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Microeconomics Principles and Applications 6th Edition Hall Test Bank

CHAPTER 2—SCARCITY, CHOICE, AND ECONOMIC SYSTEMS

MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. When opportunity costs rise as more of a good is consumed, the production possibilities frontier will
be concave (bowed out) with respect to the origin.
a. True
b. False
ANS: A PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Easy
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Comprehension

2. By better utilizing existing resources, an economy can produce at a point outside of its current
production possibilities frontier.
a. True
b. False
ANS: B PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Easy
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Knowledge

3. The production possibilities frontier is useful for demonstrating both scarcity and productive
inefficiency.
a. True
b. False
ANS: A PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: The Search for a Free Lunch KEY: Bloom's: Knowledge

4. An economy's production possibilities frontier is fixed in the long run.

a. True
b. False
ANS: B PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Easy
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Knowledge

5. If capital is not being used efficiently, an economy cannot be operating at a point along its production
possibilities frontier.
a. True
b. False
ANS: A PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Easy
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Comprehension

Figure 2-1

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6. Figure 2-1 illustrates the trade-off for a particular student between time spent studying per week and
income per week from working part-time. What is the opportunity cost for this person of moving from
point a to point b?
a. $5 of income per week
b. $10 of income per week
c. two hours of studying per week
d. $10 per hour of studying per week
e. $20 of income per week
ANS: B PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Application

7. Figure 2-1 illustrates the trade-off for a particular student between time spent studying per week and
income per week from working part-time. What is the opportunity cost for this person of moving from
point b to point a?
a. $5 of income per week
b. $10 of income per week
c. two hours of studying per week
d. $10 per hour of studying per week
e. $20 of income per week
ANS: C PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Application

8. Figure 2-1 illustrates the trade-off for a particular student between time spent studying per week and
income per week from working part-time. If this student does not study at all, how much income can
they earn?
a. $0
b. $40
c. $80
d. $100
e. $120
 ANS: D PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Application

9. Production possibilities frontiers are typically concave (bowed out) from the origin because
a. of the law of supply
b. there is usually a one-for-one trade-off in resources used in production
c. economies of scale enable firms to reduce the average costs of production as output rises
d. the opportunity cost of a good rises as the quantity of the good produced increases
e. resources are often left idle in the firm
ANS: D PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Comprehension

10. Combinations of goods on the production possibilities frontier

a. are unattainable without additional resources
b. can be produced using currently available resources and technology
c. reflect minimum normative value allocations
d. will meet society's needs but not its wants
e. are attainable only through international trade
ANS: B PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Knowledge

11. Combinations of goods outside the production possibilities curve

a. are unattainable given society's technology and resources
b. are combinations that have already been consumed
c. go beyond basic necessities
d. result from involuntary unemployment
e. are the result of economic recessions
ANS: A PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Comprehension

12. If the economy is producing a combination of goods inside its production possibilities frontier, then
a. workers are on vacation
b. a significant number of workers have little education
c. some resources are being wasted
d. technology must improve before output can increase
e. the opportunity cost of producing more output is greater than the value of the additional
output that could be produced
ANS: C PTS: 1 DIF: Difficulty: Moderate
NAT: BUSPROG: Analytic STA: DISC: Scarcity, tradeoffs, and opportunity cost
TOP: Society's Production Choices KEY: Bloom's: Comprehension

Figure 2-2
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Title: Tusayan katcinas

Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes

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Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TUSAYAN

KATCINAS ***
T U S AYA N K AT C I N A S

BY

JESSE WALTER FEWKES

EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

WA S H I N G T O N
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1897
 CONTENTS

Page
Introduction 251
Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255
Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256
Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258
Classification of ceremonials 260
Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264
Classification of Katcinas 265
Elaborate Katcinas 268
Soyáluña 268
Katcina’s return 273
Powámû 274
Pálülükoñti 291
Nimánkatcina 292
Abbreviated Katcinas 292
Characteristics 292
Síocálako 296
Pawíkkatcina 299
Áñakatcina 303
Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 304
 ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
P CIV. A, Shield with star symbol; B, Soyáluña shield with
star and unknown symbol; C, Symbolic sun shield 262
CV. The Natácka ceremony at Walpi 267
CVI. Hahaíwüqti, Natácka, and Soyókmana 272
CVII. Doll of Cálakomana 278
CVIII. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and
rain-cloud symbolism 286
CIX. Doll of Cálakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as
Cálakotaka) 294
CX. Head-dress of Alosaka 301
CXI. A Powámû mask 306
F 39. Tablet of the Palahíkomana mask 262
40. The Áñakatcina 294
41. Maskette of Áñakatcinamana 295
42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in
Síocálako 298
43. Mask of Pawíkkatcina (front view) 299
44. Mask of Pawíkkatcina (side view) 300
45. Mask of Pawíkkatcinamana 301
46. Staff of Pawíkkatcina 301
47. Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for
reception ceremony 302
48. Symbolism of the helmet of Húmiskatcina (tablet
removed) 307
THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS
CALLED KATCINAS[1]

By J W F

INTRODUCTION
In their use of the word Katcina[2] the Hopi or Moki apply the term to
supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes
in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former appear are
likewise called by the same name which with the orthography “Cachena”
is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of the upper Rio
Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan Indians leads me
to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of subordinate
rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship plays a not inconspicuous
part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina.
When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual
practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so complex
that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations
extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my
work, as will be seen in previous publications, has been to gather and
record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis
for generalization.
My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply
records of observations.[3] For various reasons it has seemed well to
anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with tentative
efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more
exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these
observances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir
necessitating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted.
 At the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write
such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers, but
it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations,
this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, to
aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my work,
four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared to be a
hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible, but as one ceremony
after another was studied it was found that the exactness of the ritual as
exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to details, and
that there was a logical connection running throughout all the religious
observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations of which were
practically little influenced by white races with whom the people had
been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were studied more
sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them which, whatever
their origin may have been, placed them in marked contrast to those of
the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They were found to belong
to a type or ceremonial area in which the other Pueblos are embraced, the
affinities of which carry us into different geographic regions of the
American continent.
But while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of
Athapascan or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite
nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and had in
turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo culture
was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With strong affinities
on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with those of Mexico
and Central America.
The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no doubt
formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its original
boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to decide, but
the problem at present before us is the determination of its characteristics
as a survival in our times. When once this is satisfactorily known, and
not until then, can we advance with confidence to wider generalizations
as to its past distribution and offer theories regarding its affinities with
other ceremonial areas of the American race.
It is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be
claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong to
the same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic times
delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among the
Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have migrated
back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in that section.
The most western and the most eastern peoples of this Pueblo culture-
stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing about a
consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell of their
common character. It is too early in research to inject into science the
idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and we
outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or group
of villages the implication involved in the expression, “Father of the
Pueblos.” Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its germ may
have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo people is able
satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral outside of a very
limited area.
In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the two
great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayan ritual is
divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative studies of
the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not found sufficient
data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to carry this
comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these dances occur in
most of the pueblos, the published data about them is too meager for
comparative uses. No connected description of these ceremonies in other
pueblos has been published; of theoretical explanations we have more
than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the ever-increasing interest in
the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the southwest will lead to didactic,
exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these peoples, for a great field for
research in this direction is yet to be tilled.
In the use, throughout this article, of the words “gods,” “deities,” and
“worship” we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which do
not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas resulting
from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumbersome term
“supernatural beings”[4] is more expressive, and the word “spirit” is
perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it likewise has come
to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive mind.
Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the
description of the Indian’s methods of approaching his supernal beings.
It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence of
that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better
nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these
terms from their convenience will still continue in common use.
 The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina[5] ritual is more
prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, as
would naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less
striking than in the second group or those in which the performers are
without masks.
There exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which
form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the
symbolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the
sequence of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of
the myth. In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of
myth and ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to
be comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples.
Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited.
While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the
celebrations recounted in legends of times when real supernatural beings
visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic stories, I fail to see
aught else in them of the dramatic element.
The characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms to the
legends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this or that way
can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carrying out of the
sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any story of creation or
migration, did not appear in any abbreviated[6] Katcina which was
studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is present, but only in the
crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, however, we find an advance in
the amount of dramatization, or an attempt to represent a story or parts of
the same. Thus we can in Soyáluña follow a dramatic presentation of the
legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile deities or powers, in which
both are personified.
I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan
conceptions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is
immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has been
seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account of the
Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know how much
or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these observations are
wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric explanations of
causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the subject will be an
important contribution to the appreciation of explanations which it
naturally precedes.
 Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains
elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I
incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it has
grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came first,
myth or ritual? is outside the scope of this article.
Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan
Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in
winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of
celebrations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to
harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explanation of
this condition would be, and probably is, necessity. There is not time
enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must
be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn is high and the
crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the agriculturist is at
home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry on
elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally he takes part in the
complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early summer religious
observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo farmer may
thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, his human
nature is too practical to consume the precious planting time with
elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is coming and
harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, magnificent
pageants which extend from the latter part of August until March of the
following year.
It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials
that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of the
ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications
resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time
affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily
changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described
were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society
of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white man.
Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time of the
year.

TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN

CELEBRATIONS[7]
 The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in
the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials presented to
us for classification:
Katcina’s return.
A[8] Powámû.
Pálülükoñti.
The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary
somewhat from year to year.
Nimán (Katcina’s departure).
Snake or Flute (alternating).
Lálakoñti.
B
Mamzraúti.
Wüwütcímti[9] (sometimes Naácnaiya).
Soyáluña.

Masked or Katcina Ceremonials

December January February March April–June July
Variable
Soyáluña. Pa. Powámû. Pálülükoñti. abbreviated Nimán.
Katcinas.

Unmasked or Nine Days’ Ceremonials

August September October November
Snake or Flute. Lálakoñti. Mamzraúti. Wüwütcímti or Naácnaiya.

The Katcina chief, Íntiwa, erects his altar every year in the Móñkiva,
but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of the
Nimán by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men of the
Wikwáliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacábkiva in
1892; those of the Álkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the men of the
Tcivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the summer. It thus will
appear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from
year to year within certain limits, and the variations mean nothing more
than that the members of the different kivas participate in rotation.
NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS
The Tusayan names of the months are as follows:
Months Ceremonials
1. Powámü′iyawû [10]
Powámû.
2. Ü′cümü′iyawû Pálülükoñti.
3. Kwiyaomü′iyawû.
4. Hakitonmü′iyawû.
5. Kelemü′iyawû.
6. Kyamü′iyawû Nimán.
7. Pamü′iyawû (Snake, Flute.)
8. Powa′mü′iyawû Lálakoñti.
9. Hüükmü′iyawû
10. Ü′cümü′iyawû Mamzraúti.
11. Kelemü′iyawû Wüwütcímti.
12. Kyamü′iyawû Soyáluña.
13. Pamü′iyawû Katcina’s return.
The second part of the October (Ü′cü) is said to be called Tü′hoe. If
this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to the
ceremonial year. In the Pamü′iyawû, the Snake ceremony, and the
Katcina’s return, the same Nüitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc)
occurs.
It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as
those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions
“named” and “nameless,” elsewhere used on good authority. The
questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their
number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered.
The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or
the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his house
(Táwaki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important question, for
a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are insufficient.
Several of the priests have told me that there were 13, as given above;
but others say there are 12, and still others, 14. The comparative
ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be glad to accept the
report that there were 13, in which case there would be introduced a
remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways. Although,
however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized by some priests,
the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially as it is derived from
men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come to respect. I have,
however, provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold that the
Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their calendar.
If the second part of the Ü′cü moon be called Tü′hoe, we would have
14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 Pówa, or 2 Pa, Kéle, Kyá, and
divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The Katcina’s
return (Ükine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then occurs in the Pa
moon; they end in Kyá at the Nimán (last, farewell). The group of
unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at the Pa moon in the
Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kyá, or Soyáluña.
In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the
two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this
interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: “When we of the upper
world,” he said, “are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people of the
under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or Flute, and
vice versa.” The ceremonials in the two worlds are synchronous. “That is
the reason,” said my informant, “that we make the Snake or Flute pahos
during the winter season, although the dance is not celebrated until the
corresponding month of the following summer.”[11]

MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS

Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled in
the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on the
horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for
religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one at
tátyüka,[12] which is called the sun house (táwaki) par excellence, another
at kwiníwi, which also is called táwaki, or sun house.
The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial
events are as follows:
1. Táwaki (hütca, opening). The horizon point properly called
savwúwee marks the cardinal point tátyüka or place of sunrise at the
winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soyáluña is determined not by
sunrise, but by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer
ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise.
 2. Másnamüzrü (mási, drab or gray; namüzrü, wooded ridge). This
point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Püp′ce.
3. Pavüñ′tcómo (pavüñ, young corn; tcómo, mound). A point on the
old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams
canyon.
4. Hoñwítcomo (derivation obscure; hóñwi, erect).
5. Nüváktcomo (nüvák, snow; tcómo, mound). When the sun reaches
here on its northern journey the Honáni or Badger people plant corn; the
other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds.
6. Pülhomotaka (pülü, round, hump; hómo, obscure; táka, man;
possibly many hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the Pátki or
Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake-Antelope
fraternities assemble for the Snake dance.
7. Kwitcála.[13] When the sun rises at this point on his northward
journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer
solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey the
Nimánkatcina is celebrated.
8. Taíovi (?).
9. Owátcoki (owa, rock; tcóki, mound house).
10. Wü′nacakabi (wü′na, pole; cáka, ladder).
11. Wakácva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keams canyon.
12. Paváukyaki, swallow house.
13. Tüyüka, summer solstice.
We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon[14] worship
is usual among primitive men. Whether that of the sun or of our satellite
was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, but it is
doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among most
primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we can not
say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essential element
of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led them into a
rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can safely say,
however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from observations of
the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they noticed the fact
that this celestial body did not always rise or set at the same points on the
horizon. The connection between these facts and the seasons of the year
must have been noted early in their history, and have led to orientation,
which plays such an important part in all their rituals. Thus the approach
of the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its
recession in winter led to the association of time when the earth yielded
them their crops with its approach, and the time when the earth was
barren with its recession. These epochs were noticed, however, not by
the position of the sun at midday, but at risings and settings, or the
horizon points. The two great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is
believed, connected with solstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial,
horizontal points, unconnected with important times to agriculturists,
were not considered as of much worth. There is every evidence,
however, that the time of day was early indicated by the altitude of the
sun, although the connection of the altitude at midday with the time of
year was subordinated to observations on the horizon.

CLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS
In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observances,
as determined by observations made during the last three years, I
recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or
less arbitrary. These groups are called—
I. The Katcinas.
II. The Nine days’ ceremonials.
The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins
with the Katcinas’ return,[15] and ends with their departure (Nimán). It is
not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as a short
reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding of the
Katcinas.
There are significant likenesses between different members of the
series of nine days’ ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several
pairs, of which the following may be mentioned:
I. Snake or Flute.[16]
II. Lálakoñti and Mamzraúti.
III. Powámû and Pálülükoñti.
IV. Wüwütcímti and Naácnaiya.
The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in both
members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another kinship which
does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in the
subordinate parts. Thus, Lálakoñti and Pálülükoñti, Wüwütcímti and
Mamzraúti are brother and sister ceremonials, according to their
conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain events in the
ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies,
but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships.
The term “Nine days’ ceremonies” refers to the active[17] ceremonial
days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance
and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremonial
smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and from this
date to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days, a multiple of the
omnipresent number four.
Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the
assembly and the final purification.
The inception of the ceremony is called tcótcoñ yüñya, smoking
assembly, in which the chiefs (moñ′mowitû) meet together in the evening
at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows:
Tcütcüb (Snake-Antelope Snake chief’s mother’s
fraternity) house.
Mamzraú Sálako’s.
Lálakoñ Kótcnümsi’s.
Soyáluña Vénsi’s.
Wüwütcím Tcíwüqti’s.
Lénya (Flute) Talásvensi’s.
Nimán Kwümaletci’s.
On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tcaákmoñwi) at
early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, and
to the six direction deities (nananivo moñ′mowitû) that the priests are
about to assemble to pray for rain. Eight days after the announcement the
chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yüñya, assemblage, but is
not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The first ceremonial day
is Cüctála, after which follow the remaining days as already explained in
my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting the days from the
commencement, the Snake, Flute, Nimán, Lálakoñti, and Mamzraúti are
always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine days of active
ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When Naácnaiya is not
celebrated, Wüwütcímti, Powámû, Soyáluña, and Pálülükoñti are
abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials.
The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days’
ceremonials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and
nights; no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas;
no Tcukúwympkiyas.[18] Altars and sand mosaics generally present.
Individual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at
approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Típoni[19]
generally brought out in the public dance. Many páhos,[20] ordinarily of
different length (Snake, Flute, Lálakoñti, Mamzraúti), to deposit in
shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, generally
in the morning of the eighth and ninth days.
The following are the important nine days’ ceremonies:
1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the
Lélenti or Flute observance.
2. The Lálakoñti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights,
and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at Walpi in
1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have already been
published.[21] It has some likenesses with the Mamzraúti, which follows it
in sequence. There are four priestesses, the chief of whom is Kótcnümsi.
Three típonis were laid on the altar in the celebration of 1891, although it
is customary for each society to have but one típoni, which, with the
other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of the chief priest.
 F . 39—Tablet of the Palahíkomana mask.

3. The Mamzraúti. This ceremonial has likewise been described.[22] In

some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their heads
personifying maids called Palahíkomanas. In 1891 these personages
were represented by pictures[23] of the same on slabs carried in the hands
of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in different years
may be explained; sometimes women are dressed to impersonate the
Palahíkomanas, at others only pictures of the same are carried.