Comparative Banking
Comparative Banking
Repeal of Glass-Steagall
🠶 Glass-Steagall was repealed in 1999 by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. The
Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act was passed along party lines by a Republican vote in the Senate.
Actually, it was named after Senator Phil Gramm, the Deputy Jim Leach and Thomas J.
Bliley Jr., chairman of the House Commerce Committee.
🠶 The banking industry had lobbied for the repeal of Glass-Steagall since the 1980s. They
complained they couldn't compete with other securities firms. The banks said they would
only go into low risk securities. They wanted to reduce the risk for their customers by
diversifying their business.
1st question: What does it mean to end bailouts and Too Big To Fail?
🠶 Bailouts in periods of financial crisis appear to be unfair because they play by special
rules that only go into effect when a bank is already about to fail and are decided on a
case-by-case situation. Bailouts prevent those who stand to gain the most in good times
from also losing the most in bad times. Hank Paulson’s original request for bailout money
without strings attached, in a three-page bill no less, remains one of the bailouts most
unpopular legacies.
🠶 Yet the dangers of unaddressed financial crises are real. This kind of systemic risk is
contagious, where failures at one business spread to everyone. One example of this is
bank runs, where the failure of one bank makes everyone rush to pull their money out of
other banks. A “shadow banking run,” happened in the capital markets and on Wall Street
during the latest crisis.
🠶 Dodd-Frank tries to deal with these issues by creating the rules for a crisis in advance. It
requires stricter regulations on capital and activities for the largest and riskiest financial
firms, to make them less likely to fail in a crisis. Dodd-Frank also grants the FDIC a special
new power called resolution authority. This allows the government to run a bridge
company to keep essential operations running at a failed firm that needs to be liquidated,
with losses put on those who deserve them, rather than putting taxpayers at risk.
🠶 So what do critics have to say? The first objection is that all of this is unnecessary –
there’s no such thing as systemic risk. Bank runs usually don’t happen, but when they do
they are necessary, and they don't threaten the surrounding financial system. This
laissez-faire approach doesn’t carry much weight among scholars.
🠶 The second criticism (from Hensarling) is that resolution authority is a permanent, unfair
bailout. Some argue that the FDIC will use their powers to bailout creditors instead of
imposing losses on them. Others worry that the FDIC’s ability to borrow money and
provide bridge money is an unfair practice that puts taxpayers at risk of losses. The
underlying concern is that stakeholders in the financial firm won’t care if they go through
resolution authority, and as such, resolution authority makes them a safer bet and acts as
a kind of permanent bailout promise to the markets.
🠶 The third criticism is that this isn’t a credible threat because the largest financial firms are
too risky, too complex, too international and contain too much political clout for these
painful measures to be tried. This criticism is where people look to change what
Dodd-Frank does, either through an expansion or limitation.
2nd question:Does Dodd-Frank do too little, or too much?
🠶 Here is where breaking up the banks, either along business lines and or in size, comes into
play. Senator Sherrod Brown and former Senator Ted Kaufmann proposed an
amendment designed to break up the banks during Dodd-Frank, with a cap on the
amount of non-deposit liabilities at 3 percent of GDP.
🠶 This is no longer accurate, as the biggest firms are now even bigger. Brown is now
teaming up with Senator David Vitter (R-La.) to propose a similar law to break up the
banks, an idea that is gaining in popularity.
🠶 Another area that many feel needs additional reform is the treatment of short-term
creditors and other panic-prone sectors like the money market mutual funds. Regulators,
through the Financial Stability Oversight Council, are trying to lead where the SEC has
been unsuccessful.
🠶 But there are those who feel Dodd-Frank goes too far. William C. Dudley, president of the
Federal Reserve Bank of New York, argues that Dodd-Frank took away too much of the
ability to lend in an emergency through the Federal Reserve’s special powers.
🠶 This is an important debate. There was a lot of time and energy that went into rewriting
these emergency lending powers during Dodd-Frank. The final rule that the Senate came
up with was to allow the Federal Reserve to lend only “for the purpose of providing
liquidity to the financial system, and not to aid a failing financial company." Further, it
can’t lend to borrowers it believes are insolvent.
🠶 Others have argued that if resolution authority works and we can impose losses on
financial firms, we don’t need any additional regulations, and can start pulling back on
reform like the Volcker Rule or new rules on derivatives. This is the equivalent of saying
that since cars now have air bags, we don’t need to have speed limits, stop signs, or any
other traffic laws. The failure of a major firm is still risky enough to have a significant
market impact, and having multiple rules to reinforce each other is smarter than relying
on just one, risky rule.
🠶 One popular way of requiring the financial sector to be less risky is for banks to hold
more capital. But what form should it take?
3rd question: How much extra capital should banks hold, and what should it look like?
🠶 Even with the new Basel requirements, many experts are worried that banks will remain
under-capitalized going forward. In “The Bankers New Clothes,” Anat Admati and Martin
Hellwig say that banks should hold more equity. They argue that banks’ equity should be
on the order of 20-30% of their total assets. The Systemic Risk Council, calls for raising
equity a bit more modestly, to 8 percent.
🠶 Others think that we should instead require banks to hold special types of debt. A
long-standing argument is that banks should hold debt that converts into equity
contingent on whether or not they are in crisis (aka “coco” bonds). Many others argue
that a market trigger, like a CDS, could be used to convert these debts, though this
approach assumes deep, transparent, liquid markets that aren’t susceptible to
manipulation. Admati and Hellwig refer to this second approach as the “anything but
equity” approach. Instruments like coco bonds could cause additional turmoil and death
spirals at companies. Meanwhile, the implementation and triggering of such instruments
poses additional regulatory problems that equity does not. In response, others argue that
high levels of equity will be way too expensive for banks relative to these instruments.
🠶 Notice how these debates go together. Financial institutions that are more siloed, better
regulated and have a significant amount of first-loss capital will be easier to put into resolution,
and thus end Too Big To Fail. There will not be a silver bullet here – there will instead be a series
of strong regulations that reinforce each other, or weak ones that undermine others.
MORAL HAZARD
● The moral hazard reduces market discipline, arising from the fact that when commercial
banks are aware of and confident that they will be refinanced in the aftermath of a
crisis. Consequently, their motivation for prudent management decreases.
● In order to avoid it, a Central bank would have the formal right not to lend. However,
economic costs of such a policy would be high and the
● CB would fail to provide the public good of a stable financial system. In any case, the
absence of the Central Bank's explicit commitment to act as lender of last resort, could
be described as a deliberate constructive ambiguity, as having. neither at national nor at
EU level, statutory/regulatory basis.
CONSTRUCTIVE AMBIGUITY
● According to Campbell, A.& Lastra R, 2009, the constructive ambiguity can be considered as
the fifth principle/pillar of the classic LOLR, but they describe it in a slightly different
way. They wrote that while the central bank should let it be known in advance that it
will be ready to lend, it will also exercise discretion in whether to help. This is
sometimes referred to as “constructive ambiguity,” although as will become apparent,
neither author agrees that this is a constructive feature and indeed, they believe that
often “destructive” would be a more appropriate term to use; hence their preference
for the word “discretion”: the central bank’s LOLR role is discretionary, not mandatory.
Revised Version of Lender of Last Resort Facility (LOLR) and relevant critical
analysis
The revised role of LOLR during the recent period of great recession
● LOLR/ ELA operations have acquired a new significance in times of crises, leading to
remarkable changes in Europe and elsewhere.
● The operation of the classic Lender of Last Resort (LOLR) in times of financial crisis
should be amended accordingly, in order to activate the role LOLR function in a more
effective manner, to protect the banking system, and to support the economy. On this
basis, are proposed the following changes, which in some cases have already been
adopted, directly or indirectly, by the relevant supervisory bodies:
Thus, in times of deep economic recession, the Moral hazard has to be solved by financial
market regulation and the threat of losing property. “Liquidity provision should be performed by a
Central bank; the governance of moral hazard by another institution, the supervisor” Such a role
could be played by the ECB through the «Single Supervisory Mechanism'' (SSM). Bentral banks
and the relevant supervisory authorities should, apriori ( during economic growth), have
enforced with the necessary regulatory framework the Banking System in order to be able to
overcome the arising difficulties in crisis and economic recession periods.
2. It should, not necessarily, lend only to illiquid but not to insolvent institutions:
Normally, as LOLR, the CB should address illiquid but not insolvent institutions. behind this
idea hides the doctrine that insolvent financial institutions should not be saved by the Central
bank. In principle, this doctrine is correct. Really, there is no need to save bankrupt financial
institutions.
However, a Central bank cannot easily distinguish between financial institutions with
solvency problems and others with liquidity problems. The immediacy of the need for
assistance makes it difficult to assess at the moment whether the institution is illiquid or
insolvent. Moreover, during a severe financial crisis, a bank can be insolvent simply because its
assets are temporarily valued at fairly low prices. So, we can say that a systemic liquidity crisis
can easily be combined with or lead to a systemic insolvency crisis.
In the latter case there are cases where the CB should finance insolvent institutions,
but without rescuing the owner. Lending to insolvent institutions is a departure from the
classical LOLR principles. But it is indispensable, because if central banks provide inadequately
collateralized support to insolvent institutions, the traditional short-term nature of the LOLR
assistance is likely to be insufficient. Consequently, the LOLR, will be the first link in a chain or
process that is likely to include a bank insolvency proceeding.
In the EU, there is a need to comply with state aid rules, due to the fact that an inherent
subsidy exists whenever the central bank lends to an insolvent institution. Under the EC rules
on state aid, the granting of aid to banking institutions could be considered illegal in some
times. Moreover the risk of loss to the central bank is ultimately a risk of loss to the public (i.e.
taxpayers).
Sometimes insolvent institutions get assistance in times of crises. In these cases, the problem
will be solved with limited ST lending~ support in the form of “rescue aid” that must be
temporary and reversible ( not exceeding six months).
Here we observe another departure from the classical LOLR principles. That of “Lend freely”,
unless the “rescue aid” is converted into “restructuring aid” through the submission of a
“restructuring plan” of "rescue aid." Examples: the cases of the Hellenic Financial Stability Fund
(national level) and Resolution Mechanism (Single Resolution Mechanism - SRM - at the
eurozone level, which is the second pillar of the European Banking Union). we can say that in
turmoil periods, the role of LOLR, as "Crisis Lender", which offers "rescue aid:", converts into
"Crisis Manager" by providing restructuring aid: "
How then, will it avoid the arising, described in the previous transparency moral hazard?
According to Fischer, there is a clear distinction between'' Crisis Lender "and" Crisis Manager “,
given that the former (Lender), is the role of the Classic LOLR and such a role of providing
liquidity to the commercial banks and credit institutions, must be played by:
a) the national central banks
b) the ECB and the FED (see, for example, ELA-Quantitative Easing).
Whereas, the latter is relying on the revised LOLR, in a more integrated form. Sometimes a
Crisis Manager does lend, but this action need not be with the aim of providing liquidity.
Therefore, a Crisis Manager can manage, without lending. But in this case, it couldn’t be a
LOLR, even the revised one. The best definition of the Crisis Manager role is that it can supply
capital and not provide liquidity. This act can be done by the IMF and EFSF. Additionally, the
integrated responsibilities of the crisis manager should include those of the assessment –
evaluation (like the role of ECB in the case of ELA) and consultancy. Furthermore, LOLR as a
crisis management instrument has always been related to other crisis management
procedures, notably deposit insurance and insolvency proceedings.
What about the existence of the constructive ambiguity in the performance of the revised
role of LOLR?
The concept of constructive ambiguity has been altered in response to the financial crisis. In
times of extreme uncertainty and volatility, market participants want little ambiguity from
their central bank. If that were to happen, there would be no place for ambiguity, constructive
or otherwise, and providing the collateral requirements are satisfied, the role of a Central Bank
would not be to decide whether or not to assist, but simply to evaluate the quality of the
security being offered and then to provide assistance.
In addition, it should be noted that at the European Central Bank level (ECB), in other words,
at a european or in accordance to Fischer’s writings at an International LOLR level (because
and International LOLR, can help mitigate the effects of the current crisis instability and
perhaps the instability itself), the principle of constructive ambiguity, inactivated, since the
ECB is, by its nature, always a strict regulator.
In what way, the new philosophy of Constructive Ambiguity affects the second fundamental
component(i.e. the Moral Hazard) of LOLR?
The downside of “protection” is moral hazard. In the absence of protection, individuals and
institutions tend to be more conservative and less risk prone. In this regard, despite the change
of the classic sense of constructive ambiguity and the fact that disclosure is generally a good
thing, given the psychological component in the rapid spread of a crisis,the provision of covert
as opposed to over assistance should remain in the arsenal of the central bank.
Concluding observations
During a financial crisis a central bank should lend comprehensively at low interest
rates. It should also accept poor collateral, and save systemic,relevant institutions even if these
are insolvent, however, the owners of such institutions should not be rescued.
Reputation and confidence are and were at the core of what LOLR/ELA operations aim
to achieve. In this sense, the revision of the traditional principles ought to mitigate the issues of
“stigma” (resulting from a perception that only the desperate go to the LOLR/ELA).
Central banks and public authorities can claim that if they are to assist an institution in
“a rainy day” they should regulate that institution in “a sunny day.” Hence, regulation and
protection tend to be mutually reinforcing.
The importance of a clear mandate and a set of enabling rules for the central bank with
regard to financial stability, in particular with regard to its LOLR/ELA operations contributes
positively to the safeguard of confidence and has a positive reputational effect.
A great dilemma arises: efficiency versus stability in the financial /banking system.
When we have an effective banking system these rules are ineffective, on the other hand when
the system is crisis prone the relevant legislative framework is stable. This dilemma resembles
another great one that can be found in the field of regional science: efficiency versus equity.
The longer a crisis lasts the more severe its effects are. “At the end of the tunnel of a
financial crisis lies not light,but the gloom of recession. As surely as smoke follows fire, what
comes after a financial meltdown is an economic downturn”. The repair of the financial system
is a major priority for governments around the World.
All the proposing reforms could contribute to a more effective and efficient function of
the LOLR, provided that they will be combined with the appropriate reforms and restructuring
strategies of the Banking and generally financial system