Unit-7 M MM
Unit-7 M MM
7.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit, you will know about:
the background for understanding the Arab and Turkish Invasions;
new perspectives on the arrival of Islam in India; and
social, cultural and technological impact of both the Arab and the Turkish
invasions.
7.1 INTRODUCTION
In the last unit, we had read about the invasions in India by the Muslim invaders
from the Arab and Central Asian regions in early Medieval and Medieval periods.
These attacks have been seen in a monochromatic light as only attacks without
any meaningful results. This unit will try to analyze the impacts of these attacks,
if any. These have been largely categorized into social, cultural and technological
impact or results.
1
Dr. Jaya Priyadarshini, PhD from Center of Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi
Dr. Khushboo Kumari, Academic Counsellor, Non Collegiate Women’s Education Board
(Bharati College), University of Delhi 125
History of India-III of the Arabs was without any impact or result on the history of Indian subcontinent.
Such an understanding arose from the fact that their victory could not affect the
political or military conditions in the rest of India. The Arab rule got confined to
the Sindh region and the Indian rulers ruled their states without fearing or ousting
the Arabs from their frontiers. The influence of the Arabs was restricted to only a
small part of the subcontinent. They could not get a foothold inside the Indian
subcontinent, unlike the Turks who had established a full-fledged state a few
centuries later (i.e., the Delhi Sultanate from 12th century onwards).
However, some other scholars refute this viewpoint, and they hold that indeed
there were multifarious effects on the life and times of the region. They have
given varied arguments in support of this view. It is believed that even though
their conquest did not have any substantial effect on the political geography of
India it had considerable impact in other fields.
Cultural Impact of Arab Invasions
Chachnama, the Persian text written by Ali Kufi in 1226 CE is a major historical
text on the history of Sindh. It has good information on its government, politics,
etc. However, the details given on the advent of Islam in the Indian subcontinent
had been over-emphasized in the colonial and national understandings to an extent
that Chachnama has only been seen as a text on the conquest of Sindh and the
advent of Islam in the subcontinent. This has led to a skewed understanding of
this medieval source in general. Nevertheless, scholars like Yohanan Friedmann,
Manan Ahmed Asif, etc. who have read and analyzed it contend that apart from
the details on Sindh conquest, it is also a repository of other sorts of information
on the history of Sindh. A nuanced reading of this and other texts from the Arab
peninsula show that the Arab conquest of Sindh had led to overarching social and
cultural impacts on both the Indian and Arab worlds. In this regard, Iqtidar Husain
Siddiqui holds that —
“…the regions of Sindh and south Punjab (Multan territory) conquered by the Arabs
in the beginning of the eighth century AD (812-13), under the command of
Muhammad bin Qasim al-Saqafi underwent rapid socio-economic and demographic
changes, owing to the imposition of a different system of governance, the introduction
of a new legal system that ensured impartial justice irrespective of caste and creed
and the addition of foreign settlers’ colonies to the old caste towns. The settlers
included, besides officers and army men, merchants who were engaged in overland
and overseas trade between different countries as far as China in the east and regions
of Africa in the west. The foreign trade thus not only gave a boost to trade and
commerce in the region but also led to the modification of indigenous crafts and the
introduction of new ones.”
As Chachnama shows, Muhammad bin Qasim had not interfered with the caste
system. Yohanan Friedmann, a scholar who has read and analysed the Chachnama
in depth holds that ‘Qasim gave his unqualified blessing to the characteristic feature
of the (traditional) society which he encountered and sanctioned both the privileges
of the high-caste and the degradation of the lower ones.’ He upheld the Indian
social tradition of privileging the brahmins. He used to call the brahmins as “good
and faithful people”, and after the siege of Brahmanabad, they were reappointed
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to the same positions as they had held under the Hindu dynasty. Furthermore,
these positions were also made hereditary by him. The notables were given the Social, Cultural and
Technological Impacts:
title of Rana. The common people were also left free to worship as per their wish, Arab and Turkish Invasions
provided they paid the Arabs the same taxes as they had paid to raja Dahar. He
allowed them to build temples, celebrate their festivals and ceremonies, and to
treat the Brahmanas with kindness as before. Similarly, the treatment of the Jats
was as bad as under the Hindu rulers of Sindh. As Friedmann says —
“They were obliged to wear coarse clothing and to move around barefoot. If they
were apprehended wearing fine clothes, they were fined. They were supposed to
take their dogs with them when they went out. This was to be done so that they were
recognized. They were burnt alive with their family when they were caught stealing.
They were not allowed to ride horse; and if they did, they rode without saddle and
reins. They were infamous for committing highway robberies. Due to such reasons,
Muhammad Qasim considered them as wicked people, and continued with their low
status in society.”
In short, he did not meddle with the social systems of Sindh, and agreed to maintain
peace in many regions. Such a policy was followed by Qasim under the instructions
of Hajjaj, the governor of Iraq who believed in granting religious freedom to
people. Therefore, as one understands from the Chachnama, Qasim had left
Brahmanabad in an orderly and peaceful condition to proceed northward towards
Alor. Such a policy of flexibility and tolerance was a characteristic of Islam during
its initial period of conquest.
It is important to reiterate this policy of tolerance of Arab conquerors by examining
the phenomenon of Islamic proselytization. As known from the sources, religious
conversion had brought about social change among the people of Sindh. Iqtidar
Husain Siddiqui says in this regard
“The reference to Maula-i-Islam, a term used to refer to a person of high status who
had converted to Islam, tends to reveal that not only did the downtrodden people
take to the new faith for freedom from caste restrictions but some local chiefs also
entered the fold of Islam.”
Siddiqui mentions that due to religious tension between the brahmanas and
Buddhists, many of the Buddhists living in Sindh had converted to Islam when
they had come in contact with the Arabs. In fact, they had befriended the Arabs
even before or during the Sindh conquest. Here, Muhammad Illafi, the lieutenant
of Muhammad bin Qasim who had led to a liaison between the Buddhist chiefs
and the Arab governor is especially important. Due to his agility, many Buddhist
chiefs had acknowledged the suzerainty of the Caliph. This was mainly because
of the brahmana ruling elite who used to oppress the Buddhists in general. As
Siddiqui says, such an atmosphere of goodwill and friendship later helped in the
consolidation of Muslim rule in the conquered territories, and was not alone due
to Islamic proselytization alone. Such peaceful interface between the Arabs and
the Indians in Sindh region led to cultural exchange between India and the Islamic
world. He further says that the urban ethos represented by the Arab settlers in
their colonies, led to the old towns playing an important role in the process of
acculturation in the entire region of Sindh and Multan. The egalitarian atmosphere
of Islamic faith fascinated the low caste people in Hindu society. It led to their
conversion to a new faith that maintained equality among all its followers. The 127
History of India-III communities of these local converts and Arabs comingled with each other to boost
the urban culture of the region.
However, the influence of Islam could not penetrate into the countryside, and
rather remained confined to the urban areas. On the other hand, the population in
the countryside kept following their ancestral religion. It was only in the tenth
century that Muslim missionaries entered this region, and worked amongst the
urban and rural people to win their trust for converting them to a new faith. Even
though the conversion of the people was partial, the converts ruled their region
till its annexation by the Ghaznavid Sultanate in 1025 CE
Apart from the socio-religious impact of the Arab invasion, there were considerable
intellectual influences as well. At a larger level, the cultural intermingling between
the Indian and Arab cultures encouraged the intellectual cultures of both the regions.
This is to say that it showed it effects in various fields like literature, medicine,
mathematics, astronomy, etc. Such contacts at an intellectual level led to the mutual
growth and development of both the cultures. The earliest recorded Indo-Arab
intellectual contact happened in 771 CE when a Hindu astronomer and
mathematician reached Baghdad with a Sanskrit work called Brahma Siddhanta
of Brahmagupta. This text was translated into Arabic with the help of an Arab
mathematician, and was named as Sind hind. It had the greatest influence on the
development of Arab astronomy even though three other works on mathematics
were also translated to Arabic. In mathematics, the most important contribution
of the Indian culture to Arab learning was the Arabic numerals.
Similarly, even greater attention was given to Indian medicine by the Arabs. At
least fifteen Sanskrit works were translated, including those of Charaka and
Sushruta. The Indian doctors were given great prestige and honour at Baghdad,
and so they were found in good numbers there. Manka was one such doctor who
had earned prestige and money by curing the ailing Caliph Harun-al-Rashid.
Further, astrology and palmistry also gained Arab attention, and many books from
these fields were translated into Arabic. They too have been preserved in the Arab
historiographies. Other translations were from the fields of statecraft, art of war, logic,
ethics, magic, etc. Also, the famous Panchatantra was translated and known as the
story of Kalila and Dimna in many Arabic and Persian traditions. The Indian games of
chausar and chess were transmitted to the Arab and other regions of the world.
Sindh also contributed towards the popularization of Sufism. The great, early sufi
named Bayazid of Bistam had a Sindhi as his spiritual teacher. He used to say – “I
learned the lessons of science or ilm-i-fana or annihilation and tauhid or unity
from Abu Ali of Sindh and Abu Ali learned the lessons of Islamic unity from me.”
The link between Sufism and Sindh is well known.
Indian music had a considerable influence on Arabic music even if no translated
works have been found. The work of an Arab author named Jahiz reveals the
appreciation got by the Indian music at Baghdad. He called the music of the people
of Indian subcontinent as pleasing. Another such reference on Indian music was
from an Arab author who talks about an Indian book on tunes and melodies. It has
been suggested by some scholars that many of the technical terms for Arab music
were borrowed from Persia and India. Likewise, even Indian music incorporated
many Perso-Arab airs like Yeman Hijj and Jangla.
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There is a paucity of sources connecting the history of Sindh and Multan after the Social, Cultural and
Technological Impacts:
recall of Muhammad bin Qasim. However, the works of Arab travelers and
Arab and Turkish Invasions
geographers provide some information. Travelers like Masudi and Ibn Haukul
who visited western Pakistan in the first quarter of tenth century agree to the
presence of Arab colonies at Mansura, Multan, Daybul, Nirun, etc. The non-
Muslims were said to be in good numbers in Daybul and Alor, and they were at
good terms with the Arabs. Unlike the historians of Delhi Sultanate, the Arab
travelers called the non-Muslims as zimmis and not kafirs or infidels. It is known
from the sources that after the conquest of Sindh and Multan, cow slaughter was
banned. The reasons behind it was the aim to preserve cattle wealth, or even to
show regard for Hindu sentiments. Some Hindu chiefs even showed interest in
Islam. For example, in 886 CE, a Hindu king commissioned an Arab linguist
from Mansura to translate the Quran in local language.
As far as the adoption of local cultures is concerned, it can be said that the Arab
rulers adopted local practices to a greater extent than the Ghaznavids did at Lahore
or the Turks and Afghans at Delhi later. Similar to the Hindu rulers of Sindh, the
Arab ruler of Mansura used to maintain war elephants, and ride in elephant driven
chariots. The dresses of the Arabs of Mansura were like that of the people of Iraq;
but those were quite similar to that of Hindu rajas as well. They also wore similar
earrings and long hair.
Further, after Muhammad Qasim, there were no large-scale Arab immigrations,
and any Arab or mutual influences gradually faded away. However, Sindh and
Multan remained in touch with the Arab world, especially by way of long-distance
trade and Islam. There was vibrant trade between Sindh and other parts of the
Muslim world, with caravans going to Khurasan, especially via the Kabul and
Bamiyan route. Sindhi Hindus were excellent traders and had good share in this
trade. Alor in Sindh is mentioned as a great commercial center. As a part of the
Muslim region, Sindh and Multan contributed almost five times to the Abbasid
exchequer than Kabul. Further, the active trade relations of the Arabs were much
more extensive and far reaching. After the rise of Islam, there were many colonies
of the Muslim Arab traders in the major ports of Cambay, Chaul and Honawar on
the west coast of India. Hajjaj, the governor of Baghdad who had led the Sindh
expedition was indirectly responsible for maintaining a large colony of Muslim
traders in south India. After assuming the governorship of Baghdad, many of his
political enemies had settled down on the southern coast of the Indian subcontinent,
in order to seek refuge from him. The Nawayat community settled on the Konkan
coast of Mumbai, and Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu is one such community. Other
Muslim groups which settled on the Bay of Bengal can trace their roots to the
eighth century.
The largest Arab settlement on Indian coast was in Malabar region; its presence in
the same region is seen even till today. The conspicuous presence of the Muslim
Arab population was the result of the conversion of a local ruler. All such Muslim
colonies on various coasts were important for providing the base from which
traders, sailors and missionaries went to the Far East thereby spreading Islam in
the Southeast Asian regions like Malay Peninsula and Indonesia. The eastward
movement from the Middle Eastern or South Asian regions was popular since
ancient times, and was linked to both spice trade and religion. This is how Indian 129
History of India-III religions like Brahmanism or Buddhism gained ground here. Similarly, the rise of
Islam through Arab trade can be easily linked to this trend that saw the displacement
of both Brahmanism and Buddhism since eighth century. Bali remains Hindu till
today, and Malaysia and Indonesia are mostly Muslim, and owe their present
religious and literary tradition mainly to the influences emanating from the Muslim
colonies on the coastline of the subcontinent. The Muslim emigrants such as traders,
sailors and religious leaders/men from Arabia, Persia, coastal regions of Gujarat,
Malabar, Coromandel and Bengal are specifically important in this development.
Technological impact
Another impact of the arrival of the Arabs was in the field of technology. Since
they came as invaders, their technological know-how can be seen mainly in the
field of weaponry and warfare. As has been seen in the earlier Units, the technology
of the Indian forces was not as good as those of the invaders, and this became a
major reason behind the former’s defeat.
Two different weapons came with the Arabs in their invasion in 712 CE The first
one was Naphtha or Greek fire which was obtained by distillation from crude
petroleum. They had seen its use in their unsuccessful attacks on Constantinople
in 671-78 CE Subsequently, they had learnt to use it. As the Chachnama says
about Sindh attack, there were nine hundred naphtha throwers or naft-andazan in
the Arab army. They used to set alight the naphtha-tipped arrows to attack the
Sindh troops.
Manjaniq or mangonel/trebuchet was another such weapon. Chachnama mentions
its usage in the description of the attack on the port of Daybul in Sindh. Manjaniq
was used to throw stones at the temple pinnacle. It consisted of a wooden beam
pivoted on a wooden stand, and the short arm of the beam had a counterweight
put on it. The long arm had a sling suspended at its far end which carried the
missile, usually a round and large piece of stone. The long arm, pulled down
manually, would raise the weighed short arm. If the rope was released after this,
the short arm would have fallen, making the long arm ascend fast, shooting the
missile out of the swinging sling. This weapon known by the Arabs from the
Constantinople war was simpler in version. It was modified for a better and more
efficient use. It was also used by the Chinese and Mongols. A modified version of
the same weapon using lesser manpower was also used by the Delhi Sultanate in
the fourteenth century. The different types of mangonels used by them were called
manjaniq, maghribi and arrada.
Such weapons were one of the main reasons behind the Sindh victory by the
Arabs. The inferior tactics and technology of weapons and warfare used by Indians
helped the Arab army all the more.
As against the availability of such information from the Arab works on the vibrant
relations between the Indian and Arabic cultures, it will be unreasonable to call
the Arab conquest of Sindh as a triumph without results. In other words, it would
be incorrect to give leverage to the political consequences alone and negate the
socio-cultural or other impacts or results.
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Check Your Progress Exercise 1 Social, Cultural and
Technological Impacts:
1) Was there any social impact of the Arab invasion of Sindh? Arab and Turkish Invasions
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2) Discuss the cultural effects of Arab presence in Sindh after the invasion.
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7.5 SUMMARY
To conclude it can be said that the rhetoric of medieval Muslim invaders and
rulers as iconoclastic and mere plunderer and looter is not correct and justified. In
fact, any invasion has elements of both confrontation and interaction. Highlighting
one and ignoring the other is uncalled for. In this context, it can be suggested that
the annexation of Sindh had far-reaching commercial results. Similarly, the Turkish
invasions resulted in the establishment of a long-standing state in India called the
Delhi Sultanate.
136 Eurasian Steppes : A Geographic region on the borders of Europe and Asia
Shahnama : A tenth century poetic work written by Firdausi in Social, Cultural and
Technological Impacts:
Persian
Arab and Turkish Invasions
Persian wheel : a water-lifting device used to lift water from some depth
Spinning wheel : Device for spinning the cotton. This was moved with
the help of crank-handle and had six spindles.
Iconoclast : A destroyer of images used in religious worship
Inroads : A hostile attack; a raid
Mamluk : slave
137
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Books.
Jackson, Peter (1999). The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History.
Cambridge: University Press.
Kumar, Sunil (2007). The Emergence of Delhi Sultanate 1192-1286. Ranikhet:
Permanent Black.
Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain (2012). Composite Culture under the Sultanate of Delhi.
Delhi: Primus Books.
Thapar, Romila (2004). Somnath: The Many Voices of a History. Viking: Penguin
Books.
Wink, Andre (1990). Al- Hind the Making of the Indo- Islamic World. Vol 1.
Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Wink, Andre (1997). Al- Hind the Making of the Indo- Islamic World. Vol 2.
Leiden: Brill.
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