Cultural Anthropology 7th Edition Miller Test Bank
Cultural Anthropology 7th Edition Miller Test Bank
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In this revision of the testbank, all of the questions have been updated to reflect changes in Cultural Anthropology
7e. There is also a new system for identifying the difficulty of the questions. In this revision, the questions are now
tagged according to the four levels of learning that help organize the text. Think of these four levels as moving from
lower-level to higher-level cognitive reasoning. The four levels are:
MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.
1. Anthropology is usually divided into four fields, but some people claim that a fifth, known as __________,
should be included.
A interpretivist anthropology
B functionalist anthropology
C theoretical anthropology
D applied anthropology
E cultural relativism
(REMEMBER; Answer: D; p. 4)
4. The field of anthropology that studies human language and communication is called __________.
A biological anthropology
B communication science
C linguistic anthropology
D applied anthropology
E audiovisual anthropology
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5. The Garbage Project has practical relevance because it provides information on __________.
A how rural areas differ from urban areas
B how long it has taken for garbage from prehistoric times to decompose
C recent consumption patterns
D how the poor of the world are creating the least garbage
E none of the above: the Garbage Project is a case of "pure research" and has no practical relevance
(UNDERSTAND; Answer: C; p. 7)
10. A major theoretical debate exists in cultural anthropology today between __________.
A applied anthropologists and archaeologists
B cultural materialists and interpretivist anthropologists
C ecological anthropologists and economic anthropologists
D psychological anthropologists and medical anthropologists
E none of the above: there is no theoretical debate since all cultural anthropologists share the same theoretical
perspective
(REMEMBER Answer: B; p.12)
11. The cultural materialist perspective uses a three-level model of culture that includes __________.
A infrastructure, structure, and superstructure
B class, "race," and gender
C ethnicity, age, and class
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Copyright © 2013, 2011, 2009 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
D structure, agency, and change
E globalization, McDonaldization, and localization
(REMEMBER; Answer: A; p. 12)
12. The cultural materialist interpretation of the Hindu belief in sacred cows points to __________.
A their ritual purity
B their fertility, as "mother figures"
C their economic and environmental value
D all of the above
E none of the above
(UNDERSTAND; Answer: C; p. 12)
13. According to the textbook, microcultures can be formed on the basis of __________.
A age
B class
C race
D gender
E all of the above
(REMEMBER; Answer: E; p. 14)
14. Among Tejano immigrants in the United States, making tamales symbolizes __________.
A a connection with the homeland in Mexico
B the triumph of culture over nature
C rejection of US values especially fast food
D a woman's role as a "good wife"
E the importance of corn in Tejano culture
(UNDERSTAND; Answer: D; p. 16)
17. The increased spread of international ties and spread of Western capitalism worldwide is referred to as
__________.
A internationalization
B capitalization
C interdependency
D holism
E globalization
(REMEMBER; Answer: E; p. 19)
18. People who have a longstanding connection with their home territory predating colonialism are referred to
as __________.
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Copyright © 2013, 2011, 2009 by Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
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on imports is so indirect as to remove much of the harshness felt
when the citizen comes in direct contact with the iron grip of the law
compelling him to affix a stamp to what he makes or uses. No one
will question the fact that the collection of internal duties
unfavorably affected the general morals of the nation.
The internal revenue laws were adopted by the Government as a
war measure, as an extraordinary and unusual means of raising
money for an emergency, and it is proper and in accordance with
public opinion that with the end of the emergency such policy should
cease. I cannot but think that every Senator will agree with me that
the end of the emergency has been reached. The emergency
embraced not only the time of the expenditures, but their
continuation until the debt incurred during the emergency was so
reduced as to be readily managed, if not exclusively by the ordinary
revenues of the Government, yet with a greatly reduced system of
internal revenues and for a limited time. But in determining wherein
such reduction shall be made, two great interests of the country are
to be considered:
First, the system of duties on foreign goods, wares, &c.
Second, our national banking system.
It has been proposed to meet this question of reduction by
lowering the rates of duty, and thus to continue in this country
indefinitely the use of direct and indirect taxation, supposing that
such reduction would require the prolonged continuation of internal
taxation.
The first effect of this would be to increase the revenues, as lower
duties would lead for awhile to increased importations; but
ultimately these increased importations would destroy our
manufactures and impoverish the people to the point of inability to
buy largely abroad, and when that point would be reached, we should
have no other source of revenue than internal taxes upon an
impoverished people. At first we should have more revenue than we
need, but in the end much less.
This statement of the effect of lower duties may at first seem
anomalous and questionable, but that such would be the result is
proven by the effect on the revenues of the country of the reduction
in duties in the tariff of 1846 below that of 1842. This will be evident
from the Treasury statistics of the years 1844, 1845, 1846, 1847, &c.,
which will show for the latter years a large increase of revenues. A
reduction of duties which would affect the ability of our
manufacturers to compete with foreign makers would cause a large
importation of goods, with two objects: first, to find a market, the
effect of which would be to keep the mills of England and other
countries fully employed; and, second, a repetition of the custom of
English manufacturers to put goods on our markets at low and losing
prices for the purpose of crippling and breaking down our operators.
And the increase of out national revenues would continue until our
fires were stopped, our mills and mines closed, our laborers starved,
and our capital and skill, the work of many years, lost. This time
would be marked, by a renewal of our vassalage to England. Then the
tables would be turned, our revenues would fall off with our inability
to purchase, our taxation would continue and become very onerous,
and in place of a strong, reliant, and self-supporting people,
exercising a healthful influence over the nations of the world, we
would be owned and be the servants of Europe, tilling the ground for
the benefit of its people; our laborers would be brought down to a
level with the pauper labor of Europe.
Our form of government will not permit the employment of
ignorant pauper labor. It is a government of the people, and to have
it continue to grow and prosper the people must be paid such wages
as will enable them to be educated sufficiently to realize and
appreciate the benefits of its free institutions; and knowing these
benefits, they will maintain them. If, on the other hand, it is
desirable that the revenues from duties should be decreased, and
thereby retain both kinds of taxation, the direct and the indirect, the
best possible way to do this would be to largely increase the duties on
imported goods, which would for a time decrease the imports,
thereby decreasing the amount of duties received. This tendency
would last until, through this policy, the wealth and purchasing
power of the country would so largely increase that the revenues
would again increase, both by reason of decreased cost in foreign
countries and because of the purchase by us of articles of special
beauty, skill, and luxury. It may be said (and however paradoxical it
may appear, the assertion is proven by the history of the tariff) that
while the immediate tendency with free-trade duties is to increase
imports and revenues, the ultimate result of such low duties is to
decrease the imports and revenues, due to the decreasing ability of
the country to purchase. The immediate tendency of protective tariffs
is to decrease imports and revenues, but the final result is to increase
the imports and duties, arising from the greater ability of the country
to purchase. But my intention is not to discuss at this time the
question of a tariff, but to show the effect of a change in the duties on
imports upon the revenues of the country.
I clearly recognize that while the public mind is decidedly in favor
of encouraging home manufacturers by levying what are called
protective duties, yet the people are opposed to placing those duties
so high that they become prohibitory and making thereby an
exclusive market for our manufacturers at home. It seems very clear
to my mind, in view of these statements as to the result of decreasing
or increasing the duties on our imports, that no reduction of revenue
is practicable by changes in our tariff.
The second great interest of the people, which will very shortly be
directly affected by the large and increasing surplus revenues of the
country, is the system of national banks, and this through the
decrease of the public indebtedness by the application of the annual
surplus to its payment. The large annual reduction of the public debt
will very shortly begin to affect the confidence of the public in the
continuation of the system. It will increase public anxieties and
excite their fears as to a substitution of any other system for this that
has proven so acceptable and so valuable to the country. If the
national banking system is to be worked out of existence, it will
inevitably cause serious financial trouble.
Financial difficulties among a people like those of this country,
however ill-based or slight, are always attended by disastrous
consequences, because in times of prosperity the energies and
hopefulness of the people are stretched to the utmost limits, and the
shock of financial trouble has the effect of an almost total paralysis
on the business of the country. It is certainly the part of
statesmanship to avoid such a calamity whenever it is possible.
I unhesitatingly declare and believe that the value of our system of
national banks is so great in the benefits the country derives
therefrom and the dangers and losses its continuance will avoid that
it were better to continue in existence an indebtedness equal to the
wants of the banks which the country may from time to time require
until some equally conservative plan may be offered that will enable
us to dispense with the system.
It is also important in this connection for Senators to bear in mind
that the increasing business of the country will annually require
increased banking facilities, and consequently increased bonds as the
basis on which they can be organized; and it should not be
overlooked that a possible determination by Congress to pay off by
retiring or by funding the greenbacks will create a great hiatus in the
circulating medium of the country, which can only be replaced by
additional national-bank notes based upon an equivalent amount of
public indebtedness.
In view of the statements I have made, I cannot but conclude that
the wisest and most prudent course for Congress is to leave the
question of changes in the tariff laws to be adjusted as they may from
time to time require, and to make whatever reduction of the income
of the Government that may be found desirable by reducing the
changes in the internal-revenue laws.
The national revenue laws as they now are may be greatly and
profitably changed. They are very burdensome to a heavily-taxed
people, and such burdens should be relieved wherever it is possible.
This can now be done with safety by providing that so much of the
public debt may be paid off from time to time as may not be required
to sustain the system of national banks.
I move that the resolution be referred to the Committee on
Finance.
The motion was agreed to.
Extracts from Speech of Hon. Thomas H.
Benton,
IN MEMORIAM.
Mr. President: For the second time in this generation the great
departments of the Government of the United States are assembled
in the Hall of Representatives to do honor to the memory of a
murdered President. Lincoln fell at the close of a mighty struggle in
which the passions of men had been deeply stirred. The tragical
termination of his great life added but another to the lengthened
succession of horrors which had marked so many lintels with the
blood of the first born. Garfield was slain in a day of peace, when
brother had been reconciled to brother, and when anger and hate
had been banished from the land. “Whoever shall hereafter draw the
portrait of murder, if he will show it as it has been exhibited where
such example was last to have been looked for, let him not give it the
grim visage of Moloch, the brow knitted by revenge, the face black
with settled hate. Let him draw, rather, a decorous smooth-faced,
bloodless demon; not so much an example of human nature in its
depravity and in its paroxysms of crime, as an infernal being, a fiend
in the ordinary display and development of his character.”
GARFIELD’S ANCESTORS.
“It did not happen to me to be born in a log cabin, but my elder brothers and
sisters were born in a log cabin raised amid the snow drifts of New Hampshire, at a
period so early that when the smoke rose first from its rude chimney and curled
over the frozen hills there was no similar evidence of a white man’s habitation
between it and the settlements on the rivers of Canada. Its remains still exist. I
make to it an annual visit. I carry my children to it to teach them the hardships
endured by the generations which have gone before them. I love to dwell on the
tender recollections, the kindred ties, the early affections and the touching
narratives and incidents which mingle with all I know of this primitive family
abode.”
With the requisite change of scene the same words would aptly
portray the early days of Garfield. The poverty of the frontier, where
all are engaged in a common struggle and where a common
sympathy and hearty co-operation lighten the burdens of each, is a
very different poverty, different in kind, different in influence and
effect from that conscious and humiliating indigence which is every
day forced to contrast itself with neighboring wealth on which it feels
a sense of grinding dependence. The poverty of the frontier is indeed
no poverty. It is but the beginning of wealth, and has the boundless
possibilities of the future always opening before it. No man ever grew
up in the agricultural regions of the West, where a house-raising, or
even a corn-husking, is a matter of common interest and helpfulness,
with any other feeling than that of broad-minded, generous
independence. This honorable independence marked the youth of
Garfield as it marks the youth of millions of the best blood and brain
now training for the future citizenship and future government of the
republic. Garfield was born heir to land, to the title of freeholder
which has been the patent and passport of self-respect with the
Anglo-Saxon race ever since Hengist and Horsa landed on the shores
of England. His adventure on the canal—an alternative between that
and the deck of a Lake Erie schooner—was a farmer boy’s device for
earning money, just as the New England lad begins a possibly great
career by sailing before the mast on a coasting vessel or on a
merchantman bound to the farther India or to the China Seas.
No manly man feels anything of shame in looking back to early
struggles with adverse circumstances, and no man feels a worthier
pride than when he has conquered the obstacles to his progress. But
no one of noble mould desires to be looked upon as having occupied
a menial position, as having been repressed by a feeling of inferiority,
or as having suffered the evils of poverty until relief was found at the
hand of charity. General Garfield’s youth presented no hardships
which family love and family energy did not overcome, subjected him
to no privations which he did not cheerfully accept, and left no
memories save those which were recalled with delight, and
transmitted with profit and with pride.
Garfield’s early opportunities for securing an education were
extremely limited, and yet were sufficient to develop in him an
intense desire to learn. He could read at three years of age, and each
winter he had the advantage of the district school. He read all the
books to be found within the circle of his acquaintance; some of them
he got by heart. While yet in childhood he was a constant student of
the Bible, and became familiar with its literature. The dignity and
earnestness of his speech in his maturer life gave evidence of this
early training. At eighteen years of age he was able to teach school,
and thenceforward his ambition was to obtain a college education.
To this end he bent all his efforts, working in the harvest field, at the
carpenter’s bench, and, in the winter season, teaching the common
schools of the neighborhood. While thus laboriously occupied he
found time to prosecute his studies and was so successful that at
twenty-two years of age he was able to enter the junior class at
Williams College, then under the presidency of the venerable and
honored Mark Hopkins, who, in the fullness of his powers, survives
the eminent pupil to whom he was of inestimable service.
The history of Garfield’s life to this period presents no novel
features. He had undoubtedly shown perseverance, self-reliance,
self-sacrifice, and ambition—qualities which, be it said for the honor
of our country, are everywhere to be found among the young men of
America. But from his graduation at Williams onward, to the hour of
his tragical death, Garfield’s career was eminent and exceptional.
Slowly working through his educational period, receiving his
diploma when twenty-four years of age, he seemed at one bound to
spring into conspicuous and brilliant success. Within six years he
was successively president of a college, State Senator of Ohio, Major
General of the Army of the United States and Representative-elect to
the National Congress. A combination of honors so varied, so
elevated, within a period so brief and to a man so young, is without
precedent or parallel in the history of the country.
IN THE ARMY.
IN CONGRESS.
GARFIELD’S INDUSTRY.
Under it all he was calm, and strong, and confident; never lost his
self-possession, did no unwise act, spoke no hasty or ill-considered
word. Indeed nothing in his whole life is more remarkable or more
creditable than his bearing through those five full months of
vituperation—a prolonged agony of trial to a sensitive man, a
constant and cruel draft upon the powers of moral endurance. The
great mass of these unjust imputations passed unnoticed, and, with
the general debris of the campaign, fell into oblivion. But in a few
instances the iron entered his soul and he died with the injury
unforgotten if not unforgiven.
One aspect of Garfield’s candidacy was unprecedented. Never
before in the history of partisan contests in this country had a
successful Presidential candidate spoken freely on passing events
and current issues. To attempt anything of the kind seemed novel,
rash, and even desperate. The older class of voters recalled the
unfortunate Alabama letter, in which Mr. Clay was supposed to have
signed his political death-warrant. They remembered also the hot-
tempered effusion by which General Scott lost a large share of his
popularity before his nomination, and the unfortunate speeches
which rapidly consumed the remainder. The younger voters had seen
Mr. Greeley in a series of vigorous and original addresses, preparing
the pathway for his own defeat. Unmindful of these warnings,
unheeding the advice of friends, Garfield spoke to large crowds as he
journeyed to and from New York in August, to a great multitude in
that city, to delegations and deputations of every kind that called at
Mentor during the summer and autumn. With innumerable critics,
watchful and eager to catch a phrase that might be turned into odium
or ridicule, or a sentence that might be distorted to his own or his
party’s injury, Garfield did not trip or halt in any one of his seventy
speeches. This seems all the more remarkable when it is remembered
that he did not write what he said, and yet spoke with such logical
consecutiveness of thought and such admirable precision of phrase
as to defy the accident of misreport and the malignity of
misrepresentation.
AS PRESIDENT.