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11 Chapter 4
11 Chapter 4
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4.1.2 Public sector banks before economic liberalization
India‟s Pre-reform period scenario-
Since 1991, India has been engaged in banking sector reforms aimed at increasing the
profitability and efficiency of the then 27 public-sector banks that controlled about 90
per cent of all deposits, assets and credit. The reforms were initiated in the middle of a
―current account‖ crisis that occurred in early 1991. The crisis was caused by poor
macroeconomic performance, characterized by a public deficit of 10 per cent of GDP,
a current account deficit of 3 per cent of GDP, an inflation rate of 10 per cent, and
growing domestic and foreign debt, and was triggered by a temporary oil price boom
following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990.
India‘s financial sector had long been characterized as highly regulated and
financially repressed. The prevalence of reserve requirements, interest rate controls,
and allocation of financial resources to priority sectors increased the degree of
financial repression and adversely affected the country‘s financial resource
mobilization and allocation. After Independence in 1947, the government took the
view that loans extended by colonial banks were biased toward working capital for
trade and large firms (Joshi and Little 1996). Moreover, it was perceived that banks
should be utilized to assist India‘s planned development strategy by mobilizing
financial resources to strategically important sectors.
Banking Sector Reforms
As the real sector reforms began in 1992, the need was felt to restructure the Indian
banking industry. The reform measures necessitated the deregulation of the financial
sector, particularly the banking sector. The initiation of the financial sector reforms
brought about a paradigm shift in the banking industry. In 1991, the RBI had
proposed to form the committee chaired by M. Narasimham, former RBI Governor in
order to review the Financial System viz. aspects relating to the Structure,
Organisations and Functioning of the financial system. The Narasimham Committee
report, submitted to the then finance minister, Manmohan Singh, on the banking
sector reforms highlighted the weaknesses in the Indian banking system and
suggested reform measures based on the Basle norms. The guidelines that were issued
subsequently laid the foundation for the reformation of Indian banking sector.
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The main recommendations of the Committee were: -
Banking Sector Reforms
Reduction of Statutory Liquidity Ratio (SLR) to 25 per cent over a period of five
years
Progressive reduction in Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR)
Phasing out of directed credit programmes and redefinition of the priority sector
Stipulation of minimum capital adequacy ratio of 4 per cent to risk weighted
assets
Adoption of uniform accounting practices in regard to income recognition, asset
classification and provisioning against bad and doubtful debts Imparting
transparency to bank balance sheets and making more disclosures Setting up of
special tribunals to speed up the process of recovery of loans Setting up of Asset
Reconstruction Funds (ARFs) to take over from banks a portion their bad and
doubtful advances at a discount
Restructuring of the banking system, so as to have 3 or 4 large banks, which could
become international in character, 8 to 10 national banks and local banks confined
to specific regions. Rural banks, including RRBs, confined to rural areas
Abolition of branch licensing
Liberalising the policy with regard to allowing foreign banks to open offices in
India
Rationalisation of foreign operations of Indian banks
Giving freedom to individual banks to recruit officers
Inspection by supervisory authorities based essentially on the internal audit and
inspection reports
Ending duality of control over banking system by Banking Division and RBI
A separate authority for supervision of banks and financial institutions which
would be a semi-autonomous body under RBI
Revised procedure for selection of Chief Executives and Directors of Boards of
public sector banks
Obtaining resources from the market on competitive terms by DFIs
Speedy liberalisation of capital market
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4.1.3 Economic Reforms of the Banking Sector in India
Indian banking sector has undergone major changes and reforms during economic
reforms. Though it was a part of overall economic reforms, it has changed the
very functioning of Indian banks. This reform has not only influenced the
productivity and efficiency of many of the Indian Banks, but has left everlasting
footprints on the working of the banking sector in India. Let us get acquainted
with some of the important reforms in the banking sector in India below with a
graph.
Reduced CRR and SLR: The Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) and Statutory Liquidity
Ratio (SLR) are gradually reduced during the economic reforms period in India.
By Law in India the CRR remains between 3-15% of the Net Demand and Time
Liabilities. It is reduced from the earlier high level of 15% plus incremental CRR
of 10% to current 4% level. Similarly, the SLR Is also reduced from early 38.5%
to current minimum of 25% level. This has left more loanable funds with
commercial banks, solving the liquidity problem.
Deregulation of Interest Rate: During the economics reforms period, interest rates
of commercial banks were deregulated. Banks now enjoy freedom of fixing the
lower and upper limit of interest on deposits. Interest rate slabs are reduced from
Rs.20 Lakhs to just Rs. 2 Lakhs. Interest rates on the bank loans above Rs.2 lakhs
are full decontrolled. These measures have resulted in more freedom to
commercial banks in interest rate regime.
Fixing prudential Norms: In order to induce professionalism in its operations, the
RBI fixed prudential norms for commercial banks. It includes recognition of
income sources. Classification of assets, provisions for bad debts, maintaining
international standards in accounting practices, etc. It helped banks in reducing
and restructuring Non-performing assets (NPAs).
Introduction of CRAR: Capital to Risk Weighted Asset Ratio (CRAR) was
introduced in 1992. It resulted in an improvement in the capital position of
commercial banks, all most all the banks in India has reached the Capital
Adequacy Ratio (CAR) above the statutory level of 9%.
Operational Autonomy: During the reforms period commercial banks enjoyed the
operational freedom. If a bank satisfies the CAR then it gets freedom in opening
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new branches, upgrading the extension counters, closing down existing branches
and they get liberal lending norms.
Banking Diversification: The Indian banking sector was well diversified, during
the economic reforms period. Many of the banks have stared new services and
new products. Some of them have established subsidiaries in merchant banking,
mutual funds, insurance, venture capital, etc which has led to diversified sources
of income of them.
New Generation Banks: During the reforms period many new generation banks
have successfully emerged on the financial horizon. Banks such as ICICI Bank,
HDFC Bank, UTI Bank have given a big challenge to the public sector banks
leading to a greater degree of competition.
Improved Profitability and Efficiency: During the reform period, the productivity
and efficiency of many commercial banks has improved. It has happened due to
the reduced Non-performing loans, increased use of technology, more
computerization and some other relevant measures adopted by the government.
Prior to the economic reforms, the financial sector of India was on the crossroads.
To improve the performance of the Indian commercial banks, first phase of
banking sector reforms were introduced in 1991 and after its success; government
gave much importance to the second phase of the reforms in 1998. Uppal (2011)
analyzes the ongoing banking sector reforms and their efficacy with the help of
some ratios and concludes the efficacy of all the bank groups have increased but
new private sector and foreign banks have edge over our public sector bank. The
efficient, dynamic and effective banking sector plays a decisive role in
accelerating the rate of economic growth in any economy.
4.1.4 Working of public sector banks
The following concepts and regulations about Government accounts need to
be kept in mind :-
(a) Government Account is kept on cash basis. Most transactions take place by
cheques drawn on accredited Public Sector Banks which also receive money on
behalf of the Government. Reserve Bank of India is the main banker of the
Government and other authorised Banks function as its agents while handling
Government transactions. Transactions through Banks have their final impact
on Government ‗Cash Balance‘ in course of time. Prior to that certain
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intermediary/adjusting heads are operated and the bookings there under are to
be finally adjusted at the earliest to reflect Government's receipts and
expenditure accurately.
(b) The terms 'debit' and 'credit' are inevitably used in all accounts. They connote
'expenditure' and ‗receipt‘ of cash.
(c) The intermediary heads referred to above are :
8670 Cheques and Bills
8658 Suspense Accounts -108 PSB Suspense
8675 Deposits with Reserve Bank- 101 Central Civil
While the head 'Cheques and Bills' accounts for the amount of cheques drawn, the
heads 'PSB Suspense' and 'Deposits with Reserve Bank' reflect transactions taking
place at the Banks. Thus, these do not represent income/expenditure of Government
and hence credits and debits under these heads do not connote the usual meaning that
these terms carry. Credit and debit under these heads conform rather' to the principles
of double entry book keeping. The head 'Cheques and Bills' is credited by the amount
of cheques drawn and corresponding debit is given to the head to which the
expenditure relates; the difference, if any, is credited to the appropriate receipt heads
like GPF, Income Tax etc. Heads 'PSB Suspense' and 'Deposits with Reserve Bank'
have their mirror image in Bank books. A debit to 'PSB Suspense' in Government
books represents amount owed by PSBs to Government, whereas a debit under
'Deposits with Reserve Bank' represents amounts owed by RBI to Government.
Conversely, credits under these heads would represent amounts owed by Government
to PSBs/RBI, as the case may be. Detailed explanation of transactions under these
heads will be found in the chapter dealing with these heads separately. Briefly, the
amount of Government receipts in a Public Sector Bank (PSB) when reported to
Government through a receipt scroll along with relevant challans is debited to 'PSB
Suspense'. Conversely, the amounts paid by a PSB against cheques drawn by a Pay
and Accounts Officer or a Departmental Officer, when reported through a payment
scroll alongwith paid cheques, will be credited to 'PSB Suspense'. The head 'Cheques
and Bills' as well as 'Suspense' and 'Remittance' heads are intermediary accounting
devices for initial record of transactions which are to be cleared/withdrawn in due
course. Thus, credits under 'Cheques and Bills' are cleared in the Pay and Accounts
Office on receipt of payment scrolls with paid cheques from the Banks. Debits and
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credits under 'PSB Suspense' are cleared by cash settlement between the PSB and the
RBI by debit or credit as the case may be, to the head 8675 Deposits with Reserve
Bank-101 Central-Civil. Such a clearance is affected in the accounts by booking
minus entries. Thus, while original entries are positive (credit or debit) clearing
entries are negative i.e. minus credit or minus debit. This is a special feature of
government accounts. This expedient of minus transactions enables a linkage between
original entries and clearing entries and keeps the balance amounts smaller than
would have been the case otherwise
4.1.5 SBI Group as the biggest bank of India and other public/private sector banks
State Bank of India, with its seven associate banks command the largest banking
resources in India. SBI and its associate banks are:
State Bank of India
State Bank of Bikaner & Jaipur
State Bank of Hyderabad
State Bank of Indore
State Bank of Mysore
State Bank of Patiala
State Bank of Saurashtra
State Bank of Travancore
After the amalgamation of New Bank of India with Punjab National Bank,
currently there are 19 nationalized banks in India:
Allahabad Bank
Andhra Bank
Bank of Baroda
Bank of India;
Bank of Maharashtra
Canara Bank
Central Bank of India
Corporation Bank
Dena Bank
Indian Bank
Indian Overseas Bank
Oriental Bank of Commerce
Punjab & Sind Bank
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Punjab National Bank
Syndicate Bank
Union Bank of India
United Bank of India
UCO Bank
Vijaya Bank
4.1.6 Private sector banks
Axis Bank (formerly UTI Bank)
Bank of Rajasthan
Bharat Overseas Bank
Catholic Syrian Bank
Centurion Bank of Punjab
City Union Bank
Development Credit Bank
Dhanalakshmi Bank
Federal Bank
Ganesh Bank of Kurundwad
HDFC Bank
ICICI Bank
IDBI Bank
Indusind Bank
ING Vysya Bank
Jammu & Kashmir Bank
Karnataka Bank Limited.
Karur Vysya Bank
Kotak Mahindra Bank
Lakshmi Vilas Bank
Lord Krishna Bank (now Centurion Bank of Punjab)
Nainital Bank
Ratnakar Bank
Rupee Bank
Saraswat Bank
SBI Commercial and International Bank
South Indian Bank
Tamilnad Mercantile Bank Ltd.
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Thane Janata Sahakari Bank
Bassein Catholic Bank
United Western Bank
YES Bank
4.1.7 Some of the prominent foreign banks
ABN AMRO Bank N.V.
Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank Ltd
American Express Bank
Antwerp Diamond Bank
Arab Bangladesh Bank
Bank International Indonesia
Bank of America
Bank of Bahrain & Kuwait
Bank of Ceylon
Bank of Nova Scotia
Bank of Tokyo Mitsubishi UFJ
Barclays Bank
BNP Paribas
Calyon Bank
ChinaTrust Commercial Bank
Cho Hung Bank
Citibank
DBS Bank
Deutsche Bank
HSBC (Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation)
JPMorgan Chase Bank
Krung Thai Bank
Mashreq Bank
Mizuho Corporate Bank ·
Oman International Bank
Societe Generale
Standard Chartered Bank
State Bank of Mauritius
Scotia
Taib Bank
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4.1.8 The Rise, Reprieve, and Fall of State Banks in Africa (A case of Up‟s and
Down‟s at global level)
― ... Where the same strong interests that derailed earlier reforms still dominate a
country 's politics, outcomes from bank privatization will tend to be disappointing ...
Most African countries opted to create at least one large state bank after independence
to support indigenous industries and state ventures and to make banking services
available for the broad population, including those in rural areas. In many countries,
these big state banks still dominate the banking sector and, after decades of politicized
management and soft budget constraints, have been difficult to restructure or
privatize. The disappointing results from restructuring and the problems in
privatization can be seen from three [African] countries that attempted banking
reform programs during the 1990s: Ghana, Tanzania, and Uganda.
Ghana
Ghana started economic reforms in the early 1980s after a politically unstable period
of heavy state involvement in the economy. The state owned three commercial banks,
three development banks, and the Cooperative Bank. There were also two foreign
banks and a merchant bank. All the state owned banks were restructured and
recapitalized under the financial reforms that started in 1987, with bad loans removed
to an AMC. Management was improved through extensive technical assistance. Both
before and after restructuring, the primary function of the Ghanaian banks has been
funding the deficit of central government and public enterprises (this averaged 73
percent of domestic credit in the 1990s). The very high T Bill yields received by the
banks helped offset the continued loan losses from other lending.
Bank privatization has been a stop go process, being held up, for example, by
disagreement between the privatization agency and external estimates of values on the
price. With the program years behind schedule, the government decided to sell some
shares in two state commercial banks domestically even before finding a strategic
investor. This made it difficult subsequently to reduce the price to attract a strategic
investor. Eventually, in late 1996, the government dropped its requirement that the
strategic buyer should be a bank, and managed to sell the Social Security Bank to a
consortium of foreign investment funds. By 1998, this newly privatized bank had
about 13 percent of total banking system assets.
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The largest bank, Ghana Commercial Bank (GCB), continued to have problems even
after the restructuring of the late 1980s. With the failure of a planned sale in 1996 to a
Malaysian manufacturing firm, it remains government controlled, with just 41 percent
held by Ghanaians after the initial public offering (IPO). In preparation for
privatization in the mid 1990s, it was found that there were serious reconciliation
problems in the accounts and shortcomings in management, and some of the loss
making branches had never been closed. In 1997, the senior management of GCB had
to be removed in the wake of a check fraud scandal.
Tanzania
Twelve banks had been nationalized in 1967 and merged into a dominant commercial
bank, National Bank of Commerce (NBC), which had a virtual monopoly for 25
years. The only other financial institutions were a small [state] cooperative bank ...
and a few specialized state banks for housing.
By the mid 1980s, the NBC was insolvent, illiquid and losing money at an alarming
rate. Restructuring moved a significant portion of the NPIs out of the bank, closed
some loss making branches, and retrenched staff, but operating costs as a percentage
of assets doubled and spreads became negative in
1992. The bank was recapitalized in 1992, but as the losses continued to mount,
restructuring intensified ·with an "action plan" in 1994 that changed the board of
directors, curtained lending and laid off further staff. However, the salaries of the
remaining staff were doubled by the new board of directors, thus offsetting the
reductions in costs. The benefits from removing bad loans to the AMC were short
lived. By 1994, 77 percent of the remaining loans were nonperforming.
In 1995, another attempt to restructure failed. Finally, National Commercial Bank
(NBC) was split in November 1997 into two banks and a holding company. The NBC
holding company took the nonbanking' assets, for example, staff housing and the
training center. The business bank, NBC 1997, took all lending and 45 percent of the
deposits, and a service bank took the remainder of the deposits. The National
Microfinance Bank was to provide basic depository services to the general population,
and took the small deposits but no lending. The decision to set up a microfinance bank
that would keep the rural branch network may have softened some of the political
opposition to the privatization of the business bank. The separation proved difficult.
Poor financial and operational controls led to the need for significant provisions on
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unreconciled balances, and there was a significant delay in producing financial
statements after the split.
NBC 1997 was sold to the South African bank, Amalgamated Banks of South Africa
Group (ABSA) in late 1999 with IFC participation. The microfinance bank ... [could
not be sold. With the support of donors, an international development agency was
contracted to manage and restructure the banks (Dressen, Dyer, and Northrip, 2002).
It] is now focusing on the provision of payments and savings services [and some
microcredits] in its 95 branches [and doing relatively well].
Uganda
By the early 1990s, the government had stakes in all nine commercial banks, and
owned the largest two: Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB), with about 50 percent of
the market, and the Cooperative Bank. As of late 1991, about one third of the loans of
UCB were non performing, and the negative net worth of the bank was estimated at
$24 million. Timid restructuring efforts started. Loss making branches were converted
into agencies rather than being closed. The AMC that was to take bad loans was not
created untill 1996 and, even then, there was a significant lag in transferring bad
loans. There was a performance agreement in 1994 between the Ministry of Finance
and the bank's board of directors, but the strategy pursued was to try to reduce the
proportionof NPLs by growing the loan portfolio. Bank supervisors did not monitor
compliance. Every improvement in profitability was temporary and losses continued
to mount. By mid 1996, the financial position had deteriorated so that its negative net
worth tripled from earlier estimates.
While the government's intention was that the restructuring would culminate in
privatization, management of the UCB was actively opposed to sale. Eventually, after
three years of unsuccessful attempts to restructure the bank, it was agreed that a
reputable merchant bank be selected t~ implement the sale, giving the buyer greater
freedom to define which assets and branches were to be purchased. Again, there was a
lag, and the merchant bank was finally hired in February 1996 and, at its request, top
management was finally changed in July 1996. Losses were mounting throughout the
delay, and UCB was losing market share. Audited financial statements for 1997
showed another fall in interest income, wiping out the core profits advertised to
investors six months earlier. With few expressions of interest, a sale agreement was
signed in late 1997 with a Malaysian industrial and real estate company, by
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December, 1998, however, the deal had unraveled amid allegations of corruption‖
Source: World Bank, 2001
Without these changes in restructured banks, business continues undisturbed in its
basics and new bad loans may increase rapidly. In addition to the unchanged
operations, bad loans tend to increased because (a) there is often political pressure to
begin lending again (because the bank crisis may be associated with the need for a
stabilization program that constrains other expansionary measures) and (b) a public
bank can raise deposits for lending because the implicit government guarantee limits
market discipline. As a result reformod public sector. banks often return to bankruptcy
in 11 low years, as seen m the experience in Africa and the Transition countries
(Sherif, Borish and Gross, 2003, Zoli, 2001., and Tang, Zoli, and Klytchinikova,
2000).
4.1.9 The few cases where restructurings have been more successful supp0rt the
importance of the changes described above. Specifically:
The government should define a simple objective usually privatization over a
short time horizon-and gives the management ―the power to say no‖ to requests
outside that objective. In other words, the government needs to avoid intervention,
except for failure to meet the well defined objective. If privatization is the
objective, but timing is left vague, then restructured banks tend to revert to their
earlier status.
The new management should be chosen for their capacity to manage. All of the
successful cases drew managers from reputable international banks, either a bank
itself, a twining arrangement with an international bank, or citizens who had
worked in such banks, though this alone is not sufficient for good results. In some
cases, the management (or twining bank) was given an incentive for good
performance, based on the results of the privatizations, for example in Poland.
Information systems should be put in place to allow the new management to
monitor developments frequently with a short time lag, and to allow the finance
ministry and the central bank to evaluate the progress toward the objective. If
lending is aimed at targeted groups, then the information systems should also
make clear the success in reaching these beneficiaries and the full costs of doing
so, including interest rate subsidies and non-performance rates.
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New lending should be constrained, especially large loans, to limit new non-
performing loans.
The bad loans typically were removed from the banks, although in the case of
Poland they were left in the banks to be resolved by the new management before
privatization (Kwalec and Kluza, 2003), and replaced by government
recapitalization bonds.
In India, where state banks continue to dominate, bank managers were given the
objective to reduce their nonperforming loans after the small recapitalizations
done in 1994 and 1995 (about 2 percent of GDP). Generally the banks succeeded
in that goal, through a combination of more careful lending, higher provisions
than other banks (out of higher margins), increasing their purchases of new
government debt more than other banks, and debt restructurings that were
encouraged by regulatory changes and helped by falling interest rates (Hanson
2003).
Nonetheless, the non-performing loans before provisioning remain about 10
percent of loans, remained undercapitalized for many years and the state banks
continue to have relatively high margins; high costs (despite saving on wage costs
brought about by the a self-financed voluntary retirement scheme in 2000/01); and
profits on lending that are too low to maintain the ratio of capital to un-risk
weighted assets (Hanson, 2003, Reserve Bank of India, Trend and Progress in
Banking, various years).
There has been no consolidation within the state banks, even among those that
experienced problems and required multiple capital injections, and information
technology has been a problem (Verma, 2000). Some of the private banks,
including some of the 9 licensed in 1994, also have experienced problems, as
India's information and legal frameworks for lending remained weak. A new,
large private bank, ICICI created recently through the merger of ICICI bank and
an old private bank and then the reverse merger of ICICI development bank into
that bank-may put the public sector banks under more pressure.
The following points briefly highlight the changing role of banks in India.
1. Better customer service,
2. Mobile banking facility,
3. Bank on wheels scheme,
4. Portfolio management,
5. Issue of electro-magnetic cards,
6. Universal banking,
7. Automated teller machine (ATM),
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8. Internet banking,
9. Encouragement to bank amalgamation,
10. Encouragement to personal loans,
11. Marketing of mutual funds,
12. Social banking, etc.
The above-mentioned points indicate the role of banks in India is changing. Now
let's discuss how banking in IndThe above-mentioned points indicate the role of
banks in India is changing. Now let's discuss how banking in India is getting much
better day after day.
1. Better Customer Service
Before 1991, the overall service of banks in India was very poor. There were very
long queues (lines) to receive payment for cheques and to deposit money. In those
days, some bank staffs were very rude to their customers. However, all this changed
remarkably after Indian economic reforms of 1991.
Banks in India have now become very customer and service focus. Their service has
become quick, efficient and customer-friendly. This positive change is mostly due to
rising competition from new private banks and initiation of Ombudsman Scheme by
RBI.
2. Mobile Banking
Under mobile banking service, customers can easily carry out major banking
transactions by simply using their cell phones or mobiles.
Here, first a customer needs to activate this service by contacting his bank. Generally,
bank officer asks the customer to fill a simple form to register (authorize) his mobile
number. After registration, this service is activated, and the customer is provided with
a username and password. Using secret credentials and registered phone, customer
can now comfortably and securely, find his bank balance, transfer money from his
account to another, ask for a cheque book, stop payment of a cheque, etc. Today,
almost all banks in India provide a mobile-banking service.
3. Bank on Wheels
The 'Bank on Wheels' scheme was introduced in the North-East Region of India.
Under this scheme, banking services are made accessible to people staying in the
(remote) areas of India. This scheme is a generous attempt to serve banking needs of
rural India.
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4. Portfolio Management
In portfolio management, banks do all the investments work of their clients.
Banks invest their clients' money in shares, debentures, fixed deposits, etc. They first
enter a contract with their clients and charge them a fee for this service. Then they
have the full power to invest or disinvest their clients' money. However, they have to
give safety and profit to their clients.
5. Issue of Electro-Magnetic Cards
Banks in India have already started issuing Electro-Magnetic Cards to their
customers. These cards help to carry out cash-less transactions, make an online
purchase, avail ATM facility, book a railway ticket, etc.
Banks issue many types of electro-magnetic cards, which are as follows:
1. Credit cards help customers to spend money (loaned up to a certain limit as
previously settled by the bank) which they don't have in hand. They get a monthly
statement of their purchases and withdrawals. Along with the transacted amount, this
statement also includes the interest and service fee. The entire amount (as reflected in
the statement of credit card) must be paid back to the bank either fully or in
installments, but before due date.
2. Debit cards help customers to spend that money which they have saved (credited)
in their individual bank accounts. They need not carry cash but instead can use a debit
card to make a purchase (for shopping) and/or withdraw money (get cash) from an
ATM. No interest is charged on the usage of debit cards.
3. Charge cards are used to spend money up to a certain limit for a month. At the end
of the month, customer gets a statement. If he has a sufficient balance, then he only
had to pay a small fee. However, if he doesn't have a necessary balance, he is given a
grace period (which is generally of 25 to 50 days) to repay the money.
4. Smart cards are currently being used as an alternative to avail public transport
services. In India, this covers Railways, State Transport and City (Local) Buses.
Smart card has an integrated circuit (IC) embedded in its plastic body. It is made as
per norms specified by ISO.
5.Kisan credit cards are used for the benefit of the rural population of India. The
Indian farmers (kisans) can use this card to buy agricultural inputs and goods for self-
consumption. These cards are issued by both Commercial and Co-operative banks.
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6. Universal Banking
In India, the concept of universal banking has gained recognition after year 2000. The
customers can get all banking and non-banking services under one roof. Universal
bank is like a super store. It offers a wide range of services, including banking and
other financial services like insurance, merchant banking, etc.
7. Automated Teller Machine (ATM)
There are many advantages of ATM. As a result, many banks have opened up ATM
centres to offer convenience to their customers. Now banks are operating ATM
centres not only in their branches but also at public places like airports, railway
stations, hotels, etc. Some banks have joined together and agreed upon to set up
common ATM centres all over India.
8. Internet Banking
Internet banking is also called as an E-banking or net banking. Here, the customer can
do banking transactions through the medium of the internet or world wide web
(WWW). The customer need not visit the bank's branch. Through this facility, the
customer can easily inquiry about bank balance, transfer funds, request for a cheque
book, etc. Most large banks offer this service to their tech-savvy customers.
9. Encouragement to Bank Amalgamation
Failure of banks is well-protected with the facility of amalgamation. So depositors
need not worry about their deposits. When weaker banks are absorbed by stronger
banks, it is called amalgamation of banks.
10. Encouragement to Personal Loans
Today, the purchasing power of Indian consumers has increased dramatically because
banks give them easy personal loans. Generally, interest charged by the banks on such
loans is very high. Interest is calculated on reducing balance. Large banks offer loans
up to a huge amount like one crore. Some banks even organise Loan Mela (Fair)
where a loan is sanctioned on the spot to deserving candidates after they submit
proper documents.
11. Marketing of Mutual Funds
A mutual fund collects money from many investors and invests the money in shares,
bonds, short-term money market instruments, gold assets; etc. Mutual funds earn
income by interest and dividend or both from its investments. It pays a dividend to
subscribers. The rate of dividend fluctuates with the income on mutual fund
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investments. Now banks have started selling these funds in their own names. These
funds are not insured like other bank deposits. There are different types of funds such
as open-ended funds, closed-ended funds, growth funds, balanced funds, income
funds, etc.
12. Social Banking
The government uses the banking system to alleviate poverty and unemployment.
Many social development programmes are initiated by the banks from time to time.
The success of these programmes depends on financial support provided by the banks.
Banks supply a lot of finance to farmers, artisans, scheduled castes (SC) and
scheduled tribe (ST) families, unemployed youth and people living below the poverty
line (BPL).
4.2.4 Progress in liberalisation of the banking sector
On the liberalisation side of banking sector reforms significant progress has been
achieved in several areas, especially interest rate liberalisation and reduction in
reserve requirements, but not in the matter of directed credit.
(i) Interest Rate Liberalisation
Interest rates in the banking system have been liberalised very substantially
compared to the situation prevailing before 1991With effect from October
1997 interest rates on all time deposits, including 15 day deposits, have been
freed. Only the rate on savings deposits remains controlled by RBI. Lending
rates were similarly freed in a series of steps. The Reserve Bank controls
only the interest rate charged for export credit, which accounts for about 10%
of commercial advances. Interest rates on loans upto Rs. 2,00,000, which
account for 25% of total advances, are subject to a hybrid control - the rate is
not fixed at a level set by the RBI, but is constrained to be no higher than the
prime lending rate (PLR) which is determined by the Boards of individual
banks. The rationale for liberalising interest rates in the banking system was to
allow the banks greater flexibility and encourage competition. Banks were
able to vary rates charged to borrowers according to their cost of funds and
also to reflect the credit worthiness of different borrowers.. Flexibility to
discriminate among borrowers has helped create a more competitive situation.
Flexibility on deposit rates has proved to be irregular Banks are able to raise
rates when inflation increases but they are not able to lower deposit rates when
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inflation declines. This became obvious in 1995 and 1996 when inflation
varied between 4 and 5% but bank deposit rates remained high. Some
observers have attributed this to the fact that expectations of inflation had not
fallen even though inflation declined, but a more reasonable explanation is that
rate of interest available on postal savings schemes, which are fixed by the
Central Government, have been maintained at high levels. As postal savings
are close substitutes for bank deposits, banks find it difficult to lower rates on
deposits as long as postal savings rates are not adjusted downwards
Looking ahead, the cross controls on lending rates can be phased out at an
early date. The desire to control interest rates for small loans reflects an
understandable desire to help small borrowers, but we must recognise that
these controls may actually discourage banks from lending to these sectors or
alternatively they may encourage corruption in determining access to such
loans. There is irresistible evidence that what matters for low income
borrowers is timely availability of recognition rather than low interest rates
and a policy which keeps rates low but impedes the flow of credit does not
help the target group. Banks forced to charge unprofitably low interest rates
may also seek to protect their profitability by improving credit quality by
insisting on higher levels of collateral than would otherwise be the case, thus
effectively excluding precisely the groups which interest rate controls are
meant to favour. Some segments of the banking system have already been
freed from restrictions on lending rates. Cooperative Banks were free from all
controls on lending rates in 1996 and this freedom was extended to Regional
Rural Banks and private local area banks in 1997. As the system gets used to
higher rates being charged on smaller sized loans by these institutions, it
should be possible to take the next step and remove existing controls on
lending rates in other commercial banks.
(ii) Reserve Requirements
Another important area where some liberalisation has taken place relates to the
cash reserve requirement (CRR) and the separate requirement for mandatory
investment in government securities through the statutory-liquidity ratio
(SLR). At one stage, the CRR applicable to incremental deposits was as high
as 25% and the SLR was 40%, thus pre-empting 65% of incremental deposits.
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These ratios were reduced in a series of steps after 1992. The statutory
liquidity ratio is 25%, but its distortionary effect has been greatly reduced by
the fact that the interest rate on government securities is increasingly market
determined. In fact, most banks currently hold a higher volume of government
securities than required under the SLR reflecting the fact that the attractive
interest rate on these securities combined with the zero risk-weight, makes it
commercially attractive for banks to lend to the government. However, the
CRR was at one stage reduced to 10% but is currently at 11%. This is high by
international standards and constitutes a tax on financial intermediation in the
terminology of the financial repression literature.
The key constraint on reducing the CRR is the continuing high level of the
fiscal deficit which cannot be financed entirely from the market and therefore
requires substantial support from the RBI. The earlier practice of automatic
monetisation of the deficit through issue of adhoc Treasury Bills has been
abandoned but as long as the fiscal deficit is not controlled, this only forces
the RBI to resort to market borrowing with a Hobsons choice - either the RBI
has to accept higher interest rates or provide support by picking up securities,
which implies monetisation of the deficit. Reducing the CRR is not a viable
option in this situation because the expansionary impact on money supply via
the money multiplier (which is a function of the CRR) would need to be offset
by a contraction elsewhere. In effect, the RBI would have to refrain from
monetising the deficit to the extent that it does at present. Interest rates on
Government securities would therefore have to be allowed to rise because of
loss of RBI support. The lower CRR would of course reduce the tax on the
banking system enabling banks to reduce rates on commercial advances. The
high CRR is therefore the cost imposed on the banking system to allow the
fiscal deficit to be financed at a lower cost to the government than would
otherwise prevail. Financial repression is indeed a tax on financial
intermediation, but if we want to remove this tax we must find some other way
of either raising tax revenues or cutting expenditure so that the fiscal deficit
can be reduced. Failure to do so will only push the system into an inflationary
spiral, which could be worse than the distortions introduced by financial
repression.
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(iii) Directed Credit
An area where there has been no liberalisation thus far relates to directed
credit. Directed credit policies have been an important part of India's financial
strategy under which commercial banks are required to direct 40% of their
commercial advances to the priority sector which consists of agriculture, small
scale industry, small scale transport operators, artisans etc. Within this
aggregate ceiling there are sub-ceilings for agriculture and also for loans to
poverty related target groups. The Narasimham Committee had recommended
reducing the 40% directed credit target to 10%, while simultaneously
narrowing the definition of the priority sector to focus on small farmers and
other low income target groups. This recommendation was not accepted by the
government and the directed credit requirement continues unchanged.
Should directed credit requirements be phased out? This is an important and
potentially controversial question. Directed credit in support of export
generating industries was a part of East Asia's financial policy during the
period miracle growth of these economies and while these policies have
generally been regarded as successful this is not so for all cases of directed
credit. Prevailing international perceptions of best practice in banking are
generally against directed credit. The shortcomings of directed credit policies
in India are well known and are reflected in the fact that the proportion of
NPAs in priority sector portfolio of the banks is significantly higher than in
the non-priority sector. However, abandonment of directed credit is unlikely to
be a practical option in India in the near future especially because directed
credit in India relates mainly to lending to agriculture, small scale industry and
poverty groups. If the present level of directed credit has to continue for some
more time, we should at least consider ways of ameliorating the adverse
consequences of this policy as much as possible.
A step in the right direction would be to eliminate the present concessional
interest rates applicable to loans below Rs. 2,00,000 most of which fall in the
priority sector. If priority sector credit does involve a higher cost to the banks
we should reflect this in the interest rate allowed to be charged. This would
increase the willingness of banks to lend to the priority sector and make the
directed credit target less onerous. Another desirable step would be to expand
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the list of activities eligible under the priority sector as this would increase the
range of economically viable activities for the deployment of priority sector
credit and thus help improve the quality of the portfolio. We should also
consider redefining the priority sector target as a percentage of the total assets
of the banking system and not as a percentage of commercial advances as at
present. This is because the share of commercial advances in total assets is
likely to increase over time as reserve requirements are reduced. Fixing the
priority sector target as a percentage of commercial advances means a rising
percentage of total assets going to the priority sector which may be too
onerous.
The quality of directed credit could also be improved if the identification of
the beneficiaries was left solely to the banks. This is perhaps the most
important reform which should be implemented. At present recipients of
priority sector credit under various anti-poverty schemes (which also involve a
government subsidy) are identified primarily by the district administration
which administers these schemes and the credit requirements of these
beneficiaries are then processed by the banks. Even where bank officials are
involved in the pre-selection their involvement is perfunctory and the attitude
is one of having to meet targets of lending rather than undertaking serious
credit appraisal. Part of the problem is that many (though not all) of the
priority sector schemes oriented towards micro-enterprises have dubious
economic viability but banks find it difficult to reject loan applications. Many
borrowers tend to view credit extended as part of official anti-poverty
programmes as form of government largesse where repayment is not really
intended making it all the more difficult to fit these schemes within normal
banking activity.
A somewhat theoretical sounding possibility, but one which should be
examined, is the possibility of introducing ―trading‖ of priority sector
performance among banks so that banks which exceed their targets of priority
sector lending may be able to "trade" the excess to the credit of other banks
which are falling short. To the extent that some banks are relatively more
efficient in priority sector lending than others (e.g. because of a broader spread
of certain banks in agriculturally prosperous areas), it would enable the
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banking system as a whole to achieve the priority sector target at lesser cost.
This would be especially so if interest rate ceilings are relaxed.
4.2.5 Various reforms in banking system
Regulatory reform of the banking system
The regulatory side of banking sector reform has also seen significant
progress. Prior to 1991 India‘s banks did not follow uniform accounting
practices for income recognition, classification of assets into performing and
non-performing, provisioning for non-performing assets, and valuation of
securities held in the banks portfolio. Nor were they subject to uniform capital
adequacy requirements.
(i) Establishment of uniform prudential norms
The Narasimham Committee recommended the establishment of uniform
prudential norms and standards broadly along the lines recommended by the
Basle Committee on Banking Supervision. These recommendations were
implemented in a phased manner over a period of three years with the new
norms becoming fully operational from 31.3.96.
Indian banks have adjusted well to the new standards and are in a stronger
position today than they were in 1991. Very few banks had a capital adequacy
ratio upto the 8% level prior to 1991. By March 1998 only one of the 28
public sector banks fell short of this standard and many banks were
significantly above that level. Admittedly the increase in capital in many cases
was achieved only through additional contribution of capital by the
Government, and to that extent does not reflect an improvement in operational
performance, but there were also substantial contributions from internal
reserves resulting from improved profitability. Some banks were also able to
raise capital from the market reflecting their ability to attract private investors.
The new prudential norms and the greater transparency they impart to bank
balance sheets have also increased consciousness of the need to improve asset
quality. Efforts to reduce non-performing assets show encouraging results with
the ratio of net non-performing assets ( i.e. net of provisions) to total advances
declining from 16.3% at the end of 1991-92 to 8.2% at the end of 1997-98.
These are impressive improvements but it is also true that following the
collapse in East Asia, and the subsequent problems in Russia and elsewhere,
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the standards being demanded for regulating banking systems in developing
countries have risen significantly. In anticipation of this development the
government, in December 1997, appointed the Committee on Banking Sector
Reforms (CBSR) to review the progress made in reform of the banking sector
and to chart a course for the future. The Committee has since submitted its
report outlining a comprehensive agenda for the second stage of banking
sector reforms.
(ii) Aligning prudential norms with international practice
The obvious next step is to align prudential norms as closely as possible to
international practice. The CBSR has documented various deficiencies in this
regards. For example, loans are classified as sub-standard when payments
become overdue for a period exceeding two quarters, whereas the international
norm is one quarter. Similarly sub-standard assets are downgraded to doubtful
if they remain sub-standard for two years instead of one year internationally.
Loans with government guarantees are treated as zero-risk assets and are also
not classified as non-performing even if there is a payment default.
Government securities are treated as zero-risk assets whereas they are subject
to interest rate risk and a modest risk weight is therefore appropriate. No
provisions are required to be made for assets classified as standard whereas it
would be more prudent to make a small provision even in these cases. Finally
the capital to risk weighted assets ratio is only 8% whereas internationally
banks are now aiming at higher levels, especially in view of the greater risks
to which banks in developing countries are subject.
The CBSR has made specific recommendations to upgrade standards in these
areas. The first step has been taken with the RBI's recent announcement that
the capital adequacy ratio must be raised to 9 % by 31st March 2000,. The
CBSR had recommended a 10% level, which will presumably be enforced
over a longer time period. A risk weight of 2.5% has also been attached to
investments in government securities - half the level recommended by the
CBSR. Other recommendations of the CBSR to tighten prudential norms,
especially regarding criteria for classifying NPAs, also need to be
implemented in a phased manner. It is sometimes argued that NPA recognition
norms in India cannot be equated with international norms because the slow
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pace of the legal system in enforcing bank claims on collateral security makes
it inevitable that assets will remain non-performing for a longer time.. While
this may be true, this represents a real cost in the system and must be explicitly
recognised as such. There may be a case for phasing the transition over time
but it does not justify accepting lower standards.
Implementation of tighter norms will have an impact on the banking system. It
will raise the level of non-performing assets and force a higher level of
provisioning which in turn would erode the surplus over the minimum capital
requirement currently enjoyed by some banks and would increase the capital
deficiency in other cases. Banks are likely to complain that the shrinkage in
the capital base will imit their ability to expand commercial credit forcing
some of them to become "narrow banks". The credit restraining effect is
indeed a genuine problem for the affected banks, but credit for the system as a
whole may not be affected if enough banks have surplus capital, as these
banks would expand at the expense of those constrained by capital deficiency.
If the net result is a gain in market share for better performing banks at the
expense of the others it is clearly desirable from the efficiency point of view.
More generally, we need to recognise that regulatory forbearance in the form
of lax prudential norms is not in the interest of the banking system. The
experience with banking crises in other countries shows that understatement of
NPA levels because of inadequately stringent norms and weak supervision
only lulls banks into complacency, making them more vulnerable to crises
when they arise. The balance of advantage lies in an early announcement of
the internationally acceptable norms to which banks must finally adhere, while
allowing a reasonable period of time to reach these norms in a phased manner.
Capital Market Reforms
Reform of the capital market was an important part of the agenda of financial
sector reforms and action has been taken in this area parallel with reforms in
banking. India has a long tradition of functioning capital markets - the
Bombay Stock Exchange is over a hundred years old - but until the 1980s the
volume of activity in the capital market was relatively limited. Capital market
activity expanded rapidly in the 1980s and the market capitalisation of
companies registered in the Bombay Stock Exchange rose from 5% of GDP in
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1980 to 13% in 1990. However the market remained primitive and poorly
regulated. Companies wishing to access the capital market needed prior
permission of the government which also had to approve the price at which
new equity could be raised. While new issues were strictly controlled, there
was inadequate regulation of stock market activity and also of various market
participants including stock exchanges, brokers, mutual funds etc. The
domestic capital market was also closed to portfolio investment from abroad
except through a few closed ended mutual funds floated abroad by UTI which
were dedicated to Indian investment.
Following the recommendations of the Narasimham Committee process of
reform of the capital market was initiated aimed at removing direct
government control and replacing it by a regulatory framework based on
transparency and disclosure supervised by an independent regulator. The first
step was taken in 1992 when the Securities and Exchange Board of India
(SEBI), which was originally established as a non-statutory body in 1988, was
elevated to a full fledged capital market regulator with statutory powers. The
requirement of prior government permission for accessing capital markets and
for prior approval of issue pricing was abolished and companies were allowed
to access markets and price issues freely, subject only to disclosure norms laid
down by SEBI.
(i) The regulatory framework
Over the years SEBI has put in place a modern regulatory framework with
rules and regulations governing the behaviour of major market participants
such as stock exchanges, brokers, merchant bankers, mutual funds etc. It has
also sought to regulate activities such as takeovers and insider trading which
have implications for investor protection. The governing structure of stock
exchanges has been modified to make the Boards of the Exchanges more
broad based and less dominated by brokers. The new regulatory framework
seeks to strengthen investor protection by ensuring disclosure and
transparency rather than through direct control. SEBI acts as a supervisor of
the system undertaking supervision of the activities of various participants
including stock exchanges and mutual funds and violations of the rules are
punishable by SEBI.
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The regulatory framework is as yet new and will need to be refined in the light
of experience gained and also as gaps and inadequacies are identified. In some
areas SEBI needs to be further strengthened and its punitive powers enhanced.
However, there is no doubt that a good start has been made.
(ii) Opening the Capital Market to Foreign Investors
An important policy initiative in 1993 was the opening of the capital market to
foreign institutional investors (FIIs) and allowing Indian companies to raise
capital abroad by issue of equity in the form of Global Depository Receipts
(GDRs). Over 500 FIIs are now registered with SEBI, of whom about 150 are
active investors, and there has been a cumulative inflow of around $ 9 billion
into the capital market through this route upto 1997-98. The GDR route has
also seen an inflow of about $ 6 billion.
The cumulative investment of around $ 15 billion in Indian stocks through
FIIs and GDRs has effectively linked India's domestic capital market with
world markets and has important implications for macro economic
management. Domestic liquidity conditions and asset prices are now affected
by international market perceptions and this must be taken into account in
formulating monetary policy. A large inflow of portfolio investment can lead
to a sharp increase in domestic liquidity and asset prices as happened in 1994
to 1996 and a reversal can lower asset prices as in 1998. Exchange rate
behaviour is now as much determined by developments in the current account
as on the capital account. Since capital flows are affected by international
perceptions, and these perceptions can be triggered not just by developments
in India but also by contagion effects from developments abroad, management
of the exchange rate has to take these linkages into account. The economy is
not as vulnerable to volatile flows as it would be with full capital account
convertibility, and this is one reason why India's currency markets were not
seriously disrupted in the Asian crisis. but it is certainly more so because of
FII and GDR flows. The potential volatility of these flows must be accepted
and strategies for exchange market management should take this into account.
(iii) Modernisation of Trading and Settlement Systems
Major improvements have taken place in trading methods which were highly
antiquated earlier. The National Stock Exchange (NSE) was set up in 1994 as
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an automated electronic exchange enabling brokers in 220 cities all over the
country to link up with the NSE computers via VSATs and trade in a unified
exchange with automatic matching of buy and sell orders with price time
priority thus ensuring maximum transparency for investors. The introduction
of electronic trading by NSE generated competitive pressure which forced the
Bombay Stock Exchange also to introduce electronic trading in 1995.
The settlement system was antiquated, involving physical delivery of share
certificates to the buyer who then had to deliver them to a company registrar to
record the change of ownership after which the certificates had to be returned
to the buyer. This process was very time consuming and also created
significant risks for investors. The first step towards paperless trading was put
in place by enacting legislation which allowed dematerialisation of share
certificates with settlement by electronic transfer of ownership from one
account to another within a depository. The National Securities Depository
Ltd. (NSDL) opened for business in 1996. In June 1997 only 48 companies,
with a market capitalisation of Rs.94,000 crores, had signed up enabling
dematerialisation of their securities. By June 1998 this had increased to 198
companies with a market capital of Rs.2,88,000 crores. The value of securities
actually held in the depository has increased from Rs. 2518 crores in June
1997 to Rs.35,000 crores in June 1998. It is expected that the volume of
settlements taking place through the depository will expand rapidly.
(iv)Futures Trading
An important lacuna in India's capital market at present is the lack of futures
markets. A well functioning market in index futures would help in risk
management and provide greater liquidity to the market. A decision to
introduce futures trading has been taken and the legislative changes needed to
implement this decision have been submitted to Parliament. Futures trading is
expected to commence in 1999 and with this a major deficiency in the capital
market will have been corrected.
(v) Some Problems in the Capital Market
Despite these important improvements in the regulatory framework and
trading and settlement systems, the functioning of the capital market in the
post reform period has been the subject of much criticism. Investors,
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especially small investors who entered the market in the early stages of
liberalisation, have not found their investments to be good value. There is a
widespread perception that many unscrupulous companies took advantage of
the removal of government control over issue prices to raise capital at inflated
prices, at the expense of inexperienced investors. Merchant bankers and
underwriters involved in these issues, some of which were among the better
known names in the business, are seen to have misled investors. Nor is
disappointment confined to ill-informed small investors greedily venturing
into risky investments which they should never have undertaken in any case.
Investors who invested in a wide range of blue chip stocks or in mutual funds,
including funds managed by some of the best known international names, have
also fared poorly because the Sensex has fluctuated widely since 1993 with a
dominantly bearish trend in 1997 and 1998. Part of the problem is the change
in sentiment among FIIs in this period reflecting a contagion effect from East
Asia. Part of it may also reflect the slowing of industrial growth after 1996.
Investor disappointment has led to a withdrawal of ordinary investors from
equity markets. The volume of capital (both debt and equity) mobilised from
the primary market increased substantially in the initial years of the reforms
and reached a peak in 1995-96. The next two years saw a sharp decline in the
volume of equity raised in the primary market with offsetting increase in
resources raised through debt. This switch away from equity, following the
poor experience of investors with equity investment, can be explained as a
corrective process but it has created problems for financing of new projects
which were begun in the expectation of easier availability of equity.
These problems have focussed attention on the need to restore confidence
among small investors and this is indeed an important issue. However, the
solution does not lie, as is sometimes supposed, in extending a variety of tax
incentives to lure small investors back into the market. To some extent it will
happen automatically when the industrial cycle shows an upturn. However, it
also requires deeper rooted institutional changes. Studies conducted by the
Society for Capital Market Research and Development show that part of the
reason for the reluctance of small investors to enter the market is the low level
of confidence about corporate governance in many listed companies. A pre-
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condition for healthy capital markets which is well recognised in industrialised
countries is the existence of institutions which ensures high levels of corporate
governance. These include high standards of accountancy to ensure
transparency in financial performance, active involvement of institutional
investors in monitoring performance based on good quality equity research
inputs and also codes of corporate governance which are designed to ensure
that managements are subjected to effective oversight by boards and that
shareholder interests are protected. India's capital market is as yet far from this
ideal. Some corrective processes are however at work. Companies wishing to
access capital markets in future will have to price IPOs more reasonably. They
will also have to show improvements in corporate governance in line with the
growing consciousness of our deficiencies on this score.
Issuers of capital must also realise that the capital market should not be
viewed as a passive source of equity capital which can be tapped by
companies at will to raise equity on favourable terms. Cross country studies
have shown that stock markets in developing countries have been a more
important source for financing of new investments through IPOs than in
developed countries where financing of new investment has relied mainly on
internal generation of surpluses. New companies raising funds have typically
relied on venture capital or private placement rather than public issues. To
some extent this is made possible by the existence of institutional investors
such as insurance and pension funds willing to invest in the capital of new
companies based on their own due diligence.
Does the emergence of these problems indicate that the broad thrust of reforms
in the capital market has been inadequate? The view is sometimes expressed
that perhaps the removal of direct control on issue prices in the primary
market was premature and should have been implemented only after greater
experience had been gained with regulation of the secondary market. It is
difficult to be certain on this issue, but it can be argurd that a more drawn out
process would not have made much difference. It would certainly not make
sense to retain price controls on domestic issuers of capital while also opening
up the markets to foreign investors. The solution for protecting the interest of
small investors lies less in price control and more in investor education.
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Inevitably, some of education comes through actual experience which is not
always pleasant.
Insurance Sector Reform
No review of financial sector reforms in India can be complete without
reference to the need for reforms in the insurance sector. India is one of only
four countries - the other three being Cuba, North Korea and Myanmar -
where insurance is a public sector monopoly! The rationale of liberalising the
banking system and encouraging competition among the three major
participants viz. public sector banks, Indian private sector banks and foreign
banks applies equally to insurance. There is a strong case for ending the public
sector monopoly in insurance and opening it up to private sector participants
subject to suitable prudential regulation.
Cross country evidence suggests that contractual savings institutions are an
extremely important determinant of the aggregate rate of savings and
insurance and pension schemes are the most important form of contractual
savings in this context. Their importance will increase in the years ahead as
household savings capacity increases with rising per capita incomes, life
expectancy increases and as traditional family support systems, which are a
substitute for insurance and pensions, are eroded. A competitive insurance
industry, providing a diversified set of insurance products to meet differing
customer needs, can help to increase savings in this situation and to allocate
them efficiently. The insurance and pensions industry typically has long term
liabilities which it seeks to match by investing in long term secure assets. A
healthy insurance is therefore an important source of long term capital in
domestic currency which is especially for infrastructure financing. Reforms in
insurance will therefore strengthen the capital market at the long term end by
adding new players in this segment of the market, giving it greater depth or
liquidity.
It is relevant to ask why these developments are less likely if insurance
remains a public sector monopoly. One reason is that the industry suffers from
a relatively high requirement for mandatory investment in government
securities. However this implies that it is the mandatory requirement and not
the public sector monopoly which is the real constraint. The fact is that the
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insurance industry does not fully utilise even the flexibility available at present
for investment in corporate securities. This is principally because lack of
competition in the insurance sector means there is no pressure to improve the
return offered to the investor. Competition will increase the pressure to
improve returns and push insurance companies to move out of government
securities to seek higher returns in high quality corporate debt. Needless to
say, the process would be greatly expedited if the fiscal deficit is also reduced
resulting in a fall in the interest rate on government securities. Reforms in
insurance are therefore more likely to create a flow of finance for the
corporate sector if we can simultaneously make progress in reducing the fiscal
deficit.
The Malhotra Committee had recommended opening up the insurance sector
to new private companies as early as 1994. It has taken time to build a
consensus on this issue but a proposal to open up insurance, allowing foreign
equity upto 26%, has now been submitted to the Cabinet. If approved it will
require legislation to remove the existing government monopoly and the
earliest that this can be done is some time in 1999. This means new licenses to
competing insurers can only be issued by the end of 1999 and since the new
entrants will have to build up their business from scratch, it will take 5 to 10
years before private insurance companies, even with foreign partners, can
reach significant levels. The sooner we start the sooner we will get the benefit
of better service for the consumer, and the sooner it will be possible to finance
infrastructure from the capital market.
4.2.6 Other Issues in Banking Reforms
Bringing prudential norms to international standards is only one part of the
reform agenda. The more difficult part is to change the way banks function in
practice so that their performance comes up to the heightened requirements of
the new regulatory environment. This means banks must function in a manner
which brings NPAs down to acceptable levels while simultaneously showing
sufficient profit to ensure growth of reserves to support additional lending.
The challenge is all the greater because economic reforms and liberalisation in
the economy means that bank borrowers now face greater competition
(domestic and international) which increases the risk of commercial failure
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compared to the situation when banks were lending to clients operating in a
protected economy. Banks have to upgrade their credit appraisal methods to
ensure that the activities for which they lend are economically viable in the
new more competitive environment. A more open economy also implies
greater volatility in exchange rates and interest rates and banks must allow for
the direct impact of these uncertainties on their balance sheets because of their
own exposure and also the indirect effect via the impact on their clients. Banks
will have to make changes on several fronts to deal with these challenges
including the upgradation of human skills, induction of information
technology, an understanding with labour unions to phase out outdated work
practices, etc.
(i) The role of competition
The role of competition in accelerating change is especially important. Banks
are more likely to change if they are faced with competition which forces them
to become more efficient change in order to survive. The creation of a more
competitive environment in banking was one of the explicit objectives of the
reform and the degree of competition has increased to some extent. Some of
the competition has come from outside the system. Because of the
development of capital markets and access to international sources of funds,
the most creditworthy corporate clients are able to obtain funds from other
sources and this puts pressure on the banks to improve the cost and quality of
their service or risk losing credit worthy clients. Competition within the
banking system has also increased. Several new private banks have started
operations and foreign banks have also been allowed to expand their branches
more liberally than in the past. As a result the share of business of private
banks and foreign banks together increased from 10.6% in 1991-92 to 17.6%
in 1996-97. Public sector banks still remain in a dominant position, but foreign
banks and some of the new private sector banks are ahead of the public sector
banks in the use of information technology and this will enable them to
compete effectively for a larger business share, especially in the high income
segment of the market, without having a very wide branch network.
Competition among public sector banks is also increasing and this also
generates pressures for greater efficiency.
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If competition leads to a general improvement in efficiency of all public sector
banks, strengthening them all equally, we would have an ideal outcome in
which all participants gain in the process. In practice, it is more likely that
individual banks will respond differently, reflecting long standing differences
in their managerial culture and work practices, and some banks will pull ahead
at the expense of others. The weaker banks are in any case likely to be held
back by enforcement of capital adequacy requirements which will
automatically limit the extent to which they can expand credit. This is likely to
produce a restructuring of the banking system, with the better banks gaining
market share at the expense of others, and this should be accepted as a natural
outcome of competition, even though it may intensify the problem of weak
banks.
(ii) The problem of weak banks
How to deal with the weak public sector banks is a major problem for the next
stage of banking sector reforms. It is particularly difficult because the poor
financial position of many of these banks is often blamed on the fact that the
regulatory regime in earlier years did not place sufficient emphasis on sound
banking, and the weak banks are, therefore, not responsible for their current
predicament. This perception often leads to an expectation that all weak banks
must be helped to restructure after which they would be able to survive in the
new environment.
The usual recipe for revival of weak banks is to take care of the inherited
burden of non-performing assets through some mechanism, such as for
example an Asset Reconstruction Company recommended by the CBSR, and
then let the "restructured" banks with a cleaned up balance sheet compete with
other banks. This approach may be worth trying in some cases but it must be
recognised that it does not guarantee revival. Even if the backlog of NPAs is
taken care of, many of the weak banks will also need to cut costs by closing
loss making branches and reducing excess staff if they are to have to any hope
of surviving in competition with other banks in the more competitive
environment of the future when margins will be under pressure. In short,
revival may be possible only if it is preceded by a willingness to slim down
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and cut overheads drastically. It may also need a major overhaul of top and
middle management which is not easy to achieve in a public sector bank.
Even after such downsizing s
ome weak banks may not be able to survive in competition against stronger
banks which have better management cultures, stronger human skills, and
better labour relations. In such a situation we must beware of repeated efforts
at restructuring aimed at keeping chronically weak banks alive. The CBSR has
recommended that such cases should be handed over to a Restructuring
Commission, which can then decide on suitable solutions, including merger
with other banks or even closure. Merger in this context should not mean a
mere arithmetical aggregation of the weak bank with all its staff and branches
into another financially sound bank. Mergers have the advantage that they
protect depositor interests, which is an important consideration, but they make
economic sense only if they are preceded by a sufficient effort to reduce cost
by further downsizing before the merger. In the competitive environment
expected in the future, strong banks are unlikely to be willing to accept merger
with a weak bank unless these issues are resolved.
(iii) Government majority ownership of banks
Perhaps the most difficult issue for the future is whether government should
retain majority control over public sector banks. The prevailing international
consensus is definitely against it and many developing countries are actively
engaged in privatising government banks as part of financial sector reform.
Privatisation is obviously not a guarantee against bad banking, as is evident
from the many banking crises involving private banks in both developed and
developing countries. However this argument is usually countered by
conceding that while privatisation alone is definitely not sufficient, and must
be accompanied by improved regulation and supervision, it is nevertheless
necessary because Government ownership involves "politicisation" and
"bureaucratisation" of banking.
The CBSR considered this issue and has recommended that the
government/RBI holding in the public sector banks/State Bank of India be
reduced to 33%. Two reasons have been given by the Committee. One is that
the capital requirement of the banks will expand substantially because of the
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combined effect of growth of lending and enhanced capital adequacy
requirements, and the additional capital needed is much larger than the likely
growth of reserves through plough back of profit. Additional capital will,
therefore, have to be contributed and maintaining a 51% share in equity for the
Government will require large contributions from the Budget which, the
Committee felt, could not be justified given the many other demands for
budgetary funds. The Committee therefore recommended that the additional
capital needs of the banks should be met by bringing in new private equity,
diluting the government's share below 51%. The second reason given by the
CBSR is more fundamental and is based on the view that the degree of
functional autonomy required for the exercise of sound banking may not be
possible as long as Government retains a majority share.
Majority Government ownership of the public sector banks has been an article
of faith in many circles in India and it is important to consider carefully
whether it is in fact inconsistent with sound banking. Vaghul (1998) has
sought to finesse the problem by suggesting that Government could retain
majority ownership but the management of the bank must be entrusted entirely
to a Board of eminent professionals, which would appoint (and presumably
also remove) the Chief Executive, and exercise all the functions of supervision
over the management. In this arrangement the management would be
responsible to the Board and the Government would deal with only the Board
which would not include any government officials. The arrangement will
appeal to those who retain a preference for public ownership on principle but
are willing to delegate power in practice. However, the degree of
independence envisaged may not be feasible in practice.
Government accountability to Parliament makes it unlikely that government
would be willing to distance itself sufficiently from management by delegating
all powers of supervision to an entirely independent non-government Board of
Directors. In any case, since the Board must reflect the interests and
perception of shareholders, it is difficult to envisage a Board acting completely
independently of the government as long as the government is the majority
shareholder. In fact, there is a real danger that such an arrangement might
degenerate into one which gives an appearance of independence but allows
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informal and unstructured interference in practice. This would only continue
the relationship of dependence without the transparency and formal
procedures involved when Government is formally responsible.
Majority ownership also imposes certain statutory constraints For example it
implies that majority owned banks will be treated as the State under Article 12
of the Constitution which implies that action can be taken against the bank on
grounds of "natural justice", a feature which limits the freedom available to
managements in dealing with matters of recruitment and promotion It also
implies that the government's anti-corruption machinery has jurisdiction over
bank officials in the same way as for government officials. The Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI) can therefore initiate investigation of bank
officials for suspected malafide actions without 1. complaints from the
management and indeed even if the management or the Board of the bank is
satisfied that the impugned actions do not merit investigation. The agencies
can also prosecute in such cases even though management may have a
different view of the culpability of the action. Since investigations typically
take a long time bank officials involved suffer significant costs in the process,
including possible suspension and denial of promotion. Vulnerability on this
score encourages multiple layers of decision making because bank officials
find comfort in concurrence from others. This creates cumbersome systems in
which negative views expressed at any stage are unlikely to be countered, all
of which introduces rigidity and an unwillingness to take reasonable
commercial risks. It is difficult to imagine Indian public sector banks engaging
in innovative banking under these constraints.
4.2.7 Progress of commercial banks after Nationalization
Commercial banks in India have made significant progress in different directions
since nationalization in 1969. This would be clear from the following points :
(1) Number of Scheduled Banks :
The scheduled banking structure in India consists of banks that are listed in the
second schedule of the Reserve Bank of India Act, 1934. These scheduled
banks comprise of commercial banks, regional rural banks urban co-operative
banks and state co-operative banks. The total number of all schedule
commercial banks in 1951-52 was 94 while that of non-schedule commercial
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banks was 442. However, at the end of March 2010, the number of scheduled
banks was 88 and that of non-scheduled banks it was just 04. the phenomenal
decline in the number of non-scheduled banks during this period was due to
the fact that quite a few banks had gone into liquidation and many of such
non-scheduled banks had merged with other banks. Likewise, the decline in
the number of scheduled banks was due to merger of these banks with one
another.
(2) Phenomenal Increase in the Number of Bank Branches :
The number of branches of the commercial banks which was just 2,689 in
1951-52 increased to 8262 at the end of June, 1969. After the nationalization
of 14 major commercial banks in July, 1969 and six more banks in April,
1980, there has been a phenomenal increase in the number of bank offices,
particularly in the rural and semi-urban areas. Thus, for example, the total
number of bank offices which was 8,262 in June, 1969 increased to 80,369 at
theend of June, 2009. Thus, there has been more than 9 fold increase in the
number of bank offices in the post-nationalisation period; the share of the
public sector banks in this increase has been estimated at about 70 per cent.
It should also be noted here 'that of the new offices opened since bank
nationalization, more than 60 per cent of these offices have been opened m
unbanked centers, particularly in rural areas. Thus, for example, in 1969; the
number of rural branches of the banks was just 1860, which formed about 22
percent of the total branches; it increased to 31,796 at the end of June, 2009
which accounted for about 40 percent of the total branches.
The branch expansion programme of the banks, is thus, highly encouraging; as
a result, the average of population per bank office has progressively declined
from 65,000 in June, '1969 to about 14,000 at the end of June, 2010.
(3) Growth of Bank Deposits and its Composition :
There has been a marked increase in bank deposits of the commercial banks during
the planning period and more so since bank nationalization. Thus, for example, the
aggregate deposits of the scheduled banks which were just Rs. 4,645 crores in June,
1969 increased to about Rs. 44,92,826 crores in 2009-2010. The-main reasons for the
rapid growth in deposits are :
(i) Rise in the money incomes of the people.
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(ii) Increase in the number of bank offices.
(iii) Special efforts for deposit mobilisation by the scheduled banks by introducing
innovative schemes for savings and the offer of various types of incentives to
the customers.
A study of the composition of the bank deposits has shown that time deposits account
for more about 86 percent and demand deposits 14 percent of the aggregate deposits.
(4) Phenomenal Expansion of Bank Credit :
There has been a phenomenal increase in the bank credit during the planning
period and more so in the post-nationalization period. Thus, for example, the
total scheduled bank credit which was just Rs. 580 crores in 1951-52 increased
to Rs. 3,599 crores in June, 1969 and further to about Rs. 37,44,788 crores
during the year 2009-2010.
Apart from this quantitative expansion of bank credit, there has been a
significant qualitative change in the lending policies of the commercial banks,
particularly after their nationalisation. Thus, prior to bank natonalisation, a
substantial part of the bank credit was given to trade, commerce and industry
which according to one estimate formed about 86 per cent of the total bank
credit, while the share of agriculture was hardly 2 per cent. Likewise, small
scale industry, retail trade, self-employed persons etc. also received a raw deal
in so far as the bank credit was concerned.
However, after nationalisation, a fundamental and qualitative change has taken
place in the composition of bank credit. The concept of social banking has
come to be widely accepted, which refers to that policy under which banks
provide credit on a preferential basis to the priority sectors of the economy and
to the weaker sections of the society. The concept of social banking makes the
banks aware, about their ‗social responsibilities.‘
Likewise, the concept of priority sector ensures that the assistance from the
banking system flows in an increasing manner to those sectors of the economy
which, though accounting for a significant proportion of the national product,
have · not received adequate support from the institutional finance in the past.
(5) Assistance to Sick Industrial Undertakings:
Public sector banks have been providing assistance to sick industrial
undertakings. For this purpose, the sick industrial Undertakings cell has been
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constituted in the Reserve Bank of India since November 1976. The cell
monitors the banks performance in identifying sick units and taking remedial
action "besides bringing about co-ordination in the efforts of banks, financial
institutions, Government' and other agencies in the rehabilitation of sick
·units.
(6) Innovative Banking :
In recent years, public sector and private sector banks as also offices of the
foreign banks have been adopting the strategy of innovative banking in their
business operations. Innovative banking implies the application of new
techniques, new methods and novel schemes in areas of deposit mobilization,
deployment credit and bank management. ·
(7) Technological Up gradation :
In years to come, banking is going to be more and more technology driven.
Revolution in information and communication technologies make it
imperative for the banks to adapt these at a fast speed. Accordingly, in recent
years, mechanization and computerization has made considerable headway in
the banking system with a view to provide quick and efficient services to the
customers. Facilities for Advanced Ledger posting Machines (ALPM) and
computers are being extended to cover more and more branches. Likewise,
Magnetic Ink Charter Recognition (MICR) cheque processing centers have
been extended to new centers. Similarly, scheme of electronic clearing has
been introduced to provide simple, faster and cost-effective solution for
repetitive· payment such as salary, pension, interest, dividend etc. by
companies, corporations and government departments.
(8) Diversification in Banking Operations:
(i) In recent years, there has been a considerable diversification in the functions
and business operations of the banks. Thus, for example :
(ii) A number of banks have set up merchant banking divisions and are
underwriting new issues, especially preference shares and debentures.
Many banks have set up their own subsidiary companies to strengthen the
organizational and managerial capabilities and to offer more specialized
services with professional expertise and skill like the SBI Capital Market
Ltd. formed by the State Bank of India, Can Bank Financial Services Ltd.
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by Canara Bank, BOB Capital Market Ltd. promoted by Bank of Baroda
etc.
(iii)Many banks have floated mutual funds like is SBI Mutual Fund, Indian Bank
Mutual Fund, PNB Mutual Fund,. Bank of Baroda Mutual Fund etc.
(iv) Likewise in recent years, a number of banks have introduced "stock invest
scheme", "credit card scheme" etc. and have also been given, approval to
set up "money market mutual funds." Now; factoring, retail banking;
anywhere banking, internet banking etc are being undertaken.
(9) Training Facilities :
The rapid expansion of banks' branches and the increasing diversification of
their activities requires a trained staff at all organizational levels. Accordingly,
a number of training centers and institutions have been set up which impart
training and professional skill in bank management. Thus, for example, the
National Institute of Bank Management, Mumbai; Bankers' Training College,
Mumbai; Reserve Bank Staff College, Chennai; College of Agricultural
Banking, Pune; Zonal Training Centres at New Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai and
Chennai etc. are providing training facilities, skill and expertise to various
categories of bank staff and officers' cader.
(10) Core Banking Solution (CBS) :
In recent years, many banks have launched core Banking solution Branches. Bank
Customers get the following benefits under core banking solution:
(i) Bank Services I facilities are available at any bank branch.
(ii) Online real time balances and Status.
(iii) Access to multiple delivery channels.
(iv) 2.4 x 7 banking
(v) Better reach and accessibility to information and accounts.
(vi) Consistent customer information and service.
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Table – 3
Performance and progress parameter‟s of public and private sector banks.
NPA Data As on March (Amount in `
31, 2013 Million)
Gross NPAs Gross Gross NPAs
Banks Advances to Gross
Advances
(1) (2) Ratio
(3)(%)
Public Sector Banks
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Table – 4
Growth in Balance Sheet of Scheduled Commercial Banks
(Per cent)
All
Public Private Old private
New private Foreign scheduled
sector sector sector
sector banks banks commercial
Item banks banks banks
banks
2011- 2012- 2011- 2012- 2011- 2012- 2011- 2012- 2011- 2012- 2011- 2012-
12 13 12 13 12 13 12 13 12 13 12 13
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
1. Capital -4.2 4.3 - 4.5 -4.2 6.1 1.7 3.9 15.6 13.9 8.0 10.4
2. Reserves and Surplus 24.4 15.5 15.5 21.6 18.5 18.9 14.9 22.2 15.6 15.2 20.8 17.2
3. Deposits 14.4 14.9 17.1 18.8 19.6 18.4 16.3 19.0 15.1 4.0 14.9 15.1
3.1. Demand Deposits -6.3 16.8 4.4 15.4 6.5 15.6 4.0 15.4 9.9 -7.8 -1.8 13.3
3.2. Savings Bank Deposits 12.1 14.4 19.1 19.3 16.3 14.9 19.9 20.5 5.6 2.9 13.1 15.0
3.3. Term Deposits 18.2 14.8 19.7 19.4 22.1 19.5 18.6 19.4 21.0 10.4 18.6 15.4
4. Borrowings 17.2 19.8 38.9 16.1 80.3 28.3 36.4 15.1 29.7 27.4 24.9 19.8
5. Other Liabilities and
-7.5 15.4 42.1 0.2 12.5 9.6 47.1 -1.0 26.9 -25.1 8.6 2.2
Provisions
Total Liabilities/Assets 14.1 15.3 21.1 17.5 21.3 18.6 21.0 17.2 19.8 5.7 15.8 15.1
1. Cash and Balances with RBI -20.5 -0.2 -18.1 5.4 -7.9 -0.2 -20.8 7.1 14.2 -7.4 -18.5 0.4
2. Balances with Banks and
40.7 38.0 15.6 57.9 80.4 52.6 6.5 59.2 13.7 10.7 32.4 37.5
Money at Call and Short Notice
3. Investments 12.8 16.7 24.6 19.0 18.0 23.0 26.5 18.0 21.2 13.7 16.1 17.0
3.1 Government Securities 16.5 13.5 32.0 17.8 21.5 23.8 35.4 16.1 23.0 21.5 19.8 15.0
3.2 Other Approved Securities -65.1 -26.2 -78.8 -63.1 -65.0 -61.2 -97.6 -100.0 -100.0 - -65.6 2.9
3.3 Non-Approved Securities -2.1 33.3 12.5 21.4 10.0 21.2 13.0 21.4 17.7 -3.8 5.2 24.1
4. Loans and Advances 17.3 15.4 21.2 18.3 24.6 17.3 20.1 18.6 17.6 14.7 18.1 15.9
4.1 Bills Purchased and
25.7 20.8 8.2 7.8 14.7 -4.0 5.4 13.3 9.6 29.2 21.8 19.9
Discounted
4.2 Cash Credits, Overdrafts,
17.8 16.9 28.4 28.8 33.3 25.9 25.4 30.7 19.7 14.7 19.3 18.5
etc.
4.3 Term Loans 16.1 13.5 19.0 14.2 17.6 10.6 19.3 14.9 17.5 10.7 16.8 13.6
5. Fixed Assets 5.9 11.2 3.0 8.3 6.9 14.9 2.1 6.6 1.2 20.4 4.8 11.3
6. Other Assets 14.9 2.8 67.5 -7.9 26.9 8.0 74.5 -9.9 26.9 -31.0 27.9 -9.5
Source: Balance Sheets of respective banks.
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Table-5
Growth in Credit & Deposits during 1991 to 2011
As on CAGR (1991-
1991.03.31 As on 2011.03.31 2011)
Banks Rs.crore Rs.crore %
Credit by SBI and its
associates 34716 892260.7 17.62
Credit by nationalised
banks 71402.4 2159802.7 18.59
Credit by foreign banks 9358.9 199553.6 16.53
Credit by regional rural
banks 3750.6 98118.8 17.73
Credit by private sector
banks 4975.1 725911.2 28.29
Credit by all scheduled
commercial banks 124203 4075647 19.07
As on CAGR (1991-
1991.03.31 As on 2011.03.31 2011)
Banks Rs.crore Rs.crore %
Deposits of SBI and its
associates 53314.4 1154020.8 16.62
Deposits of nationalised
banks 122283.8 2864924 17.08
Deposits of foreign banks 11387.9 234760.5 16.33
Deposits of regional rural
banks 4849.7 163694.5 19.24
Deposits of private sector
banks 8732.6 972151.4 26.57
Deposits of all scheduled
commercial banks 200568.4 5389551.3 17.89
4.3 CONCLUSION:
It could be noted that there has been no banking crisis at the same time, efficiency
of banking system as a whole, measured by declining spread has improved. This is
not say that they have no challenges. There are emerging challenges, which appear
in the forms of consolidation; recapitalization, prudential regulation weak banks,
and non-performing assets, legal framework etc needs urgent attention. The paper
107
concludes that, from a regulatory perspective, the recent developments in the
financial sector have led to an appreciation of the limitations of the present
segmental approach to financial regulation and favors adopting a consolidated
supervisory approach to financial regulation and supervision, irrespective of its
structural design.
In the post-era of IT Act, global environment is continuously changing and
providing new direction, dimensions and immense opportunities for the banking
industry. Keeping in mind all the changes, RBI should appoint another committee
to evaluate the on-going banking sector reforms and suggest third phase of the
banking sector reforms in the light of above said recommendations. Need of the
hour is to provide some effective measures to guard the banks against financial
fragilities and vulnerability in an environment of growing financial integration,
competition and global challenges. The challenge for the banks is to harmonize and
coordinate with banks in other countries to reduce the scope for contagion and
maintain financial stability. It is not possible to play the role of the Oracle of
Delphi when a vast nation like India is involved. However, a few trends are
evident, and the coming decade should be as interesting as the last one.
108