s d o m . . . . s o t h a t (men) might obey

freely".
,f
3ut i t i s not every man who can make t h e
god3 speak, or get himself believed when
he proclaims himself t h e i r i n t e r p r e t e r .
The g r e a t soul of the l e g i s l a t o r i s the
only miracle t h a t can prove h i s m i s s i o n " . (4)

(1) Oouvernement de Pologne, c h * i i , p*227, r o l . ^ r . . vol.V.

(2) Social C o n t r a c t . p . 4 1 n ,

(3) l b i d . T p , 3 9 n .

(4) I b i d . , p . 4 1 .
 - 108 -

The mass of mankind i s too simple t o understand, or even t o follow,

his designs without h i s employing some ruse t o induce t h e i r compliance.

Physical compulsion i s excluded, and the jjecple are too d u l l t o accept

rational arguments, but the lawgiver must s t i l l , somehow,"force men t o

be free" by moulding t h e i r minds. I n explaining the methods of the l e a d e r

Rousseau produces one of t h e b e s t d e f i n i t i o n s of propaganda imaginable:

he describes them as "an a u t h o r i t y capable of constraining without

violence, and persuading without convincing". (1) Nor can one consider

t h i s phrase an i s o l a t e d i n s t a n c e , and subject t o m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .

Rousseau f r e q u e n t l y mentions the n e c e s s i t y of governmental guidance of

public opinion, ^ a r ou l e gouvernement p e u t - i l done avoir une p r i s e

sur l e s moeurs - c T est par 1 ' o p i n i o n publique". (2) The a n c i e n t s knew

t h i s secret of good government, and employed i t successfully.

tf
Ce grand r e s s o r t de 1'opinion publique,
Ifut) s i habilement mis en oeuvre par l e s
anciens L e g i s l a t e u r s et ( e s t ) absolument
ignore des gouvernement s mod e r n e s " . (3)

I t is of course ,0bvious t h a t Rousseau could have no suspicion of the

proportions t h a t propaganda could assume, but he knew what i t was, and

t h a t i t was a powerful and useful force i n t h e hand of l e a d e r s . In the

l a s t a n a l y s i s , i t i s as much a form of compulsion as are bodily coercion

and f e a r . The f a c t t h a t Rousseau was able t o v i s u a l i z e i t s use only on

a modest scale does not render i t any l e s s d e c e i t f u l or a r b i t r a r y . Its

existence i s , moreover, i m p l i c i t in a l l t h a t Rousseau suggests i n t h e

organisation of p u b l i c opinion. How can one "force men t o be free"? It

(1) Social Contracts p.40

(2) L e t t r e a D'Alembert. p . 8 9 .

(3) foagflsatj. "Les E t a t s de l ' E u r o p e " , p.322, i ' o l . ^ r . , V o l . 1 .

 - 109 -

is a self-contradictory phrase. According t o Rousseau men are only f r e e

when t h e i r w i l l i s morally p e r f e c t , but the w i l l can oe considered moral

only when i t i s f r e e l y determined. Freedom, of the . / i l l and morality are

inseparable. Mere compliance with t h e general w i l l has no moral content,

i t is mere submission; for i f men's consent i s forced and t h e i r w i l l s do

not p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y i n t h e i r behaviour, they cannot be said t o act

morally. Their a c t i o n s may be moral i n appearance, but lacking w i l l they

are n e i t h e r free nor morally v a l i d . I f , however, men can e x e r c i s e t h e i r

will vjithout f u l l s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s , without r e a l comprehension of t h e i r

own actions or t h e i r -purpose, but as a response t o p a t r i o t i c a l l y conditioned

reflexes, the r i d d l e of " f o r c i n g men t o be f r e e " i s solved. The moral w i l l

is free, but i t i s not the expression of reason. Men r e a d i l y accept law

and follow t h e i r own w i l l without c o n s t r a i n t , but they are not able t o

understand e n t i r e l y what t h e y w i l l and do, or why they do i t . Rousseau

admits t h a t the lav/giver does not appeal t o reason, n e i t h e r do t h e laws

and i n s t i t u t i o n s which he l e a v e s behind him, t o take h i s place i n t h e

community. Hence the importance of n a t i o n a l i s o l a t i o n , p a t r i o t i c education,

ceremony, symbols, r i t e s , and customs, the i n s i s t e n c e on the t o t a l m o b i l i z -

ation of public opinion, on t h e a b o l i t i o n of e l l privacy and on the constant

preoccupation of a l l c i t i z e n s with p u b l i c a f f a i r s . Hence the n o t i o n of the

dangers of p u b l i c i n e r t i a and i n d i f f e r e n c e and, above a l l , the need for the

original source and r a l l y i n g point of n a t i o n a l l i f e , the l e g i s l a t o r . Seen

from t h i s vantage p o i n t , Rousseau's r e p u b l i c seems t o be l e s s one of "men",

than of uniformly p a t r i o t i c sneep*

J?he l e g i s l a t o r u n l i k e M a c h i a v e l l i ' s P r i n c e - h a s no d e f i n i t e p o s i t i o n i n

the s t a t e ; he i s n e i t h e r a s o v e r e i g n , nor a m a g i s t r a t e . Ordinary p r i n c e s

are not r e a l l a w g i v e r s , and a good r u l e r i s even harder t o find t h a n a good

legislator. They should of course De defenders of the laws, but they r a r e l y

 - 110 -

are. Hereditary paver i s for Rousseau as absurd an i n s t i t u t i o n as i t is

for Machiavelli. Occasionally t h e r e may be a good monarch, he admits, but

he i s sure t o be succeeded by a thousand i m b e c i l e s . The very education

of princes renders them u n f i t for t h e i r p o s i t i o n . While he advises the

Poles to r e t a i n t h e i r kings for the sake of t r a d i t i o n , he warns them t o

give t h e i r kings no powers except ceremonial ones, t o make the p o s i t i o n

electivejand t o exclude the sons of kings from the candidacy for the

throne. As for the " l e g a l d e s p o t s " dear t o e i g h t e e n t h century p h i l o s o p h e r s ,

Rousseau thought the very t i t l e a s e l f - c o n t r a d i c t i o n . The l e g i s l a t o r i s

far above a l l t h a t - a q u a s i - d i v i n e prophet lacking a l l t h e outward signs

of a u t h o r i t y . His i s a s u p e r i o r e x t r a - c o n s t i t u t i o n a l function exercised

by virtue of genius^not of p o s i t i o n . "(He must) d i s g u i s e h i s power i n

order to render i t l e s s odious and t o conduct the s t a t e so peacefully as

to make i t seem t o have no need of conductors", ( l ) He i s the engineer

who invents the whole mechanism of a s t a t e . The men who follow him are

mere t e c h n i c i a n s , who keep i t i n good or bad c o n d i t i o n . His chief duty is t o

enlighten the judgement that, guides t h e general w i l l . The w i l l of

individuals must be turned av/ay from s e l f i s h ends, and the public shown

the best road t o the general good, which i t d e s i r e s , but does not always

perceive. I n t h i s p r o c e s s the L e g i s l a t o r must pay due a t t e n t i o n t o the

climate, the s o i l and such customs as the simple community has already

developed, ii/hile he does not a c t u a l l y impose law, he so organizes t h e

public w i l l t h a t i t f r e e l y accepts the l e g i s l a t i o n he wishes them t o a d o p t .

Such i s the general w i l l . Even i n t h e l a t e r l i f e of r e p u h l i c s only

magistrates should be allowed t o propose laws, not ordinary c i t i z e n s ( 2 ) .

(1) Discourses on P o l i t i c a l Economy, p.^96 & S o c i a l C o n t r a c t , p.37

(2) Social c o n t r a c t , p . 3 8 .
 - Ill -

A community i s ready for good laws only i n i t s e a r l i e s t youth,

before i t has had any experience or r e a l p o l i t i c a l l i f e . I t should

be united by customs and h a b i t s , but i t should be held t o g e t h e r by nothing

but t h e s e , and t h e mutual dependence of i t s members. Nations are d o c i l e

only in t h e i r youth, i n t h e i r old age t h e y become " i n c o r r i g i b l e " .

''Si l e gouvernement peut beaucoup sur l e s iaoeurs

c ' e s t seulement par son i n s t i t u t i o n p r i m i t i v e ; . . . .
4 uand une f o i s i l l e s a dyterminees non seulement
i l n ' a p l u s l e pouvoir de l e s changer, a moins q u ' i l
ne change, i l a meme bien de peine a l e s maintenir
centre l e s a c c i d e n t s i n e v i t a b l e s qui l e s a t t a q u e n t " . ( l )

A l e g i s l a t o r can build most e f f e c t i v e l y only i n a s t a t e of moral

vacuity. One cannot r e t u r n vigour t o a people once i t has l o s t i t . That

is why Brutus f a i l e d i n h i s s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t Geasar, and R i e n z i ' s efforts

came to naught ( 2 ) . This did not prevent Rousseau from playing l e g i s l a t o r

for Poland, which was an old s t a t e . Moreover, he admitted t h a t Lycurgus

found Sparta i n anything but a n a t u r a l s t a t e , saving i t from d i s s o l u t i o n

and anarchy, hfe saw t h a t he recognized i n r e v o l u t i o n s a p o s s i b i l i t y for

r e b i r t h , but such a r e g e n e r a t i o n borders on the miraculous. On the whole,

reform holds l i t t l e i n t e r e s t for Rousseau. Total r e v o l u t i o n i s recognized

as a p o s s i b i l i t y , but a f e a r f u l one. The best moment for b u i l d i n g a s t a t e

is the one at which a people i s j u s t emerging from complete p r i m i t i v e n e s s .

Lycurgus must be considered the most b r i l l i a n t of l e g i s l a t o r s because

he e n t i r e l y r e c r e a t e d an extremely corrupt s o c i e t y ( 3 ) . For not every

innovator can be considered a l a w g i v e r . P e t e r of Russia ^who f a i l e d t o

recognize the s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and i n c l i n a t i o n s of h i s own p e o p l e ,

(1) L e t t r e a ^ ' A l e m b e r t . p . 98.

(2) Premiere Version du Contrat S o c i a l . l i v . V I I , c h . i i i , p . 4 8 9 .

POl.'.fe.y VOl.I.

(3) Fragments. "Rome e t S p a r t e " , p.318 & "Droit d ' E s c l a v a g e " , p . 312,
Pol.Wr., V o l . 1 . T
 112 -

and t r i e d t o force them t o assume f o r e i g n h a b i t s , was not a c r e a t o r , but

a mere i m i t a t o r , and not a very successful one ( l ) . L lawgiver must never

disregard environment and the moral condition of the p e o p l e . The former

are the constant f a c t o r s determining h i s choice of laws, the l a t t e r are

the v a r i a b l e s he can change.

Personal ambition plays no p a r t i n a l a w g i v e r ' s a c t i o n s ; unlike

u a c h i a v e l l i ' s p r i n c e he i s not i n t e r e s t e d i n power, and h i s aloofness

from any o f f i c i a l p u b l i c p o s t ensures h i s continued d i s i n t e r e s t e d n e s s .

This i s another c a r d i n a l point of d i v e r s i t y ; for Machiavelli was far too

disenchanted an observer of the r u l e r s of h i s own day t o expect s e l f i s h n e s s

t o have no p a r t i n t h e i r work, and as a r e s u l t he d i s c u s s e s the techniques

of l e a d e r s h i p i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s . Only i n ancient days, he

believes, could such s e l f - a b n e g a t i o n have e x i s t e d . Rousseau, on the other

hand, i s f a r more impressed with the i d o l s t h a t he has r a i s e d . He not only

believes in the p o s s i b i l i t y of super-human understanding and benevolence,

but he holds such q u a l i t i e s t o be a b s o l u t e l y indispensable t o l e a d e r s h i p

at a l l times, p a s t or p r e s e n t . *^s a r e s u l t , we have no c l e a r p i c t u r e of

the p e r s o n a l i t y of the l a w g i v e r , or of t h e way i n ;;hich the community

responds t o him. The man must consider a l l s o r t s of e x t e r n a l conditions

in making s u i t a b l e laws for a p a r t i c u l a r people, but he himself i s a

changeless f i jure, q u i t e unaffected by h i s surroundings. He must be nothing

less than Moses or Lycurgus, then and now. The "great soul" of the l e a d e r

is a miracle, and thus not s u b j e c t t o r a t i o n a l a n a l y s i s .

Machiave]ii, i n the presence of Caesare Borgia, probably f e l t the

force of personal magnetism t h a t some l e a d e r s b r i n g t o t h e i r t a s k . His

doctrine of the v i r t u e of l e a d e r s , t h e emphasis on " r e p u t a t i o n " and on

grandiose extravagance i n crime and courage, a r e a r e c o g n i t i o n of the

(l) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 4 3 .
 113 -

importance of t h i s f a c u l t y . He goes on t o describe c a r e f u l l y how i t can

be cultivated and p r o j e c t e d i n t o the community, t o create " p a r t i s a n s " for

the l e a d e r . However, he i s never himself impressed with the bluff and

the magnificent l i e s t h a t he urges h i s prince t o u s e . As f a r as Machiavelli

is concerned, Savonarola never t a l k e d t o God, and n e i t h e r did Moses, but

both were masters i n t h e a r t of mass o r g a n i z a t i o n . Numa was no more

miraculous than was Caesare Borgia, but both were s k i l l e d t e c h n i c i a n s ,

whose every move was c a l c u l a t e d t o achieve some recognized p o l i t i c a l end.

Rousseau i s never as crudely s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d as t h a t . After a l l , some of

the methods used by the l a w g i v e r s whom he admired, and considered worthy

of emulation, were t h e same as those suggested by Machiavelli, but the

men themselves he surrounds with an aura of s a n c t i t y . He does not b e l i e v e

in their claims of d i v i n e i n s p i r a t i o n , but short of t h a t , he has a good

deal of the hero-worshipping i n s t i n c t . He does not care t o explain the

strategy of l e a d e r s h i p i n terms of the personal motives of the l e a d e r s ,

and t h e i r e f f e c t s on t h e i r f o l l o w e r s ; he p r e f e r s t o perpetuate myths.

The lawgiver i s placed on a pedestal, above and beyond a l l ordinary p o l i t i c a l

l i f e , not because he i s more e f f e c t i v e i n t h a t p o s i t i o n , but because he

belongs t h e r e by v i r t u e of h i s g e n i u s , a genius t h a t , unlike the " v i r t u "

of the p r i n c e , cannot be examined or e x p l a i n e d .

I n b r i e f , Macniavelli says t h a t charismatic l e a d e r s h i p i s the most

successful form of one-man r u l e . Then he proceeds t o t e l l t h e prince how

to acquire sucn a p o s i t i o n of l e a d e r s h i p . To him i t i s always a m a t t e r

of r e p u t a t i o n , of what the p r i n c e seems, not of what he r e a l l y i s . Rousseau

claims t h a t s o c i e t i e s can grow only with the help of c n s r i s m a t i c l e a d e r s ,

and then he goes on t o look for a man endowed with the "miracle of g e n i u s " ,

which is an i n t r i n s i c p a r t of the l e a d e r ' s b e i n g , not merely tne sum of

feelings t h a t he a r o u s e s i n the minds of the l e d .

 - 114 -

Chapter VI

Religion .^_.^jl_j^.li

" C h r i s t i a n i t y preaches only servitude and

dependence. I t J s p i r i t i s so favouraole to
tyranny that i t always p r o f i t s hy such a
regime. True Christians are made t o be s l a v e s . . .
(for) the e s s e n t i a l thing is to get to heaven,
and rosi^nauion i s only an additional iueuns of
doin^ s o " . - Rousseau ( l )

"These principles (of Christianity) seem to have

made men feeble and caused them to become an
easy prey to evil-minded men, who can control
them more securely, seeing that the groat body
of mer:., for the sake of gaining Paraside, are
more disposed to endure injuries than avenge
them". - Machiavelli (2)

Rousseau and Machiavelli, as we have seen, agreed that no lawgiver

can hope to succeed without the aid of r e l i g i o n . The next question t o

consider is what sort of r e l i g i o n should be employed? The above quotations

make i t evident that n e i t h e r one thought Christianity at a l l suitable for

the building of the s p i r i t t h a t maintains republics. Besides t h i s d i s t r u s t

of Christianity, both harbour an especially intense dislike for the Roman

Catholic Church. I n Machiavelli's case t h i s hatred i s based on p o l i t i c a l

considerations, and a repugnance for the degeneracy of the Church of his

day, but theology as such i s a matter of indifference to him. Rousseau

is opposed to Catholicism on d o c t r i n a l , as well as moral and p o l i t i c a l

grounds. Basically he is animated by the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t r u s t of Protestants

for "Papists". The figure of the proverbially dissolute f r i a r of the

Renaissance has disappeared from his horizon, t o be replaced by the s i n i s t e r

forces of an i n t e r n a t i o n a l and conspirational body of power-thirsty and

superstitious p r i e s t s . One aim animates both w r i t e r s : the unification of

the state under a single head. Both recognize r e l i g i o n as a matter of

(1) Social Contractr p. 137

(2) Discourses. bk.II, ch.ii, p.285,

 - 115 -

p o l i t i c a l law, but i n s p i t e of t h e i r severe c r i t i c i s m of C h r i s t i a n i t y ,

neither one suggests t h a t i t would be possible t o s u b s t i t u t e a pure

paganism. U l t i m a t e l y b o t h knew p e r f e c t l y well t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y could

not be a b o l i s h e d , "^hile i t would have t o be reformed and modified, it

•;;as too firmly rooted i n the c i v i l i z a t i o n of Europe t o be completely

removed. Machiavelli never found a s o l u t i o n t o t h i s d i f f i c u l t problem.

Rousseau s e t t l e d for t h a t very dubious mixture of r e l i g i o u s t o l e r a n c e and

Moral compulsion, known as " c i v i l r e l i g i o n " . Both agree t h a t early C h r i s t -

ianity was b e t t e r i n i t s forms and p r a c t i c e s than t h a t of l a t e r days.

Machiavelli admits t h a t European s t a t e s might not have f a l l e n so low

had men remained t r u e t o the pure form of C h r i s t i a n i t y of e a r l i e r days,

but things being what t h e y a r e , he t r u s t s i n the i n s p i r i n g valour of the

Prince t o s u b s t i t u t e i o s e l f for the apparently hopeless r e l i g i o u s d e c l i n e .

Too much has alreadj^- been said about t h e condition of the Catholic Church

during the Renaissance t o r e q u i r e any f u r t h e r comment. Suffice i t t o say,

that a l l t h a t seemed t o be lacking was a way of making the Papacy h e r e d i t -

ary. M a c h i a v e l l i ' s contempt for t h e "Court of Rome" and the f r i a r s becomes

perfectly comprehensible i n view of a l l t h i s . He was far from being alone

in I t a l y j h i s a t t i t u d e was shared both by r e l i g i o u s l y i n d i f f e r e n t persons,

such as GKiicciardini, and oy the most devout, such as Savonarola.

If anyone should be led t o doubt t h a t almost anything was possible i n

the r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s of t h a t t i m e , the following incident should dispej

any such b e l i e f , m a c h i a v e l l i , who was an outspoken blasphemer, was

ceremoniously i n v i t e d by t h e Mool Guild of Florence t o s e l e c t a preacher

for the Lent seaaon, i n the year 1521. The joke was by no means l o s t on

Machiavelli. He does not propose t o choose a second S t . F r a n c i s , but a

f r i a r " c r a z i e r than Ponzo, more c r a f t y than Fra GLrolamo, more of a h y p o c r i t e

than Fra A l b e r t o , for i t would seem t o me a. fine t h i n g , and worthy of the

 - 116 -

goodness of t h e s e d a y s , t h a t a l l we have experienced from many f r i a r s

we should experience i n one", ( l ) G u i c c i a r d i n i answered him i n the same

s p i r i t , warning him not t o d i s g r a c e himself by a pious a c t .

"Your honour would be s u l l i e d were you, at your

age, t o give y o u r s e l f over t o p i e t y , for having
always professed contrary opinions i t would be
supposed t h a t you had become s e n i l e r a t h e r than
good".

Machiavelli w r i t e s back, t o t e l l h i s friend t h a t "the f r i e r s are

exceedingly d e f i c i e n t i n edifying and examoiary behaviour", and h i s f r i e n d ' s

reply urges him t o make some t r o u o l e for them, which could "not be a great

d i f f i c u l t y , t a k i n g t h e i r i l l - r e e l i n g and malignity i n t o account". (2) A

f i t t i n g end t o t h i s correspondence was made by Guicciardini some years

after M a c h i a v e l l i ' 3 d e a t h , when i n n i s comment, on the l a t t e r ' s Discourses

he rc_ rkec. t h a t , i f he had not been i n the employ of the papacy, he would

"have loved Martin l a t h e r more than (himself), for (he) would hope t h a t

t h i s sect might r u i n , or at l e a s t c l i p the wings of t h i s wicked tyranny

of p r i e s t s . " (3)

In his p l a y , MandrarQa. which was given a cohaiand performance i n Rome,

Machiavelli d e p i c t s a f r i a r who i s the epitome of a l l t h a t seems d e s p i c a b l e .

Fra Timoteo put h i s r e l i g i o n t o use i n h i s a c t i v i t i e s as a p r o c u r e r , he

accepts b r i b e s for t h i s purpose, and spends t h e r e s t of h i s time shining

his ime^e of the Madonna, worrying about the offerings t o be made t o i t (4).

I f Machiavelli scorned the f r i a r s , h i s d i s l i k e of the papacy was even

more i n t e n s e . His sketches of the c h a r a c t e r s of the various popes are even

(1) L e t t e r t o G u i c c i a r d i n i , kay 17, 1521, Familiar L e t t e r s , p . 2 5 9 . The

f r i a r s r e f e r r e d t o a r e Savonarola and two c h a r a c t e r s from Boccacio's
Decameron.

(2) quoted from E . J a n n i , o o . c i t . . c h . i v , pp.96-99.

(3) I b i d . t c h . i x , pp.205-206.

U) Mandrfi/?olat t r . by ^>tark Young (Now York, 1 9 2 7 ) .

 - 117 -

more derogatory i n t h e i r i n v e s t i v e than tnose of the f r i a r s . Of Sixtus 17,

who was blessed witn two sons, ne comments: "He was the f i r s t who began

to show how far a pope might go, and how much t h a t , which was previously

regarded as s i n f u l , l o s t i t s i n i q u i t y when committed by a p o n t i f f " . (1)

Alexander VI "of a l l p o n t i f f s who have reigned best showed how a Pope

might p r e v i a l both by money and by f o r c e " . (2) "He did nothing else but

deceive men: he thought of nothing e l s e " . (3)

"Tv-iona the blessed souls i s the s p i r i t of

Alexander; i n whose holy f o o t s t e p s follow
h i s t h r e e f a m i l i a r and beloved handmaidens,
^uxury, Simony and C r u e l t y " . (4)

Mis g r e a t e s t venom, however, Machiavelli reserved for J u l i u s I I , whose

p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g y he t h o u - n t t o have ruined I t a l y . T h e men himself he

describes a s , "very p a s s i o n a t e and f u l l of the d e v i l " , as well a s ,

"insolent, v i o l e n t , mad and s t i n g y " . (5) V/e remember t h a t Machiavelli

would have been ready t o forgive Giovapaolo Baglioni a l l h i s s i n s , had

he only k i l l e d J u l i u s I I , and shown the p r i e s t s the contempt i n which they

were h e l d . Only Leo A escapes from a t o n g u e - l a s h i n g , but he was s t i l l

a l i v e , besides being Giovanni de' Medici, and head of h i s house. Machiavelli

was not so imprudent as t o offend a p o t e n t i a l benefactor, and the most d i s -

astrous of enemies.

^uite aside from h i s r e v o l t at the personal h a b i t s and morals of t h e

clergy and the Popes, he deplored t h e i r effect on I t a l i a n l i f e and power.

"The e v i l example of the court of Rome has destroyed

a l l p i e t y and r e l i g i o n i n I t a l y which brings i n i t s
t r a i n i n f i n i t e i m p r o p r i e t i e s and d i s o r d e r s , for as

(1) History of F l o r e n c e . b k . V I I , c n . i v , p . £ 3 4 .

(2) £ r i n c e , c h . x i , p . 4 3 .

(3) I b i d . f ch.xviii, p.65.

U) Deoennele, quoted from E. J a n n i , o p . c i t . . ch%v, p . 1 1 4 .

29
(5) L e t t e r t o V e t t q r i , A p r i l > 1513, F a m i l i a r . L e t t e r s , pp.230-235.
 118 -

we may presuppose a l l good where r e l i g i o n

p r e v a i l s , so where i t i s wanting m have the
r i g h t t o suppose t h e very o p p o s i t e " , ( l j

The n e a r e r people are t o tne Church of Rone, he remarks, t h e l e s s

religious they a r e . However, not only has the lack of r e l i g i o n destroyed

morality i n I t a l y , the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s of the Church have weakened

the country almost beyond r e p a i r .

tf»
country can never oe united and happy except
when i t obeys wholly one government, whether
a r e p u b l i c or a monr-rchy, and the sole cause
why I t a l y i s not (so) governed i s the
Church". (2)

The Popes were too weak t o u n i t e I t a l y under t h e i r r u l e , and powerful

enough to prevent a s e c u l a r prince from doing so at t h e i r expense.

"V«e I t a l i a n s owe t o the Church of Rome and t o

t h e i r p r i e s t s our having become i r r e l i g i o u s and
bad, but we owe her a s t i l l g r e a t e r debt, end
one the.t w i l l ue tne cause of our r u i n , namely
t h a t the Churcn has kent and s t i l l keeps our
country d i v i a e d " . (3)

That alone i s the cause of I t a l y ' s naving f a i l e d to acnieve a power

and unity equal t o t h a t of the Frencn and Spanisu monarchies, and t h i s w i l l

eventually lead t o her complete defeat a t the hands of the Northern

barbsrians.

"I am w i l l i n g now t o begin t o weep with you

our r u i n and s l a v e r y , for though they may
not come today or tomorrow they w i l l come i n
our day. i-viid for t h i s r u i n I t a l y w i l l have t o
thank Pope J u l i u s T f . (4)

~s for t h e r u l e p r e v a i l i n g i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , Machiavelli

speaks of them with the most acrid i r o n y . "(They are) acquired by a b i l i t y

(1) Pis courses T b k . I , c h . x i i , p . 1 5 1 .

(2) Ibid.f b k . I , c h . x i i , p.152.

(3) Ibid.f bk.I, ch.xii, p.151.

(4) L e t t e r t o V e t t o r i , august 26, 1513, A'--miii---r L e t t e r s , p . 2 7 0 .

 - .U9 -

or fortune and maintained without e i t h e r , sustained by ancient

religious customs which are powerful and of such q u a l i t y t h a t they keep

their princes i n power i n whatever manner they proceed and l i v e " , which

ieans without governing or defending t h e i r people i n anyway ( l ) .

Lost of t h i s , however, i s d i r e c t e d against the p r e v a i l i n g a c t i v i t i e s

of the Church, not a g a i n s t C h r i s t i a n i t y as a r e l i g i o n . The "muddy road

of 3 t . ? r = n c i s " i s not t o be i d e n t i f i e d with the loose l i v i n g of the f r i a r s . (2)

At times t h e r e i s even a vague i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y , as such, i s

not n e c e s s a r i l y bad.

" I f the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n had from the beginning

been maintained according t o the p r i n c i p l e s of
i t s founders, the C h r i s t i a n s t a t e s and r e p u b l i c s
would have been much more united and happy than
they a r e " . (3)

On the whole, he f e l t t h a t the p o l i t i c a l l y dangerous implications of

Christianity are not only due t o some of i t s b a s i c d o c t r i n e s , but also t o

the fact t h a t t h e s e have been i n t e r p r e t e d according t o "the promptings of

indolence, r a t h e r t h a n of v i r t u e " . (4) However, Machiavelli does not

expect a C h r i s t i a n r e v i v a l , l e a d i n g t o both a p u r i f i c a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s

feeling and an i n c r e a s e i n c i v i c v i r t u e , nor would such a p o s s i b i l i t y

have met with h i s a p p r o v a l . Machiavelli p r e f e r s a decent clergy t o a

corrupt one, but a pagan, n a t i o n a l r e l i g i o n p l e a s e s him i n f i n i t e l y more.

His a t t i t u d e t o Savonarola shows c l e a r l y t h a t he did not t h i n k t h a t

Christianity had much of a f u t u r e . IJhst, a f t e r a l l , had 3av 0 :.arola

accomplished? "He had demonstrated exhaustively t h e s t e r i l i t y of C h r i s t -

ianity, e i t h e r as a system of s t a t e c r a f t , o r as a way of p r a c t i c a l l i f e " . (5)

(1) Prince f c h . x i , p . 4 1 .

(2) h o t t e r , t o G u i c c i a r d i n i , May 17, 1521, Familiar l e t t e r s , p . 2 5 9 .

(3) Discourses T b k . I , c h . x i i , p . 1 5 1 .

U)lbid.., bk.II, c h . i i , p.236.

(5) Ralph Roeder, j ^ M o , n-f the Renaissance. (New York,1933), p 0 104.
 - 120 -

His success was only momentary; n i s moral reforms were based wholly on a

fleeting wave of r e l i g i o u s enthusiasm, and when they were divorced from

that source, they w i t h e r e d . The p e r s o n a l i t y of the man was i m P r , s s i v e

-enough, Machiavelli r e c o g n i z e s t h a t , and he never r i d i c u l e s him, nor does

he deny the f a s c i n a t i o n Savonrrolo exercised over h i s audiences. Pico

della Miranflola was among n i s p a r t i s a n s , and the sons of so.,e of tne

noblest houses of I t a l y joined h i s reformed monastery. I n some r e s p e c t s

his new order was not u n l i k e C a l v i n ' s r u l e of Geneva. The s t r i c t regimen-

tation of orivate and p u b l i c morals, spying and accusations, and a vigorous

simplicity of a l l l i f e r e c a l l the P u r i t a n r u l e of the North. Machiavelli

admired those of h i s measures t h a t were severe, but h i s weakness and h i s

failures were u n f o r g i v a b l e , they only showed the poor chances of a C h r i s t i a n

revival.

i ? irst of a l l , the r e l i g i o u s i l l s t h a t Savonarola predicted would lead

to I t a l y ' s defeat oy Charles VIII were not the cause of the d i s a s t e r , which

was CBUsec by p o l i t i c - . ^ disunion ( 1 ) . Secondly, he suffered from t h e

general disease of C h r i s t i a n s , not strong enough t o u n i t e , too strong t o

be removed from the f i e l d of d i s s e n s i o n . The F l o r e n t i n e s owed him no thanks,

divided and ruled by the creed of ^avonarola who s t i r r e d and was d i v i n e l y

moved t o lead and bewilder us with a word". (2) On the whole i t was best

for a l l concerned t h a t he be "devoured by a g r e a t e r f i r e " . "However, one

nust s)eak with a l l r e s p e c t of so g r e a t a man whose w r i t i n g s e x h i b i t so

much l e a r n i n g , prudence end courage". Moreover, "The p u r i t y of h i s l i f e . . . .

and the s u b j e c t s he s e l e c t e d for h i s d i s c o u r s e s sufficed t o make people

believe in him", but he a l s o e x h i b i t e d "an ambitious and p a r t i a l spirit",

(1) Prince f c h . x i i , p . 4 b .

(2) quoted by R. Roeder, o w . o i t . , p.208,

 121 -

and in the f i n a l t e s t , when the multitude began t o f a l t e r i n i t s b e l i e f ,

he failed t o r e s o r t t o arms, and brought about h i s own downfall (l).

In s h o r t , such a t temps as S a v o n a r o l a ' s were sure t o be unsuccessful,

nor were they d e s i r a o l e i n t h e m s e l v e s . R e l i g i o n s , l i k e s t a t e s , must r e t u r n

occasionally t o t h e i r f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , t o the source of t h e i r o r i g i n a l

strength. The Franciscans and Dominicans brought C h r i s t i a n i t y back t o i t s

"pristine p r i n c i p l e s and p u r i t y " .

"By means of confessions and preachings (they)

obtained so much influence w i t h ' t h e people t h a t
they were able t o make them understand t h a t i t
was wicked even t o speak i l l of wicked r u l e r s ,
and t h a t i t was proper t o render them o b e d i e n c y , . . . . .
and t h u s wicked r u l e r s do as much e v i l as they
p l e a s e " . (2)

Sucn are the p o l i t i c a l r e s u l t s of pure C h r i s t i a n i t y . I t i s a sad

dilemma for European s t a t e s , to find t h a t the only r e l i g i o n t h a t they can

observe i s so dangerous t o the republican s p i r i t , but since nothing b e t t e r

is a v s i l a o l e , they must maintain i t . Mothing i s worse than a s t a t e without

any r e l i g i o n a t a l l . I n Switzerland and i n the German p r i n c i p a l i t i e s ,

Machiavelli t h o u g h t , r e l i g i o n and p a t r i o t i s m had survived t o g e t h e r , and

even contributed to each o t h e r ' s growth.

"Princes and r e p u b l i c s who wish t o maintain them-

selves f r e e from c o r r u p t i o n must above a l l t h i n g s
preserve the p u r i t y of r e l i g i o u s observances, and
t r e a t them with proper r e v e r e n c e ; for t h e r e i s no
g r e a t e r i n d i c a t i o n of the r u i n of a country than
t o see r e l i g i o n coitemned." (a)

* r e l i g i o u s people i s always well-conducted and u n i t e d , hence t h e

importance ancient lawgivers attached t o m i r a c l e s . Rome was p a r t i c u l a r l y

fortunate i n the power t h a t r e l i g i o n had over the p e o p l e ' s minds. " I t

(1) Discourses, b k . I , ch.3d, pp.149. I b i d . , b k . I , c h . x i v , pp.229-230 &

Prince f c h . v i , p . 2 2 .

(2) Discourses, b k . I I I , c h . i , p . 4 0 1 .

(5) Ibid., b k . I , c h . x i i , p.149.

 - 122 -

served i n command of the a r m i e s , i n u n i t i n g t h e p e o p l e and i n c o v e r i n g

the wicked w i t h s h a m e " , ( l ) The hoaxes t h a t m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s perpetrated

on t h e i r s o l d i e r s , by e x c i t i n g t h e i r s u p e r s t i t i o n s , and making f a l s e

auguries, M a c h i a v e l l i a p p l a u d s , s i n c e t h e y gave the w a r r i o r s g r e a t self-

confidence. A l t o g e t h e r he f o e l s t h a t paganism i s much more adapted t o

0 u3tdinin, r the s p i r i t of good government t h a n i s Christianity.

" I n a n c i e n t t i m e s p e o p l e were more devoted t o

l i b e r t y t h a n i n t h e p r e s e n t . . . (because of)
t h e d i f f e r e n c e of ( t h e i r ) e d u c a t i o n , founded
upon the d i f f e r e n c e of t h e i r r e l i g i o n and o u r s .
For our r e l i g i o n t e a c h e s us . . . t o a t t a c h l e s s
v a l u e t o t h e honors and p o s s e s s i o n s of t h i s
w o r l d ; w h i l s t the P a g a n s , esteeming t h o s e t h i n g s
as t h e h i g h e s t good, were more e n e r g e t i c and
ferocious i n t h e i r actions . . . 3esides t h i s , the
Pagan r e l i g i o n d e i f i e d only men who had achieved
g r e a t g l o r y , such as eorimano.ers of armies and
c h i e f s of r e p u b l i c s , w h i l s t o u r s g l o r i f i e s more
humble and c o n t e m p l a t i v e men". (2)

His g r e a t hope l i e s i n a complete r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y ,

not a c c o r d i n g t o t h e p r i n c i p l e s of 3 t . F r a n c i 3 , but a c c o r d i n g t o t h e civic

s p i r i t of a n c i e n t d a y s . I:.i s h o r t , he wants t o endow C h r i s t i a n i t y w i t h

a l l the p o l i t i c a l v i r t u e s of paganism, w i t h o u t changing i t s external

p r a c t i c e s , r i t e s and c u s t o m s . I t amounts t o a s p i r i t u a l r e v o l u t i o n , hidden

beneath t r a d i t i o n a l appearances.

"For i f we were t o r e f l e c t t h a t our r e l i g i o n p e r m i t s

us t o e x a l t and defend our c o u n t r y , we should s e e
t h a t a c c o r d i n g t o i t we ought a l s o t o l o v e and honor
our c o u n t r y , and p r e p a r e o u r s e l v e s so as t o be c a p a b l e
of d e f e n d i n g h e r " . (3)

The new p r i n c e w i l l have t o u n i t e t h e p e o p l e u n d e r h i s l e a d e r s h i p

without t h e aid of r e l i g i o n , b u t once t h a t i s accomplished he must g i v e

(1) D i s c o u r s e s , b k . I , c h . x i , p . 14V

(2) I b i d # > b k . I I , c h . i i , p.285.

(3) I b i d . j b k . I I , c h . i i , p.236.
 - 123 -

then a r e l i g i o n , i f h i s s t a t e i s t o endure. The s o r t of r e l i g i o n Machiavelli

hopes for i s c l e a r l y a r e t e n t i o n of the old e x t e r i o r customs, i n v i g o r a t e d

by a new n a t i o n a l i s t i c and b e l l i g e r e n t l y c i v i c s p i r i t . The t r u t h of any

religion simply does n o t concern him. J h i l e the phrase, "Our r e l i g i o n

teaches us the t r u t h and t h e t r u e way of l i f e " , i s not n e c e s s a r i l y i r o n i c ,

it is not an expression of r e a l r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g ( l ) . Machiavelli :^s

entirely absorbed i n " e f f e c t u a l t r u t h s " , i n the small world of the s t a t e ,

and ultimate t r u t h s cease t o be of importance, as p o l i t i c a l u t i l i t y becomes

the only c r i t e r i o n of judgement. Moreover, we saw t h a t he was not person-

ally r e l i g i o u s , and on the c o n t r a r y , enjoyed a r e p u t a t i o n for outspoken

impiety.

••hile t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s seem t o have l e f t Machiavelli cold,

superstition found him f a r more r e c e p t i v e . I n t h i s respect he again

shared the s p i r i t of h i s t i m e . Mvur since the t h i r t e e n t h century s u p e r s t i t -

ion had flourished g r e a t l y i n I t a l y . Frederick I I already refused t o t r a v e l

without his a s t r o l o g e r . All the popes employed them; Leo M considered t h e i r

prevalence under hir: a sign of h i s own g r e a t n e s s , while Paul I I I never neld

a Consistory u n t i l h i s s t s - a z e r had fixed the hour. Necromancy, pyromancy

ana chiromancy were widely p r a c t i c e d , while popular b e l i e f was captured by

charms, love-potions and the f e a r of the e v i l eye. More i n t e l l e c t u a l

persons devoted themselves t o alchemy, and to the study of the formulae

of Pythagoras end t h e s e c r e t s of the Cabala, so t o discover the s e c r e t

ways of God and n a t u r e ( 2 ) . ity the l a t t e r half of the s i x t e e n t h century

superstition declined considerably i n I t a l y , but many of these p r a c t i c e s ,

Particularly witch burning, took a new l e a s e on l i f e as i t moved n o r t h i n

the wake of the Reformatio:,.

(1) discourses T b k . I I , ch.ii, p . 2 3 5 .

(2) 3 U rckhardt, op.cit. » part IV, pp.313-341

 - 124 -

On t h e whole, i t can oe said t n a t Machiavelli and the p r a c t i t i o n e r s

of the black a r t s were p a r t of the same i n t e l l e c t u a l atmosphere. Bsth

represented a oreak with t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n , both were b a s i c a l l y i n t e r e s t -

ed in the same t h i n g - power, the conquest of the world about them, and the

ruling of i t by the w i l l of nan. Marlowe's Doctor Faustus explains i t

beautifully:

"^ sound magician i s a mighty God".

"0 what a world of p r o f i t and d e l i g h t ,

Of power, of honour, of omnipotence,
I s promised t o the studious n r t i z a n 1 ' . ( l )

Macniavelli admits t o the power of God, and above a l l of Fortuna, in

the l i f e of men, but l i k e t h e powers of n a t u r e , they must be explained, and

ultimately, handled i n such a way as t o serve human d e s i g n s . The most

remarkable t h i n g about t h e w i l l of Heaven and of Port una i s i t s malignancy,

and the d i r e c t n e s s and s i m p l i c i t y with which i t i n t e r f e r e s with the plans

of man. «hen Cod ..Ishes t o Twarn men of t h e i r wickedness, he sends down a

hurricane. The F l o r e n t i n e s i n 1456 were bad, but not so wicked t h a t God

wanted t o destroy t h e n ; so he merely devastated the countryside of Tuscany,

to remind them of His e x i s t e n c e ( 2 ) .

Moreover, He w i l l s i t , often for no good reason, t h a t men "should not

provide against c e r t a i n a c c i d e n t s " . Thus the Fabii took i t i n t o t h e i r

heads to i n s u l t the Gauls, anc bring about a war at a time when Rome was

entirely unpresared for such an adventure ( 3 ) . //hat more i s needed t o

prove the "power of Heaven i n human a f f a i r s " ?

I t i s q u i t e c e r t a i n t h a t the occurrence of important events i s preced-

ed by signs of warning. Thus gavonarola predicted the invasion of I t a l y

(1) Hiram Haydn, o.o.cit,,, oh.IV, pp. 176-190,

(2) History of F j j r ^ - u e . bk.VI, o h . 7 , p.301.

(3) D i s c o u r s e , b k . I I , ch.xxix', p p . 3 ; 0 - a d i l .
 - 125 -

by Charles V I I I , the dome of Florence was struck by iightnin6 before ^

de ath of Lorenzo d e ' Medici, and t h e palace was s i m i l a r l y destroyed before

Soderini was e x i l e d . Machiavelli has an explanation ready for a l l t h i s :

-The air i s peopled with s p i r i t s , who by t h e i r superior i n t e l l i g e n c e f o r e -

see future e v e n t s , and out of p i t y for mankind warn them by such s i g n s " . (1)

Hie power of God, however, i s not so great as t o exclude a l l human

self-determination. "God w i l l not do everything i n order not t o deprive

us of our f r e e w i l l and the p o r t i o n of the glory t h a t f a l l s t o our l o t " . (2)

"The b e l i e f t h a t by remaining i d l e upon t h y knees

thou canst l e a v e a l l t o God has brought r u i n t o
many kingdoms and s t a t e s . . . He i s mad wno would
deny the people r e l i g i o u s ceremonies, for these
are the seed of union and good order, . . . but l e t
no man b e l i e v e t h a t i f h i s house f a l l down God w i l l
straightway save aii:, for he w i l l be destroyed with
i t ; r . (3)

On the whole^God does not have the importance i n Machiavelli* s world

tnat Fortune h a s . At t i m e s she appears as only an agent of God, at others

as the sun of n a t u r a l h a r d s h i p s confronting man, but most frequently she

is talked of as an independent d e i t y . Mo single u n c h r i s t i a n belief was

more ;;idely :nir i n the Renaissance than t h a t of Fort una. For some she

was an equivalent of the ^ t o i c fatum, but most frequently she was l i t t l e

more than a pagan goddess. Innumeraole books wore w r i t t e n about her powers,

mile studies i n the iconography or tne perioa f u r t h e r reveal the goddess,

and the Wheel of F o r t u n e , t o have had an immense hold on t h e popular

imagination. Many people held her t o be omnipotent, while others thought

that she could be overcome by hunaa powers. Machiavelli i n c l i n e s t o t h e

second, and more popular "belief, a s s e r t i n g t h a t f o r e s i g h t and audacity

W Mscourw--r^ b a . I , c h . l v i , pp.257-258.

(2) Prince f c h . x x v i , p . 9 6 .

' 3 ) The Golden . ^ , quoted from il. l a n n i , o p . c i t . a c h . i x , p.200.

 - 126 -

can s-ve nan from her d e c r e e s , leonardo da Vinci wrote:

"Seize Fate i f you would hold her e n t h r a l l e d ,

By the f o r e l o c k , behind she i s b a l d " .

,md Machiavelli merely r e p e a t s t h i s apparently common sentiment

t»m
Chance i s my n^ne, whom few men know,
Hair have I none upon my nape,
/ho t o i l s a f t e r ne t o i l s too slow,
Whon I overtake I escape" 0(l)

~t times Fortune, was i d e n t i f i e d a i t h r e t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e , and so

associated with P r o v i d e n c e . On the whole, she was an odd mixture of the

unfathomable ways of God, and a sum of various s u p e r s t i t i o u s b e l i e f s .

In a more l i g h t - h e a r t e d mood, however, Machiavelli could dispose of her

by calling her a mischievous woman, t o whom one must show a determined

hand to subdue h e r . At a l l times hers are powers t h a t must be taken i n t o

account by s t a t e s and i n d i v i d u a l s . The wheel of h i s t o r y i s at her command.

"Laziness and Mecessity t u r n (the wheel; about,

The 3Qoon:, p u t s the world i n order and the f i r s t disorders i t " . (2)

This would i n d i c a t e t h a t For t i m e ' s wheel i s made up of n a t u r a l ,

human q u a l i t i e s which we must consider i n making our p l a n s , but machiavelli

hoes on to r e f e r t o her as the " c r u e l goddess, t h i s "inconstant goddess"

and " r e s t l e s s d i v i n i t y " , her f a v o r i t e sport being t o l i f t persons and s t a t e s

to immoderate h e i g h t s , and then t o l e t them drop down with a p a r t i c u l a r l y

,f
violent thud. a»o Fortune i n her furious onrush many times t r a n s f e r s the

things of the world now here now t h e r e " . (3) Her actions seem t o follow no

set p a t t e r n ; she i s i n o r d i n a t e l y fond of surpriseSo "She arranges the

Times as s u i t s h e r ; she r a i s e s us up, she p u t s us down, without p i t y ,

without law or r e a s o n " . (4)

(1) Ralph Roeder, o . o . c i t . . p.231.

(2) Capitol o on Fort,;.no. t r . by A.M. G i l b e r t (Chicago, 1941). P.212.

(3
) I^id.f p # 214.
(4)
iMd., p.2ii.
 - 127 -

The above d e s c r i p t i o n s could e a s i l y be set aside as .rare f a c e t i o u s -

ness mu p o e t i c fancy, were i t not for the fact t h a t Machiavelli repeats

theai a l l i n h i s more s e r i o u s w r i t i n g s . Everywhere we find comments of

Fortune's "dark and devious ways", the fact t h a t men only "second ( h e r ) ,

but cannot oppose h e r " , ( l ) "Good i s achieved with d i f f i c u l t y , unless we

are so aided by Fortune t h a t she overcomes by her power the n a t u r e ! and

ordinary d i f f i c u l t i e s " . (2)

Thus she i s , a f t e r a l l , more than a c o l l e c t i o n of n a t u r a l o b s t a c l e s ,

but an independent s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e . One of the a b i l i t i e s of Fortuna

is thet of clouding men's minds so as t o nahe the 1,1 carry out her designs.

Thus she led the c o n d o t t i e r e , Hiccolo P i c c i n i n o , t o drive nimself t o h i s

own downfall, by making him rush i n t o a quarrel with the Duke of Milan.

"Fortune, never d e s t i t u t e of means t o a s s i s t her

f a v o u r i t e s o r t o i n j u r e o t h e r s , caused the hope
of v i c t o r y t o operate powerfully upon Miccolo
P i c c i n i n o and made him assume such a tone of
unbounded insolence t h a t he l o s t a l l r e s p e c t
for h i m s e l f n . (3)

Powerful as Fortuna i s , she can, n e v e r t h e l e s s , be conquered by human

valour. Our g r e a t e s t chances i n l i f e are offered by her grace. She s e l e c t s

the moment for g r e a t d e e d s , and finds t h e man who i s capable of recognizing

his opportunity, and making the most of i t , but i f men r e l y on her alone

they are f o o l s . "V/here inen have but l i t t l e wisdom and valor Fortune more

signally d i s p l a y s her power". (4)

Fortune i s much l i k e a r i v e r against which men can build dykes and

banks to make her run i n t o c a n a l s , or at l e n o t prevent her from developing

(1) Discourse. b k . I I , c h . x x i x , p«380.

(2) i b i d . , b k . I I I , c h . x x x v i i , p . 3 1 8 .

(3) History of F l o r e n c e , bk.VI, c h . i , P*258,

U) Discourses, b k . i i , ch. ••::-•:, p . 388 •

 - 12>;

into a d i s a s t r o u s deluge ( l ) . Liachiavelli i s never quite c e r t a i n whether

the a r t of r u l i n g Fortune c o n s i s t s i n clear defiance or i n p l i a b i l i t y , and

a perpetual conformity t o her w i l l and t o "the t i m e s " . Proo&oly i t i s a

mixture of Dotn t e c h n i q u e s , presuming the t a l e n t s of s t r e n g t h end quickness,

force and i n t e l l i g e n c e , the " l i o n and the fox".

"according as you are i n harmony with Fortune the temperaments

t h a t ma he you act are the cause of your good and your i l l " . (2) Men must

not be fixed i n t h e i r ways, nor must they t r u s t Fortune. Her v a r i a b i l i t y

keeps the world i n a s t a t e of constant f l u c t u a t i o n , but t h i s need go on

only, " u n t i l some r u l e r s h a l l a r i s e who i s so great an admirer of a n t i q u i t y

as t o be aole t o g o v e r n . . . . s t a t e s so t h a t Fortune nay not have occasion t o

display ner influence and power". (3)

I t a l l depends, t h e n , on the energy of tne great l e a d e r , who must combat

tne morals of corrupt men, the n e c e s s i t i e s imposed upon him by n a t u r e and

otner s t a t e s , and l a s t l y , the t r i c k y goddess Fortuna. His v i r t u e meets

i t s s e v e r e s t t e s t when he must triumph over the powers of F e t e . Tnat

accomplished, he becomes a v e r i t a b l e Goct on e a r t n . I n a sense M a c m a v e l l i ' s

world is a l a b y r i n t h , a maze of d i f f i c u l t i e s against which human ingenuity

must a s s e r t i t s e l f - I n the struggle against t h i s conspiracy of o b s t a c l e s ,

man's power develops t o such h e i g h t s t h a t he can impose h i s own laws on the

world about him, and even maintain t h e ^ . Mot for l o n g , however; t h i s

tremendous e x e r t i o n i s spent on an achievement t h a t cannot l a s t forever.

' T h i s order of t h i n g s i s permitted and willed by the

Pon-er t h a t govern u s , t h a t nothing beneath the sun
i s or w i l l ever be s t a b l e and thus i t i s and ever
was and ever s h a l l b e , t h a t e v i l follows good and
bood e v i l una t h a t the one i s ever the cause of the
o t h e r " . (4)

(1) P r i n c e , ch.xxv, p . 9 1 .

(2) Canitolo on Fortuno, p . 2 1 3 .

(3) D i s c o u r s e s , b k . I I , ch.xxx, p.388.
(4) Tfta Golden Asa, quoted frpm M. J a m i l , p . p . c i t . , c h . i x , p . 2 1 5 .
 - 129 -

I t i s an i n f i n i t e l y long way fron t/ie f m t a s t u ^ . ^ ?f ^ ^ ^

the simple P r o t e s t a n t i s i , ; of Rousseau, and one vrould suppose t.^.t a r s o n s

witi such completely d i f f e r e n t personal b e l i e f s , could not even h.ve a

5 ( M b a s i s for a d i s c u s s i o n of r e l i g i o u s n a t t e r s , much l e s s find snv

sort of agreement on the c o n t r o v e r s i a l question of the r e l a t i o n of r e l i ,

£ion
to the s t a t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n s p i t e of t h i s d i s s i m i l a r i t y of r e l i g i o u s

temperament, - a c h i a v e l l i and Rousseau are i n s u b s t a n t i a l agreement as t o

the type of r e l i g i o n r e q u i r e d for the well Governed s t a t e . From t h e i r

political c o m p a t i b i l i t y stems a common a t t i t u d e of c r i t i c i s m towards

Christianity i n g e n e r a l , and towards the p r a c t i c e s of Roman Catholicism i n

particular. I t i s only oecause the o r i g i n of t h e i r r e l i g i o u s views i s as

disparate as i s p o s s i b l e , t h a t t h e i r ultimate concurrence seems so s t a r t l i n g .

Rousseau's own r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s are perhaps best expressed i n the

Confession of F a i t h of a Savoyard Vicar. I t c o n s i s t s , roughly, of a

respectful p h i l o s o p h i c a l douba, n a t u r a l r e l i g i o n , which i s a simple deism,

and a C h r i s t i a n i t y tliau is not dogmatic, but purely moral i n a p p l i c a t i o n ,

and sentimental i n i t s l i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o n . I t i s almost devoid of dogma

or formality, and c o n c e n t r a t e s on p r a c t i c a l a c t i o n . Thus J u l i e , the

heroine of the Mouvelle H e l o i s e , on her wedding day renounces the external

and empty r e l i g i o n of her childhood, and adopts one t h a t has an i n n e r ,

Mere personal meaning, finding i t s r e a l i z a t i o n i n a moral everyday e x i s t e n c e .

Rousseau t r u s t s i n t h e omnipotence and benevolence of God, t o whose j u s t i c e

ke a t t r i b u t e s the M.uiortaiity of the s o u l , and h i s own and a l l mankind's

salvation. Like t h e Savoyard Vicar he condemn; "the rage of system and

the f u t i l i t y of m e t a p h y s i c s " . I n n a t u r e he perceives a harmony t h a t

strengthens h i s b e l i e f i n the e x i s t e n c e of God, but beyond t h a t he refuses

go, r e j e c t i n g any p o s t u l a t e t h a t i s c o n t r a r y t o h i s reason, such a s ,

 130 -

for instance, t h e occurrence of m i r a c l e s . ;, s for « v n -^

-o ior e v i l , i t s prevalence i s
due to man's misguided w i l l , not t o the designs of Providence, which, he

U sure, are e n t i r e l y good, but beyond human comprehension. lie does not

accept t * don,, of o r i g i n a l s i n ; for though vanity and pride are the sum

of a l l s i n f u l n e s s for him, man can and must save minaelf from them by the

free exercise of h i s w i l l . The essence of r e l i g i o n i s found in virtuous

living, i n the a c t i o n of the free w i l l and in t i n s t r i c t e s t obedience t o

the voice of conscience l l j .

"I have abandoned reason t o i t s fate and consulted
n a t u r e , t h a t i s t o say the i n t e r n a l sentiment which
d i r e c t s my b e l i e f independently of r.ry reason
I was l o o k i n g at the unity of purpose . . . . I have no
reason for not b e l i e v i n g (the p h i l o s o p h e r s ) , except
t h a t I do not b e l i e v e (theu) . . . . I believe in God
and God would not be j u s t if my soul were not
immortal. There, i t seems t o me, you have a l l
t h a t i s e s s e n t i a l and useful i n r e l i g i o n . . . . No
man has more regard for the Gospel than I . . . . I n
my opinion, i t i s the most sublime of books". (2)

Mis love for the Gospel i s frequently repeated, but he i n s i s t s t h a t

i t i s , a f t e r a l l , only a book, and one unknown t o most men on t h i s e a r t h ,

who are, n o n e t h e l e s s , dear t o God and capable of moral a c t i o n . Moreover,

he refuses t o accept any p a r t of i t t h a t seems s u p e r s t i t i o u s or mysterious 13).

He could say with complete s i n c e r i t y : "Je suis ami de t o u t e r e l i g i o n

p a i s i b l e , ou l ' o n s e r t l ' e t r e e t e r n e l selon l a raison . n i ' i l nous a donne". (4)

In short, h i s h e a r t moves him t o a b e l i e f in God, and a r e s p e c t for the

Bible, which he r e f u s e s t o give up i n defiance of the philosophers ("men

not f i t t o read the G o s p e l s " ) , but beyond t h i s bare minimum of r e l i g i o u s

(1) Smile r bk.IV, pp.428-478

(2) L e t t e r s t o Vernes, February 18, 1758 k ^arch 25, 175*,

Citizen of Geneva, pp.197-198.

(2) l e t t r e a D'Alembert. p.17 k L e t t r e s de l a Hontagne, l e t t r e I ,

P«169> pol.'.rr. f v o l . I I •

(4) l e t t r e a D f Alambert. p . 1 2 .
 ~ 131 -

faith his reason forbids him to step. Though he openly accepted Calvinism,

of which he wrote that: "It is simple and holy, and there is no religion

on earth whose morality is purer, no other more satisfying to reason",

his real religion was a Protestantism reduced to its lowest common

denominator (l).

Atheism he rejects violently as being destructive of morality, while

any form of coercion in matters of religious belief is equally repugnant

to him. Dogmatism "has made a battlefield of the religion of peace". (2)

"I do not believe that every persecutor is either a scoundrel or

a sheer fool". (3)

"I do not like to have any man's conscience subjected to formulas

in matters of faith". (4)

"Nul vrai croyant ne saurait etre intolerant ni persecuteur". (5)

His preference for Protestanism is based on these grounds as well.

"The Protestant religion is tolerant essentially,

it is as much so as possible, since the only dogma
it does not tolerate is that of intolerance. There
you have the insurmountable barrier that separates
us from the Catholics". (6)

"Protestants are generally better instructed than

Catholics. This is only natural, the doctrine of
one requires discussion, that of the other
submission". (7)

His own conversion to Catholicism is described in a lurid light, and

he can find no excuse for having taken this step, except starvation. Like

(1) Emile bk.IV, p.257.

(2) Lettres de la Montagne . Lettre I. p.171, Pol.Wr.. vol.11.

(3) letter to Malesherbes, March 5, 1761, Citizen of Geneva, p.185

(4) letter to Vernes, February 18, 1758, Ibid., p.147.

(5) Nouvelle H&Loise. pt.II, let.v.

(6) Lettres de la Montagne. Lettre IV, quoted from CM . Hendel,

J.-J. Rousseau, Moralist, vol.11, p.294
(7) Confessions, bk.II, pp.65-66.
 - 132 -

a l l dogmatic r e l i g i o n s , he s t a t e s , Catholicism i s concerned only with

external r i t e s , and a s "long as a man goes t o mass, does not care whether

he i3 a scamp or an honest man", ( l )

His r e t u r n t o the r e l i g i o n of h i s childhood was occasioned by a short

t r i p to Geneva, and c e l e b r a t e d i n his "Dedication" of the Discourse on

Inequality. Much as he was t o denounce the a c t i v i t i e s of p r i e s t s i n g e n e r a l ,

the m i n i s t e r s of Geneva always found a defender in him. He respected t h e i r

t o l e r a n c e , t h e i r " h o l i n e s s of manner, s e v e r i t y towards themselves and

indulgence towards t h e i r neighbours". The fact t h a t the a r t i c l e s of f a i t h

are e s t a b l i s h e d by law i s a cause for r e j o i c i n g and above a l l " i t i s un-

commonly f o r t u n a t e for the peace of men, when those who look upon themselves

as the m a g i s t r a t e s , or r a t h e r the r u l e r s of a more holy and sublime country,

show some love for the e a r t h l y country which maintains theiji". (2) And he

repeats t h e compliment "(Nous sommes) s e n s i b l e s au bonheur que nous avons de

posseder un corps de t h e o l o g i e n s philosophes et p a c i f i q u e s , ou p l u t o t un

corps d ' o f f i c i e r s de morale e t de m i n i s t r e s de v e r t u " . (3)

Me s h a l l l a t e r examine the s i n c e r i t y of Rousseau's t o l e r a n c e , but i t

might be w e l l t o r e c a l l now t h a t such a p o s t l e s of the theory of t o l e r a t i o n

as Milton and Locke both excluded Catholics and A t h e i s t s from the sphere

of the t o l e r a b l e .

"While I doubt whether anyone i n the world loves

and r e s p e c t s r e l i g i o n more s i n c e r e l y than I do,
yet t h a t does not prevent my d e t e s t i n g and d e s p i s -
ing what men have added t o i t t h a t i s barbarous,
unjust and p e r n i c i o u s t o s o c i e t y " . (4)

The l a s t p a r t of the above q u o t a t i o n 19 aimed at Catholicism, a r e l i g i o n

which Rousseau c o n s i s t e n t l y disparages as a perversion of C h r i s t i a n i t y , and

(1) Confessions. b k . I I , p . 4 7 .

(2) Discourse on I n e q u a l i t y , pp.185-186.

(3) Lettre a D'Alembert, p . 1 7 .

U ) Letter t o M. Deformey, September 6, 1760. Citizen of Geneva, - . 1 7 5 .
 .33 -

a p o l i t i c a l menace.

"Jamais J e s u s - C h r i s t , dont l e regae n ' e t a i t ™« A

de monde, n ' a songe a demander p ^ c e d e t T n e ' f q u j
que ce s o i t et n ' e n a point possode lui-mlme mais
son humble v i c a i r e . anras q'*+-P« - .! '
pr9S s etre
Y.4 + ^ T . - *~ p - . appropri^ l e t e r -
r i t o i r e de Cesar, d i s t r i b u a l ' e m p i r e du monde aux
s e r v i t e u r s de Dieux". ( l ) ^wu© aux

Ytoen the pagans persecuted the e a r l y C h r i s t i a n s they thought of them

as t r a i t o r s t o the s t a t e , of t h e i r humility as a mere g u i s e , and of t h e i r

spiritual realm as a s p r i n g b o a r d for more e a r t h l y conquests. Their f e a r s ,

Rousseau f e e l s , were j u s t i f i e d by l a t e r events. The d i v i s i o n of the

political and r e l i g i o u s spheres has r e s u l t e d i n the tyrenny of the servants

of the s p i r i t u a l realm, the p r i e s t s . "This so-called kingdom of the other

world turned, under a v i s i b l e l e a d e r , i n t o the most violent of e a r t h l y

despotisms". (2)

"Le Pape e s t l e vrai r o i des r o i s dans l ' E g l i s e

romaine. Toute l a d i v i s i o n de peuples en E t a t s
et Gouvernements n ' e s t qu'apparente e t i l l u s o i r e .
Dans l e fond i l n f y e qu'un E t a t dans l ' E g l i s e
romaine. l e s v r a i s m a g i s t r a t s sont l e s Eveques,
l e ^ c l e r g e e s t l e s o u v e r a i n , l e s citoyens sont l e s
p r e t r e s ; l e s l a i q u e s ne sont r i e n du t o u t " . (3)

Wherever the clergy i s a corporate body i t becomes master and l e g i s l a t o r

in i t s own country, with f a t a l r e s u l t s t o p o l i t i c a l unity and public moral-

ity. OddlyDhe makes few suggestions regarding the Catholic clergy i n h i s

plans for Poland and C o r s i c a . Of t h e l a t t e r country he had been told t h a t

i t s clergy was simple, p a t r i o t i c and not disposed t o i n t e r f e r e with

political m a t t e r s . He merely advocates the establishment of c i v i c , r a t h e r

than e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , h o l i d a y s , but l e a v e s the Church i t s t i t h e s . (4)

(l) Fragments, Economic P o l i t i q u e , p . 2 7 7 , Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 ,

te) Social Contract T p p . 1 3 1 - 1 3 * .
(3) Premfre Version du C o n t r a t S o c i a l . l i v . I V , c h . v i i i , P o l . W r . , v o l . 1

(4) Prolet pour la Corse, p . 3 5 1 , Pol.Wr., v o l . 1 1 .

 - 134 -

In Poland education was t o be taken out of t h e hands of p r i e s t s , and.

managed e n t i r e l y by the s t a t e , but Rousseau seems not to have a n t i c i p a t -

ed that t h i s s t e p might cause any great controversy or d i f f i c u l t y . The

intense p a t r i o t i s m he p r e s c r i b e d would i n i t s e l f be enough of an i n f r i n g -

ement on r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g . Nowhere does he disregard h i s maxim t h a t a

division of l o y a l t y , c r e a t e d by a s e p a r a t i o n of s t a t e and r e l i g i o n "has

made a l l good p o l i t y impossible i n C h r i s t i a n s t a t e s " , (l)

Roman C h r i s t i a n i t y , l i k e the r e l i g i o n of the Japanese and the Lamas,

is Ha mixed and a n t i - s o c i a l code", which subjects men t o contradictory

duties, giving them two c o u n t r i e s and two r u l e r s , and making them unfit

for both r e l i g i o n and c i t i z e n s h i p . I t i s the r e l i g i o n of p r i e s t s . In

i t s p o l i t i c a l e f f e c t s i t i s very bad; for " a l l t h a t destroys social u n i t y

is worthless, a l l i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t set man in c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o himself

are w o r t h l e s s " . (2)

Only Hoobes seems t o have r e a l i z e d the f u l l danger of t h i s s i t u a t i o n ,

and t o have made useful suggestions for i t s remedy, according t o Rousseau,

and he often merely r e p e a t s t h e former's words. "Dans t o u t Etat p o l i t i q u e

i l faut une puissance supreme au centre ou t o u t se r a u p o r t e , un p r i n c i p e

d'ou tout d e r i v e , un souverain qui puisse t o u t " . (3)

"The S t a t e i s a moral person whose l i f e i s i n the

union of i t s members, and i f the most important of
i t s c a r e s i s the care for i t s own p r e s e r v a t i o n , i t
must have u n i v e r s a l and compelling f o r c e . (4)

Rousseau makes i t q u i t e evident t h a t h i s r e t u r n t o P r o t e s t a n t i s m was

not the r e s u l t of a r e l i g i o u s conversion, but of a revived c i v i c enthusiasm.

(1) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 1 3 2 .

(2) I b i d . f p.134.
(3) L e t t r e s du 3a liontagne. L e t t r e IX, p.217, P o l ^ r . , vol.11.

U) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 2 8 .
 135 -

Ho recognized t h a t i n each country "the Sovereign alone had the r i g h t t.0

define the manner of worship and to s e t t l e t h i s i n t e l l i g i b l e dogma", and,

as a good c i t i z e n , he f e l t compelled to join the r e l i g i o n prescribed by

the law ( 1 ) . From t h e s e sentences alone i t can be seen t h a t Rousseau,too,

judged the worth of r e l i g i o n s , not by t h e i r t h e o l o g i c a l content, but by

their moral and p o l i t i c a l u t i l i t y . This was e n t i r e l y consistent with h i s

personal b e l i e f , which as we saw, was very simple i n i t s e l f , and found i t s

meaning only i n m o r a l i t y . However, i t led Rousseau not only t o a r e j e c t i o n

of Catholicism, out a l s o , t o a highly c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e towards C h r i s t i a n i t y

as a whole. His or,.Tn f a i t h i s too simple a deism to be considered specifically

Christian, although h i s moral outlook i s i n many r e s p e c t s t h a t of orthodox

Puritanism. I t i s j u s t because he f e e l s t h a t i n p r a c t i c e the s p i r i t of

Christianity makes men n e g l e c t t h e s e s t e r n moral and p o l i t i c a l d u t i e s t h a t

he objects t o i t . C h r i s t i a n i t y does not make "republicans or w a r r i o r s " ,

and these are the b e s t types of humanity i n an imperfect world. The

Christian s o c i e t y , l i k e the a b s o l u t e l y democratic and e g a l i t a r i a n stalje,

must be r e g r e t f u l l y r e j e c t e d ; for a s o c i e t y of C h r i s t i a n s would simply

not be one of men.

" S o c i e t y at l a r g e , human s o c i e t y in general, i s

founded on humanity, on universal benevolence; and
I say and I have always s a i d , t h a t C h r i s t i a n i t y i s
favourable t o t h a t s o c i e t y . But p a r t i c u l a r s o c i e t i e s ,
p o l i t i c a l and c i v i c s o c i e t i e s have an e n t i r e l y
d i f f e r e n t p r i n c i p l e . They are purely human i n s t i t u t -
i o n s , from which C h r i s t i a n i t y consequently detached
u s , as i t does from a l l t h a t i s merely of t h i s e a r t h .
Only t h e v i c e s of men make these i n s t i t u t i o n s necessary,
and only human p a s s i o n s preserve them. Take from your
C h r i s t i a n s *11 the v i c e s and they w i l l have no f u r t h e r
need of m a g i s t r a t e s or l a w s ; no more competition, g l o r y ,
no more d e s i r e for preference and p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t i s
d e s t r o y e d , and i n d e f a u l t of a s u i t a b l e support, t h e

(I) Confessions. b k . V I I I , p.404,

 13b -

p o l i t i c a l s t a t e f a l l s i n t o decay, A vigorous
p o l i t i c a l s o c i e t y of C h r i s t i a n s , a l l s t r i c t l y
p e r f e c t , i s absurd M i l l i t be more perfect
t h a n t h a t of the Apostles? Yet t h e r e was a
Judas amongst them....My book i s not w r i t t e n
for Gods". (1)

The s p i r i t of t h e good r e p u b l i c i s t h a t of S p a r t a , e x c l u s i v e , self-

centered, p a t r i o t i c and a g r e s s i v e , and' t o the extent t h a t t h i s u n i t e s a

state, and c r e a t e s c i v i c devotion among i t s c i t i z e n s , Rousseau supports

i t as the millenium for men i n a f a u l t y world.

"Je trouve ( l e pur Evangile) t r o p s o c i a b l e , embrassant

t r o p t o u t l e genre humain, pour une l e g i s l a t i o n qui
d o i t e t r e e x c l u s i v e , i n s p i r a n t l'humanite p l u t o t que
l e p a t r i o t i s m e , e t tendant a former des hommes-plutot
que des c i t o y e n s " . (2)

"Far from b i n d i n g the h e a r t s of the c i t i z e n s t o the

s t a t e ( C h r i s t i a n i t y ) has the effect of t a k i n g them
away from e a r t h l y t h i n g s . I know of nothing more
p e r n i c i o u s t o the s o c i a l s p i r i t " . (3)

No s t a t e can t h r i v e without r e l i g i o n , but C h r i s t i a n i t y i s not s u i t a o l e

for n a t i o n a l p a r t i c u l a r i s m , while the s t a t e must not give up i t s narrow-

ness of s p i r i t i n favour of C h r i s t i a n u n i v e r s a l i s m . The C h r i s t i a n

c i v i l i z a t i o n has caused men's"hatred of other n a t i o n s (to d i m i n i s h ) , hut

(their) p a t r i o t i s m d i e s with i t " . (4) A t r u l y Christian r e p u b l i c could

never hope t o defend i t s e l f a g a i n s t i t s l e s s pious neighbours. Snarta

or Rome could conquer i t without e f f o r t . " ( C h r i s t i a n s ) know how t o die

but not t o c o n q u e r . . . . I n t h i s vale of sorrows what does i t m a t t e r ( t o

them) whether (they) a r e free or s e r f s ? " (5)

(1) L e t t e r t o U s t e r i , July 1 8 , 1763 . OJitizen of Geneva, p . 2 0 3 .

(2) L e t t r e s de l a Montagne, L e t t r e I , p . 1 7 2 , P o l ^ r . , vol.11.

(3) Social C o n t r a c t , p . 1 3 5 .

U) Discourse on t h e Arts & S c i e n c e s , p . 1 4 9 .

(b) Social C o n t r a c t , p.137

 - 137 -

When C h r i s t i a n s o l d i e r s show valour, they act not as C h r i s t i a n s , but

in -honourable emulation of pagan t r o o p s " , and Rousseau adds with r e g r e t ,

that "when the Cross had d r i v e n out the e a g l e , Roman valour wholly d i s -

appeared". (1) He f r e q u e n t l y condemns the a t t i t u d e of contempt t h a t the

Church f a t h e r s took t o the pagan v i r t u e s , but he never goes so far as t o

suggest a r e t u r n t o pagan r e l i g i o u s p r a c t i c e s as a s u b s t i t u t e for C h r i s t -

ianity. He admires the q u a l i t i e s i n paganism t h a t teach men to love laws,

and t o "make ( t h e i r ) country the object of the c i t i z e n s ' adoration" by

making " s e r v i c e done t o t h e S t a t e (a) s e r v i c e done t o i t s t u t e l a r y God". (2)

However, i t i s made up of too much empty ceremonial, and i t makes men too

s u p e r s t i t i o u s , as w e l l as e x c e s s i v e l y b l o o d t h i r s t y . I f C h r i s t i a n i t y ends

by loosening the u n i t y of t h a t moral body, the s t a t e , paganism i s too

dangerous t o humanity a t l a r g e .

Rousseau defines a n a t i o n a l r e l i g i o n a3 one, whose "dogmas, r i t e s

and external c u l t s ( a r e ) p r e s c r i b e d by law . . . . (for which) the d u t i e s

of man extend only as f a r as i t s own b o r d e r s " . (3) Now, pure C h r i s t i a n i t y ,

unlike t h a t of the p r e s e n t , has no r e l a t i o n t o the body p o l i t i c , a n d i s

purely p r i v a t e i n n a t u r e , and as s u c h , i s not n e c e s s a r i l y harmful. It

becomes pernicious only when i t assumes the p o s i t i o n of a n a t i o n a l

religion, a s , for i n s t a n c e , i t does i n Roman Catholic S t a t e s .

"Ceux done qui ont voulu f a i r e du Christian!sme

une r e l i g i o n n a t i o n a l e e t ^ i n t r o d u i r e comme p a r t i e
c o n s t i t u t i v e dans l e systeme de l a l e g i s l a t i o n ,
ont f a i t par l a f a n t e s n u i s i b l e s , l ' u n e a l a
r e l i g i o n e t 1 ' a u t r e a l ' E t a t . l i s se sont ecar-
t e s de 1 ' e s p r i t de J e s u s - C h r i s t . . . . . e t i l s ont
b l e s s e l e s s a i n e s maximes de l a p o l i t i q u e " . (4)

(1) Social Contract T p . 1 3 8 .

(2) I b i d . , p . 1 3 5 .

(3) I b i d . , p . 1 3 9 .

(4) Lettres de la Mont asm, Lettre I, ?.170, Pol^Wr., Vol.III.

 58

At * i r s t s i g h t one might consider t h i s r.n a t w - ™ ^

-xa ai a-c-oac^ on the system of
Calvin. Surely nowhere were p o l i t i c s and r e l i g i o n ti*fl ™™ •
xoJ. 1^1 on tied, more inseparably
together. H o o v e r , t h e s e s h a f t s are not d i r e c t e d at Geneva, where, , s

W9 saw, Rousseau f e l t t h a t a dogma-less and t o t a l l y t o l e r a n t r e l i g i o u s

spirit r e i g n e d .

ffhat s u b s t i t u t e does he offer for the too barbarous s p i r i t of

paganism, the i n t o l e r a n c e of Catholicism and the excessive o t h e r -

wordliness of a l l C h r i s t i a n i t y ? I t i s a c i v i l r e l i g i o n which embraces

nothing but the p r i n c i p l e of t o l e r a n c e , and the e s s e n t i a l maxims of

morality. I n f a c t i t i s nothing but the sum t o t a l of Rousseau's own

beliefs, and those he a s c r i b e d t o Geneva.

" I l y a une s o r t e de profession de foi que l e s

l o i s peuvent imposer, mais hors l e s p r i n c i p e s de
l a morale e t du d r o i t n a t u r e l e l l e d o i t e t r e pu-
rement n e g a t i v e , parce qu' i l peut e x i s t e r des
r e l i g i o n s qui a t t a q u - n t l e s fondements de l a
s o c i e t e , e t i l faut commencer par exterminer ces
r e l i g i o n s pour a s s u r e r l a paix de 1 ' E t a t . De ces
dogmes a p r o s c r i r e 1 ' i n t o l e r a n c e e s t , sans d i f f i -
c u l t ^ l e plus odieux". ( l )

The g r e a t t o l e r a n c e of t h e c i v i c r e l i g i o n involved the l e g a l ex-

clusion of C a t h o l i c s from t h e s t a t e . The same p r o s c r i p t i o n was t o be

applied to a t h e i s t s , whom Rousseau disparaged quite as much. Was not

scepticism at the r o o t of the moral degeneracy of the group whom he most

f,
distrusted, t h e P a r i s i a n philosophers? 4uand aux i n c r e d u l e s i n t o l e r a n t s

qui voudraient f o r c e r l e peuple a ne r i e n c r o i r e , je ne l e s b a n i r a i s pas

moins severement". (2)

What Rousseau wants t o achieve by h i s c i v i l r e l i g i o n i s the pagan

t r i b a l s p i r i t tempered by a C h r i s t i a n g e n t l e n e s s . " I I vaut done mieux

(1) Letter t o V o l t a i r e , August 18, 1756, Pol.Wr. . v o l . 1 1

(2) I b i d .
 - 139 -

a t t a c h e r l e s citoyens a l ' E t a t par des l i e n s moins f o r t s et plus doux

et n ' a v o i r n i l e s h e r o s , n i f a n a t i g u e s " . (l)

The c l a u s e s of the c i v i l p r o f e s s i o n of f a i t h , t o be enforced by law,

are t o include a b e l i e f i n God, and i n an a f t e r - l i f e , as w e l l as *m oath

to uphold the moral and l e g a l system of the s t a t e . Lastly, a l l religious

i n t o l e r a n c e i s e x p l i c i t l y forbidden. The two s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l i g i o u s

provisions are e s s e n t i a l for t h e keeping of o a t h s , and for the observance

of the moral code. Thus the Corsicans are t o take t h e i r c i v i c oath on the

Bible. Moreover, Rousseau f e l t t h a t these two maxims were common t o a l l

r e l i g i o n s , and were so p e r t i n e n t t o the moral l i f e t h a t i t did not involve

the l e g i s l a t o r s i n an i n t o l e r a n t imposition of s p i r i t u a l dogmas. The

c i v i l r e l i g i o n was t o contain only the " s o c i a l sentiments without which

a man cannot be a good c i t i z e n " . (2)

As for t o l e r a n c e , t h e r e i s not much d i f f i c u l t y as t o t h a t . Those

who refuse to accept the c i v i l oath are t o be excluded from the s t a t e ,

not as h e r e t i c s , but as a n t i - s o c i a l b e i n g s , which must have made a great

difference t o the e x i l e s . However, Rousseau i n s i s t s t h a t :

"Subjects owe the sovereign an account of t h e i r

opinions t o such an extent as they matter t o the
community. Now, i t m a t t e r s very much t o the
community t h a t each c i t i z e n should have a r e l i g i o n .
That w i l l make him love h i s d u t y " . (3)

A t h e i s t s and a g n o s t i c s are thus deprived of c i t i z e n s h i p , while Roman

C a t h o l i c s are s i m i l a r l y removed from the scene, as Rousseau has made

p e r f e c t l y evident i n h i s l e t t e r t o V o l t a i r e , i n h i s i n s i s t e n c e on c i v i l

marriage, i n h i s a c c u s a t i o n s a g a i n s t the p r i e s t s and, above a l l , i n h i s

i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Catholicism w i t h a c t i v e i n t o l e r a n c e . I n fact we have

(1) P r i m i i r e Vers< ™ *» fiontrat S o c i a l , l i v . I V , c h . v i i i , - . 5 0 2 , Poljr.,

vol. I I •

(2) S o c i a l C o n t r a c t , p . 1 3 9 .

(3) I b i d . , p . 1 5 8 .
 140 -

h ere nothing but a r e v i s e d v e r s i o n of the Genevan system. The Genevan

citizens, proudly a t t a c h e d t o t h e i r c i t y and t h e i r r e l i g i o n , were not

even inclined t o accent P r o t e s t a n t d i s s e n t e r s , not t o mention " P a p i s t s " ,

but Rousseau chose t o overlook t h i s d i s p l e a s i n g a t t i t u d e of his fellow-

citizens, and i n h i s own scheme most forms of P r o t e s t a n t i s m would seem

permissible. On the whole,Rousseau so much admired t h e u n i t y of Church

and State p r e v a i l i n g i n Geneva t h a t he used i t as his model. In fact,

Calvinism was as much a c i v i l as t h e o l o g i c a l matter i n Geneva, where

citizenship was completely dependent on r e l i g i o u s conformity. No one

could be a Genevan c i t i z e n who was not a P r o t e s t a n t . I f a man abjured

Protestantism he l o s t h i s c i t i z e n s h i p . No Catholic could even own

immovable p r o p e r t y i n the c i t y , and even as devout a Catholic as Voltaire

had to l i v e on the o u t s k i r t s of i t s t e r r i t o r y ( l ) . The Consistory a d v i s -

ed the m a g i s t r a t e s on g e n e r a l and p a r t i c u l a r l e g i s l a t i o n , while t h e

soci2i importance of communion to the c i t i z e n s was immense.

In substance t h e n , we see t h a t Machiavelli and Rousseau are probably

nowhere more a l i k e than i n t h e i r views on r e l i g i o n . Christianity is

heavily c r i t i c i z e d , and i s held t o be permissible only i f i t can be made

to serve the republican s t a t e . I t i s i n the exclusive preoccupation with

the republican i d e a l , here and everywhere, t h a t Rousseau and Machiavelli

meet. The only s e r i o u s d i f f e r e n c e between them a r i s e s out of t h e i r r e s -

pective a t t i t u d e s t o paganism. Machiavelli i s far more a p p r e c i a t i v e of

the r e l i g i o n of t h e a n c i e n t s than i s Rousseau, who i s disgusted by i t s

cruelty, and by the b l i n d s u p e r s t i t i o n t h a t i t breeds. Since i t s s p i r i t

i s conducive t o success i n war, Machiavelli i s at once drawn ^o i t , but

Pousseau, i n h i s concern f o r the moral w e l l - b e i n g of the i n d i v i d u a l , could

never accept so harsh a f a n a t i c i o a .

(1) Gaston V a l l e t t a , o p . c i t . , c h . i i i , pp.199-200.

 141 -

Conclusion

Since we have t r i e d t o p r e s e n t our conclusions as t o the r e l a t i o n

of Macniavelli's and Rousseau's thoughts at t h e end of eacn chapter,

there is l i t t l e t o be said about the s p e c i f i c t o p i c s t h a t we have

considered. However, a few general questions remain t o be answered.

First of a l l , i t must be admitted t h a t t h e p i c t u r e s we have drawn of

these authors, t a k e n i n d i v i d u a l l y , are very incomplete. This f a c t

becomes p a r t i c u l a r l y conspicuous when we consider t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e

places in the h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t .

Machiavelli i s , a f t e r a l l , not so renowned for the republicanism of

the Disco-arses, as for the r e c k l e s s o r i g i n a l i t y of the P r i n c e . 7fhile

such republicans as Algernon Sidney and Rousseau might admire him as one

of t h e i r own s c h o o l , h i s d i s t i n c t i v e c o n t r i b u t i o n docs not l i e i n t h a t

field of thought. I t i s i n the much noted e l e v a t i o n of the power of t h e

state above a l l other values t h a t Machiavelli i s remarkable. Machiavelli

recognizes only one sphere of p o l i t i c a l endeavour, t h a t of the various

states competing for power. His whole a t t e n t i o n is fixed on t h a t one

scene. Such an e x c l u s i v e preoccupation with i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s does

not lead t o a very broad or r e a l i s t i c view of p o l i t i c a l l i f e , but i t i s

one that we would expect a p r o f e s s i o n a l diplomat t o hold. He has by no

i-aeans discovered the f i e l d of "pure p o l i t i c s " , as Croce claims, but he

has isolated one aspect of p o l i t i c s , and disregarded a l l o t h e r s . It is

because of t h i s narrow c o n c e n t r a t i o n , t h a t for Machiavelli the s t a t e f i n d s

i t s highest function i n war, and p o l i t i c a l v i r t u e , even the r e p u b l i c a n

ideal, i s not s e l f - j u s t i f i e d , but must find i t s glory i n i t s superiority

in combat with o t h e r s t a t e s . The open admission t h a t the s t a t e depends

on paver i s u l t i m a t e l y based on the moral d e f i c i e n c i e s of man. But t h e s e

are so much taken for granted t h a t they form an " i n a r t i c u l a t e major

 142 -

premise" from which Machiavelli goes on t o estimate p o l i t i c a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s ,

in practice the h i g h e s t moral e f f o r t t h a t man i s capable of, i s devotion

to the welfare of the s t a t e . That i s the sumnum bonum, not absolutely

or metaphysically c o n s i d e r e d , but from t h e standpoint of " e f f e c t u a l truth".

It is in the p u r s u i t of t h e grandeur of the s t a t e t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s find a

capacity for s e l f - a b n e g a t i o n . Every human a c t i v i t y i s absorbed i n t h a t one

end. That i s why C h r i s t i a n i t y i s r e j e c t e d , and t h a t i s why a l l c o n s i d e r a t -

ions of j u s t i c e and c h a r i t y are f a l s e when they are i n c o n f l i c t with one's

country's e f f o r t t o gain power. Such was the glory of Rome I

Rousseau's o u t s t a n d i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n was undoubtedly the idea of

the General ^ i l l , and h i s treatment of the problem of s o c i a l o b l i g a t i o n .

It i s not i n the means t h a t he suggests for making i t e f f e c t i v e , but i n

the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the i d e a of the General Will i t s e l f t h a t he i s most

original. I t has been said t h a t Rousseau provided a s u b s t i t u t e for the

moral r e s t r a i n t t h a t the Roman C a t h o l i c Church had exercised i n an

earlier age. However, t h e General Will i s not a mere s e c u l a r i z a t i o n

of the universal s t a n d a r d s of behaviour t h a t the Church imposed on

secular r u l e r s . The n a t u r a l law t h e o r i e s of the seventeenth century

presented the c l o s e s t e x t r a - r e l i g i o u s counterpart of such an i n f l u e n c e .

Unfortunately t h e y were never able t o embody themselves in any i n s t i t u t -

ional form, and thus acquired no force as a counterpoise t o the w i l l

of the r u l e r s of s t a t e s . The a u t h o r i t y of n a t u r a l law, l i k e t h a t of

Catholicism, was based on a b e l i e f i n i t s u n i v e r s a l v a l i d i t y . This,

however, i s not t r u e of Rousseau's General W i l l , which i s , i n e f f e c t , a

t o t a l repeal of n a t u r a l law. The force of the General Will i s not d e r i v -

ed from the p u b l i c opinion of a l l mankind, and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n extends

only over i n d i v i d u a l s t a t e s . The preference for small s t a t e s , a l l h i g h l y

 - 143 -

isolated and parochial in spirit, and each differing in its moral and

legal constitution, according to its particular external environment,

can lead to only one conclusion, namely, that the General hill is not

one and indivisible, but that there are many different wills, whose

generality is limited to the territory of each state. Justice has in

practice ceased to be a universal concept.

Since in the a:.a aal Contract Rousseau is legislating for a community

that is initially favoured by the best external and moral conditions

imaginable, it must be inferred that variety in the moral law is an

accepted ideal, though one made necessary by man's limited moral capaci-

ties. It does not necessarily follow that difference must result in

conflict. There is throughout the hope that the truly just republic

will not quarrel with its equally righteous neighbour. Nevertheless,

when we take into account Rousseau's acceptance of military training

as an indispensable part of education, his exaltation of the martial

spirit and his insistence on national particularism, his admission that

to the patriot all strangers are foes, war seems to become the inevitable

condition of the republican order. Rousseau is left with the dubious

distinction between the just and the unjust war.

The right of self-iefence is ultimately highly debatable. Christ-

ian] tv reiects it with its demand of turning the other cheek and its

humility. That is why itousseau accuses it of being contrary to the social

end civic spirit. M a l e Rousseau is revolted by all acts of violence

and brutality, he also admired the military man, his courage, his

physical strength and his devotion to his calling. ^o concerned wes

he with maintaining these characteristics tfcat.in proposing a scheme for

a lasting peace in iiurove, he had to console hii^elf with the thourht

that Europeans could always f i«iit the Turks to preserve their martial

habits, he is also reassured by the belief that this spirit can be

maintained ;vithout perpetual wnr. However, he is fully convinced of the

 - 144 -

idiocy of c o n q u e s t s , and power, as such, can have no importance for one

who b e l i e v e s t h a t only small s t a t e s could be s u c c e s s f u l . Rousseau i s

already faced w i t h the i n h e r e n t c o n f l i c t of n a t i o n a l i s m which wants t o

integrate an3 p r e s e r v e the uniqueness of each n a t i o n a l group, but finds

that when t h e s e groups, eacn convinced of i t s own s u p e r i o r i t y , come i n t o

contact with each o t h e r , they are i n e v i t a b l y driven i n t o c o n f l i c t and

conquests, i n which they absorb not only t h e i r " i r r e d e n t a " , but a l s o

alien groups which t h r e a t e n the p u r i t y of t h e i r n a t i o n a l s p i r i t .

I t has been suggested t h a t with the invention of the sovereign

General Will above the government, Rousseau l a i d the f i r s t foundation

of modern l i b e r a l i s m . P o s s i b l y h i s b e l i e f t h a t the General "fill could

operate only i n a h i g h l y n a t i o n a l i s t i c s t a t e i s i n i t s e l f a p r e d i c t i o n

of the unfortunate a l l i a n c e of l i b e r a l i s m with nationalism i n the

nineteenth c e n t u r y . I t i s a l s o said t h a t , because he had l i t t l e faith

i n moral r e s o u r c e s of most men, he was the f i r s t c r i t i c of l i b e r a l i s m

as w e l l . This might be demonstrated by the idea of "forcing men t o be

f r e e " , since most of them are d i s i n c l i n e d t o accept the moral burdens

of l i b e r t y .
I t i s , however, q u i t e l i k e l y t h a t Rousseau was not at a l l concerned

with l i b e r a l i s m , e i t h e r as a supporter or as an a n t a g o n i s t . The General

Will provides f o r the freedom of the moral w i l l , not for t h a t of individual

political action. Compromise and n e g o t i a t i o n i n a r r i v i n g at p o l i t i c a l

decisions are r e j e c t e d i n favour of unanimous submission t o the one

p o s s i b l e , morally acceptable a c t i o n . What Housseau has achieved i s an

amalgamation of antique republicanism and the P r o t e s t a n t s p i r i t of Geneva.

The l a t t e r c o n t r i b u t e d i t s emphasis on the i n d i v i d u a l conscience end w i l l ,

and i t s p r a c t i c e of the coercion of the individual by the community i n

a l l his a f f a i r s , a l l f o r t h e g r e a t e r glory of God. The general outlook

 - 145 -

t h a t we have chosen t o c a l l antique republicanism shares with l i b e r a l i s m

the idea of the r u l e of law, and t h a t of a degree of popular p a r t i c i p a t i o n

i n the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s . I t s r u l e of law involves freedom from governm-

ental a r b i t r a r i n e s s , but i t s a t t i t u d e t o the l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l i s one

of c o n s t r a i n t , not of free development. I t s t r e s s e s the subservience of

the i n d i v i d u a l t o the s t a t e . The i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e management

of public a f f a i r s c o n s i s t s of s e l f - s a c r i f i c e and devotion t o the s t a t e .

The i n d i v i d u a l as such i s not important; for i n the end he e x i s t s for the

s t a t e , not t h e s t a t e for his betterment 0 Prom P r o t e s t a n t i s m Rousseau

i n h e r i t e d the b e l i e f in the value of each man as a moral being, but beyond

t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l was of no great concern. Republicanism was not designed

to alter that bias.

While Rousseau i s i n no way i n t e r e s t e d i n power, he i s brought i n t o

M a c h i a v e l l i ' s camp by h i s i n s i s t e n c e t h a t a l l human a c t i v i t y i s a b s o l u t e l y

dependent on p o l i t i c s . Moreover, he does not look at a l l p o l i t i c a l life

from the vantage point of i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s , but on the contrary

concentrates on the problem of the individual and the s t a t e , and the moral

-welfare of the former. But i n t h e process of t h e o r e t i c a l l y constructing

h i s i d e a l s t a t e , with Sparta as h i s mod el, Jie is brought close t o Machiavelli.

I n t h e i r major purposes Machiavelli and Rousseau d i f f e r so much t h a t

they can be said t o i n h a b i t d i f f e r e n t worlds of t h o u g h t . I n t h e i r development,

however, they have so much i n common t h a t i t appeared worth-while t o place

t h e i r i d e a s side by sideband t r y t o make each o n e ' s words stand out more

c l e a r l y by comparing them t o those of t h e o t h e r .

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