Morpho Exercise
Morpho Exercise
2 What are the conditioning factors for the three allomorphs of the possessive enclitic in
English? Are they identical with the conditioning factors for the regular plural morpheme?
What grammatical differences can you find between the two morphemes? (Use the properties
of the various morpheme types mentioned in the text to help you find differences. You could
also think about their ordering.) What happens when the enclitic is attached to plural nouns
(regular and irregular)?
3 The past tense suffix for regular verbs in English has three allomorphs the shapes of which
are analogous to the shapes of the plural noun suffix and the possessive enclitic. What are
they? Are they phonological allomorphs? Are the conditioning factors for the past tense
allomorphs the same as the conditioning factors for the plural noun suffix and possessive
clitic? If not, can you identify anything common between them?
4 Based on the following data from Gumbaynggirr, what are the allomorphs of the lexical and
grammatical (case) morphemes? (Note that ergative is the name for the case that marks the
subject of a transitive clause (like John sees Mary) but not intransitive (like John ran).) Are
they phonological or suppletive allomorphs? What are their conditioning factors? For the
phonological allomorphs can you suggest a morphophonemic representation, and rules of
phonological realization?
5 Below are some verb forms in Saliba (Austronesian, Sariba and Rogeia Islands). Describe
the morphology of the verb, and identify the lexical and grammatical morphemes; suggest a
meaning for each morpheme.
/selaoko/ ‘they went already’ /jeseseko/ ‘it is already swollen’
/jelaoma/ ‘he came this way’ /sekeno/ ‘they slept’
/sedeuli/ ‘they washed it’ /jalaowako/ ‘I already went away’
/jeligadi/ ‘she cooked them’ /jeligako/ ‘she cooked it already’
/jadeuli/ ‘I washed it’ /jakitadiko/ ‘I saw them already’
/jeheloiwa/ ‘he ran away’ /selageko/ ‘they arrived already’
/sekitagau/ ‘they saw me’ /sepesama/ ‘they came out here’
6 It was mentioned that English have has, according to some linguists, both grammatical and
lexical uses. Do you think it is preferable to consider these to represent different uses of a
single lexical word, or two homophonous words, one lexical, one grammatical? Explain your
reasoning.
7 Examine the following sentences in Northern Sotho (Niger-Congo, South Africa), written
phonemically. Identify the morphemes, stating their phonological form and their meanings,
as revealed by these examples. Describe the morphological structure of words.
evidence to suppose that there is a zero suffix marking the singular? Discuss the pros and
cons of identifying a zero morpheme. (In answering this question, consider the conse-
quences of this analysis for nouns like fish and sheep.)
9 Analyse the following Warrwa verb forms and identify the morphemes that correspond to
the English pronouns; what are the allomorphs and their conditioning factors? How is infor-
mation about the time of the event expressed? (Note that there is no direct representation of
‘it’ as object.) How would you describe the structure of the verb?
‘looked’ ‘pierced (it)’ ‘was cooking (it)’
a. /ŋamuɹuŋuɲ/ /ŋanaɹaɲ/ /ŋanamaɹana/ ‘I’
b. /mimuɹuŋuɲ/ /minaɹaɲ/ /minamaɹana/ ‘you’
c. /jamuɹuŋuɲ/ /janaɹaɲ/ /janamaɹana/ ‘we two (me and you)’
d. /muɹuŋuɲ/ /naɹaɲ/ /namaɹana/ ‘he’
e. /jarmuɹuŋuɲ/ /jaraɹaɲ/ /jaramaɹana/ ‘we all’
f. /gurmuɹuŋuɲ/ /guraɹaɲ/ /guramaɹana/ ‘you plural’
g. /ŋimuɹuŋuɲ/ /ŋiraɹaɲ/ /ŋiramaɹana/ ‘they’
10 Compare the root and progressive (indicating that the event is in progress) forms of Babungo
(Niger-Congo, Cameroon) verbs below. How is the progressive formed? (Tone is not shown.)
11 Examine the following noun forms in Kuot, which inflect regularly for number, which can
be singular or non-singular (one or more than one) for inanimates, or singular, non-singular
and dual for animates and some inanimates. Describe number formation and identify the
number markers; account for the distribution of allomorphs.
singular non-singular dual (2)
a. /ie/ /iep/ ‘knife’
b. /ŋof/ /ŋofup/ ‘nostril’
c. /alaŋ/ /alaŋip/ /alaŋipien/ ‘road’
d. /nur/ /nurup/ ‘coconut’
e. /kuala/ /kualap/ /kualapien/ ‘wife’
f. /kobeŋ/ /kobeŋip/ /kobeŋipien/ ‘bird’
g. /iakur/ /iakurup/ /iakurupien/ ‘vine’
h. /nəp/ /nəpup/ ‘part’
i. /pas/ /pasip/ ‘stick’
j. /kakok/ /kakokup/ ‘snake’
78 Linguistics
Not all nouns in Kuot form numbers in this way. How are the following inflected forms
constructed? How would you account for the two different patterns?
k. /irəma/ /irəp/ /irəpien/ ‘eye’
l. /dədema/ /dədep/ /dədepien/ ‘word’
m. /karaima/ /karaip/ ‘nail, claw’
n. /muana/ /muap/ /muapien/ ‘reason’
o. /tabuna/ /tabup/ ‘door’
Notes
1 Note that we are restricting ourselves to the particular sentence. Farmer is a minimal free form,
since here farm cannot be separated from it; in other sentences (e.g. The farm is the site of
numerous killings of ducklings) farm is a minimal free form.
2 However, there is a word ducked (as in He ducked to avoid the javelin) that is phonologically
identical with duct and which can be divided into two morphemes, /dʌk/ ‘move rapidly
downwards to evade something’ and /t/ ‘past time’. This example also illustrates that two distinct
morphemes duck (the bird) and duck (the movement) can share the same phonological form. Such
words are called homophones (see §6.2).
3 The three corpora were: Australian Corpus of English (written), The Lancaster-Oslo/Bergen Corpus
of British English (written) and The Machine-Readable Corpus of Spoken English (spoken). The
counts were made for lexical items in their various forms (so be includes was, were and so on).
If instead the counts are made over free morphs, one gets slightly different results. The ten most
frequent morphs are all grammatical: the, of, and, to, a, in, is, that, was and for.
4 The tilde ~ is conventionally used to separate alternating allomorphs.