Race Gender and Culture in International

i
“Race, Gender, and Culture in International Relations opens up the world of inter-
national relations to the world – where people carry social hierarchy through
their lives and where national hierarchies are built on these social divisions and
then magnify them. It is impossible to imagine 'international relations' without
race and gender, without imperialism and the urge for freedom. But, of course,
that's how IR is often understood. This book shows why IR has, largely, been
too myopic and why IR needs to expand its vision.”
Vijay Prashad, Trinity College, USA
“This is the first and much-needed textbook to emerge in IR that introduces

the undergraduate student to postcolonialism. It has the added advantage of
focusing in a sustained way on how Eurocentrism intersects with race and gen-
der thereby bringing a wider critical perspective to the student.This is a deeply
impressive book that should be a go-to resource for all lecturers and students
who are interested in this rapidly-rising area within IR.”
John M. Hobson, University of Sheffield, UK
“By bringing together race, gender and postcolonial critique, this textbook rad-
ically expands the vantage points and critical considerations currently offered in
introductions to International Relations. Teachers and students alike will find
the material challenging, thought provoking, and above all, timely and relevant.”
Robbie Shilliam, Queen Mary University of London, UK
“This important textbook brings together contributions from outstanding

scholars to advance our understandings of the cultural constitution of global
politics through the intersections of race and gender. Drawing from postcolo-
nial theory, indigenous theory, and feminist theory, the volume contributes in
significant ways to enhancing our understandings of some of the key concepts
and processes of International Relations – the nation-state, sovereignty, security,
global capitalism, colonialism, and violence.”
Shampa Biswas, Whitman College, USA
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iii
Race, Gender, and Culture

in International Relations
International Relations theory has broadened out considerably since the end of
the Cold War. Topics and issues once deemed irrelevant to the discipline have
been systematically drawn into the debate and great strides have been made in
the areas of culture/identity, race, and gender in the discipline. However, despite
these major developments over the last two decades, currently there are no
comprehensive textbooks that deal with race, gender, and culture in IR from a
postcolonial perspective. This textbook fills this important gap.
Persaud and Sajed have drawn together an outstanding lineup of schol-
ars, with each chapter illustrating the ways these specific lenses (race, gender,
culture) condition or alter our assumptions about world politics.
This book:
• covers a wide range of topics including war, global inequality, postcolonial-

ism, nation/nationalism, indigeneity, sexuality, celebrity humanitarianism,
and religion;
• follows a clear structure, with each chapter situating the topic within IR,
reviewing the main approaches and debates surrounding the topic and
illustrating the subject matter through case studies;
• features pedagogical tools and resources in every c hapter –boxes to high-
light major points; illustrative narratives; and a list of suggested readings.
Drawing together prominent scholars in critical International Relations, this

work shows why and how race, gender and culture matter and will be essential
reading for all students of global politics and International Relations theory.
Randolph B. Persaud is Associate Professor, School of International Service,

American University, Washington, DC, USA.
Alina Sajed is Associate Professor of International Relations, McMaster

University, Canada.
iv
v
Race, Gender, and Culture

in International Relations
Postcolonial Perspectives
Edited by Randolph B. Persaud

and Alina Sajed
vi
First published 2018

by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 selection and editorial matter, Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed;
individual chapters, the contributors.
The right of Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed to be identified as the authors of
the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted
in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any
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and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Persaud, Randolph B., 1959– editor. | Sajed, Alina., editor.
Title: Race, gender, and culture in international relations : postcolonial perspectives /
edited by Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017049219 | ISBN 9780415786423 (hbk) |
ISBN 9780415786430 (pbk) | ISBN 9781315227542 (ebk)
Subjects: LCSH: International relations–Social aspects. |
International relations and culture. | Postcolonialism.
Classification: LCC JZ1251 .R33 2018 | DDC 327.101–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017049219
ISBN: 978-0-415-78642-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-415-78643-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-22754-2 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Out of House Publishing
vi
From Randy –to Maya, Thea, and Dolly

From Alina – to Sophia
vi
ix
Contents
List of figures and tables xi

List of boxes xii
List of contributors xiii
Acknowledgements xvi
1 Introduction: Race, gender, and culture in

International Relations 1
randolph b. persaud and alina sajed
2 Postcolonialism and its relevance for International

Relations in a globalized world 19
sankaran krishna
3 Race in International Relations 35

srdjan vucetic and randolph b. persaud
4 Gender, race, and International Relations 58

aytak akbari-dibavar
5 Gender, nation, and nationalism 80

nivi manchanda and leah de haan
6 Postcolonialism and International Relations: Intersections

of sexuality, religion, and race 99
momin rahman
7 Race and global inequality 116

naeem inayatullah and david l. blaney
x
x Contents
8 Discourses of conquest and resistance: International
Relations and Anishinaabe diplomacy 135
hayden king
9 Security studies, postcolonialism and the Third World 155

randolph b. persaud
10 ‘It is not about me…but it kind of is:’ Celebrity

humanitarianism in late modernity 180
aida a. hozic, samantha majic, and
ibrahim yahaya ibrahim
Index 200
xi
List of figures and tables
Figures
6.1 he modernization progress model of LGBT identities
T
and rights 101
6.2 The social structure of heteronormativity 103
6.3 The triangulation of homocolonialism 106
6.4 Muslim LGBT as intersectionality 108
Table
3.1 Western views of itself and Others 37
xi
List of boxes
2.1 What is the Third World? 29

2.2 Chapter 2 Key points 31
3.1 From Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa 45
3.2 Race and immigration 46
4.1 Definition: Hegemonic masculinity 60
4.2 Definition: Andro-Eurocentrism 61
4.3 Definition: Liberal feminisms 62
4.4 Definition: Gender mainstreaming 65
4.5 Sojourner Truth (1797–1883): Ain’t I A Woman? 66
4.6 Definition: Patriarchy 68
4.7 Definition: Heteronormativity 69
4.8 Definition: Social reproduction 70
4.9 Definition: Subaltern 73
4.10 Definition: The traditional African-American quilt pattern 75
5.1 The exclusivity of nationalism 93
7.1 Story box 130
9.1 Massacre at Amritsar, India, 1919 162
9.2 Snapshot: Violence against the Third World 171
10.2 Story box 195
xi
List of contributors
Editors
Randolph B. Persaud is Associate Professor of International Relations at
American University,Washington, DC. He specializes in the areas of race and
international relations, hegemony and counterhegemony, postcolonialism,
human security, and immigration and identity. He is the author of Counter-
Hegemony and Foreign Policy published by the State University of New York
Press. His research has also been published in Cambridge Review of International
Affairs, Globalizations, Latin American Politics and Society, Alternatives, Race and
Class, Conn. Jour Int’L Law, and Korea Review of International Studies. He co-
edited, with R.B.J. Walker, ‘Race in International Relations’ –Alternatives,
Vol. 26, No. 4, 2001. Persaud and R.B.J. Walker also recently co-edited a fol-
low-up special issue on the subject of ‘Race, De-Coloniality and International
Relations. Alternatives’,Vol. 40, No. 2, 2015.
Alina Sajed is Associate Professor with the Department of Political Science at
McMaster University. She researches on and teaches decolonization, politics
of the Third World, and political violence. Her research has been published
in Review of International Studies, International Studies Review, Globalizations,
Third World Quarterly, Citizenship Studies, Cambridge Review of International
Affairs, and Postcolonial Studies. She is the author of Postcolonial Encounters in
International Relations. The Politics of Transgression in the Maghreb (Routledge,
2013); and the co-author (with William D. Coleman) of Fifty Key Thinkers
on Globalization (Routledge, 2012).
Chapter authors
Aytak Akbari-Dibavar is a PhD Candidate and 2016 Pierre Elliot Trudeau
Scholar with the department of Political Science at York University. She spe-
cializes in International Relations and Gender Studies. Her research inves-
tigates the trans-generational transmission of political trauma and politics of
silencing and memory in authoritarian states. Her research has been pub-
lished in Journal of Time and Society and Critical Security Studies. She is cur-
rently a Research Fellow with the York Centre for Refugee Studies.
xvi
xiv List of contributors

David L. Blaney is G. Theodore Mitau Professor of Political Science at
Macalester College. He works on the social and political theory of inter-
national relations/global political economy. More specifically, he explores
the constructions of identity, time and space central to the discipline of
International Relations. He is the author of numerous scholarly articles
and books. His most recent publications are Thinking International Relations
Differently (co-edited with Arlene Tickner) (Routledge, 2012) and Claiming
the International (Routledge, 2013).
Leah de Haan completed her Masters in International Relations Theory at
the London School of Economics and Political Sciences in August 2017
after a BA in Politics and International Relations at Macquarie University,
Australia. She is currently working as an editorial assistant at the Royal
Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, in London. Her academic
interests include queer, narrative and post-structural IR theory.
Aida A. Hozic is an Associate Professor of International Relations with the
Department of Political Science at the University of Florida. Her research is
situated at the intersection of political economy, cultural studies, and inter-
national security. Her current project, however, explores the resurrection of
the old Ottoman trade routes in contemporary Balkans, the accompanying
political violence and instability, and the role of the Balkans in the world
economy. She is the author of Hollyworld: Space, Power and Fantasy in the
American Economy (Cornell University Press, 2002) and a number of articles
in journals and edited volumes.
Naeem Inayatullah is Professor of Political Science at Ithaca College. His
research focuses on poverty and inequality in the global political economy,
with a focus on Hegelian and Marxian dialectics, and on the cultural political
economy. Additionally, he writes on pedagogy, popular culture, and autobi-
ography. He has published numerous scholarly articles and books. His recent
book is Savage Economics (with David L. Blaney) (Routledge, 2010).
Hayden King is Anishinaabe from Beausoleil First Nation on Gchi’mnissing
in Huronia, Ontario. He has been teaching Indigenous politics and policy
since 2007, and is currently in the Faculty of Arts at Ryerson University,
with an appointment as adjunct research professor at Carleton University.
He is also a Senior Fellow at Massey College. His research, analysis and
commentary on Indigenous nationhood and settler colonialism in Canada
is published widely.
Sankaran Krishna is Professor of Political Science at the University of
Hawai’i at Manoa. His work so far has centered on nationalism, ethnic iden-
tity and conflict, identity politics, and postcolonial studies, located primar-
ily around India and Sri Lanka. He is currently working on some essays
dealing with the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, the culture
of Indian foreign policy making, the silent presence of race in discourses
of international relations, diasporic forms of Indian nationalism, and other
xv
List of contributors xv
eclectic topics. He has published numerous scholarly articles. He is the
author of Globalization and Postcolonialism (Rowman and Littlefield, 2009)
and Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka and the Question of Nationhood
(University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
Samantha Majic is Associate Professor of Political Science with the John Jay
College of Criminal Justice at the City University of New York. Her research
lies in gender and American politics, with specific interests in sex work, civic
engagement, institutionalism, and the nonprofit sector. She is the author of
Sex Work Politics: From Protest to Service Provision (University of Pennsylvania
Press, 2014) and the co-editor (with Carisa Showden) of Negotiating Sex
Work: Unintended Consequences of Policy and Activism (University of Minnesota
Press, 2014). Her research has also appeared in numerous political science
and gender studies journals.
Nivi Manchanda is a Lecturer in International Politics at Queen Mary,
University of London and co-convener of the BISA Colonial, Postcolonial,
Decolonial Working Group. Her research interests include race, gender and
the legacies of colonialism in International Relations. She is currently work-
ing on a book manuscript entitled Imagining Afghanistan: The History and
Politics of Imperial Knowledge Production which is based on her award-winning
PhD thesis. She is the author of ‘Queering the Pashtun: Afghan Sexuality
in the Homonationalist Imaginary’ Third World Quarterly (2015), ‘Rendering
Afghanistan Legible: Borders, Frontiers and the “State” of Afghanistan’
Politics (forthcoming), and co- editor of Race and Racism in International
Relations: Confronting the Global Colour Line (Routledge, 2014).
Momin Rahman is Professor of Sociology at Trent University in Canada. He
has published Gender and Sexuality: Sociological Approaches (2010, with Stevi
Jackson), Sexuality and Democracy (2000) and numerous articles on LGBT
issues, including work on queer representations of David Beckham (2004)
and in sports celebrity more generally (2011). He is currently working on
the tensions between Muslim cultures and sexual diversity.
Srdjan Vucetic is Associate Professor at the Graduate School of Public and
International Affairs, University of Ottawa, Canada. His research interests
revolve around the politics of international hierarchy. He is the author of
The Anglosphere: A Genealogy of a Racialized Identity in International Relations
(2011).
Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim is a PhD candidate in Political Science and
a research associate with the Sahel Research Group at the University
of Florida. His academic interest relates to Comparative Politics, Islam
and Politics, Political Stability, and International Development in the
Francophone Sahelian countries. His current research focuses on political
contestations and Islamic discourses in the Sahel, with particular focus on
Mali, Niger and Mauritania.
xvi
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Acknowledgements
Dr. Persaud would like to thank Research Assistant Shayna Vayser (American
University, Washington, DC) and students from his classes –‘Identity, Race,
Gender and Culture’, and ‘From Empire to Globalization’. He would also like
to acknowledge the support of his colleagues at American University –Amitav
Acharya, Akbar Ahmed, Amanda Taylor, Christine B.N. Chin, Patrick Thaddeus
Jackson, James Mittelman, Vidya Samarasinghe, and Ann Tickner. Dr. Sajed
would like to thank the students in her fourth year seminar on Non-Western
IR for engaging so passionately in discussions around issues of race, gender, and
culture. While in Romania, Alina also benefitted from the love and support of
her mother, who created a space for her to work on this project without hav-
ing to worry about the burden of daily chores. We also gratefully acknowledge
important comments received from Catherine Baker, Alexander Davies, John
Hobson, Audie Klotz, Craig Murphy, Ajay Parasram, Mustapha Kamal Pasha,
and three anonymous reviewers. Many thanks also to Nicola Parkin and Lucy
Frederick of Routledge for their constructive input and support. The ‘Village’
at the International Studies Association is a major source of support and inspira-
tion to both of us, and we register our sincere thanks.
1
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1
Introduction
Race, gender, and culture in International
Relations
Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed
Introduction 1
Classic works of postcolonialism 2
Critical theory 5
Gender dimensions of the postcolonial 7
Conclusion 13
Introduction
The most impactful things in our lives often exist in plain sight and yet cannot
be readily recognized (Henderson 2015).Yet, the lack of obvious visibility does
not in any way take away from the power exercised by these social forces. In
fact, it is the hidden form, plus the lack of objectivity, and the impossibility of
scientific verification that allows these social forces to have the influence that
they wield in society. Race, gender, and culture are three of the most powerful
such conditions in our lives (Chowdhry & Rai 2009).They exist and operate at
multiple levels, the local (village or town, or city); the national (the nation state),
the regional (usually contiguous countries bounded together by assumptions of
a similar history or language), and the global, meaning that which has universal
appeal or is presented as having trans-historical and transnational authenticity.
Despite their extraordinary significance, none of the three is organic, mean-
ing none is natural. We can say, therefore, that race, gender, and culture have
one common denominator, that is, they are all products of human thinking
and human actions. In many ways, race, gender, and culture are simultaneously
personal and shared, sedimented and dynamic, unconscious/conscious, in your
mind and mentality, as part of who you are, that is your being. Through speech
and action, you are also a carrier, a transporter and transponder, and thus you
pass the codes of meaning on to others, all the while perhaps not knowing.The
dynamics of race, gender, and culture can and have been the basis of extraor-
dinary solidarity or Otherness (Inayatullah and Blaney 2004; Chowdhry and
Nair 2004; Vucetic 2011), resulting in both cooperation and conflict, peace and
violence, boundaries of insides and outsides.
2
2 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

International relations as a discipline is very much influenced by race, gen-
der, and culture. This much, in fact, has been widely accepted, even by those
scholars who are more concerned with “objective” phenomena that can only
be observed and measured. Many textbooks on International Relations have
some discussion, if not an entire chapter on gender and culture, and occasion-
ally race. This book advances the discussion on these problems in ways that
both build upon and go beyond much of the existing scholarship. Specifically,
the authors present postcolonial perspectives on International Relations, with a
focus on these three topics. It should be noted at the outset that a postcolonial
perspective is not, and cannot be separated from, other critical bodies of litera-
ture in International Relations, nor for that matter is it possible to construct
postcolonial arguments while ignoring the standard literature, much of the lat-
ter characterized by Eurocentric assumptions.
The main claims of postcolonial International Relations are:
1. The Third World has been a maker of the international system as much as
it has been made by it.
2. Postcolonialism is part of a larger critical tradition in International Relations
(and beyond it), and cannot be separated from that literature.
3. The modern world system including the global economy and the modern
state system are not the product of evolution from a single source (i.e. the
West), but from multiple sources.
4. Colonialism and neo-colonialism, and imperialism and neo-imperialism,
were and continue to be central forces in the making of the world order.
5. Racism as a practice and ideology has been central to the making of the
modern world order. Racism is invariably gendered.
6. Domination and exploitation based on gender have been central to
European colonization and imperial intervention.
7. Racialized and gendered ideas and actions have been central to various
nation-building projects around the world, to the global economy, to for-
eign policy making and strategy, and to security practices (such as wars and
humanitarian interventions).
8. Powerful actors in the current Euro-centered world order are reacting to
defend the status quo both at the level of the international, and in socie-
ties where Eurocentric politics, culture, and ideologies dominate.This con-
servative and regressive reaction is taking multiple forms, including white
nationalism and populism.
Classic works of postcolonialism

Aside from its close attention to the intersections of race, gender, and cul-
ture, postcolonialism also investigates both the historical processes associated
with European colonialism, and its impact on contemporary politics, such
as immigration, globalization, development discourses and practices, nation-
building, and foreign policy, among others. Since colonialism is central to
3
Race, gender, and culture in IR 3

understanding postcolonialism, what then is colonialism? Ania Loomba
(2005, 2), in Colonialism/Postcolonialism, defines colonialism as ‘the conquest
and control of other people’s lands and goods.’ While a useful starting point,
if we limit ourselves to this definition, we might conclude that colonialism
is a timeless process as old as human history since there have always been
conquests and empires. The claim of postcolonialism is rather that colonial-
ism is a historically specific set of processes and practices associated with the
expansion and conquest by European powers of most areas of the world,
which arguably started in 1492 with the conquest of the Americas, and then
continued with the conquests and domination of Africa, major parts of Asia
and the Middle East, and the settling of the Americas, Australia, and New
Zealand. What, then, makes the European colonial empire so different from
previous empires and conquests (e.g. the Mongol Empire, the Aztec Empire,
the Roman Empire, the Ottoman Empire)? Is it its sheer size, namely that
it encompassed most of the globe? Is it that it was more violent? Is it that it
possessed military or technological superiority?1
There are a couple of elements that indicate the specificity of the European
colonial project. One element is indicated by Loomba who writes that
‘[m]‌odern colonialism did more than extract tribute, goods and wealth from
the countries that it conquered –it restructured the economies of the latter,
drawing them into a complex relationship with their own, so that there was a
flow of human and natural resources between colonized and colonial countries’
(Loomba 2005, 3). In other words, European colonialism introduced the capi-
talist system as the dominant mode of production, which altered –with indel-
ible and long-term consequences –the economic, social, cultural, and political
dynamics of many societies around the world. The European colonial empire,
then, has taken the capitalist system from a local system of economic exchange,
and transformed it into a global economic system where virtually no territory
or society has remained unaffected by its operations (see Chapters 1 and 7).
Aimé Césaire (1955), in his now classic critique of colonialism, Discourse
on Colonialism, discussed the devastating impact of capitalist expansion on the
colonies where raw materials and human labor were extracted under regimes
of slavery, systematic violence, and ruthless exploitation from colonial societies.
Discourse on Colonialism is considered one of the foundational texts of postcolo-
nialism, being one of the first texts to openly and publicly contest the so-called
‘humanist’ claims made in defense of the colonial project. The latter asserted
that European colonialism served to civilize colonial societies and their sup-
posedly backward peoples, and some of these claims are still being made today.
In a devastating critique of the so-called ‘civilizing mission’, Césaire provides
an inventory of the atrocities committed by European colonialism while also
providing incontrovertible evidence that the latter not only did not civilize
non-European societies, but in fact, it de-civilized them. Césaire thus illustrates
that the specificity of European colonialism lies not simply in its expansion
throughout all continents of the world, but also in its intrinsic impulse to dehu-
manize those considered inferior to Europe. Put differently, what drove the
4

European colonial empire was not simply the desire for profit (capitalism), but
also an unquestioned belief in its own superiority and in the inferiority of all
those others it encountered (racism).
Frantz Fanon, a psychiatrist and philosopher born in the small Caribbean
island of Martinique, examined the racist underpinnings associated with colo-
nialism, in its political, economic, social, and even psychological manifestations.
In Black Skins, White Masks, published in English in 1967,2 Fanon explores the
psychoanalytical mechanisms of the black person’s lived experience as black.
Here, he delves into the profound dehumanization experienced by the black
subject as an individual, which results in feelings of dependency and into an
internalized complex of inferiority since blackness is always negatively juxta-
posed to whiteness. In Wretched of the Earth (1963), Fanon’s best-known work,
he takes up the topic of colonial racism and dehumanization, and investigates
it on a larger scale –that of French colonialism in Algeria. The book is argu-
ably one of the most famous and widely used texts in postcolonial studies but
also beyond, inspiring political leaders and activists ranging from Steve Biko in
South Africa to Malcolm X and the Black Panthers in the United States, and
to Ernesto Che Guevara in Cuba. Here Fanon examines the structural mecha-
nisms through which the colonized are dehumanized by colonial domination
and denied both human worth and any sense of historical agency in their own
societies. He also discusses at length the means through which the colonial
project denies any value to local cultures and traditions thus introducing and
maintaining an internalized sense of inadequacy and backwardness when com-
pared to Western cultures and civilizations. Fanon thus investigates the psycho-
logical effects of such dehumanization and internalized inferiority complex on
the colonized through a discussion of the psychiatric conditions induced by
the sheer violence of colonialism. Thus, in his first chapter ‘On Violence’ (the
most widely read –and also the most controversial –chapter of this work), he
suggests that since the violence of the colonial system is so overwhelming in
its political, economic, social, and psychological effects, the only path through
which the colonized can regain their humanity and dignity is through violent
resistance.
Another key feature of European colonialism, which distinguishes it from
previous forms of domination and conquest, is also, aside from its depend-
ence on capitalism and racism for its survival and sustenance, its systematic
production of a body of academic knowledge that underpins and justifies –
ethically and ‘scientifically’ –the enterprise of colonialism as a meritorious
and worthy enterprise. Edward Said’s Orientalism, another foundational text of
postcolonial studies, discusses, with a special focus on literary texts, the ways
through which various academic disciplines propagate racist and patronizing
representations of the Orient/East as despotic, lascivious, irrational, fanatical,
backward and deceitful. Orientalism is then the systematic representation by
Western scholarship of the East through a series of patronizing clichés and
stereotypes that reduce a variety of societies and cultures to an unchanging
5

essence. This representation becomes entrenched not only in scholarship, but
also in public imagination, in the formulation of foreign policy and strategy,
and, equally importantly, internalized by the colonized themselves (Inayatullah
and Blaney 2004).
Well before Fanon, and going back to the turn of the century and then right
through the onset of decolonization –commencing around World War II –
a number of other scholars and activists contributed to what we know as post-
colonialism today. It was W.E.B. Du Bois (1994, 24), the African American soci-
ologist, who delineated the twentieth century as marked by the color line.
While Du Bois was predominantly concerned with racial domination in the
United States, he was also very much involved with the Pan-Africanist move-
ment, which saw African Americans teaming up with like-minded individuals
from the colonies to challenge colonial and imperial rule. The late nineteenth
century was marked by resurgent imperial expansion, not least because of
the aggressive entrance of the United States into the world politics of empire
building. This was also the period of a new scientific racism, which sought to
divide the world between ‘…Anglo-Saxons or Teutons and the inferior races…’
(Vitalis 2015, 26) –a construction tremendously legitimized because this type
of knowledge came from reputable scholars working at the Ivy League univer-
sities. Du Bois resisted the racial thesis and ‘began in the late 1890s to explain
hierarchy instead as the outcome of history, specifically colonial and mercantile
capitalist expansion and of the transatlantic slave trade that secured the domi-
nance of the West’ (Vitalis 2015, 27).
Critical theory
Although Fanon is widely known for his analysis of the impact of racial domi-
nation on the colonized, he also focused a great deal on economic exploitation,
and the ways in which social classes mirrored the racial profile of colonial soci-
eties. The big difference between Fanon and many of the Marxists, who were
also concerned with economic questions, was that he did not see a direct cor-
respondence between classes and politics, because other things, and especially
race, ‘rubbed up’ in between. Race was thus both a constitutive and mediat-
ing factor, meaning that race contributed to the making of the class structure,
but also acted as a filter which would allow race to develop an independent
dynamic, or relative autonomy. Specifically, Fanon argued that the colonized
working classes who formed the administrative core of the colonial state could
not be relied on to wage a struggle for freedom. The main reason is that these
workers were mostly urban. Urban life meant proximity to the culture and
even to the imagination of the colonial rulers and the local elites associated
with them. For this reason, Fanon broke away from the typical Marxist argu-
ment which sees the working class as the main engine of change. Instead he
felt that the rural populations (peasants) combined with the ‘lumpen proletariat’
would form the leading edge of decolonization. The cultural aspect included
6

dimensions of gender and sexual relations between the colonizer and colo-
nized. The colonial architecture was massively gendered with women on the
inside of the colonizer’s desire, but on the outside in all other matters of social
existence (Persaud and Chin 2016). Colonial societies were dependent on bor-
ders, and gender complicated the separation between inside and outside. As
Anne McClintock has noted, it is important to remember that the colonizer
erected multiple borders between the colonized man and woman where the
latter ‘belonged…in anachronistic space, lagging…at least 500 years behind
their men’ (McClintock 2001, 26). Of importance to us here is the fact that one
of the early postcolonial writers felt compelled to theorize the intersections of
race, class, and gender.
While Fanon was both inside and outside of the Marxian paradigm, other
scholars in this tradition were principally concerned with the ways in which
global capitalism drew in non- capitalist societies through Euro-American
expansion. Simply put, the relevance of Marxist thought to international rela-
tions was limited to the ways in which the capitalist world economy kept on
expanding.The principal international relations of concern here were restricted
to imperialism and anti-imperialism. Even so, Euro-Marxists tended to accept
European modernity as the global standard of what constituted ‘civilized life’,
and as Hobson has argued, this led to a rather paternalistic form of anti-imperi-
alism (Hobson 2012). As Chapter 3 in this book shows, later writings within the
Marxian tradition did incorporate race, with the most significant contributions
coming from Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills, and then from some
Neo-Gramscian scholars whom we shall soon examine.
Frank and Gills’ work is noteworthy on race and IR because it grew out of
dependency and world systems theory which had hitherto not factored in race
in a systematic way. Their first iteration came in a 1992 paper, published in the
Humboldt Journal of Social Relations, in which they squarely rejected Eurocentric
IR. The key points made by Frank and Gills were as follows:
1. The modern world system is itself part of an older and more (geographi-
cally) expansive world history.They suggest that it is better to think of world
history in terms of five thousand, rather than five hundred years.
2. Against the claims of writers such as Immanuel Wallerstein and Samir Amin,
modern capitalism is not unique in the ‘ceaseless’ accumulation of capital.
3. There have been multiple hegemonic centers through world history, but
some may be characterized as super-hegemonic.
4. Race, ethnicity, and gender are important elements in the constitution and
reproduction of the world system and must be incorporated into the new
world historiography.
5. The totality of the above means that ‘…we should discard the usual
Western Eurocentric rendition of history, which jumps discontinuously
from ancient Mesopotamia to Egypt, to “classical” Greece and then Rome,
to medieval Western Europe, and then on to the Atlantic West, with scat-
tered backflashes to China, India etc.’ (Frank and Gills 1992, 20).
7

Another dimension of critical theory with links to postcolonial IR came
through neo-Gramscian theory, and especially neo-Gramscian international
political economy. The impetus came through the work of Robert W. Cox
from York University in Toronto. Cox’s principal challenge to mainstream IR
theory was against its pretention to be scientific. Cox labeled the new structural
realism of Kenneth Waltz ‘neorealism’, a label that became widely adopted. In
contradistinction to neorealism’s supposed scientific credentials, Cox argued
that this theory was influenced by Cold War politics–a conclusion reflected
in his now famous aphorism ‘theory is always for someone and for some pur-
pose’ (1981, 126). Although postcolonial theorists have major differences with
Coxian critical theory (Hobson 2012), they still agree with his idea that the-
ory is not politically neutral. The second dimension of neo-Gramscian IR of
relevance to us here is the theory of hegemony, which, in contradistinction
to ‘problem-solving theory’, places strong emphasis on the cultural aspects of
domination in capitalist societies. While the neo-Gramscians stress the cultural
aspect of hegemony in general, some directly incorporated the weight of race
and/or gender (Augelli and Murphy 1988; Mittelman and Pasha 1997; Chin
1998; Persaud 2001; Slater 2004; Peterson 2003; True 2003; Whitworth 2004).
The third aspect of neo-Gramscian theory that warrants attention in terms of
its connection to postcolonial IR perspectives concerns its emphasis on con-
sensus by most neo-Gramscians (Gill 1992). The idea behind the consensus
argument is that elites have managed to get the working classes and the poor
to ‘buy into’ the key assumptions, practices, and promises of capitalism as a
social system. The OECD countries have almost perfected this framework of
state–society relations.The IR aspect refers to the globalization of the consensus
model whereby less developed states, though subjected to coercion, nonethe-
less joined in the key ‘global hegemonic institutions’ often through multilateral
organizations.
While our main focus here is to connect postcolonialism to critical inter-
national relations as in the case of the neo-Gramscians above, it is nonethe-
less important to acknowledge the groundbreaking work of the Subaltern
Studies School in India. The scholars involved in the Subaltern Studies School
embarked on a long-term project of producing a new historiography and new
histories of India from the perspective of everyday Indian life, with a good deal
of emphasis on the lives of peasants. For Ranajit Guha (1994), the existing elitist
historiography of Indian nationalism ‘fails to acknowledge, far less interpret, the
contribution made by people on their own, that is, independently of the elite to the
making and development of [Indian] nationalism’ (1994, 3). Importantly, while
the early Subaltern scholarship did not directly involve International Relations,
it formed the basis for postcolonial IR.
Gender dimensions of the postcolonial

One cannot engage the issue of the subaltern without discussing the issue of
women and women’s contributions to postcolonial studies. Since a number of
8

chapters in this textbook (see Chapters 4, 5, and 6) examine both the relevance
of gender to international relations, and its enmeshment with race, class, and
culture, we would like to highlight a few of the seminal interventions made by
women in postcolonial studies.We focus here on two scholarly contributions to
the voices of women in colonial/postcolonial societies that had a major impact
in postcolonial studies and gave rise to important debates: Chandra Talpade
Mohanty’s article ‘Under Western Eyes’, and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s
article ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’. Mohanty (1984) takes to task the existing
literature on Third World women by Western feminist scholars, and highlights
the glaring mis-representations of Third World women as passive, backward and
needing to be rescued by their liberated white sisters. Moreover, she also draws
attention to how Third World women are consistently lumped together into a
homogeneous category without any consideration of their varied experiences
of oppression, their different socio-economic standing (class and race do mat-
ter a great deal), and of the different understanding they might have of libera-
tion. Mohanty’s core argument can be neatly captured by Aihwa Ong’s (2001,
108) felicitous statement: ‘…for [Western] feminists looking overseas, the non-
feminist Other is not so much patriarchy as the non-Western woman’.
Spivak (1985) engages the issue of recovering the voice of the subaltern
woman. More to the point, she makes the case that the subaltern, by definition,
cannot speak since their position in a system of power relations is so marginal
that their voice is simply inaudible.To make her argument, she looks at the case
of the sati in colonial India,3 and remarks that the sati –spoken for both by
the British colonial administration, and by the local patriarchy –constituted in
some ways the ultimate example of subalternity, someone utterly deprived of
voice or agency. She thus concludes that it is impossible to recover the voice of
the subaltern or of the oppressed colonized. Spivak’s article caused many reac-
tions, with some postcolonial feminists severely criticizing her argument. Benita
Parry (1987), for example, accuses Spivak of ‘deliberate deafness to the native
voice where it can be heard’ (quoted in Loomba 2005, 196). Spivak’s essay and
the vivid reactions it elicited speak directly to a number of questions central to
postcolonial studies, which are in fact engaged in various ways in this textbook:
To what extent did colonial power succeed in silencing the colonised?

When we emphasise the destructive power of colonialism, do we neces-
sarily position colonised people as victims, incapable of answering back?
On the other hand, if we suggest that the colonial subjects can ‘speak’ and
question colonial authority, are we romanticising such resistant subjects and
underplaying colonial violence?
(Loomba 2005, 192–193)4
Thus, at the core of reflecting on intersections among race, gender, and culture
are the following questions: ‘To what extent are we the products of dominant
ideologies, and to what extent can we act against them? From where does
rebellion arise?’ (Loomba 2005, 193). The latter is taken up by Black feminism.
9

According to Patricia Hill Collins (1990), Black feminism is a school of thought
that starts its theorization of gender from the lived experience of racialized
women. It thus acknowledges that understanding gender is inseparable from
understanding race and from understanding class. This inseparability of gender,
race, and class is called intersectionality, a term coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw
(1989; see Chapter 4). More specifically, Black feminism can be historically
traced to two historical moments in the United States: the civil rights move-
ments of the 1960s and 1970s, and the rise of feminism as an ideology in the
same period. Black feminists took issue both with the sexism of the former (the
exclusion of women’s voices from the civil rights discourses and events), and
with the racism of the latter (the exclusion of black women/women of color’s
voices and experiences from feminist discourses). Black feminist scholars/activ-
ists such as Angela Davis (1983) and bell hooks (1984) focus in their works on
the inseparability of race, gender, and capitalism, showing how racial hierarchies
and gender oppression are made possible and perpetuated by capitalism and its
system of class inequality.
Since its first use by Hamza Alavi to theorize forms of state in the Third
World, postcolonialism has allowed for critical analyses of forms of domination
in both pre-and post-independence periods. Postcolonial theory is now at the
center of what might be broadly seen as forms of resistance and counterhe-
gemonic practices in the world system, and especially so within the gathering
momentum of globalization. In Chapter 2, Sankaran Krishna provides a contra-
puntal interpretation of international relations, meaning that the history of the
modern global system must be understood as deeply connected. Contrapuntal
analysis is a major focus of postcolonialism. Its key claim is that there was no
‘West’ –over here –and an ‘East’ –over there, that is, separate spaces gov-
erned by their own internal dynamics of development. Rather the East and the
West, the South and the North, the Orient and the Occident, though histori-
cally connected, are marked off by differential relations of power. In practical
terms the ‘West’ –though itself, internally divided, has held a common view of
itself as superior, and has acted in history (that is, in reality) as if it were supe-
rior. Mainstream International Relations scholarship has generally brushed off
this ‘singular fact’. A postcolonial, contrapuntal reading exposes the Euro-cen-
teredness of these IR knowledges, and introduces the violent and exploitative
dimension of the long historical relationships between Orient and Occident –
between Euro-America and its various Others. Krishna offers a poignant and
very useable idea that postcolonialism is that which has occurred since 1492,
which for him, is a better starting point for analyzing the making of modern
International Relations. Following most postcolonial scholars, Krishna rejects
1648 as the original moment of the modern world system.
Srdjan Vucetic and Randolph B. Persaud in Chapter 3 trace the presence
of race in global relations, both as lived history, and also as a construct in the
literature broadly related to colonialism, imperialism, and empire. They place
considerable emphasis on the shifting and variable meaning of race as both a
conceptual and classificatory category, including a discussion on whether to
10

continue or discontinue the use of race as an analytical tool. Of interest, is their
analysis of Eurocentric assumptions about supposedly essential attributes of the
West and Third World peoples.Vucetic and Persaud introduce the idea of actu-
ally existing racism as a practical way of dealing with the usual disagreements
about what race means, and how it should be defined. Chapter 3 also discusses
in some detail the relationship between race, global development, and security.
Chapter 4, by Aytak Akbari-Dibavar, provides a definition of gender as a
category that helps us make sense of certain dimensions of social relations, and
looks at the ways in which identities are shaped by gendered expectations and
assumptions. Moreover, it explores both the definitive and ambiguous roles
played by gender in world politics, and not least in the ways in which gender-
based activism has become generative of long-term changes in social, political,
and cultural relations in multiple parts of the world. If we accept the premise
that the discipline of International Relations is masculinist in structural, behav-
ioral, and ideological terms, we must still probe the types of masculinities that
are privileged in disciplinary understandings of world politics and their con-
sequences. Akbari-Dibavar plumbs the depths of Black feminism with special
emphasis on its agential and emancipatory dimensions to provide guidance on
the complex entanglements and intersectionalities in which gender is always
deeply imbricated. Black feminism has a distinctive history, much of it based on
the stubborn refusal of white supremacist masculinity to acknowledge the dia-
bolical character of slavery with its attendant pertinent gendered and racialized
post-slavery effects. Akbari-Dibavar also explores the territorial confinement of
this body of knowledge, and couples it with the broader postcolonial/feminist
literature. The undoubtable basis for the epistemological fusion is that both
literatures have common elements in the coloniality of oppression, and most
importantly, they both have authentic emancipatory genealogies.
In Chapter 5, Nivi Manchanda and Leah de Haan follow up on the analysis
in the previous chapter on the meaning of gender, with a focus on the ways in
which gender shapes visions of ‘the nation’ and informs practices of nationalism.
Whether in the construction of Western nations, in national wars of liberation,
or in various independence movements around the world, the nation is almost
always feminized, that is, imagined as a woman in need of protection. One of
the central questions pursued here is the ways in which feminization actually
is the harbinger for masculinist militarism, xenophobic nationalism, racialized
nativism, anti-immigrant hysteria, and the reproduction of institutionalized
patriarchal authority. Following critical overviews of theories of nationalism,
with specific attention to primordialism, modernism, and ethno-symbolism,
Manchanda and de Haan cull theoretical wisdom from noted critical, postco-
lonial, and ‘Black’ feminists, including Crenshaw, Hill-Collins, Butler, Mohanty,
and True, in their interrogation of the multiple technologies employed in the
gendering of the nation. The work of Homi Bhaba and Frantz Fanon are also
used to establish the connection between nation-building and decolonization,
and ‘nationness’ as a heterogenous enterprise, rather than one that is built on
hegemonic homogeneity.
1

In Chapter 6, Momin Rahman disturbs taken-for-granted notions of gen-
der/sexuality/identity and complicates the picture of world politics by apply-
ing the problematique of ‘hetero-normativity’. The discussion reflects on how
hetero-normativity shapes expectations of masculinity and femininity, and how
such expectations profoundly influence political processes ranging from nation-
state building to activism and to conflict. The questions explored here are the
following: what is hetero-normativity? How does it impact political processes?
What was the role of hetero-normativity in the process of colonialism and with
what long-term consequences? In answering these questions, Momin Rahman
fleshes out multiple sites of domination. For instance, he shows the ways in
which Western dominance expresses itself through homocolonialism, whereby
the secular, modern West assumes a global responsibility to proliferate LGBT
rights, notwithstanding the homonationalist impetus of both formal state action
and those of INGOs and even NGOs. ‘Pinktesting’ is a new litmus test for
not only measuring commitments to democracy, but also a tool of assessment
for modernity, where the latter is taken to mean broad acceptance of Western
values. LGBT rights has, therefore, surfaced as a new platform of neocolonial
incursion and corresponding resistances, this being especially so in majority
Muslim nations. Rahman is careful to point out that the critique of homoco-
lonialism is not necessarily a defense of internal resistances to LGBT rights in
Muslim countries. The chapter also pays attention to the Muslim diasporas.
In Chapter 7, Naeem Inayatullah and David Blaney draw on a variety of clas-
sical, neoclassical, and then critical/postcolonial writers in the contemporary
period, to examine the emergence of global capitalism and Western moder-
nity. The ‘global’, in ‘global capitalism’ is linked first to European, and then
American expansionism. The works of Kant, Hegel, Adam Smith, Marx, and
Hayek (among others) are situated within the historical unfolding of capitalism
and modernity. Marx, though critical of capitalism as an exploitative system, did
accept much of modernization, not least because he felt that industrial capital-
ism would hasten the development of a revolutionary working class, that is to
say, closely following the spread of capitalism into the Third World. Inayatullah
and Blaney insert race into the picture, a move that disrupts the construction
of Western modernity as a product of pure reason and practical wisdom. Put
simply, the European Enlightenment actually fostered reason and race as two
sides of the same coin. Key differences among classical thinkers are highlighted,
a point that is overlooked in critical/postcolonial literatures. Chapter 7 also dis-
cusses the writings of L.S. Stavrianos, Eric Wolf, and Anievas and Nişancioğlu –
all of whom are decidedly critical of both racializing and exploitative aspects of
global capitalist modernity.
The problematic of indigeneity is systematically interrogated by Hayden
King in Chapter 8. A key question answered is what it means to be indig-
enous, and how the term is related to Western colonialism. Indigeneity reveals
the limits of International Relations theory, including strands of critical theory
that acknowledge the indigenous moment in the constitutions of the mod-
ern world system, but do not systematically follow through with any sustained
12

engagement. More specifically, King explores the linkages among indigeneity,
the blatant omission of indigenous histories and perspectives from IR analyses,
and the discipline of IR as an enduringly colonial enterprise. On the other
hand, a reconstructive and emancipatory engagement with indigenous histo-
ries as part of world politics, allows us to re-think not only notions of political
community, of voice and agency, but also of alternative worldviews. The latter
requires us to adopt a different perspective of history, of what constitutes ter-
ritory, space, and relations of solidarity and domination. For example, when
Epeli Hau’ofa, the Fijian scholar, prefers the term ‘Oceania’ rather than the
‘Pacific’, he insists on an understanding of the Oceanic world as a space of
numerous islands inhabited by multiple cultures, languages, polities, and histo-
ries, interconnected both among themselves and to the wider world. The his-
torical experiences and philosophical worldview of the Anishinaabe amplifies
the difference not only from Euro-American IR, but also from critical, Marxist,
and postcolonial theoretical perspectives.
In Chapter 9, Randolph B. Persaud insists that violence has been at the center
of all global relations/politics between Euro-America and its Others. Hundreds
of millions have perished and entire peoples have been destroyed. Most explana-
tions of violence focus on state-against-state wars, a move that in one fell-swoop
leaves out entire categories of violence in the historic encounters between peo-
ples and civilizations. Persaud re-situates violence in a wider context, such that
both state-based and non-state forms of violence are considered. Importantly, he
emphasizes that some of the foundational concepts in Euro-American security
studies are only partially capable of accounting for the violence visited on what
we know as the Third World and this, during several periods in the historical
development of the modern world system. Persaud shows how, on numerous
occasions, the ‘West’ embarked on systematic violence against non-Western soci-
eties when there was absolutely no threat to the survival of any Western country.
Conquest and intervention have as much, if not more, explanatory power than
‘survival’ and ‘anarchy’ in accounting for most of the violent confrontations that
Euro-America has had with the Third World. Moreover, he argues that racism
rather than reason has been the fulcrum of the coloniality of oppression. Chapter 9
also shows how various forms of racializations have played important roles in
the causes, legitimation, and conduct of war and of other forms of organized
violence at the global level.To substantiate claims of ‘Eastern’ agency, the chapter
looks at the impact of the Mongols in the making of a ‘world order’ that preceded
‘Columbian’ and post-Columbian world orders by some 300 years. The demo-
cratic peace, sanctions, humanitarian intervention, terrorism, and war, receive
specific attention, with the focus being on contrasting a critical and postcolonial
perspective on these matters. All of them carry elements of neo-coloniality.
The final chapter adds a unique take on International Relations by address-
ing issues related to construction of the Third World in popular culture. Aida
Hozic, Samantha Majic, and Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim examine the discursive
and material practices of humanitarianism with an emphasis on celebrity
humanitarianism, a topic that is far more controversial than either the ‘stars’ or
13

fans might have ever imagined. In some ways, the intervention of celebrities is
occasioned by the urgent need for basic goods and services in time of emergen-
cies, such as hurricanes, floods, and other natural disasters, as well as in famine
and war, these usually the outcome of complex relations of economic, political,
and cultural power. The entry of celebrities is intended usually to bring urgent
attention to the disaster at hand, but also to use their fan base to exert passive
political pressure on elected officials and even corporations, the latter cutting in
with donations underwritten by a discourse of ‘corporate social responsibility’.
On other occasions, such as the time of this writing, forms of cultural politics
may become evident in celebrity humanitarianism. At the time of writing, late
September 2017, Puerto Rico is reeling from an extraordinary disaster having
just been hit with Irma, a category five hurricane. Irma devastated the island
populated by American citizens. Only 5 per cent of the island has electrical
power, and there are credible reports of dire shortages of food, water, medicine,
and also of security. The island has not received significant help until today –
September 28. In fact, even the usual carpet-to-carpet television coverage now
normal with ‘breaking news’ is absent. Critics argue that the delay has some-
thing to do with President Donald J. Trump’s ardent and vociferous promotion
of white nationalism. The demographic politics of white nationalism disquali-
fies Latinos from the inside, and renders them less than full citizens. In stepped
mega star Jennifer Lopez, a Puerto Rican by birth, and a pop icon on the
American mainland and Latin America, if not beyond.
Hozic, Majic, and Yahaya Ibrahim capture the kind of situation in which
celebrities like J-Lo step in to mobilize attention across a spectrum of actors. In
the Puerto Rican case, J-Lo and Marc Anthony immediately formed Somos Una
Voz (We Are One Voice).These interventions, however, are not unproblematic, and
this chapter weighs the arguments for and against celebrity humanitarianism. Of
particular concern is the extent to which the presence of celebrities sensational-
izes disasters, converting them into survival dramas, complete with big-name
actors and actresses. Moreover, Hozic, Majic, and Yahaya Ibrahim cast the celebri-
ties in a wider spectrum of entertainment, moving from the culturally elliptical
career of Barbie, to the movie-making industry both as a platform of neolib-
eral rationality and its opposite, namely, a postmodern critique of decadence.
Particular attention is placed on human trafficking and famine in the chapter.
Conclusion
As a matter of everyday life, race, gender, and culture have always been central
to International Relations. The recognition of this basic fact, however, took
much longer to be accepted in the discipline of IR, and headway has only been
made through exceptional efforts at multiple levels by determined actors. As we
noted above, the imbrication of race, gender, and culture as experience and in
scholarship does not mean that there is universal acceptance for it; and in fact,
many major writers in traditional IR reject their import. Constructivists have
perhaps made the most headway in registering the impact of culture in IR,
14

albeit most often through the concept of ideas. In fact, constructivism has made
such forays into the discipline that it became the third platform of IR theory,
replacing Marxism after the end of the Cold War. Thus, while most IR syllabi,
especially at the graduate studies level, carry realism, liberalism (and their neos)
and constructivism, problems of gender and race are still on the margins. These
observations are particularly true in the United States.
The silence on race and gender in the IR academy, though less so now,
was always justified on the basis that either the scholarship on those problems
is not scientific, or that it does not impact the key issue areas of International
Relations –taken to be war, and other state-to-state interactions. Against this,
Shiera S. el-Malik (2013, 118) builds on Tickner’s (1997) critique of IR’s epis-
temological reifications, by suggesting that the ‘present-hind-sight’ of anti-
colonial struggles by women can reveal a good deal of knowledge into the
coloniality of oppression. Put differently, these struggles have unique insights
into the making of the recent/current world order that constitutes what el-
Malik (2013, 104) calls ‘crevice moment’ –that is ‘a moment of disruption in
hegemonic forms of discursive consolidation’.
Many students of International Relations legitimately ask why they
should study colonialism and imperialism, and other forms of domination
that existed in the distant past. The question is legitimate not only because
it is difficult to make connections to a past that is complex, but also because
there always appear to be pressing problems in the present –hunger, inequal-
ity, nuclear weapons, invasions, humanitarian crises due to hurricanes, floods,
earthquakes, and the like. Moreover, many students also correctly ask, what
does one do with these postcolonial critiques, articulate and insightful though
they may be. These questions are asked even by those who are wont to chal-
lenge hegemonic knowledge be it in its masculinist, patriarchal, or colonial/
imperial forms. The concerns exist, therefore, on both problem-solving and
critical grounds.
First, on the question of why focus on the distant past. Postcolonialism is
keen on the past because it thinks that the current world system is built on mul-
tiple layers of institutions, experiences, practices, and most importantly, memo-
ries of those experiences and practices from the past. Hundreds of millions of
people in the world today have direct experience of colonialism, and this is so
both in the North and South, or East and West if you prefer. Except for Latin
America, most of what we know as the Third World only became independ-
ent after World War II. Colonialism is not something from the distant past.
Further, imperialism, meaning foreign intervention to achieve national interest
objectives, is ongoing. Postcolonial scholars and also constructivists and many
liberals generally agree that invasion and occupation are acts of modern day
imperialism. Keep in mind that Iraq’s modern borders were largely established
by British imperialism after World War I.
Secondly, and still on the question of why focus on the past, postcolonial
scholars insist that the current body of mainstream IR knowledge is also based
on a past, actually one that is far more distant. Little Eurocentric IR writing goes
15

beyond Western scholars, almost always starting with the likes of Thucydides,
Machiavelli, Hobbes, Kant or Locke –all writers from the ‘distant past’. Moreover,
Eurocentric IR almost always builds history or IR on the experiences of the
‘West’ at the center. There is no reason in epistemology, ontology, or methodol-
ogy that forces this beginning. It is a choice made by mostly Western, and almost
always scholars who are Eurocentric in their worldview.
Thirdly, and now on the question of why focus on the past when, in fact,
there are things in the present that deserve urgent attention. Let us note that
a focus on the past is joined to an understanding of the present. Is it possible,
for example, to understand the current Israeli/Palestinian conflict, or current
problems in the Middle East without going back to the Sykes-Picot Agreement
of 1916? The answer is actually yes, but only if one wants to pretend that the
United Kingdom and France did not participate in World War I, and that after
the War, they did not undertake a major reconfiguration of the Middle East –
everything from creating new states, to taking over the oil, and instituting
authoritarian rule –sometimes in the form of monarchies, as was the case with
Saudi Arabia. Instead of history, a good deal of explanation of the Middle East
by Eurocentric IR theory is focused on religion, with a special enchantment
with Islam (Pasha 2010).
Fourthly, current gendered renditions of the East–West have their roots in
colonialism and modern-day imperialism. Western war-fighting is often articu-
lated in converting the enemy into a dark, effeminate figure whose only value
is to be saved from the diabolical Third World man. Other enemy constructions
run in the reverse, such as the notion of the deranged Muslim terrorist who
we are told, commits to fighting, including suicide attacks so he can pick up
seventy-two virgins in heaven. In the current period, and more on questions of
economic development, Skalli (2015) shows the ways in which the ‘girl factor’
is premised on ideas of rescuing the Muslim woman from her own supposedly
civilizational worldviews of self-marginalization. Das Gupta (2006) goes further
and implicates not only ‘development’ with imperialism, but also argues that
Women’s Studies in the United States is an enabler of ‘empire building’.
Finally, perhaps there would be much less need for postcolonial scholars to
continue with vigorous intellectual interventions in International Relations
and beyond if the defense of colonialism, imperialism, racism, patriarchal
domination, and civilizational claims of superiority had been abandoned.
They have not. One way or another, they keep coming back in different
forms. Empire, like global capitalism, is extremely adaptable and innovative.
Countering domination has to be even more so, as it has been in the long
history of liberation.
Notes
1 Some of these questions are explored by a number of scholars. See, for example,
Abu-Lughod (1991) and Frank (1998).
2 The original French version was published in 1952.
16

3 Sati designates a past practice (now illegal) whereby widows were expected to com-
mit suicide or immolate themselves on their husband’s funeral pyre.
4 For further engagement of these questions in IR, see Sajed and Inayatullah 2017, and
Hobson and Sajed 2017.
Suggested readings
Barkawi, T. (2006). Globalization and war. Lanham, MD: Roman & Littlefield. This book
is significant not only because it is written by one of the most insightful and prolific
postcolonial thinkers in IR, but also because it is about war, an area of inquiry that
postcolonial theory needs to urgently deepen.
Chowdhry, G. and Nair, S. (2004). Power, postcolonialism, and international relations. London:
Routledge.
Fanon, F. (1963/1961). The wretched of the earth. Trans. by C. Farrington. New York:
Grove Press. One of the founding texts of postcolonialism. Fanon, a psychiatrist by
training, was directly involved in wars of decolonization and independence move-
ments. Although he shows that violence was the signature of colonial domination,
he also insists that culture was a technology of submission. Most importantly, Fanon
points to the mechanisms, structural and personal, through which the colonized must
fight oppression in all its forms.
Inayatullah, N. and Blaney, B. (2004). International relations and the problem of difference.
London: Routledge. This is a landmark book in postcolonialism and IR. The great
strength of the book is that is connects several strands of the international/global
in ways that allow the reader to intellectually experience the making of relations of
difference.
Mills, C. (1999). The racial contract. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Provides a pen-
etrating analysis of the ways in which European thought is deeply implicated in the
production of a comprehensive philosophical and political system of race and racism.
Moreover, the book shows how the naturalization of racism was a condition of pos-
sibility for the emergence of the idea of Europe and its Others.
Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. New York: Vintage. The urtext of postcolonialism. Shows
how knowledge about the Middle East is inextricable from Western economic and
political interests there. And yet hews to the possibility of more ethical, more princi-
pled and more accurate scholarship even in the face of such challenges.
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18

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Introduction
Barkawi, T. (2006). Globalization and war . Lanham, MD: Roman & Littlefield. This book is
significant not only because it is written by one of the most insightful and prolific postcolonial
thinkers in IR, but also because it is about war, an area of inquiry that postcolonial theory needs
to urgently deepen.
Chowdhry, G. and Nair, S. (2004). Power, postcolonialism, and international relations . London:
Routledge.
Fanon, F. (1963/1961). The wretched of the earth . Trans. by C. Farrington . New York: Grove
Press. One of the founding texts of postcolonialism. Fanon, a psychiatrist by training, was
directly involved in wars of decolonization and independence movements. Although he shows
that violence was the signature of colonial domination, he also insists that culture was a
technology of submission. Most importantly, Fanon points to the mechanisms, structural and
personal, through which the colonized must fight oppression in all its forms.
Inayatullah, N. and Blaney, B. (2004). International relations and the problem of difference .
London: Routledge. This is a landmark book in postcolonialism and IR. The great strength of the
book is that is connects several strands of the international/global in ways that allow the reader
to intellectually experience the making of relations of difference.
Mills, C. (1999). The racial contract . Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Provides a penetrating
analysis of the ways in which European thought is deeply implicated in the production of a
comprehensive philosophical and political system of race and racism. Moreover, the book
shows how the naturalization of racism was a condition of possibility for the emergence of the
idea of Europe and its Others.
Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. New York: Vintage. The urtext of postcolonialism. Shows how
knowledge about the Middle East is inextricable from Western economic and political interests
there. And yet hews to the possibility of more ethical, more principled and more accurate
scholarship even in the face of such challenges.
Abu Lughod, J. (1991). Before European hegemony: The world system . A.D. 12501350.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Augelli, E. and Murphy, C. (1988). Americas quest for supremacy and the Third World . London:
Pinter.
Csaire, A. (2001) [1955]. Discourse on colonialism . Trans. by J. Pinkham . New York: Monthly
Review Press.
Chin, C. (1998). In service and servitude . New York: Columbia University Press.
Chowdhry, G. and Nair, S. (2004). Power, postcolonialism, and international relations. London:
Routledge.
Chowdhry, G. and Rai, S. (2009). The geographies of exclusion and the politics of inclusion:
Race-based exclusions in the teaching of international relations. International Studies
Perspectives , 10, 8491.17
Collins, P.H. (1990). Defining black feminist thought. In P.H. Collins (Ed.) Black feminist
thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (pp. 1940). New York:
Routledge.
Cox, R.W. (1981). Social forces, states, and world orders: Beyond international relations theory.
Millennium , 10, 126155.
Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist critique
of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. The University of Chicago
Legal Forum , 140, 139167.
Das Gupta, M. (2006). Bewildered? Womens studies and the war on terror. In R. Riley and N.
Inayatullah (Eds.). Interrogating imperialism: Conversations on gender, race, and war (pp.
129153). London: Palgrave Macmillan.
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in Africa. Irish Studies in International Affairs, 24, 101120.
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Grove Press.
Fanon, F. (1963). [1961]. The wretched of the earth . Trans. by C. Farrington . New York: Grove
Press.
Go, J. (2016). Postcolonial thought and social theory . New York: Oxford University Press.
Frank, A.G. (1998). Reorient: Global economy in the Asian age . Berkeley and Los Angeles:
Frank, A.G. and Gills, B.K. (1992). The five thousand year old world system: An interdisciplinary
introduction, Humboldt Journal of Social Relations , 18, 179.
Gill, S.R. (1992). American hegemony and the Trilateral Commission . New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Guha, R. (1994). Subaltern studies: Writings on South Asian history and society , Vol. 1. New
Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Henderson, E.A. (2015). Hidden in plain sight: Racism in international relations theory. In A.
Anievas , N. Manchanda and R. Shilliam (Eds.). Race and racism in international relations:
Confronting the global colour line (pp. 1943). New York: Routledge.
17602010 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Hobson, J.M. and Sajed, A. (2017).
Navigating beyond the Eurofetishist frontier of critical IR theory: Exploring the complex
landscapes of non-western agency. International Studies Review, 19, 547572.
hooks, b. (1984). Feminist theory: From margin to center . Cambridge, MA: South End Press.
Inayatullah, N. and Blaney, D. (2004). International relations and the problem of difference .
London: Routledge.
Loomba, A. (2005). Colonialism/postcolonialism (2nd edition). London and New York:
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societies. In K.-K. Bhavnani (Ed.) Feminism and race (pp. 108120). New York: Oxford
University Press.18
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Pasha, M.K. (2010). In the shadows of globalization. Civilizational crisis, the global modern and
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Vucetic, S. (2011). The Anglosphere: A genealogy of racialized identity in international relations
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Whitworth, S. (2004). Men, militarism, and US peacekeeping: A gendered analysis. Boulder:
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Postcolonialism and its relevance for International Relations in a
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Gender, nation, and nationalism

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sexuality, class, ethnicity, and nation are working to bolster the contemporary forces of
securitization, nationalism, and counter-terrorism. Puar examines how certain subjectivities
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exclusion of certain other (usually racialized Eastern) bodies from the remit of nationalism,
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Postcolonialism and International Relations

Puar, J.K. (2007). Terrorist assemblages: Homonationalism in queer times . Durham and
London: Duke University Press. Punars Conceputalization of homonationalism in Terrorist
Assemblages has become an influential concept in the normalization of LGBT within Western
exceptionalism.
Rahman, M. (2014). Homosexualities, Muslim cultures and modernity . Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan. Rahman provides a comprehensive overview of theoretical and empirical work on
LGBT Muslims.
Weeks, J. (1989). Sex, politics and society . London: Longman. This books remains a
foundational text in understanding the regulation of homosexuality in the context of Western
modernity.
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Routledge. Provides a useful summary of the changes in the contexts that led to the
contemporary LGBT movements in the West.
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Race and global inequality

Isaac Kraminick short essay, Equal opportunity and the race of life, nicely summarizes the
argument about merit.
Thomas Pogges World Poverty and Human Rights, especially chapters 1 and 8, explores the
central ethical and political justifications for redressing global inequality.
George Fredricksons Racism: A Short History, is an excellent introduction to the debates about
the emergence and character of racism.
Though we recommend students go back to original sources in the cases of Smith and Marx,
the discussions of Kant and Hegel by Robert Bernasconi and Michael Hoffheimer do justice to
their works and bring together texts difficult for students to locate.
Any one of the books by Anievas and Nianciolu, Wolf, or Stavrianos would expose students to
the story of global interconnections as a counterpoint to claims of separate or independent
development.
Anievas, A. and Nianciolu, K. (2015). How the West came to rule: The geopolitical origins of
capitalism . London: Pluto Press.
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It is not about mebut it kind of is

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i

“This is the first and much-needed textbook to emerge in IR that introduces

“This important textbook brings together contributions from outstanding

Race, Gender, and Culture

• covers a wide range of topics including war, global inequality, postcolonial-

Drawing together prominent scholars in critical International Relations, this

Randolph B. Persaud is Associate Professor, School of International Service,

Alina Sajed is Associate Professor of International Relations, McMaster

Race, Gender, and Culture

Edited by Randolph B. Persaud

First published 2018

From Randy –​to Maya, Thea, and Dolly

List of figures and tables xi

1 Introduction: Race, gender, and culture in

2 Postcolonialism and its relevance for International

3 Race in International Relations 35

4 Gender, race, and International Relations 58

5 Gender, nation, and nationalism 80

6 Postcolonialism and International Relations: Intersections

7 Race and global inequality 116

9 Security studies, postcolonialism and the Third World 155

10 ‘It is not about me…but it kind of is:’ Celebrity

List of figures and tables

2.1 What is the Third World? 29

xiv List of contributors

2 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Classic works of postcolonialism

Race, gender, and culture in IR 3

4 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race, gender, and culture in IR 5

6 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race, gender, and culture in IR 7

Gender dimensions of the postcolonial

8 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

To what extent did colonial power succeed in silencing the colonised?

Race, gender, and culture in IR 9

10 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race, gender, and culture in IR 11

12 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race, gender, and culture in IR 13

14 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race, gender, and culture in IR 15

16 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race, gender, and culture in IR 17

18 Randolph B. Persaud and Alina Sajed

Race in International Relations

Gender, nation, and nationalism

Postcolonialism and International Relations

Race and global inequality

Discourses of conquest and resistance

Security studies, postcolonialism and the Third World

It is not about mebut it kind of is

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From Randy –to Maya, Thea, and Dolly