Former Knoxville Mayor Joins Lawsuit Challenging Tennessee Primary Voting Law
Former Knoxville Mayor Joins Lawsuit Challenging Tennessee Primary Voting Law
Former Knoxville Mayor Joins Lawsuit Challenging Tennessee Primary Voting Law
Defendants.
Plaintiffs, by and through their attorneys, bring this Complaint against the above-named
INTRODUCTION
1. Plaintiffs Victor Ashe, Phil Lawson, and the League of Women Voters of
Tennessee bring this action to prohibit Defendants Tennessee Secretary of State Tre Hargett,
Tennessee Coordinator of Elections Mark Goins, and Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan
Skrmetti from enforcing Tennessee Code Annotated Sections 2-7-115(b) and (c) (“Sections 115(b)
and 115(c)”).
2. Sections 115(b) and (c) are criminal laws through which the Tennessee legislature
purports to deter so-called crossover voting, wherein a voter who supports a particular political
party casts a ballot in the primary election of a different political party. But these laws go far
beyond deterring crossover voting and are unconstitutional because they threaten voters, including
primarily those who have no intent to crossover vote, with felony convictions based on nebulous
standards that have no definition under state law and instead are defined by private political parties.
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person must be a “bona fide member of and affiliated with” that party or “declare allegiance” to
it, or else face criminal prosecution. Section 115(c), enacted only months ago, requires that
prominent notices be posted at all polling places to warn voters that they will be subject to
prosecution if they are not a “bona fide member of or affiliated with that political party,” or do not
4. Tennessee law provides no definition of how a voter becomes a “bona fide member
of,” “affiliated with” and/or “allegian[t] to” a political party. As a result, Sections 115(b) and (c)
fair notice of what conduct it proscribes and provide standardless discretion, delegating to political
parties and prosecuting officials the determination of who has broken the law by voting in a
primary.
6. Sections 115(b) and (c) also—through threats of prosecution based on nebulous and
unknowable standards—violate the First Amendment’s overbreadth doctrine, as they will deter a
far greater range of protected voting conduct than would be needed to protect against a phantom
unable to determine whether voting in a primary will subject them to prosecution and jail time. As
a result, these provisions will deter a potentially enormous number of voters from exercising their
8. Plaintiffs seek relief from this Court to preserve the fundamental right to vote,
9. This action arises under the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States
10. This Court has subject matter jurisdiction pursuant to Article III of the United States
12. Venue in this district is proper pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1391(b)(1) and (b)(2)
because the Defendants reside in this district and a substantial part of the events giving rise to the
13. This Court has personal jurisdiction over Defendants Secretary Tre Hargett,
Coordinator of Elections Mark Goins, and Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti because they are
Tennessee domiciliaries, with their principal offices in Nashville, Tennessee, and their affiliations
with the State of Tennessee are so continuous and systematic as to render them at home in this
State.
14. An actual and justiciable controversy exists between Plaintiffs and Defendants.
THE PARTIES
15. Plaintiff Victor Ashe is a resident of and registered voter in Knox County,
Tennessee. He has voted in federal, state, and local elections, including in primary elections, in the
past and intends to continue to do so in the future. Mr. Ashe is a lifelong Republican voter; he has
served as a Republican Tennessee State Representative and State Senator, the Mayor of Knoxville,
Tennessee, and Ambassador to Poland; and he ran as the Republican nominee for United States
Senate in 1984. Mr. Ashe currently writes a weekly op-ed column for The Knoxville News-
such as Representative Tim Burchett, whom he publicly chastised recently for his vote to remove
then-Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy. Mr. Ashe also regularly and forcefully criticizes
Republicans who refused to certify the results of the 2020 election and who have not condemned
the actions of January 6, 2021. As a result, Mr. Ashe reasonably fears that the people in control of
today’s Tennessee Republican Party may not consider him a bona fide member affiliated with the
party and could seek to prosecute him if he votes in the next primary election.
16. Plaintiff Phil Lawson is a resident of and registered voter in Knox County,
Tennessee. Mr. Lawson is a successful real estate developer with a focus on affordable housing
and a civic leader. He established the nonprofit Legacy Housing Foundation as a vehicle for giving
back to affordable housing residents; has served on the boards of the Knoxville Americana Music
Foundation, Knoxville Habitat for Humanity, Wesley House Community Center, WDVX Radio,
the Beck Cultural Exchange Center, and the Historic Tennessee Theatre Foundation; He is a
significant donor to the University of Tennessee; and provides substantial economic support to
civil causes through a foundation he established, The Lawson Family Foundation. Mr. Lawson has
voted in federal, state, and local elections, including in primary elections, in the past and intends
to continue to do so in the future. He identifies as a Democrat and is one the largest donors to the
Tennessee Democratic Party, but he has voted for Republican and Democratic candidates in
general elections and has made financial contributions to both Republican and Democratic
candidates. Mr. Lawson’s support of Republicans means he may not meet the Democratic Party’s
definition of a “bona fide” member. As a result, Mr. Lawson reasonably fears that the people in
with the party and could prosecute him if he votes in the next primary election.1
empower voters and defend democracy. LWVTN seeks to promote civic engagement through
informed and active participation in government. It accomplishes this mission in part by helping
Tennessee citizens register to vote, educating voters about the issues that impact them, and
encouraging voters to be active participants in democracy through engaging with elected officials
and their policy decisions. In 2022 over 84,000 Tennesseans used LWVTN’s VOTE411.org to get
18. LWVTN is the Tennessee affiliate of the League of Women Voters of the United
States and has over 1,000 members statewide, spread out amongst various local Leagues across
Tennessee. LWVTN has a diverse membership along racial, ethnic, socioeconomic, religious, and
political lines. As a nonpartisan organization that does not support candidates or parties, LWVTN
does not inquire about members’ political affiliations or how members vote; nevertheless,
LWVTN has members who self-identify as Democrats, other members who self-identify as
Republicans, and others who identify as independent voters, all of whom may be subject to
prosecution given the vague terms of the statute. Sections 115(b) and 115(c) are likely to prevent
some League members from voting. Further, given the League’s core mission and activities to
1
While it may seem absurd that a political party would declare that a major contributor is not a
bona fide member, that is exactly what the Republican Party did when it removed Baxter Lee from
the Fifth Congressional District primary ballot in 2022. Mr. Lee had given nearly $100,000 to
Republican candidates. See Georgiana Vines, “Candidate who was kicked off GOP ballot is from
notable Knoxville family,” Knoxville News Sentinel Apr. 26, 2022, available at
https://www.knoxnews.com/story/news/columnists/georgiana-vines/2022/04/25/baxter-lee-kicke
d-off-gop-ballot-has-knoxville-ties-georgiana-vines/7413476001/.
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providing voter information because it does not know how to inform its members and the general
public accurately and effectively on voting issues related to the upcoming primaries without
Additionally, LWVTN will need to budget approximately $3000 to adequately respond to the voter
confusion, intimidation, and uncertainty created by these laws ahead of the 2024 primary election.
This is money that the League would otherwise use on voter registration and get-out-the-vote
efforts.
19. Defendant Tre Hargett is the Secretary of State of Tennessee. As such, he oversees
the State’s election process. Under Tennessee law, he is charged with the administration of
20. Defendant Mark Goins is the Tennessee Coordinator of Elections. In this capacity,
he has the express duty to “investigate or have investigated by local authorities the administration
of the election laws and report violations to the district attorney general or grand jury for
prosecution . . .” See Tenn. Code Ann. § 2-11-202(a)(5)(A)(i). Defendant Goins is sued in his
21. Defendant Jonathan Skrmetti is the Attorney General for the State of Tennessee.
Under Tennessee law, he is empowered to request that the Coordinator of Elections conduct
2
See, e.g., Tenn. Code Ann. § 2-2-142 (h) (“Any person or organization who provides or
publishes erroneous or incorrect information regarding the qualifications to vote, the
requirements to register to vote, whether an individual voter is currently registered to vote or
eligible to register to vote, voter registration deadlines, or polling dates, times, and locations
shall, upon discovery, immediately notify the appropriate county election commission and the
coordinator of elections.”).
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FACTUAL ALLEGATIONS
22. Primary elections are an increasingly fundamental part of the political process. For
a registered voter to participate effectively in the selection of candidates for a general election in
Tennessee, the registered voter must vote in a political party’s primary election.
23. The most formidable general election candidates, and the subsequent winners of
political elections in Tennessee, are almost always candidates from the dominant political parties
24. Voting in a political party’s primary is essential for a registered voter to have a
voice in determining the ultimate candidate for general election and the elected officials who will
hold office.
The current partisan balance in most of the 95 counties in Tennessee makes selection as a party’s
26. While Tennesseans must register to vote as a general matter, they do not and cannot
register as members of any party. In other words, a Tennessean voter cannot be a “registered
Republican” or a “registered Democrat.” When the state holds primary elections, a would-be voter
who otherwise is eligible to vote must select at the polling place which party’s ballot (i.e.,
Democratic or Republican) they intend to fill out. The voter may not fill out a ballot for more than
one party in a given primary. Once a voter has made their selection and deposited their ballot, the
voter’s choice of party ballot is marked and maintained as public record. Because there are no
27. For instance, historically and today, some Tennesseans consider themselves
Republicans for national issues and Democrats on state issues. Thus, a given voter may have
chosen a Democratic ballot in Tennessee’s state judicial primary and supported the Democratic
nominee in the general election, and then chosen a Republican ballot in the gubernatorial and
Sections 115(b) and 115(c) Purportedly Intend to Criminalize Voting in Primary Elections
Only When “Cross-Over Voting” Takes Place in Primary Elections
28. Sections 115(b) and (c) are criminal laws through which the Tennessee legislature
purports to deter voting by supporters of one political party in the primary elections of other
political parties.
29. Section 115(b), enacted in 1972, states “a registered voter is entitled to vote in a
primary election for offices for which the voter is qualified to vote at the polling place where the
(1) The voter is a bona fide member of and affiliated with the
political party in whose primary the voter seeks to vote; or
(2) At the time the voter seeks to vote, the voter declares
allegiance to the political party in whose primary the voter
seeks to vote and states that the voter intends to affiliate with
that party.
33. While Section 115(b) states that a primary voter must be a “bona fide” member or
“affiliated with” the party in whose primary they vote, there is nothing in the statute that dictates
how or when such membership may be changed, nor whether such membership must be consistent
across all levels of elections, let alone anything in the statute that defines what “bona fide” means.
34. In May 2023, in connection with a growing movement of state politicians to deter
35. Section 115(c) provides that on primary election voting days the officer of elections
at each polling place must post a sign that is a minimum of 8 ½ inches by 11 inches with a yellow
36. Section 115(c) requires the officer of elections at each polling place to post the sign
37. Section 115(c) is silent as to what information is provided, if any, and how that
information is provided, to voters who vote absentee and therefore do not vote at a physical voting
place.
Threats of Prosecution
38. Tennessee recently has indicated that it is ready and willing to enforce Section
39. In April 2022, Defendant Hargett gave a speech in which he emphasized his intent
to begin enforcing Section 115 (b). As he put it at the time, “[p]eople need to understand when you
go vote in a primary, you are supposed to vote in the primary in which you are a member of the
party. . . . The DA could actually prosecute that if people are willingly going in and voting in the
other party.”3
40. Two months later, in June 2022, Republican candidates challenged the outcomes
of two close elections in Williamson County based on alleged “crossover voting” by specific
Democratic voters. While the Tennessee Republican Party Executive Committee voted to uphold
the election results, its members expressed a desire to preclude Democrats from voting in
Republican primaries, the candidates identified the specific voters who they alleged should not
3
Tennessee Secretary of State, Tre Hargett, speaks at Jackson Rotary Club luncheon, WNBJ,
Apr. 21, 2022, https://www.wnbjtv.com/single-post/tennessee-secretary-of-state-tre-hargett-
speaks-at-jackson-rotary-club-luncheon.
10
voting” arose in connection with at least two other primaries, including in a challenge to a mayoral
Republican primary in Hamilton County and in a dispute regarding whether a particular candidate
41. When discussing the issue on the Tennessee House floor, Chairman Rudd claimed
that “there are two people currently under indictment . . . for organizing crossing over into the
other party’s primary . . . .” H.B. 0828, 113th Gen. Assemb. 27th Sess. (Tenn. 2023),
https://tnga.granicus.com/player/clip/28402?view_id=703&redirect=true&h=3d7777e0d1fe502e
02ad334c0d4ea8ee.
42. And during debate on enacting Section 115(c) as part of HB0828 and SB0978, the
bill’s sponsor confirmed that it is “up for conjecture” whether someone could be prosecuted if they
cast a vote in a Republican primary after having historically voted for Democrats in prior elections.
Id.
43. Statutes are void for vagueness when they (1) “fail[] to give ordinary people fair
notice” of what conduct is prohibited, or (2) are “so standardless that [they] invite[] arbitrary
enforcement” from authorities who lack direction. Johnson v. United States, 576 U.S. 591, 595
(2015); see also Kolender v. Lawson, 461 U.S. 352, 357 (1983) (noting that the second element of
the doctrine is most significant); Miller v. City of Cincinnati, 622 F.3d 524, 539 (6th Cir. 2010)
(“The void-for-vagueness doctrine not only ensures that laws provide ‘fair warning’ of proscribed
conduct, but it also protects citizens against the impermissible delegation of basic policy matters
4
J. Holly McCall, Tennessee Republican Party Upholds Williamson County Primary Results,
Tennessee Outlook, Jun. 10, 2022, https://tennesseelookout.com/briefs/tennessee-republican-
party-upholds-williamson-county-primary-results/.
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discriminatory application.’” (citation omitted)); Belle Maer Harbor v. Charter Twp. of Harrison,
44. Vague statutes that chill the freedom to fully participate in the political process are
unconstitutional. See, e.g., Tenn. State Conf. of N.A.A.C.P. v. Hargett, 420 F. Supp. 3d 683, 698-
99 (M.D. Tenn. 2019) (finding First Amendment violated when the “threat of penalties [wa]s likely
45. The Supreme Court has emphasized that our Constitution demands a “more
stringent vagueness test” when a law “threatens to inhibit the exercise of constitutionally protected
rights.” Village of Hoffman Estates v. Flipside, Hoffman Estates, Inc., 455 U.S. 489, 499 (1982).
Thus, the standard of heighted scrutiny applies where, as here, statutes threaten criminal penalties
that result in the impingement of the fundamental right to vote. See League of Women Voters of
Ohio v. Brunner, 548 F.3d 463, 476 (6th Cir. 2008) (“The right to vote is a fundamental right,
‘preservative of all rights.’” (internal citations omitted)); Memphis A. Phillip Randolph Inst. v.
Hargett, 482 F. Supp. 3d 673, 687 (M.D. Tenn.), aff’d on other grounds, 978 F.3d 378 (6th Cir.
2020) (“The Court well understands that the constitutional right to vote is ‘fundamental.’”).
46. Section 115(b) is void for vagueness because it imposes criminal punishment and
fails to provide fair notice to citizens of what conduct is prohibited and also because it is so
47. Section 115(b) imposes a criminal penalty without providing fair or adequate notice
such that registered voters might understand if they are “a bona fide member of and affiliated with”
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regarding what it means to “declare allegiance” to the political party in the primary in which voters
seek to vote or what it means to “intend[] to affiliate with” that political party.
49. Tennessee law provides no definition of any of these terms to guide registered
voters and voter-informing groups like LWVTN seeking to comply with the law.
50. The absence of such definitions means that Section 115(b) fails to provide fair or
51. Moreover, Section 115(b) not only fails to define what is prohibited, but also it
impermissibly delegates the definition of unlawful conduct to private entities, the political parties.
52. Even if such delegation were permissible, the political parties have no functional
definition, either. The Republican Party’s bylaws do not define a bona fide member for the purpose
of voting in a primary at all. The Democratic Party’s Bylaws at least offer a definition, but it, too,
53. Therefore, the terms fall below the constitutional threshold for specificity and
render the statute too vague to provide anything close to adequate notice to Plaintiffs Ashe and
Lawson, Plaintiff LWVTN and its members, and other similarly situated voters.
54. Section 115(b) is void for vagueness for an additional reason: it fails to provide
clear guidelines to govern enforcement, allowing for impermissibly broad discretion and
55. Because neither voters nor poll workers have any way of confirming voters’ “bona
fides” when the voters walk into a polling place, enforcement of Section 115(b) would need to
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theoretically any citizen the ability to swear out criminal complaints against voters after an
election, even though the voters had no chance to conform to the law before voting.
57. It also gives free license to district attorneys to prosecute their political opponents.
59. Such a standard is even more unconstitutional in the fact of Section 115(c) that uses
the same impossible vague terms to warn voters against exercising their right to vote.
60. Section 115(b) thus fails to meet the stringent vagueness test applicable when a law
threatens criminal sanctions, especially when the law also threatens to inhibit the exercise of
61. Section 115(b) and 115(c) violate the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States
Section 115b and 115(c) Violate the First Amendment’s Overbreadth Doctrine
62. The First Amendment to the United States Constitution provides that “Congress
shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech, . . . ; or the right of the people peaceably to
63. The speech and petition clauses of the First Amendment have long been held to
“safeguard[] an individual’s right to participate in the public debate through political expression
and political association.” McCutcheon v. Fed. Election Comm’n, 572 U.S. 185, 203 (2014).
64. The First Amendment’s “overbreadth doctrine” permits “an individual whose own
speech or conduct may be prohibited” to “challenge a statute on its face ‘because it threatens [the
free speech rights of] others.’” Airport Comm’rs v. Jews for Jesus, 482 U.S. 569, 574 (1987).
65. The doctrine is especially apt where a statute threatens criminal sanctions, because
“[m]any persons, rather than undertake the considerable burden (and sometimes risk) of
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protected speech, harming not only themselves but society as a whole, which is deprived of an
uninhibited marketplace of ideas.” Virginia v. Hicks, 539 U.S. 113, 119 (2003).
66. Facial challenges to overly broad statutes are allowed for the benefit of society to
prevent the statute from chilling the First Amendment rights of parties not before the court. Sec’y
of State of Md. v. Munson Co., Inc., 467 U.S. 947, 958 (1984).
67. Sections 115(b) and 115(c) threaten voters with criminal sanctions.
68. Section 115(c) combines a prominently threatening sign with the impossibly vague
law in Section 115(b) to penalize or deter a wide range of constitutionally protected voting conduct.
69. The statute deters direct voting behavior of voters who have never voted before and
do not know if they have the required bona fides or allegiances to the political party for which they
wish to vote.
70. The statute deters direct voting behavior of voters who may wish to switch parties.
71. The statute also deters expressive conduct that accompanies voting.
72. The statute deters Plaintiff LWVTN from fulfilling its mission of communicating
election-related information to voters because it does not know how to inform its members and the
general public accurately and effectively on voting issues related to the upcoming primaries.
73. Tennessee does not have a sensible basis for distinguishing between conduct that
voting conduct based on the unwritten whims of poll workers, state party leadership, or local
prosecutors.
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the State, the statutes’ vagueness makes it impossible for a court to competently apply and enforce
COUNT ONE
Tennessee Code Annotated Sections 2-7-115(b) and 2-7-115(c) Violate the Fourteenth
Amendment Guarantee of the Right to Due Process of Law
42 U.S.C. § 1983
76. Plaintiffs repeat and reallege each and every allegation contained in the preceding
77. The Defendants are governmental actors or employees acting under the color of
State law for purposes of 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States
Constitution.
78. The Due Process of the Fourteenth Amendment, enforceable pursuant to 42 U.S.C.
§ 1983, provides no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without the due process of
law, nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law.
79. A statute is void under the Due Process Clause when it fails to give a person of
ordinary intelligence fair notice that his or her contemplated conduct is forbidden by the statute or
80. The Due Process Clause provides even further protection when the uncertainty
induced by the statute threatens to inhibit the exercise of constitutionally protected rights. The Due
Process Clause also provides heightened protection when criminal penalties may be imposed based
81. The statutes at issue here advise that an individual violates the law and is subject to
criminal prosecution if he or she votes in a primary without being a “bona fide member” of the
applicable party or without maintaining sufficient allegiance to the party. But Tennessee law
16
guess as to whether they maintain sufficient affiliation with either political party to vote without
risking prosecution.
82. Plaintiffs, including LWVTN’s members and those it advises, cannot merely
declare allegiance to either political party at the ballot box, as the statutes further criminally
proscribe declarations of allegiance unless the same are made with “intent to affiliate.” There is no
definition of what constitutes a sufficient “intent to affiliate” and the time frame in which such
83. By leaving the operative terms undefined and fundamentally unclear, the statute
primary may be threatened, prosecuted, or arrested for attempting to vote without maintaining
sufficient allegiance to the party, as state officials may ascribe definitions to the terms “bona fide”
84. As a result of the uncertainty induced by the statutes, Plaintiffs Ashe and Lawson
fear prosecution if they exercise their fundamental constitutional right to vote in either political
party primary. Plaintiff LWVTN likewise fears advising its members and those who seek its
guidance in a way that could lead them to face prosecution or which would otherwise involve
85. Because the free exercise of constitutional rights is threatened by the vagueness of
the statutes, and because criminal punishment is permitted under the statutory scheme, heightened
86. The statutes fail to provide the specificity demanded by the Due Process Clause,
and they are unenforceable. Plaintiffs Ashe and Lawson, as persons of ordinary intelligence, are
17
them to vote without risking criminal prosecution. Plaintiff LWVTN is unable to determine how
to advise voters and is thus limited in its ability to perform its mission.
87. Therefore, the Court should declare Tennessee Code Annotated Sections 2-7-
115(b) and 2-7-115(c) unconstitutional and enjoin the enforcement of the same.
COUNT TWO
88. Plaintiffs repeat and reallege each and every allegation contained in the preceding
89. The Defendants are governmental actors or employees acting under the color of
State law for purposes of 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and the First and Fourteenth Amendments of the United
States Constitution.
90. The First Amendment of the United States Constitution, enforceable pursuant to 42
U.S.C. § 1983, protects the Plaintiffs’ fundamental right to participate in the political process,
91. The First Amendment, coupled with the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, enforceable pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, protects the Plaintiffs’ fundamental right
to vote without a state law depriving them of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.
93. In addition to the direct voting behavior that Section 115 deters, it will also deter
18
advise are legally qualified to vote in a Tennessee political party primary prevents Plaintiffs, and
similarly situated voters, from participating in the political process and chills their freedom of
political speech.
95. Tennessee Code Annotated Sections 2-7-115(b) and (c) violate Plaintiffs’
constitutional rights granted by the First and Fourteenth Amendments to engage in the political
(i) Declare that Tennessee Code Annotated Sections 2-7-115(b) and (c) are (1)
void for vagueness under the Fourteenth Amendment, and (2) overbroad
(iii) Award Plaintiffs their reasonable attorneys’ fees and costs, including
(iv) Grant such other relief as the Court deems just and proper.
19
Respectfully submitted,
20
21
(c) Attorneys (Firm Name, Address, and Telephone Number) Attorneys (If Known)
See attachment
II. BASIS OF JURISDICTION (Place an “X” in One Box Only) III. CITIZENSHIP OF PRINCIPAL PARTIES (Place an “X” in One Box for Plaintiff
(For Diversity Cases Only) and One Box for Defendant)
1 U.S. Government X3 Federal Question PTF DEF PTF DEF
Plaintiff (U.S. Government Not a Party) Citizen of This State 1 1 Incorporated or Principal Place 4 4
of Business In This State
2 U.S. Government 4 Diversity Citizen of Another State 2 2 Incorporated and Principal Place 5 5
Defendant (Indicate Citizenship of Parties in Item III) of Business In Another State
VII. REQUESTED IN CHECK IF THIS IS A CLASS ACTION DEMAND $ CHECK YES only if demanded in complaint:
COMPLAINT: UNDER RULE 23, F.R.Cv.P. JURY DEMAND: Yes No
VIII. RELATED CASE(S)
(See instructions):
IF ANY JUDGE DOCKET NUMBER
DATE SIGNATURE OF ATTORNEY OF RECORD
November 29, 2023 /s/ Eric G. Osborne
FOR OFFICE USE ONLY
RECEIPT #
CaseAMOUNT
3:23-cv-01256 APPLYING IFP
Document 1-1 JUDGE
Filed 11/29/23 MAG. JUDGE
Page 1 of 3 PageID #: 22
Attachment to Civil Cover Sheet
R. Culver Schmid
Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz, PC
265 Brookview Centre Way, Suite 600
Knoxville, TN 37919
(865) 549-7000
Gary Shockley
Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz, PC
1600 West End Avenue, Suite 2000
Nashville, TN 37203
(615) 726-5600
Eric G. Osborne
Christopher C. Sabis
William L. Harbison
Frances W. Perkins
Sherrard Roe Voigt & Harbison, PLC
150 3rd Avenue South, Suite 1100
Nashville, TN 37201
(615) 742-4200
John E. Haubenreich
The Protect Democracy Project
2020 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, #163
Washington, DC 20006
(202) 579-4582
Orion Danjuma
The Protect Democracy Project
82 Nassau St. #601
New York, NY 10038
(202) 579-4582
Collin P. Wedel
Sidley Austin LLP
555 W. Fifth St., Suite 4000
Los Angeles, CA 90013
(213) 896-6000