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* I wish to thank the anonymous readers of AJA for sav- Study in the Design, Construction, and
ing me from an embarrassing oversight as well as for many Economics of Large-Scale Building Projects
useful comments and suggestions. J. Reynolds (Cambridge)in Imperial Rome (JRA Suppl. 25,
commented on my new suggestions for PE 16. 7-9. My re- Portsmouth 1997).
search benefited greatly from discussions with Heimo
Giacchero Do-
M. Giacchero, Edictum Diocletiani et Colle-
lenz (Magdalensberg), Andrea Rottloff (Augsburg), Lu- garum de pretiis rerum venalium (Genoa
cia Sagui (Rome), Mara Sternini (Rome), and Luigi and 1974).
Luisa Taborelli (Torino). T. Gagos and P. Goitein Heilporn (AnnA Mediterranean Society 1:
S.D. Goitein,
Arbor) assisted with locating papyrological sources. S.E. Economic Foundations (Berkeley 1967).
Knudsen (Toledo), E. Roffia (Milan), and A. Rottloff Isings C. Isings, Roman Glass from Dated Finds
provided information on vessels in their care and do- (Archaeologica Traiectina 9, Gronin-
nated photos for use. Additional thanks for photographs gen 1957).
goes to Lee Mooney (Toledo); Soprintendenza Archeo- van Lith and S.M.E. van Lith and K. Randsborg,
logica (Milan); and the Ernesto Wolf Collection (Stutt- Randsborg "Roman Glass in the West: A Social
gart and Paris). I am very grateful to many unnamed Study," Berichten van de Rijksdienst
colleagues who provided me with publications of their voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek
own and others. Finally, my thanks for many years of 35 (1985) 413-32.
friendship go to Gladys D. Weinberg, to whom this arti- PE Diocletian's PE, quoted after Giacchero
cle is dedicated. unless otherwise noted.
All dates are A.D. unless otherwise noted. All references
Rfitti B. Riitti, Die rdmischen Gldser aus Augst
to pounds refer to Fustat or Roman pounds. Literature ci- und Kaiseraugst (Forschungen in Augst
tations in notes are arranged in chronological order of 13, Augst 1991).
publication. Stern 1994 E.M. Stern and B. Schlick-Nolte, Early
The following abbreviations are used: Glass of the Ancient World 1600 B.C. -
AnnAIHV Vols. 1-9 published in Liege: vols. 1- A.D. 50: Ernesto Wolf Collection (Ostfil-
3: Annales du ler/2l/31 congres des dern-Ruit 1994).
Journees internationales du Verre; vol.Stern 1995 E.M. Stern, Roman Mold-blown Glass: The
4: Annales du 4P Congres Interna- Toledo Museum ofArt (Rome 1995).
tional d 'Etude Historique du Verre, vol.Stern (in prep.) E.M. Stern, Roman, Byzantine and Early
5 ff: Annales du ... Congres de l'Associ- Medieval Glass: Ernesto Wolf Collection
ation Internationale pour l'Histoire du (in prep.).
Verre; vols. 10-12 publ. in Amster-Two Centuries M. Newby and K. Painter eds., Roman
dam; vols. 13- publ. in Lochem, Glass: Two Centuries of Art and Inven-
Netherlands.
tion (The Society of Antiquaries of
Cool and Price H.E.M. Cool and J. Price, Roman Vessel London, Occasional Paper 13, Lon-
Glass from Excavations in Colchester don 1991).
1971-85 (Colchester ArchaeologicalWeinberg G.D. Weinberg ed., Excavations atJalame:
Report 8, Colchester 1995). Site of a Glass Factory in Late Roman
DeLaine J. DeLaine, The Baths of Caracalla. A Palestine (Columbia 1988).
441
A merican Journal of Archaeology 103 (1999) 441-484
I Fuit tamen faber qui fecit phialam vitream quae non frange- (University of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature
batur. Admissus ergo Caesarem est cum suo munere, deinde fecit 13, 1930) 110-12.
reporrigere Caesarem et illam in pavimentum proiecit. Caesar non 4 R.C.A. Rottlinder, "Naturwissenschaftliche Untersu-
pote validius quam expavit. At ille sustulit phialam de terra. Col- chungen zum r6mischen Glas in K61ln," K'lnJb 23 (1990)
lisa erat tamquam vasum aeneum. Deinde martiolum de sinu 563-82; G. Eggert,"Vitrum flexile als Rheinischer Boden-
protulit et phialam otio belle correxit (Sat. 51; all translations of fund," KolnJb 24 (1991) 287-96.
this work are those by J.P. Sullivan, The Satyricon, and the 5 Stern 1995, 68.
Fragments (New York 1965). All other translations, unless 6 On alternative techniques for shaping glass vessels:
otherwise noted, are taken from Loeb Classical editions.
Stern 1994 (with lit.); R. Lierke, Antike Glast6pferei (Sonder-
2The etymology of vitrum has given rise to many conjec- heft AntW, Mainz am Rhein 1999).
tures, but linguists agree that the origin of the word is not 7 Useful general introductions to Roman glass are given
Latin. E.R. Knauer, "III Glass and Pigment," MMAJ 28 by D.B. Harden, "Ancient Glass, II: Roman," AJ 126 (1969)
(1993) 28-34 suggests that vitrum is of Celtic derivation, 44-77;J. Price, "Glass," in D. Strong and D. Brown, Roman
perhaps from a root uei "bend, twist" (cf. English wire) as Crafts (London 1976) 111-25; Price, "Glass," in M. Henig
preserved in the Celtic word viriolae (Celtiberic viriae). ed., A Handbook of Roman Art (Oxford 1983) 205-19.
' M.L. Trowbridge, Philological Studies in Ancient Glass
8J. Morel et al., "Un atelier de verrier du milieu du 1erbridge, 1980) 91, 92. No workshop has been identified at
siecle apr. J.-C. ?i Avenches," ArchSchw 15 (1992) 2-17; H.Sardis, although cullet and wasters show that glassworkers
Amrein (forthcoming); M.-D. Nenna et al., "L'atelier de were active in the city. The similarity in fabric of vessels and
verrier de Lyon, du 1er siecle apres J.-C., et l'origine deswindow panes suggested to von Saldern that both were
verres 'romains'," Revue d'Archeometrie 21 (1997) 81-87. made in the same workshops, but it is also possible that dif-
Saintes (two sites): A. Hochuli-Gysel, "R6misches Glas ausferent workshops used raw glass made in one factory.
dem Siidwesten von Frankreich," AnnAIHV 12, 1991 (Am- 10 Morel et al. (supra n. 8) (Avenches); Weinberg
sterdam 1992) 79-88; B. Velde and A. Hochuli-Gysel, (Jalame).
"Correlations between Antimony, Manganese and Iron 1" Archaeological evidence for glassblowing: Campania:
Content in Gallo-Roman Glass," AnnAIHV 13, 1995 (Lochem E.M. Stern, "A Small Glass Bottle on Three Pinched Feet,"
1996) 185-91. Glassblowing in Britain began in the early in Festoen Opgedragen aan A.N. Zadoks-Josephus fitta bij haar
Flavian period: Cool and Price 226. On early glassblowingzeventigste verjaardag (Scripta Archaeologica Groningana 6,
in Spain: J. Price, "Glass Production in Southern Iberia inGroningen n.d., ca. 1976) 527-38; L.A. Scatozza H6richt,
the First and Second Centuries A.D.: A Survey of the Evi-"Syrian Elements among the Glass from Pompei and Her-
dence," JGS 29 (1987) 30-39. For a survey of early Imperialculaneum," in Two Centuries 76-85. Ticino: S. Biaggio
glassblowing facilities, see also D. Foy and G. Sennequier Simona, I vetri romani provenienti dalle terre dell' attuale Can-
eds., Ateliers de Verriers de l'antiquit da la peri ode pre-industrielle,tone Ticino (Locarno 1991); HelvArch 22 (1991) 78-143.
Association Franfaise pour l'Archeologie du Verre, Actes des 4e North Italy: Vetro e vetri, exhibition catalogue, Milan, Mu-
Rencontres, Rouen 24-25 Novembre 1989 (Rouen 1991);seo Archeologico, 1 November 1998-18 April 1999 (Milan
Stern 1995, 22. 1998) 13-146 (glass from recent excavations in Milano
9 L.Taborelli, "Elementi per l'individuazione di una offi-and vicinity); M. Calvi, I vetri romani del Museo di Aquileia
cina vetraria e della sua produzione a Sentinum," ArchCl (Aquileia 1968); Calvi, "Arte vetraria Ticinese e arte vetraria
32 (1980) 138-66 (workshop dated mid-first century); L. Aquileiese: raffronti e analogie," in HelvArch 22 (1991)
Rivet, "Un quartier artisanal d'epoque romaine A Aix-en-133-43. Dalmatia: Trasparenze imperiali Vetri romani dalla
Provence," RANarb 25 (1992) 325-96 (workshop datedCroazia, exhibition catalogue, Rome, Palazzo Barberini,
mid-second to early third century); Y. Gorin-Rosen, "Glass1998 (Milano 1997).
Workshop," in G. Mazor and R. Bar-Nathan, "The Bet 12 L. Taborelli, "Un antico forno vetrario ad Ancona,"
She'an Excavation Project 1992-1994," in Excavations and Picus 18 (1998) 219-24, esp. 224.
Surveys in Israel 17 (1998) 27-29, esp. 29; A. von Saldern, '1 Y. Israeli, "The Invention of Blowing," in Two Centuries
Ancient and Byzantine Glass from Sardis (SardisMon 6, Cam-46-55.
.c C
in Rome "both with respect to the coloring of glass charge, who performs the main blowing and fash-
and to facilitate production techniques, for example ioning" seated on a wooden chair (also known as
for making colorless glass resembling rock crystal" glassblower's bench) with projecting arms on which
(krystallophanes). The interaction and exchange of he balances the blowpipe and pontil (fig. 4). Harden
ideas between Sidonians and Romans furnished the offers no historical or archaeological evidence for
any
impetus for the innovations and improvements of this description.
that
created the great Roman glass industry. No serious discussion of the early development of
1' E.M. Stern, "Hellenistic Glass from Kush," AnnAIHV Studio e la Conservazione del Mosaico, Rome, 5-7 December
8, 1979 (Liege 1981) 35-59, esp. 49. 1994 (Bordighera 1995) 447-66, esp. 455 n. 41.
15 Stern 1995, 68-69 (Sidonians in Rome). On the vicus 1' D.B. Harden, in Harden et al., Glass of the Caesars, ex-
vetrarius: M. Bacchelli et al., "Nuove scoperte sulla prove-hibition catalogue, The Corning Museum of Glass, British
nienza dei panelli in opus sectile vitreo della collezione Museum, R6misch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne (Milan
1987)
Gorga," in Atti del 2 Convegno dell' Associazione Italiana per lo 87, since then followed by many scholars.
tion of
heat-softened glass20
instead from
ofjust full fle
heating
man glassblowing
inair the second half
surrounds the glass of
century. Most of the tools and for
important techniques blowing
for granted as integral
of heat to the allows craft the wergla
nace with a introduction
during this period. The horizontal heat chamber was a Romanof a n
invention.with
of glassworking furnace To judge from Roman clay oil lamps d
a horizontal h
ber, the constructionpicting
of this the piece iron
of equipment (fig. 7),22 it wa
blowpipe,
molten hot glass, andfirmlythein placepontil technique
in the third quarter of the first cen
finishing the rim of tury,a when
vessel,
the lamps werewere the
made. Their mo
findspots i
Asseria (Dalmatia) and Ferrara
tant steps in the development of are consistent with a
glassblow
(north?) Italian origin.
if not all of these techniques were perfecte
While it is impossible to date
If glassblowing these
began with impro
inexpensive clay blow-
pipes, such
precisely, the essentials canas appear
beto deduced
be depicted on the two
fro
sources. Before lamps, this could explain
the invention ofthe rapid spread of th
glassblowi
glassworking operations were
technique, because probably
the glassblowers p
themselves could
above a vertically rising
easily makeflame,
the blowpipes.23aTheset-up
hypothesis ofththe
ceramic blowpipe
the glassworker to work the(fig. 8) is attractive;
glass while iron tubes
he ar
softening (heating) not it (fig.
present 5).21 The
in the archaeological record of mod
the Au-
worker's furnace hasgustan
a closed, horizontal
period. A sturdy hea
iron tube was difficult t
ber, that is, a heat chamber into which one
make with ancient technology. Apart from the ex-
penses makes
pipe horizontally. This involved, the need to custom design and
it impossible
ulate the glass during reheats.
commission The
an iron blowpipe from advanta
a blacksmith un
........
! .
du V
24 Vetro e Vetri (supra n. 11) 34, no. 1, and figs. 6, 7, pl. 1I, s. aprasJ.-C.) et at Saintes (Mediolanum) (fin du ler
(jug from Dello); 64, 66, no. 3, and figs. 17, 18, pl.s. XVI apras J.-C.," AnnAIHV 14, 1998 (forthcoming); Velde
(jug from Valeggio Lomellina). See also 30, no. 2, andand figs.Hochuli-Gysel (supra n. 8) 186, fig. 2. Small fragments
2, 4, pl. II: flecked amphora (Isings Form 15) from of iron tubes were excavated at the site of a glassworking
Carpenedolo (Bs), tomb 1, inv. St. 78987, H 27 cm,furnace pre- at Aix-en-Provence: Rivet (supra n. 9) 356. On late
served weight 335 g. A 26.6 cm tall jug published by B.
Roman iron tubes, probably blowpipes:J. Lang and.J. Price,
Czurda-Ruth, Die rimischen Glser vom Madasberg (Kirnt- "Iron Tubes from a Late Roman Glassmaking Site at M6r-
ner Museumnsschriften 65, Klagenfurt 1979) 131, no. ida 1013, (Badajoz), in Spain,"JAS 2 (1975) 289-96; Stern 1995,
color pl. 15, weighs over 910 g. 41-42, ns. 26-29; M. Sternini, La fenice di sabbia. Storia e
25 H. Amrein and A. Hochuli-Gysel, "Le soufflage tecnoloqia
libre del vetro antico (Bari 1995) 83-85.
du verre dans les ateliers i Avenches (Aventicum) (milieu
26 Stern 1995, 20, 21 s.v. Clamp. JGS 19 (1977) 20, figs. 3 and 4.
27 Good examples in D.F. Grose, "Early Blown Glass," 28 Stern 1995, figs. 37-39.
Fig. 11. Jug from Dello (Bs), tomb 3; H. 25 cm; wt. 495 g. No pontil
Probably made in north Italy. (Courtesy Soprintendenza Archeol
Fig. 12. Jug from Valeggio Lomellina, Cascina Tessera, tomb 54bis;
pontil scar. Mid-first century. Probably made in north Italy. (Co
logica, Milan inv. St. 59234. Gift of Edward Drummond Libbey.)
29 This technique, still practised in Hebron, is docu- curn," JGS 25 (1983) 79-86; G. Piccottini and H. Vetters,
mented in a video made at the Haaretz Museum, Ramat Fiihrer durch die Ausgrabungen auf dem Magdalensberg (Klagen-
Aviv, and shown in conjunction with the exhibit "Ancient furt 1990); G. Piccottini, "Gold und Kristall am Magdalens-
Glass from the Holy Land," Detroit Institute of Arts, 21 berg," Germania 72 (1994) 467-75; H. Dolenz, Eisenfunde
November 1998-31 January 1999. aus der Stadt auf dem Magdalensberg (KIirntner Museum-
:' Glass specialists tend to doubt the early date for aban- schriften 75, Klagenfurt 1998).
donment of Magdalensberg, but a terminus ad quem of 45 32 Glassblowers now make a hollow punty for a variety of
has been independently confirmed for all other categories reasons: to diminish the size of the scar, to facilitate sepa-
of objects from the site (personal communication H. Do- ration from the punty, to attach a punty to a piece with a
lenz, whom I would also like to thank for permission to pointed bottom, etc.
study the glass). I noted annular scars on Czurda-Ruth (su- 3 Personal communication A. Rottloff (1997). On the
pra n. 24) 65, no. 515, pl. 3: diameter of scar 1.8 cm, glass from Augsburg: A. Rottloff, "Zwei bedeutende Fund-
gashes; 87, no. 641, pl. 4, diam. of scar 2.0 cm, gashes. No. komplexe r6mischer Gliser aus Augusta Vindelicum-Augs-
780, pl. 5, has a solid, comma-shaped gash (pontil scar?) burg," AnnAIHV 13, 1995 (Lochem 1996) 163-74. Com-
with a diam. of ca. 1.5 cm. In addition, two unpublished pare eastern Mediterranean mold-blown bottles: Stern
base fragments excavated in the 1990s have annular scars. 1995, nos. 120-128, solid pontil scar illustrated on p. 191.
31 M.R. DeMaine, "Ancient Glass Distribution in Illyri-
Fig. 15. Plate with blown foot from Cosa, Atrium Publicum, no. C
cm. Before A.D. 40/45. Italian. (After D.F. Grose, "Early Blown Gla
dence,"JGS 19 [1977] 20, fig. 3c)
ken
caught the imagination of all classes of glass excavated
society. Recy- at Pompei may
cling became a poetical topos for Flavian
as fragments
poets such
collected for remelting
as Martial (Epigr. 1.41.3-5; 10.3.3-4), Statius
may date (Silv.
before 79.38 The realization
1.6.73-74), andJuvenal (Sat. 5.47-48).
be totally remelted led to the delib
Recycling had already been common before
of broken the and recycling b
vessels,
invention of blowing, but it was on a small
mous with scale and
remelting. At this time s
glass was
did not involve remelting. Glassworkers andalso going out of fashion;
artisans
in related fields reused fragmentsglass ofof precious
the last col- quarter of the first c
ored glass vessels and sandwich following
gold-glass. Bits of was either natur
centuries
broken glass, including bicoloredor colorless.
pieces, This could
were be remelted
in- without the risk
of becoming
cluded in early architectural mosaics.34 an indistinct
Curved glassmuddy color as would
vessel fragments formed the eyes inlaid
have been in bronze
the result of remelting mixed fragments
statues and mummies.35 Scraps and chips
of colored from mo-
glass.
saic canes were used as backing to mosaic glass
To blow molten tiles"6
glass it must be held at a constant
high temperature
and tesserae made from broken sandwich (ca. 1050-1150TC) for the dura-
gold-glass
vessels decorated early mosaic glass
tiondishes.37
of the work. Such a high temperature can be
Literary evidence suggests that achieved
the discovery that
only with sophisticated pyrotechnology.
broken glass can be totally remelted took
The furnace place
design in
is complicated by the fact that
the early Flavian period. Pliny the
does not
working portseem toModern furnaces have a
emits heat.
have been aware of this propertyshield
of glass.
or door He
whichwrote
the glassblower can open and
(HN 36.199): fragmenta teporata adglutinantur tan- and reheating. Perhaps
close quickly for gathering
tum, rursus tota fundi non queuntRoman furnacesfragments
"broken also had a door, but we do not
can only be made to stick to each other,
know. they of
The sophistication can
the Roman furnace can
not be totally remelted." Thus webest
can probably
be appreciated date
by comparing the quality of an-
the discovery to some time between
cient glassca. 70,
vessels when
to those made in primitive fur-
naces in theHistory,
Pliny had finished most of his Natural eastern Mediterranean.
and Like the Roman
Martial's Epigrams in A.D. 86. If aglassblower's
basket full offurnaces
furnace, bro- in Herat (Afghani-
3' F.B. Sear, Roman Wall and Vault Mosaics (Heidelberg 79 [Naples 1979] 256). Dio Cassius's statement (60.17.6)
1977) 40. that the Roman emperor Claudius made citizenship so
3?5 Personal observation, April 1983, Graeco-Roman Mu- widely available that one could obtain it "for a piece of
seum, Alexandria, inv. 14475/20818 and 20847. One of broken glass" cannot be used to date the beginning of re-
the inlaid glass eyes preserves cut grooves on the reverse. cycling to his rule (37-54). Dio wrote in the late second to
6 Stern 1994, 63. early third century when recycling was so common that
37 Stern 1994, 109-10, 112. "broken glass" had become an idiomatic expression for in-
: A. Pasqui, "La villa pompeiana della Pisanella presso dicating cheapness.
Boscoreale," Monumenti Lincei 7 (1897) 518 (quoted after 39 The reasons for the change to colorless glass were
J.-P. Morel, "La ceramica e il vetro," in F. Zevi ed., Pompeiprobably unrelated to remelting: Stern 1995, 186.
40 Chafic Imam, "L'artisanat du verre en Syrie," AnnAIHV scribed by 6. Kifiiikerman, Glass Beads. Anatolian Glass Bead
3 (Liege 1964) 184-90; D. Charlesworth, "A Primitive Glass Making (Istanbul 1988).
Furnace in Cairo," JGS 9 (1967) 129-32; G. Lehrer, Hebron 41 The temperature depends on the composition of the
City of Glassmaking (Museum Haaretz, Tel-Aviv n.d., ca. glass. On the temperatures needed to soften ancient glass:
1970); M. Reut, "Le verre souffle d'Herat," StIr 2.1 (1973)Stern 1994, 21-23 and Stern 1995, 34-36. Giberson (su-
94-111; N.H. Henein, Le verre souffl&e en Egypte (Cairopra n. 21) 47 emphasizes the fact that "the use of hot glass
1974); L. Taborelli, "Un modo arcaico di produzione as an application does not in itself prove the use of a pot of
vetraria: Viaggio nel tempo al seguito di una fonte contem-hot glass."
poranea," in A. Avanzini ed., Profumi d'Arabia, Atti del con- 42 On ancient bead making techniques: Gam (supra n.
vegno Pisa 1995 (Saggi di Storia Antica 11, Rome 1997) 17).
149-66. A primitive furnace in Turkey, used exclusively to 43 E.M. Stern, "Glass Working before Glass Blowing,"
produce nonblown objects, such as beads and bangles, is de-AnnAIIHV12, 1991 (Amsterdam 1993) 21-31, esp. 22-23.
52B. Caron and C. Lavoie, "Un fragment de lampe 55 Reut (supra n. 40) 107.
representant un four verrier," JGS 39 (1997) 197-98. 56 Annealing appears to have been a major problem in
53 Four first-century furnaces at Avenches, innerRoman diame-workshops. AtJalame, many fragments testify to a
ter 50-65 cm: Morel et al. (supra n. 8) 5-6, figs. 3-7 cidents
(with during the annealing process: Weinberg 35.
57 Reut (supra n. 40) 104.
refs. to similar size furnaces at Martigny and Kaiseraugst);
furnace at Aix-en-Provence, postdating 150, inner 58 F.K Kiechle, "Die Struktur der gewerblichen Glaser
diam.
45 cm, outer diam. ca. 75 cm: Rivet 1992 (supra n.zeugung 9) 349. in der frfihen Kaiserzeit," AnnAIHV 6, 1973 (Lieg
Although a fourth-century glassworking furnace excavated1974) 53-64. An AJA reviewer notes that large-scale enter
at Jalame was rectangular and covered a larger area, prisesca.are also uncharacteristic of the pot industry. Muc
2.40 X 3.60 m, there is no indication that it had more than and metalworking was done in small-scale units.
pottery
one working port: Weinberg 28-33. 59 Piccottini and Vetters (supra n. 31) 60-63; Dolen
54 Morel et al. (supra n. 8) 5-6, figs. 3, 4, 6, and 7.(supra n. 31) 15-37.
unhealthy because of poisonous fumes, such a long It has been suggested that the economy of the Ro-
period of activity would not have been impossible. man empire can be compared to the western Euro-
The tombstone of the opifex artis vitriae "glass artist"Ju- pean economy between 1400 and 1800.66 However,
lius Alexsander records his death in Lyon at the ven- this may not apply to glassmaking and glassworking,
erable age of 75 after 48 years of happy marriage.65 since Roman workshop practises differed consider-
The size and design of the ancient glassworking ably from those common in late medieval and early
furnace imposed certain physical restrictions. This industrial Europe.67 The limited number of people
affected many aspects of organization of the indus- who could blow at one furnace has been noted
try, from the number of people who could work si- above. Another difference regards the gender of th
multaneously in one shop and their relationships glassblowers. Whereas until very recently glassblow
?gi
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-M
'MUM
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........... ......
.......
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....
X,
. ............
... .........
.........
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... ...........................
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.............
................ .... .?.'
...
... .....
.
.....
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..................
..
.....
......
M ...
&.....
.... ...
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. .. ......... ...
... ... ....... ...
......
X&: ...... ..... ...... ....
g ..........
...................................
.......... ..................
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. ......... 'X'
....... ... ............ .... .. ......
. . . . . ........ . ........ .......
:-x,
....................... . . .
x
.. ..... ...
....... . ... ..... .....
. . . . .... .....
...... ...... .. ... .........
.. .........
?'gq
-W.
...... ..... .
. ..... ....
X.
..........
sm
iZ . ..........
E
XI:
Ik'
W 'xg%. ............
. xj
.. ............... . . .....
X..
PAPA
*x
-A
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4,-
..................
... .............. 7.:
.. . ..... ............ .. . ...
.... ...................
?:X
Fig. 24. Detail of underside of fig. 23, 25 X 13.4 cm. Signed SENTIASE/CUNDAFA/CITAQ[uileia]
VITR[earia]. (Courtesy Ober6sterreichisches Landesmuseum)
ENTIA
are of interest because they suggest the glassblowers
were liberti, freedmen. Next to the glassblower blow-
ing a tall-necked bottle appears the name TRELLUS;
Fig. 25. Detail of fig. 23. Drawing of signature, beginning
his assistant's name is ATHENIO69 suggesting he (or
in bottom line, left.
his ancestor) hailed from Athens. Since the lamps
were made in Italy, we may assume the scene repre-
ing in Europe was an exclusively male occupation, sents a workshop in Italy.
the names of several women glassblowers active in In the eastern Mediterranean, one glassblower
the first century are known: Sentia Secunda had a stands out above all others: Ennion. His name has
shop in Aquileia (figs. 23-25); Neikais worked in the been identified as a Hellenized Semitic name.70
68 P. Karnitsch, "Der r6mische Urnenfriedhof," Jahrbuch mische Lampe mit Darstellung des Glasblasens," BJ 159
Stadt Linz 1952, 385-489, esp. 437-46, a discussion of two (1959) 149-51, who first published the lamp and studied
rectangular bottles, each with a different base molding, the original object. Like the lines representing flames at
from women's graves 99a and 99c. I would like to thank A. the top of the furnace the inscriptions were added before
Rottloff for sending a copy of the relevant pages. See also firing, when the clay was leather hard.
E.M. Stern, "Women Glassblowers in the Roman Empire," 70 G. Lehrer, Ennion, a First-century Glassmaker, exhibition
AJA 97 (1993) 338 (abstract); Stern 1995, 100-101, no. 5; catalogue, Haaretz Museum (Ramat Aviv 1979) 14; it is
Stern, "Neikais-A Woman Glassblower of the First Cen- also known from a third-century builder's inscription at
tury A.D.?" in G. Erath, M. Lehner, and G. Schwarz eds., Damascus: SEG II, 829. On Ennion see also Harden et al.
Komos Festschriftfiir Thuri Lorenz zum 65. Geburtstag (Vienna (supra n. 16) 164-66, nos. 86, 87; Y. Israeli, "Ennion in
1997) 129-32, pls. 27-28. Jerusalem," JGS 25 (1983) 65-69; Stern 1995, 69-73; D.P.
69 Foy and Sennequier (supra n. 65) 109-10, no. 44 Barag, "Phoenicia and Mould-blowing in the Early Roman
state that the names were scratched into the clay after fir- Period," AnnAIHV 13, 1995 (Amsterdam 1996) 77-92. En-
ing, but that is not what is said by M. Abramic, "Eine r6- nion's floruit was in the first half to mid-first century.
71 P Oxy., vol. 45, no. 3265 (infra n. 130). civitates morantes ab universis muneribus vacare praecipimus, si
72 DeLaine 180-81.
quidem ediscendis artibus otium sit adcommodandum; quo magis
7" On authorship and credibility of events cited in the cupiant et ipsi peritiores fieri et suos filios erudire. Cod. Theod.
Hist. Aug.: KlPauly (Munich 1979) 2.1191-93. 13.4.2; Cod. lust. 10.66.1; author's emphasis. On the edict:
74 C. Panella, "Le merci: Produzioni, itinerari, destini," Trowbridge (supra n. 3) 119 with n. 34; E.M. Stern, Ancient
in A. Giardina ed., Societi romana ed impero tardo antico 3: Le Glass at the Fondation Custodia (Collection Frits Lugt) Paris (Ar-
merci. Gli insediamenti (Bari 1986) 431-59; infra n. 164. chaeologica Traiectina 12, Groningen 1977) 156-58.
75 The edict was issued by Constantine II, according to 77 Stern (in prep.). On migrating Syrian glassworkers,
O. Seeck, Regesten der Kaiser und Pipstefiir dieJahre 311 bis infra n. 263 (snake-thread), n. 264 (flask within flask).
476 n.Chr. (Stuttgart 1919) 185. On the receiver, Valerius 78 Supra n. 65.
Maximus, Praetorian Prefect of Dalmatius Caesar (?), see 79 Stern (supra n. 76) 152-55. For recent publications
A.H.M. Jones, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire 1: of Roman workshops on the outskirts of towns: Riutti 150-
260-395 (Cambridge 1971) 590-91. 52 (Augst); Rottloff (supra n. 33) 170 (Augsburg).
76 Artifices artium brevi subdito comprehensarum per singulas so0 Gorin-Rosen 1998 (supra n. 9) 27-29.
blown
and selling the glass, ordering new signatures and
supplies, on certain
re- glass vessels appear to
indicate that
building the furnace, or by activity individualother
in some glassworkers entered freely
field. Such a seasonal division of work has been into business partnerships. The group of lason,
noted for Cypriot potters. Meges, and Neikais, all three of whom specialized in
mold-blown bulbous beakers of one specific type
Business Relationships and blown in molds of exactly the same technical con-
Business relationships appear to have differedstruction,
as a is the most obvious example. The Sidonians
who migrated to Italy and made skyphoi with stamped
result of the very different conditions in the eastern
Mediterranean, Africa, and Europe during the for-handles are another group which may have formed
mation of the empire. In the west, where the Ro-
partnerships.85 In third-century Egypt glassworkers
organized locally in guilds.86
mans generally had a higher level of organizational,
technical, and business skills than the populationsOnein recent hypothesis is the possibility of the ex-
the areas they annexed and converted into change prov- of molds for mold blowing, implying "a se-
inces, powerful senatorial families with freedmen ries of local workshops, perhaps trading actual molds
and slaves as business managers and agents domi- among themselves."87 Originally suggested to replace
nated production lines in several industries. A good
Harden's hypothesis that the glassblower Ennion re-
example is the metal industry at Magdalensberg.81 It in midcareer from the Syro-Palestinian coast
located
is conceivable that the production of architectural
to north Italy,88 the concept of mold exchange may
bethe
glass was organized along lines similar to those in comparable to the production of signed clay
metal and clay industries (bricks and tiles), but lamps
ar- (Firmalampen) in the western part of the Ro-
chaeological evidence is lacking. In this connection,
man empire.89 There is, however, no evidence that
it is unfortunate that we do not know whether the branch workshops played an active role in the east-
base moldings on the underside of prismatic glass
ern Mediterranean, not even in the pottery indus-
bottles refer to the makers of the bottles or to those
try.90 Elsewhere I have argued that the distribution
who produced their contents.82 If the moldings referpattern of Ennion's products and other early eastern
to the glass workshop, the distribution pattern of Mediterranean mold-blown wares is indicative of
bottles carrying the name of C. Salvius Gratus mightlong distance trade.91 Ennion's enormous output-
be consistent with the hypothesis of branch work- over 30 vessels preserving his mold-blown signature
are known-may very reasonably be the production
shops, one in north Italy, the other in Augsburg, both
active in the late second to early third century.83 of one artist (see above).
Most research on business practices has focused Glassblowing and pot making are similar in that
both industries produced household containers and
on conditions in Italy and the western part of the Ro-
man empire.84 The following observations and re-
tablewares. Yet it is not clear to what extent business
marks concentrate on the eastern Mediterranean. practices of Roman glassblowers compare with those
In the eastern provinces glassworking already of Roman potters. Several contracts from Roman
boasted an established tradition of business prac- Egypt provide details regarding the lease of facilities
tices long before the Romans arrived. The mold-and equipment to potters. The exact juridical inter-
81 Supra ns. 31, 59. domesticum (JRA Suppl. 6, Ann Arbor 1993);J.-J. Aubert,
82 On the problems of names, infra pp. 467- 69. Business Managers in Ancient Rome (Leiden 1994).
8 A survey of north Italian findspots casts doubt on the 85 Stern 1995, 68-69 and 73-74.
hypothesis that the bottles marked by C. Salvius Gratus 86 P Oxy., vol. 45, no. 3265 and vol. 54, no. 3742, both
were made in Aquileia: E. Roffia, "Osservazioni su alcune quoted in full infra pp. 464, 465. In Rome some of the colle-
bottiglie in vetro con marchio di C. Salvius Gratus," Rivista gia may have acted as guilds for the benefit of their mem-
Archeologica dell'Antica Provincia eDiocesi di Como 163 (1981) bers: DeLaine 204.
115-29, pls. I-V; G.M. Facchini, "La circolazione dei vetri 87 M. McClellan, "Recent Finds from Greece of First-
romani nella Cisalpina: il ruolo di Calvatone-Bedriacum," Century A.D. Mold-Blown Glass," JGS 25 (1983) 71-78;
Quaderni del Giornale Economico Suppl. 5/96 (1996) 53-58. Cool and Price 43, 227.
No workshop has been located in north Italy. On the possi- 88 D.B. Harden, "Romano-Syrian Glasses with Mould-
bility of a manufacturing center at Augsburg, documented blown Inscriptions,"JRS 25 (1935) 163-86, esp. 164-65.
by deformed fragments of Salvius Gratus' bottles and 89 W.V. Harris, "Roman Terracotta Lamps: The Organi-
waste: Rottloff (supra n. 33) 170-72. More on Salvius Gra- zation of an Industry,"JRS 70 (1980) 126-45.
tus, infra n. 152.
"o Aubert (supra n. 84) 302 cites only one stamp, from
84 W.V. Harris ed., The Inscribed Economy. Production and Asia Minor.
Distribution in the Roman Empire in the Light ofinstrumentum 91 Stern 1995, 69-72.
92 Aubert (supra n. 84) 253-55. 96 "The basic weight was the dirhem (not to be confused
93 The Egyptian papyri are currently being analyzed for with the coin bearing the same name) weighing 3.125 g.
references to the glass industry; work in progress by Tra- The common pound of Fustat consisted of 144 dirhems
ianos Gagos and myself. (or 12 ounces of 12 dirhems), approximately 450 g, com-
94 Goitein 87-88; the contracts cited pp. 363-65, nos. 9, parable to the present day U.S.A. pound... One hundred
19, 8, and 17 respectively. pounds made a qintar" (Goitein 360). The word was de-
95 The Muslim gold coin dinarweighed 4.233 g. Two di- rived from kentenarion "one hundred pounds," which was
nars "were regarded as monthly income sufficient for a the basic weight for glass in Roman Egypt. See infra 464-66
lower middle class family ... The dirhem was a coin of low with discussion P Oxy. vol. 45, no. 3265 and P Oxy. vol. 54,
silver content." Approximately 36-40 dirhems had the no. 3742.
value of one dinar (Goitein 359-60). 97 Goitein 94. On the value of the dirhem, supra n. 95.
cletian's Price Edict (hereafter PE). Issued in No- called "natural colored glass" in modern glass litera-
vember/December 301, presumably at Alexandria ture. This is also indicated by the word vir<i>dis,
but almost certainly prepared while the emperor was "greenish."'05 The more expensive Alexandrian glass
residing in Antioch, the PE lists prices for six types was colorless, i.e., intentionally decolorized. Barag
of glass.98 shows that the geographic designations date from a
The declared purpose of the PE was to check in- period long before the PE, presumably from the first
flation. The prices mentioned in the PE were maxi- century, but certainly in the case of Judaean glass,
mum prices, not fixed prices. The preamble specifi- before the year 135; in that year Hadrian officially
cally encourages lower prices in places where goods abolished the province of Judaea. As a penalty for
were abundant. Originally composed to aid soldiers, the Bar Kochba revolt of 132-135 he renamed the
the PE aimed to benefit the entire population of the province Syria Palestina. The use of a geographical
Roman empire. The prices would have been particu- designation that had ceased to be meaningful at the
larly beneficial to groups living on a fixed income. time of the PE is known also from other goods.106
State purchases for army and imperial court supplies The prices for glass vary according to the stages of
seem to have been made at the listed prices.99 production. One may compare the prices for pairs
Because the PE was prepared in Antioch, the of wooden wagon parts qualified by the terms fabrica-
choice of items to be included in the list is thought tum and infabricatum.107 Raw glass and vessel glass
to reflect, to some extent, Antiochene conditions. were both sold by the pound, i.e., the Roman pound
The Antiochene connection is of interest for glass of 327.45 g.108 The PE uses two words to indicate the
studies because the city is not actually mentioned as weight: libra (Gk. litra), referring to raw glass, and
a glass center in the Roman period,100 although the pondo to vessel glass. The choice of the word proba-
general region was renowned for its glass, and glass bly reflects the reality of transactions: raw glass was
was certainly being worked (or made?) in Antioch in sold in multiples of one pound (libra), whereas the
the 12th century.101 A new interpretation of the merchant needed to use a balance with a weight
prices for architectural glass (see below) is consistent (pondus) to calculate the price of a glass vessel. The
with the observation that the PE offers no positive pricing of glass vessels by weight rather than per piece
proof "that western or even non-Antiochene condi- may well have been common practice in the late
tions were taken into account."'02 The PE's maxi- Roman empire, especially if the addition of levis
mum prices for glass are outlined in Table 1.103 "smooth," in lines 3 and 4 indicates that the vessels
Barag'04 argues that Alexandrian and Judaean dowere not decorated by engraving or otherwise.109
not refer to the origin of the glass but to generic
Selling glass vessels by weight can be compared to
types (qualities) of glass. He convincingly identifies
basing the price of a pottery container on its capac-
Judaean glass with common bluish green glass, often ity."10 Both types of prices are objective: they reflect
approximately admitting
10-11 dayslight, especially
worth in the caldaria.
ofThe use
blow
luck some of the of glass
first glassfor this vessels
purpose is mentioned
might by several
be
time first-century
raw glass ran low, Roman authors.125
allowing the glassbl
new supplies or take Two out a loan.
early fourth-century papyri from Oxyrhyn-
The PE's maximum prices
chus suggest that windowwould have
glass was also common in
Egypt. The glassblowers
very difficult for most specificity of these documents requires
to ear a
short discussion
Lactantius's statement (De mort. in spite of this pers.
paper's focus 7.6)
on ves-
"drove goods off the sel glass.market (evidently
In a declaration of prices dated 26 Novem-
price-ceiling was tooberlow to ofallow
317, a member any
the glassworkers' prof
guild at Oxy-
well have been true rhynchus
for cites utilitarian vessel
a price of four talents per hundred
glassblower would have had to work below
pounds of glass:126
of production. The total weight of the 10
To Valerius Ammonianus alias Gerontius, curator of
that could be blown from 450 kg raw g
the Oxyrhynchite, from the guild of the glassworkers
have been
kg, or
of the 825ca.
illustrious 270
Roman
and most pound
illustrious city of the Oxy-
allows a maximum sales price of
rhynchites, through me Aurelius Areion, son 30of... d
pound for AlexandrianIn accordance
glass with orders, at my own risk whic
vessels, I declare
the pricethe
into 24,750 denarii for entered below for the goods which I han-
lot-significant
dle, and I swear the divine oath that I have been de-
the 33,720 denarii necessary to buy 450
ceitful in nothing. As follows:
glass. The maximum Glass,
sales by weight price100 pounds for the sa
talents four.
of vessels made of Judaean glass was
In the consulship of Ovinius Gallicanus and Caeso- 16,50
again less than the cost of
nius Bassus, viri raw glass.
clarissimi. Hathyr Under
30. I Aurelius
Areion, have presented this, making my
cumstances every glassblower's top declaration
prio
as aforesaid.-I Aurelius Pathermouthis, wrote on
have been to cut back on waste
his behalf as he is illiterate.
and recycl
as possible.
The last type of glass mentioned
Previous publications in
associate the price of four t
spec<u>laris, probably "window
talents with glass,"
the PE's price of 24 denarii per pound of cer
chitectural glass (16.5-6). Its
Alexandrian raw glass, low
the most expensiveprice
raw glass is
tion that this was a for
lowvessels. The declaration does not state the pur-
quality glass. It ha
gested that the inclusion
pose of the glass,of
but the window
price appears rather lowglass
for
was more relevant for the western half of the Ro-
vessel glass. Four talents per hundred pounds of
man empire than for the eastern Mediterranean, glass translates into 6,000 denarii,127 or 60 denarii
because in the third century glazed windows wereper pound. If this was the price of Alexandrian raw
not widely used and especially not in the East.123
glass in 317, it suggests an average annual com-
Most documentation of ancient glazing has been pound inflation of 5.89% in the 16 years following
concentrated on Italy and the West. However, therethe PE.128 Inflation rates fluctuated and varied ac-
is increasing evidence for extensive use of window cording to commodity. A low inflation rate has been
glass in the eastern Mediterranean long before the noted for a few commodities, but 5.89% is very low
Byzantine period. The windows of the South Baths in comparison to the average inflation of 13.91% be-
at Bosra are coeval with the original construction tween 301 and 359, and 18.97% between 310/11 and
of the building in the second century.124 Window 359.129 If the annual inflation percentage of glass
glass was an important item in all Roman Bathwas the same as the average annual inflation, the
buildings: it was necessary to keep in the heat while
declaration of 317 should refer to window glass,
122 R. Duncan-Jones, The Economy of the Roman Empire. 126 P Oxy., vol. 54, no. 3742.
Quantitative Studies (Cambridge 1974) 367. 127 After Diocletian's reform, the talent in Egypt
123 Barag (supra n. 103) 116, following D.K. Charles- equaled 1,500 denarii: R.S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation
worth's hypothesis in Erim and Reynolds (supra n. 103) in Fourth Century Egypt (Bulletin of the American Society of
109.
Papyrologists Suppl. 5, 1985) 16-17.
124 H. Broise, "Vitrages et volets des fen tres thermales A 128 P Oxy. vol. 54, p. 238.
I'epoque imperiale," in Les Thermes Romains, Actes de la table 129 P Oxy. vol. 54, pp. 233; Corcoran (supra n. 98) 225-
ronde organiz&e par 1'Ecole Franfaise de Rome, Nov. 1988 (Col- 26 rounds off these figures at 14% and 19% respectively. I
lection de l'Ecole FranCaise de Rome 42, 1991) 61-78, thank D. Black, University of Toledo Department of Eco-
esp. 68-74. nomics, for calculating inflation rates.
125 Broise (supra n. 124) 61.
130 P Oxy., vol. 45, no. 3265. bridgeshire 1980-85 (London 1996) 397-409, esp. 396-97.
131 P Oxy. vol. 54, no. 3742, commentary to line 13. Bag- Blown window panes, which became common in Britain in
nall (supra n. 127) 69 does not calculate the rate of infla- the late third and fourth centuries, would probably have
tion but lists the prices for glass at 4 and 22 talents as been slightly thinner and covered a larger surface. On the
though they refer to the same item. possibility of primary glassmaking (for window glass?) in
132 The commentary to P Oxy. vol. 54, no. 3742 (supra n. northern Britain: C.M.Jackson et al., "The Manufacture of
131) states that the average annual inflation was 22.2%, Glass in Roman York," JGS 40 (1998) 55-61.
but it does not specify the time period. 134 Broise (supra n. 124). One window usually consisted
133 Calculation based on the fact that 8390 cm2 of cast of several panes.
glass window panes weighed 6.8 kg. For this and the meth- 135 S.M. Goldstein, "Glass Fragments from Tell Hesban,"
ods of producing window panes, see J. Price: "Glass," in Andrews University Seminary Studies 14.1 (1976) 127-32,
R.P.J. Jackson and T.W. Potter, Excavations at Stonea, Cam- esp. 129.
36 Stern (supra n. 43) 25-29; Stern 1994, 66-67. Von have another look at the stone in the summer of 1999. In
Saldern (supra n. 9) 97, no. 729, pl. 17 illustrates a frag-
the Aphrodisias copy, the section on pens and ink (four
ment of a blue cake for making cubes. On Roman imperiallines) are cut immediately after the section on glass; the
trade in cakes of colored glass, infra n. 213. lines numbered 15.7-9 by Giacchero appear at the top of
137 P.V.C. Baur, "The Glassware," in C.H. Kraeling the
ed.,next column. The coverage of the PE was not com-
Gerasa, City of the Decapolis (New Haven 1938) 505-46, plete,
esp. but "glass cubes for wall mosaics are a very attractive
517-18.
idea, and while logic does not seem to have been an obvi-
8 DeLaine 180-82. ously guiding factor in the organization of the edict, there
139. DeLaine 180; large numbers of glass mosaic cubes of could be some logic in the progression Glass to Glass Mo-
the fifth to sixth century were excavated at Sardis: von Sal-
saic Cubes to Ivory and Tortoise Shell" (J. Reynolds, per-
dern (supra n. 9) 92-94, pl. 17. sonal communication January 1999).
140 On current prices for raw glass: E.M. Stern, "Glass 142 On sandwiched gold leaf tesserae see von Saldern
and Rock Crystal. A Multifaceted Relationship," JRA 10 (supra n. 9) 93; a late Roman or early Byzantine cake of
(1997) 193 with n. 5.
sandwiched gold leaf for making mosaic cubes was exca-
141 This section is part of the Aphrodisias copy: Erim vated at Heshbon in Israel: Goldstein (supra n. 135) 129
and Reynolds (supra n. 103). Reynolds 1989 (supra n. 98) and pl. XI:B, bottom row.
was brought to my attention by the author who plans to
143 Price (supra n. 8) 30-39; Cool and Price 225-27. 108, n. 9, notes that an intact glass bird in Turin containe
144 Compare Juv. 5.48 and Stat. Silv. 1.6.74. See C. Isings, a rose-scented liquid. On birds, most recently: G.M. Fac
"Exchanged for Sulphur," in Festoen Opgedragen aan A.N. chini in Vetro e vetri (supra n. 11) 131-36.
Zadoks-Josephus Jitta bij haar zeventigste verjaardag (Scripta 146 M. Sternini, "I vetri," in Harris (supra n. 84) 431-5
Archaeologica Groningana 6, Groningen n.d., ca. 1976) gives a useful survey of all classes of inscribed glass vesse
353-56.
On Mercury bottles: Stern (supra n. 76) 64-72, no. 18
G. M. Facchini et al., "Studio di una forma vitrea di etai ro
145 Isings Forms 10 and 11. For recent analyses confirm-
ing that the content was colored powder: L.A. Scatozzamana: La Merkurflasche," Postumia 6.6 (1995) 150-73; M
H6richt et al., "Prime osservazioni ed analisi sul contenuto
Sternini et al., "Unguentari in vetro con bollo nelle coll
di alcuni recipienti in vetro rinvenuti nell' area archeolog-
zioni del Museo Nazionale Romano," Annali della Facoltd
ica di Pompei," in L. Franchi dell' Orto ed., Ercolano 1738- e Filosofia 17 (Universiti di Siena 1997) 55-10
Lettere
1988. 250 anni di ricerca archeologica, Atti del convegnoG.M.
inter-
Facchini in Vetro e vetri (supra n. 11) 139-46. O
nazionale Ravello-Ercolano-Napoli-Pompei 1988 (Rome 1993)
Frontinus bottles: Sennequier (supra n. 114) 169-82;
557; J. Perez-Arantegui et al., "Analysis of the Products
Cool and Price 204-206. On prismatic bottles: Sternin
Contained in Two Roman Glass Unguentaria from the Col-
1993, 88-93: group III; Cool and Price 183-84 (square
ony of Celsa (Spain)," JAS 23 (1996) 649-55. C. Macca-
bottles 179-99).
bruni, I vetri romani dei Musei Civici di Pavia (Pavia 1983)
147 Stern (in prep.). On the technique: V. Seitter, "Be-149 A.J. Parker, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean &
merkungen zur Herstellung von formgeblasenen r6misch- the Roman Provinces (BAR International Series 580, Oxford
en Gldisern mit Bodenmarken," ArchKorrBl 21 (1991) 527- 1992) 197, no. 464, dated ca. 200; on the overland routes
33. Molds for square bottles have been excavated at Augst
for bottles marked by Salvius Gratus: Roffia 1981 (supra
and Saintes: Riltti 163-64, fig. 103, pl. 218: 05 and n.06;83).
Hochuli-Gysel 1991 (supra n. 8), 85-87, figs. 5-7: six mar-150 Rottloff (supra n. 33) 170-72. On the possibility of
ble panels blackened through use, the panels themselves branch workshops producing bottles marked by Salvius
were reused revetment slabs. The mold published by F.
Gratus: supra p. 459 with n. 83.
Fremersdorf, "Die Anfainge der r6mischen Glashfitten 151 A. de Franciscis, "Vetri antichi scoperati ad Erco-
K6lns," KoilnJb 8 (1965/66) 24-43, esp. 29 and fig. 2:9lano,"
is JGS 5 (1963) 137-39; on the gens Gessia and its
now thought to be "from the base of a pottery version connections
of with Campania: Scatozza H6richt 1991 (supra
a square bottle": Cool and Price 180. n. 11) 76-79. More on this shop: infra p. 471 with n. 174.
148 On Sentia Secunda (supra n. 68).
ness relationships.152 The names on the glass bottles used to create the stamp of one bottle found in
north Italy has been identified as minted by the Koi-
are usually Latin, but some inscriptions are in Greek.153
The grammatical form of the name varies, appearing non Bithynia (128/129).157 The wide-bodied unguent
either in the nominative or in the genitive, possibly bottle (also known as candlestick unguentarium)
implying a different relationship with regard to pro- that became fashionable in the second half of the
duction, such as the nominative (Sentia Secunda) first century might actually have been designed spe-
for a master glassblower/owner and the genitive for a cifically to create space for this type of administrative
workshop product "of so-and-so." Other differences inscription.158 However, its exact purpose remains
regard the convention of Latin names that can take unclear. The fact that relatively few bottles are in-
the form of a freedman's name or of a Roman citi- scribed suggests that the inscription was not meant
zen. Two tria nomina stamps, each consisting of threeto guarantee the quality of the contents at the retail
initials that were sometimes combined on one bot- level. It is still unclear at which point in production,
tle, may indicate persons playing the "composite rolepackaging, or distribution the inscription played a
role and for whom it was destined, especially since
of producer-refiner-dealer of the valuable contents."154
In addition, there are some names that add a top- wooden labels might be attached to the bottles to
onymic like "the Antiocheian" or "of/from Chios."155 identify groups or "batches" of vessels.159
Whereas Sentia Secunda used the old-fashioned loc-
152 On the nomenclature in pottery stamps: Aubert (su- 156 Sternini 1993 (supra n. 146) 85-88, Group II (with
pra n. 84) 284-95. In the case of C. Salvius Gratus, the
lit.). See also A. Frova, "Vetri romani con marchi," JGS 13
cognomen Gratus was equally used by citizens, freedmen (1971) 36-44;J. Price, "Roman Unguent Bottles from Rio
and slaves: Roffia (supra n. 83) 123. Tinto (Huelva) in Spain," JGS 19 (1977) 30-39; L.
153G. Lehrer-Jacobson, "Greek Names on Prismatic Taborelli, "Vasi di vetro con bollo monetale," Opus Rivista
Jugs,"JGS34 (1992) 35-43; Trowbridge (supra n. 3) 120-28
Internazionale per la Storia Economica e Sociale dell' Antichitd
provides a list of Greek and Latin names and letter combi-
1.2 (1982) 315-40; Taborelli, "Nuovi esemplari di bolli gia
nations found on glass vessels but it is obviously outdated noti
by su contenitori vitrei dell' area centro-italica," Picus 3
the numerous finds that have come to light since the publi- (1983) 23-69; Taborelli, "A proposito della genesi del
cation of her study in 1930; some of these are mentionedbolloin sui contenitori vitrei," Athenaeum 63 (1985) 198-217;
EAA, Supplement 1970, s.v. vitrarius (M.C. Calvi). Sternini et al. 1997 (supra n. 146) 77-90.
154 L. Taborelli, "Contenitori di vetro con bollo: Un caso 157 H. Bilsing, "Der Miinzabdruck im Boden einer Glas-
esemplare della loro problematica," Rivista archeologica
flasche von Ficarolo (I)," AntW22 (1991) 21.
dell'antica provincia e diocesi di Como 177 (1995) 71-87;158 Sternini 1993 (supra n. 146) 91.
Taborelli, "Riflessioni sul caso di un bollo vitreo con tria 159 L. Taborelli, "Sulle ampulle vitreae. Spunte per l'appro-
nomina forse ridotta a sigla," in Athenaeum Studi di Letter- fondimento della loro problematica nell'ottica del rapporto
atura e Storia dell'Antichita (Universiti di Pavia) 86.1 (1998) tra contenitore e contenuto," ArchC144 (1992) 309-28, fig. 1.
287-89, pls. I, II. On names of glassblowers indicating 160 Morel (supra n. 38) 258-61; L.A. Scatozza H6richt, I
freedmen: supra p. 457. vetri romani di Ercolano (Rome 1986) 22 gives the overall
155E.g. Paulinos Antiocheus (nominative, in Greek, percentages of glass and thin-walled pottery in the site mu-
"Paulinos of Antiocheia"): Barag (supra n. 103) 109-11, seum at Herculaneum as 260 glass vessels (71.04%) and
figs. 1-3; and "Tiberinou Chio[u]" (genitive, in Greek, "of 106 thin-walled pottery (28.96%). At Cosa, thin-walled pot-
Tiberinos of Chio[s]"), from Tharros, Sardinia: G. Pesce, tery went out of use in the Claudian-Neronian period (41-
in StSard 14/15 (1955/57) 356 and fig. 104 (interpreted as 68): M.T. Marabini Moevs, Roman Thin Walled Pottery from
"chio[n] (wine measure) of Tiberinos"). On the problem of Cosa (1948-1954) (MAAR 32, Rome 1973) 45.
interpreting toponymics: Stern 1995, 72.
161 Morel (supra n. 38) 250-51. Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Adria (CCAVV 2, Murano
162 Cool and Price 227.
1996); A. Larese and E. Zerbinati, Vetri antichi di raccolte con-
163 Panella (supra n. 74) 431-37; one may also compare cordiesi e polesane (CCAVV 4, Murano 1998); G. Zampieri,
the glass finds from the villa at Settefinestre: G. DeTom- Vetri antichi del Museo Civico Archeologico di Padova (CCAVV 3,
maso, "Vetro," in Settefinestre: una villa schiavistica nell'Etruria Murano 1998). A similar decline, beginning slightly later,
romana 2: La villa e i suoi reperti (Modena 1985) 173-211. has been noted in the Ticino area: Maccabruni (supra n.
164 L. Brecciaroli Taborelli, "I1 vasellame da mensa in 145); S. Biaggio Simona, I vethi romani provenienti dalle lerre
etA tardoantica," Archeologia in Piemonte 2: L'eti romana dell'attuale Cantone Ticino (Locarno 1991) 27-29; HelvArch
(Torino 1998) 271-89. On the crisis in Italy, its effects and 22 (1991) 78-143.
its probable causes: Panella (supra n. 74). See also Panella, 166 F. Paolucci, I vetri incisi dall' Italia settentrionale e dalla
"Merci e scambi nel Mediterraneo tardoantico," Storia di Rezia nel periodo medio e tardo imperiale (Firenze 1997) 196-
Roma 3.II (Torino 1993) 613-97. 97; Brecciaroli Taborelli (supra n. 164) 275-77. On local
'65 Brecciaroli Taborelli (supra n. 164) 273-75; Vetro e production for regional use: M. Buora, "Una produzione
vetri (supra n. 11) 77-128. Compare the glass excavated in artigianale di un vetraio a Sevegliano (agro di Aquileia,
cemeteries at Asti, Alessandria, Susa, Brescia, and Vog- Italia settentrionale) nel IV sec. d.C.,"JGS 39 (1997) 23-31.
henza. Glass in north Italian museums: Calvi (supra n. 11); 167 Aubert (supra n. 84) 201.
G.L. Ravagnan, Vetri antichi del Museo Vetrario di Murano
168 Mishna Aboth 3:16, cited after Goitein 151 and 438,
(Corpus delle collezioni archeologici del vetro nel Veneto n. 8.
[CCAVV] 1, Murano 1994); S. Bonomi, Vetri antichi del
varietygreeted
flower garden at Pompei, however, of fine tablewares.
everyone The preliminary publica-
who crossed the threshold into his house with the tion documents at least 31 different vessel shapes,
words CRAS CREDO "I will give credit tomorrow" in-
which means that most shapes for sale were available
laid in the mosaic doormat at the entrance.169 in very small quantities.'73
Some glassblowers may have diversified their At the time of its destruction in 79, a shop near
stock and sold products made by colleagues/part-the forum of Herculaneum held a contingent of
ners (glassblowers and other artisans). Similarly,
glass vessels packed in straw and other materials and
pharmacies and drugstores sold glass vessels that
divided into separate packages according to vessel
shape. The glass vessels included:174 10 monochrome
they filled with herbs and scents. Many fragments of
small glass unguentaria and a few almost complete shallow ribbed bowls (Erc. 2a), two small bowls with
bottles were excavated in a commercial flower gar- tubular rims and base-rings (Isings Form 44a, Erc.
den at Pompei.170 Epigraphical evidence indicates 8), six large bowls (Isings 44b, Erc. 8), another large
that in Pompei glassworking and the sale of frank-bowl (Isings 42, Erc. 9), four undecorated ladles and
incense were concentrated in the same part of the four with spiral thread (Erc. 17), one tall, straight-
walled mold-blown beaker (Isings 31, Erc. 19), two
city: regio clivi vitrari sive vici turari "the quarter of
the glassworkers also known as the quarter of the indented beakers (Isings 32, Erc. 21), three cylindri-
frankincense dealers."171 cal beakers (Isings 30, Erc. 23); one square bottle
Imported glassware appears to have been sold in marked P. GESSI AMPLIATI (Erc. 25), one cylindri-
combination with imported pottery. A mid-first-century cal bottle (Isings 51b, Erc. 25), one bulbous jug with
store at Colchester stocked a selection of glass vessels upturned spout (Erc. 29), one mold-blown cup
in addition to Samian ware and various other types shaped like the head of a black (Erc. 33), two arybal-
of fine pottery and clay lamps. The glass vessels had loi with dolphin handles (Erc. 40), one small spheri-
been stacked on shelves above the pottery. When fire cal bottle (Erc. 41), one small spherical bottle (Erc.
destroyed the store (ca. 50-55) much of the glass 46), two tubular unguentaria (one Erc. 47a, the
melted and dripped down on the pottery. Neverthe- other Erc. 47d), three piriform unguentaria (Erc.
less, several glass vessel shapes have been identified:
49), one carinated bottle (Erc. 50), perhaps one urn
shallow sagged bowls, plates, natural bluish-green with M-shaped handles (Erc. 57), and one lid (for an
ribbed bowls and the more luxurious monochrome urn) (Erc. 59). Apparently, the glass tablewares were
blue and polychrome mosaic ribbed bowls. Blown sold in sets, like metal and pottery.
vessels included small cylindrical cups of the typeThe buying of glassware in sets is also documented
known as Hofheim cup (see fig. 14), a yellow sky-by the presence of sets in houses in Herculaneum as
phos, and a cylindrical bottle.172 well as in first-century tombs throughout the Roman
An even more mixed assortment of pottery, glass,
empire. Glass sets were found in tombs at Vervoz, Bel-
and lamps made up a merchant's stock at Cosa, gium
de- (dated 60-75), at Saintes, southwest France
stroyed in 40-45 when one of the walls of the forum-(40-60), in Dalmatia (first century), and at Vize, East-
basilica collapsed: Arretine pottery, amphorae, lamps,
ern Thrace (mid-first century, possibly before 44).175
thin-walled tablewares, coarse pottery, and 76 glass Literary evidence attests the use of glass sets in
vessels. The glass included mold-formed, ribbed, mold-
Egypt. In a letter ascribed to the early second cen-
blown, and free-blown vessels, including an amazing
tury a certain Claudius Terentianus lists among the
169 W.F. Jashemski, "The Garden of Hercules at Pompeii 174 On the shop on the Decumanus Maximus: de Fran-
(II.viii.6): The Discovery of a Commercial Flower Garden,"
ciscis (supra n. 151); Scatozza H6richt (supra n. 11). The
AJA 83 (1979) 403-11, esp. 410. following compilation is made from Scatozza Horicht
170Jashemski (supra n. 169) 407. (supra n. 162); the numbers preceded by "Erc." refer to
171 ILS 1224b, quoted by Isings 5, with n. 3. On connec-
her forms.
tions between medicinal preparations and glass contain- 175 M.-C. Gueury and M. Vanderhoeven, "La tombe
ers: L. Taborelli, "I contenitori per medicamenti nelle pre-
gallo-romaine de Vervoz aux Musees Royaux d'Art et
scrizioni di Scribonio Largo e la diffusione del vetro
d'Histoire," BMusBrux 60 (1989) 107-24; H. Chew, "La
soffiato," Latomus 55 (1996) 148-56. tombe gallo-romaine de Saintes. Nouvel examen du mate-
172H.E.M. Cool, "The Boudiccan Uprising and theriel," Antiquitis Nationales 20 (1988) 35-61; M.R. DeMaine,
Glass Vessels from Colchester," Expedition 38.2 (1996) "The
52- Northern Necropolis at Emona: Banquet burials with
62, esp. 57-58 and fig. 9. ladles," AnnAIHV 11, 1988 (Amsterdam 1990) 129-44;
173 F. Grose, "Roman Glass of the First Century AD.A.M.A Mansel, "Les fouilles de Thrace," Belleten 4 (1940)
Dated Deposit of Glassware from Cosa, Italy," AnnAIHV 6,
115-39, esp. 133 with figs. 47-49.
1973 (Liege 1974) 31-52.
objects he is sendingconical
fromnecked bottles
Alexandria
(tapering both up and down),
to K
et accipias caveam one bottle with a funnel neck"
gallinaria(m) in andquaglass rods.182
ha[bes]
vitriae et phialas A Byzantine glass shop
quinarias (sixth-seventh
p[ar century)
u]nu<m
paria sex .... was recently
"Receive also excavated
a in the center of Bet She'an,
chicken coop
you have sets near the bazaar.183
of glassware, It consisted
two of two connecting
bowls (lit.
rooms and a courtyard.
of quinarius size, a dozen goblets From the (lit.
description"six
it ap- p
A second-century papyrus
pears that this shop
from
was run by the
Oxyrhyn
glassblower. The
cates that glass was wall of one of the two rooms showed
bought even traces of shelves
in half
count of articles at for order of
storing glass vessels, Eugenetor
but most of the glass objects
sack: (. .. .) 2 procheiria
appear to have been (handboxes)
found in the other room that con
opened eastwardof
hemisyntheseis (half-sets) onto the street and also
glass, 4 contained
... pote
ing cups) and 1 . . the.,furnace-a
4 batellai
setup that suggests the(plates),
furnace (and
(bowls), 1 oxybaphon (saucer)."177
the glassblower) benefited from the draftIn fourt
entering
through the
Karanis, excavated sets of door.184
glassThe front room was divided
were almo
composed of dishes, into
bowls,jars, flasks,
two workspaces, where "numerous and
glass vessels-
to-do residents stored
many of them intact-found along the walls and in tog
glass tablewares
red-polished pottery several concentrations,in
dishes had been stored on shelves, and
baskets
in pithoi that eitherracks
stood
of shelves or on the
in baskets." floor
The shapes were com- or
into it.178 A late fourth-century
mon utilitarian shapes for daily use: two shop
types of a
stocked glass and pottery vessels
lamps for use in of spherical
a polycandelon, goblets, the or
sam
suggesting the shopkeeper had
piriform bottles, small jugs ordered
with large loop handles,
cially to sell sets in
different
bowls, and window panes materials.
(round and rectangular).
In the row of Byzantine shops abutting t
gogue at Sardis, two adjoining
Long-Distance Trade within the Romandouble-st
Empire
probably Jewish owned or managed,
Most long-distance conta
trade in glass took place within
amounts of brokentheglass vessels
borders of the and win
Roman empire. Archaeological
dated to the fifth-sixth centuries. There is evidence
evidence suggests this trade was concerned primarily
for a dye shop on the lower floor.180 The reports dowith raw glass and fine tableware, though not exclu-
not specify whether the glass fragments were fromsively, as can be seen by the occasional recovery of
new or from used vessels. If the fragments were notprismatic bottles from shipwrecks.185 Glass was pref-
from broken glass assembled for recycling, theirerably shipped by sea since it was much more eco-
large number suggests they might represent one or nomical to transport goods over water than over
more deposits destined for wholesale (to local shops? land. The PE provides evidence for the cost of
for regional export?). Apparently, the two shops transport. A cart load of 1200 pounds (388 kg) cost
were located not far from the manufacturing facili-20 denarii per mile; a donkey load, probably of 200
ties.181 The glass vessels from shop E12 included pounds (65 kg), cost 4 denarii per mile (PE 17.3-5
"globular vessels, bottles, numerous glass lamps, gob-combined with PE 14.8-11). Based on these prices,
lets, concave vessel bases, and 350 window panes." A DeLaine has calculated the following average costs
"closet" in the stairway was filled with fragments ofof transport: 0.52 KM per ton per Roman mile for
glassware. Shop E13 yielded a total of about 4000 glass ox-carts, 0.12 KM per ton per Roman mile up-
fragments: 90% vessels, 10% window panes. The ves- stream, 0.059 KM per ton per Roman mile down-
sels included "two lamps, over 350 goblets, a salver, stream, and 0.012 KM per ton per Roman mile by
base-rings, a cup or bowl, cylindrical bottles, many sea.186 With a specific gravity of ca. 2.60, ancient
176 H.C. Youtie and J.G. Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from 181 Von Saldern (supra n. 9) 95.
Karanis (Michigan Papyri 8, 2nd ser., Ann Arbor 1951) no. 182 Crawford (supra n. 180) 78-79.
468, lines 15-18. 183 Gorin-Rosen 1998 (supra n. 9) 27-29.
177 P Oxy. vol. 4, no. 741.
184 The primitive furnaces in Egypt and Afghanistan
178 D.B. Harden, Roman Glass from Karanis (Ann Arbor were also oriented in such a way as to benefit from the
1936) 34-38. draft: Reut (supra n. 40), Henein (supra n. 40).
179 C.K. Williams and O.H. Zervos, "Corinth, 1982: East 185 Parker (supra n. 149) 197, no. 464, sunk ca. 200 near
of the Theater," Hesperia 52 (1983) 24-25, pl. 10: 64, 65. Grado carrying, inter alia, square bottles marked by C.
180sJ.S. Crawford, The Byzantine Shops at Sardis (SardisMon Salvius Gratus; see also supra ns. 33 and 83.
9, Cambridge 1990) 78-86; von Saldern (supra n. 9). The 186 DeLaine 210-11.
dye shop mentioned by Crawford p. 79.
pottery
soda-lime-silica glass weighed ca. 2,600 kg tableware,
per cubic lamps, and glass, these commodi-
meter.187 Weight would have beenties a primary con-
were never a major item of cargo on shipwrecks
discovered
cern in deciding which type of transport toinchoose
the Mediterranean.190 Nine wrecks of
for shipping raw glass if a choiceRoman
was ships
available.
carrying glass vessels in their cargo
With shipments of vessel glass, volume have been
and identified:
the fra- of these five date from the first
gility of the merchandise would have made
century,191 trans-
three from the second and third centu-
portation by boat attractive. ries,192 and two are of uncertain date.'19 All of these
In addition to their own cargo, most shipsshippers
sank in the also
western Mediterranean. The dates
are consistent
carried merchants with their wares, charging themwithpas-
an overall pattern of sea trade in-
sage money and for freight. The distinction
dicating that between
it was most intense in the late Republi-
shipowner (navicularius/naukleros), captain (magister/
can and early Roman Imperial periods.
kubernetes or pronaukleros), and merchant (mercator,
Most ships did not carry large amounts of vessel
glassagent
negotiator/emporos, pragmateutes) or his (on raw(pistikos)
glass see below), nor was glass the sole
was fluid: one man might fill all theseorroles at once.188
main cargo. The trade in glass vessels was proba-
Guilds, religious communities, and blyresident
handled by fellow
general merchants who took on indi-
countrymen, organized in stationes, assisted
vidual mem-
consignments of glass.'94 It is sometimes diffi-
bers travelling abroad. Shipping companies from aall
cult to distinguish merchant's goods'195 from his
over the Mediterranean had offices in Ostia;
personal logo-
property,'96 since in most cases the quan-
types announcing their names andtity specialties can is small and varied. Thus,
of glass they carried
still be seen in the mosaics of the Piazzale delle Cor- the status of the few and varied glass vessels exca-
porazioni. Many eastern Mediterranean cities were vated at Port Vendres and Mellieha Bay'97 is not
represented in the Roman forum; the Tyrians and clear. A basket filled with nine glass unguentaria,
Beirutians had offices in Pozzuoli. Whereas Syrians some still holding the remains of a cosmetic, may
played an important role in the early Roman empire, be evidence for an individual consignment on
Jews became increasingly visible in the fourth cen- board a ship that sank in the harbor at Fos-sur-Mer
tury.189 The active role played by eastern Mediterra- in the mid-second century.198
nean merchants in the long distance sea trade may Individual consignments were probably common
to some extent account for similarities between glass also in overland trade. At Kempten (southern Ger-
shapes made in the eastern and western part of the many) a small concentration of ca. 12 square glass
Roman empire. jugs among 89,565 kg of Rheinzabern Samian pot-
Although findspots indicate extensive trade in tery, ironwork, and bronze suggests a wholesale rather
187 I thank Fred E. Schaefer, Toledo, for this calculation, lot de verres du 1er siecle provenant du port de Narbonne
which is based on the fact that ancient glass was denser (Aude)," RANarb 25 (1992) 177-206.
(contained proportionately less silica) than modern soda- 192 Parker (supra n. 149) no. 464 (Grado); no. 691
lime-silica glass which has a specific gravity of 2.50. For (Mellieha); and no. 906 (Procchio).
comparison, the specific gravity of quartz (rock crystal) is 193 Parker (supra n. 149) no. 530 (La Jaumegarde A)
2.65, marble 2.72, and oakwood 0.75. and no. 614 (Maddalena).
188 J. Rouge, Recherches sur l'organisation du commerce mari- 194 On mixed cargoes and numbers of merchants sailing
time en M&diterran&e sous l'empire romain (Paris 1966) 214- on Roman ships: G.W. Houston, "Ports in Perspective:
94; A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602 (Ox- Some Comparative Materials on Roman Merchant Ships
ford 1964, repr. 1973) 866-71. and Ports," AJA 92 (1988) 553-64, esp. 558.
189 Rouge (supra n. 188) 302-19. On trade with Britain: 195 Ship wrecks containing glass vessels thought to be
J. du Plat Taylor and H. Cleere eds., Roman shipping and commercial consignments rather than personal properties
trade: Britain and the Rhine provinces (Council for British Ar- of travellers were found, inter alia, at Antikythera (late Hel-
chaeology Research Report 24, 1978). lenistic): G.D. Weinberg, Glass Vessels in Ancient Greece (Ath-
190 Parker (supra n. 149) 16-17. ens 1992) 28-33; la Tradeliere, Narbonne, and Cavallo I
191 Parker (supra n. 149) no. 283 (Cavallo A); no. 584 (ca. 50-60): supra n. 191; Serge Limani (11th c.): G.F.
(Lavezzi A); no. 875 (Port Vendres B; more on the glass in Bass, "The Nature of the Serge Limani Glass," JGS 26
A.J. Parker and J. Price, "Spanish Exports of the Claudian (1984) 64-69.
Period: The Significance of the Port Vendres II Wreck Re- 196 Parker (supra n. 149) lists 21 wrecks of the Roman
considered," IJNA 10.3 [1981] 221-28, esp. 224-27); no. and early Byzantine periods containing glass thought to
1174 (La Tradeliere; on the glass from this wreck, see also have been used on board.
M. Feugere and F. Leyge, "La cargaison de verrerie au- 197 Supra ns. 191, 192.
gustecnne de l'6pave de la Tradeliere [Iles de Lerins]," in 198 Parker (supra n. 149) 373-74, no. 1002 (Saint Ger-
M. Feugere ed., Le verre preromain en Europe occidentale vais C).
[Montagnac 1989] 169-76). Narbonne: M. Feugere, "Un
were packed
than a retail depot.199 The in a hardwood
remainsbox.203 Basketry ofand pa- wh
to pyrus were contingent
have been a wholesale the preferred packaging materials
of glas in
excavated at Augsburg. Dated
Egypt, while straw was more tocommon the Flavia
in the West.204
the finds include over
In some cases,600 individual
the glass vessels themselves contained g
representing some 40 the merchandise,
shapes for example,
and the unguentaria
subtypes from
sels are thought to For-sur-Mer
comeand from
perhaps some one
prismatic bottles.
large It s
glass from north Italy (perhaps
has been suggested that some large lateAquilei
Roman and
early Byzantine
damaged before it could enterglass containers
the served to transport ci
retail
wine and fish
The practice of taking on sauce.205
individual cons
is similar to business Thepractices
direction of the trade inin Roman medieva
glass vessels
ranean trade and commerce. Numerous Geniza is an intriguing question. While it is generally as-
documents and business letters record the workings
sumed that most trade in the first century went from
of a trade based on individual consignments.the
Timing
Syro-Palestinian coast to the North Pontic cities
was of the utmost importance. Business letters oftenthe possibility of trade in the opposite di-
and Italy,
ended with lists of that day's prices for a wide range
rection, from Italy to the Syro-Palestinian coast, is also
of goods. Vendors aimed to be first on the market.
very likely. The dominance of Italy and the West in
Countless letters advise the addressee to send a com- early glassblowing suggests glasses made in the West
modity "with the very first ship sailing" or to sell im-were exported to the East,206 not only to the coasts of
mediately upon arrival. Business relationships in-the Black Sea where the Romans had a foothold207
cluded "friendship" and other forms of informalbut even to Syria and Palestine. Anomalous finds
cooperation that might last for a lifetime, partner- such as several modioli and a large, one-handled
ships and commenda (in principle for short termsquat cylindrical bottle208 were probably personal be-
duration and limited to specific undertakings), fam- longings that do not represent regular trade. For
ily partnerships, commissions and agencies.201 other shapes the question can only be addressed
Adequate packing was important for glass vessels. when more data is available and reliable distribution
Egyptian papyri from the Roman period mentionmaps have been made. Western-made glass vessels
glass vessels packed in a cavea gallinaria "chickenhave come to light in the East in surprising numbers,
coop," a procheirion "handbox," and a panarion "bread such as the many Hofheim cups (see fig. 14).209
basket."202 Archaeological evidence confirms the prac- In many cities, the presence of a high quality local
tice. The nine glass unguentaria from Fos-sur-Merglassblowing industry appears to have created de-
were transported in a basket; the second-to-thirdmand for imported fine wares. Excavations at sites
century glass vessels from the wreck in Mellieha Bayknown to have had a thriving glass industry frequently
199 M. Rhodes, "Roman Pottery Lost en route from the 206J. Price, "Glass Tablewares in Use in Mytilene (Les-
Kiln Site to the User," Journal of Pottery Studies 2 (1989) 44- bos) in the 1st c. A.D.," AnnAIHV 14, 1998 (forthcoming)
58, esp. 45, 53, 54; on the bottles and other glass finds notes that many groups are similar to the glass excavated
from Kempten: P. Fasold, "Die friih- und mittelromischen at Frejus.
Glaser von Kempten-Cambodunum," in Forschungen zur 207 N. Sorokina, "Das antike Glas der Nordschwarz-
provinzialr6mischen Archdologie in Bayerisch Schwaben (Schwia- meerkfiste," AnnAIHV 4 (Liege 1967) 67-79, esp. 77; So-
bische Geschichtsquellen und Forschungen 14, Augsburg rokina, "Facettenschliffglfiser des 2. und 3. Jhts. u. Z. aus
1985) 197-230, square bottles, pp. 200, 206-208, 218-22, dem Schwarzmeergebiet," AnnAIHV 7, 1977 (1978) 111-
no. 43, figs. 14, 15. 22, esp. 122; Sorokina, "Glass Aryballoi (First-third Cen-
2() For a preliminary discussion of the finds: Rottloff turies A.D.) from the Northern Black Sea Region," JGS 29
(supra n. 33) 166-70. (1987) 40-46, esp. 43.
201 Goitein 164-86.
208 Modioli and squat cylindrical bottle from Syro-Pales-
202 Youtie and Winter (supra n. 176) no. 468, lines 15- tinian findspots: Stern (in prep.). Five small square bottles
18; P Oxy., vol. 4, no. 741, lines 14-15, and P Oxy., vol. 10, and two small cylindrical bottles from tombs at Castra look
no. 1294, line 6 respectively. very similar to those made in the West: Y. Gorin-Rosen, An-
203 Parker (supra n. 149) nos. 1002 and 691 respectively. cient Glass from the Holy Land, exhibition catalogue, Fine Arts
204 E.g.: C.C. Edgar, Greco-Egyptian Glass, Catalogue genral Museum of San Francisco/Israel Antiquities Authority
des antiquitis Egyptiennes du Mus&e du Caire (1905, repr. (1998) 20; Y. Gorin-Rosen, presentation at 14th congress
Osnabrfick 1974) nos. 32.655; 32.656; 32.661; F.J. Hassel, of the Association Internationale pour l'Histoire du Verre,
"Glasamphore im Deckelkorb," JRGZM 33 (1986) 908-909, Venice/Milan 1998.
fig. 94; de Franciscis (supra n. 151). 209 Isings Form 12. On Hofheim cups in general: Cool
205 L. Taborelli, "Indagine preliminare sui contenitori and Price 64-68; on eastern Mediterranean finds: Stern
in vetro per trasporto e la conservazione del vino e del (in prep.).
garum," Opus 12-13 (1993-1994) 1-23.
run.212
yield more imported glass vessels than sitesGlass
wherefindsno
from later shipwrecks are evi-
glass was blown. Pompei and Aquileia arethat
dence good exam-ingots remained the norm for
preformed
ples of cities in Italy where local glassworking
trade in colored glass andduring the Roman empire.213
Natural bluish-green glass became common in the
imported glass vessels are attested in quantity.
Unlike the finished glass object whose potential
late Hellenistic period, although it was a trade good
buyers were numerous and locatedasthroughout
early as the thirdthe century B.C.214 The bulk density
empire and beyond, raw glass was destined
of glass is higherfor a
than that of sand or clay, which was
small, select number of clients whose workshops
commonly used asspe-
ballast. Sold in the form of amor-
cialized in the production of luxury phousor utilitarian
chunks, the raw glass could be transported by
wares. It has recently been suggested sea at almostthe
that no cost because it doubled as ballast. A
mer-
first-century
chants who provisioned the workshops with raw shipwreck
glassexcavated off the Croatian
might have done so in return for a coast
specified part of
at Mljet yielded more than 100 kg of natural
the production as was to become customary much
bluish-green raw glass, dispersed throughout the
later in medieval France.210 In a situation described area of the wreck.215 Chunks of transparent blue-
in the Babylonian Talmud (third century), Rabbi green glass were discovered off the Israeli coast at
Huna explains the different Sabbath rules for when Apollonia/Arsuf and Carmel Beach. Whereas the
a merchant needs to unload finished vessels and glass off Carmel Beach is thought to be from a third-
chunks of raw glass from his donkey's pack.21' Thecentury merchant ship "sailing between the shores
Talmud citation shows that one merchant might of Lebanon and Alexandria," glass was also made lo-
bring raw glass and/or cullet to the glassblower cally
and at Apollonia/Arsuf.216
leave with finished vessels. There is, however, no evi-
Once recycling became common, cullet could be-
dence of a formal business arrangement for this type
come part of the ballast, preferably mixed with raw
of transaction either in the Roman period or in glass
the because cullet has a lower bulk density than
Geniza documents.
raw glass. An Islamic ship that sank at Serge Limani
Archaeological evidence for long distance carried
sea 3 metric tons (3,000 kg) of glass "both in the
trade in raw glass reflects the important changes that
form of chunks of raw glass and broken vessels" (cul-
took place in glassmaking and glassworking at differ-
let) as ballast in its hold.217 For comparison, a Geniza
ent periods in history. Up to the late Hellenistic
document dated 1011 mentions 37 bales of glass (at
period, almost all glass objects were made of inten- about 227 kg each) sent by three Jewish firms from
tionally colored or decolorized glass. Expensive Tyre,
and that is, a total of more than eight metric tons,
produced in small quantities, colored glass was sold (8,399 kg, to be precise).218
in the form of preformed ingots. Long distance trade It is not clear how the transportation of this much
in ingots is illustrated by the carefully packed cakes of as a ship's ballast was organized, and whether
glass
colored glass excavated in a Bronze Age ship that
the initiative was with the glassmaker, the buyer, or
sank off the southwest coast of Turkey, at Ulu Bu-
the merchant/ship's owner. Perhaps the latter sold
210 Nenna et al. (supra n. 8) 86. chunks of glass and both dated third century B.C.
211 Weinberg 25, n. 2. 215 I. Radic and M. Jurisic, "Das antike Schiffswrack von
212 G.F. Bass, "A Bronze Age Shipwreck at Ulu Burun Mljet, Kroatien," Germania 71 (1993) 113-38, esp. 122-23.
(Kas): 1984 Campaign," AJA 90 (1986) 269-96; Bass, On ingots and chunks of raw glass from land and under-
"Splendors of the Bronze Age," National Geographic 172 water excavations in the western Mediterranean, see also
(1987) 693-733; Parker (supra n. 149) 439-40, no. 1193. Picon (supra n. 49) and D. Foy, "Archeologie: Une epave
See also R.J. Charleston, "Glass 'Cakes' as Raw Material chargee de lingots et de vaisselle de verre," Verre 3.3 (1997)
and Articles of Commerce," JGS 5 (1963) 54-68; D. Barag, 65-70.
Catalogue of Western Asiatic Glass in the British Museum (Lon- 216 E. Galili et al., "Underwater Surveys and Rescue Ex-
don 1985) 107-110; Stern 1999 (supra n. 109). cavations along the Israeli coast," IJNA 22.1 (Febr. 1993)
213 Ingots of raw glass: Parker (supra n. 149) 221, no. 61-77, esp. 65 (Apollonia/Arsuf) and 70 (Carmel Beach,
530 (ca. 100-25 B.C., blue glass ingots) and 274, no. Haifa). Glassmaking at Apollonia Arsuf is mentioned by
691 (ca. 200-250, cakes of glass, blue frit). See also D. Gorin-Rosen (supra n. 208) 15. Two large chunks of blue-
Foy and M. Picon, "Lingots de verre en M6diterran6e oc- green glass from Apollonia/Arsuf, shown in the exhibition
cidentale (3e siecle avant J.-C.-5e siecle apres J.-C.)," Ann- (supra n. 29), are labeled "second century BCE-first Cen-
AIHV 14, 1998 (forthcoming). tury CE."
214 M.-D. Nenna, "Les ateliers de verriers dans le monde
217 Bass (supra n. 195) 64-69, esp. 64; Parker (supra n.
grec aux 6poques classique et hell6nistique," Topoi 8 (1998) 49) 398-99, no. 1070.
693-701, esp. 696: shipwrecks Sanguinaire A (near Ajac- 218 Goitein 421, n. 65; on the weight of a bale, ibid. 335.
cio) and Lequin 2 (Ile de Porquerolles), both carrying
a significant
the glass, upon arrival inrole, as suggested to
port, by the middlem
large number
of Roman glass cupsSmall
resentatives of workshops. and beakers excavated
amounts in settle-
ments and
ized, colored raw glass graves in Scandinavia
could perhaps and north-central
be or
Europe.221partner
rectly from a business It is not clear to whatnear
extent the glass
the ves- f
sels from Scandinavia, north-central
transported as one merchant's consignmen Europe, and
northern Britain are evidence of regular (barter?)
trade patterns or individual gift exchanges.222 The
Trade beyond the Frontiers
glass fromtrade
Before speaking about Scandinavia and Germania libera consists
beyond the f
it is useful to remember
almost exclusively of that
luxury drinking"Roman
vessels. This
fixation
catchall term for glass on one function
made appears consistent
during the withfir
a
fourth centuries. It greater
includes objects
pattern of exchange made
that included a similarly
borders of the Roman empire
specialized array of importedand beyond,
metal wares, the major-
ple, in Mesopotamia ityand
of whichthewere largeHellenized
buckets and basins. The im- cit
north coast of the Black
ports Sea.
included very little "Roman
pottery. The limited num- g
come to light in excavations far
ber of functions associated withbeyond
the imports from thethe
in north, central, Roman empire
and suggests to me thatEurope
southeast these objects
rica, India, and eastern Asia.
were indeed part of an organized trade pattern in
In western Europe, which
the Roman
a specific military
demand determined a specific sup- p
important role in introducing glass
ply. One is reminded of the seemingly and
exotic copper gl
to the provinces. Roman legionaries,
cauldrons stamped "made in Germany" thatcompo
were of-
nic groups from all fered
corners of
for sale in markets theGreece
throughout empire
in the
the borders along the Rhine
1960s. The and glass
demand for imported Donaudrinking ves-riv
legions were transferred they
sels persisted after the demisewere
of the Romanusuall
empire
in the West.
nied by craftsmen and Excavations have yielded
artisans, numerous
including
ers to produce windowglass
fourth-to-sixth-century(appreciated
beakers of a high quality, col- in
mate) and supply soldiers
orless glass thatwith
was rare in tableware.
the (former) Roman
the expansion of the Roman
provinces empire
of Europe. The in of
shapes and decoration the
tury saw important these
glass centers
glasses became spring
increasingly "unRoman." They up
provinces northwestmayandhave beennortheast of glass
made in an as yet unidentified Italy
diers came from the eastern
center outside the formerMediterranea
Roman empire.223
glass was part of the One of the most surprising findspots
instrumentum of Roman
domestic
glass services imported from
glass is the Libyan desertItaly
(the Sahara). graced
Italian exca-
ers' tables.219 The vations
civilian population
unearthed several deposits of glass in the in
demanded the accoutrements of Roman life. Glass area known as Fezzan.224 Among the earliest glass
tablewares became symbols of culture as well as re- were fragments of ribbed bowls and other vessels
alistic indicators of wealth and social diversity.220 from a mausoleum at Germa (perhaps ancient Ga-
Diplomatic and commercial contacts with peoples rama) that also yielded fine pottery dated to the late
living beyond the borders in Germany, Scandinavia, first century. Associated with the burial of a nonlocal
and central Europe created further interest in Ro-person, these objects probably reached the site in
man utilitarian and luxury products. In this cultural the wake of an expedition to the Garamantes that
and economic exchange, glass drinking vessels playedtook place in the Flavian period.225 Most Roman
219 On the important role of the Roman army in intro- gration Periods. A Study on Glasses Found in Eketorp-II, Oland
ducing glass to western Europe: S.M.E. van Lith, "First-cen- Sweden (Uppsala 1984); E. Straume, Gldser mit Facettenschliff
tury Cantharoi with a Stemmed Foot: Their Distribution aus skandinavischen Grdbern des 4. und 5. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.
and Social Context," in Two Centuries 99-110; Stern 1995, 96. (Oslo 1987).
220 Van Lith and Randsborg 437-45. 224 G. Caputo, "Scavi Sahariani: ricerche nell' Uadi el-
221 H.J. Egger, Der r6mische Import imfreien Germanien (At- Agial e nell' Oasi di Gat," Mem. Accademia Nazionale dei Lin-
las der Urgeschichte 1, Hamburg 1951); U. Lund Hansen, cei 41 (Rome 1951) 151 ff. (not available to me); EAA 6.
R6mischer Import im Norden. Warenaustausch zwischen dem Ri-1014-15, s.v. Romana Arte (F. Coarelli).
mischen Reich und demfreien Germanien (Copenhague 1987). 225 J. Desanges, Recherches sur l'activite des Miditerrandens
See also infra n. 223.
aux confins de l'Afrique (Ecole Francaise de Rome 1978)
222 On the difficulty of interpreting the evidence: Harris 197-211 describes two Roman expeditions that passed
(supra n. 66) 15, 16. through the area under the Flavians.
223 U. Nisman, Glass and Trade in the Late Roman and Mi-
226 D. Dunham, Royal Cemeteries of Kush 4: Royal Tombs at Text with Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Prince-
Meroe and Barkal (Boston 1957) and 5: The West and South ton 1989). On the economics of the trade: S.E. Side-
Cemeteries at Meroe (Boston 1963); J. Leclant, "Glass from botham, Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa 30
the Meroitic Necropolis at Sedeinga," JGS 15 (1973) 52- B.C.-A.D. 217 (Leiden 1986).
68; R. Brill, "Scientific Investigations of Some Glasses from 232 S.E. Sidebotham and W.Z. Wendrich eds., Berenike 1994.
Sedeinga,"JGS 33 (1991) 11-28. Preliminary Report of the 1994 Excavations at Berenike (Egyptian
227 Stern 1979 (supra n. 14) 46, 47 (locally made inlays); Red Sea Coast) and the Survey of the Eastern Desert (CNWS,
H.E.M. Cool, "Sedeinga and the Glass Vessels of the King- Leiden 1995); Sidebotham and Wendrich's 1996 Report in-
dom of Meroe," AnnAIHIV 13, 1995 (Lochem 1996) 201- cludes a preliminary report on the glass finds by P.T. Nichol-
12 (vessels).
son, 279-88. On the Roman glass from Quseir: Meyer 1992
228 Desanges (supra n. 225) 307-66. (supra n. 231). On the identification of Quseir al-Qadim as
229 Cool (supra n. 227) 211. Myos Hormos: A. Billow-Jacobsen et al., "The Identifica-
230 H. Morrison, "Glass and Trade of the Ancient Ak- tion of Myos Hormos. New Papyrological Evidence," BIFAO
sumite Kingdom," AnnAIHV 9, 1983 (Liege 1985) 113- 94 (1994) 27-42; D.P.S. Peacock, "The Site of Myos Hor-
126; Morrison, "The Glass," in S.C. Munro-Hay, Excava- mos: A View from Space," JRA 6 (1993) 226-32.
tions at Aksum (London 1989) 188-209. 233 Stern 1991 (supra n. 231); Stern, BibO 52 (1995)
231 On the glass mentioned in the PME: E.M. Stern, 833-40 (with lit.). In the medieval Indian trade, glass ves-
"Early Exports Beyond the Empire," in Two Centuries 141- sels feature primarily as household items, not as trade
54; Stern, "Early Roman Export Glass in India," in V. Beg- goods: S.D. Goitein, Letters of MedievalJewish Traders (Prince-
ley and R.D. De Puma eds., Rome and India: The Ancient Sea ton 1973) 185-92, letter 38, sent from Aden to India in
Trade (Madison 1991) 113-24; C. Meyer, Glass from Quseir 1139; the glass appears in Section D "household goods."
al-Qadim and the Indian Ocean Trade (Oriental Institute of
On long distance trade in the early Middle Ages, see also
the University of Chicago Studies in Ancient Oriental Civi- Goitein and Meyer 1992 (supra n. 231) 98-103.
lization 53, Chicago 1992) 43-74;J. Desanges et al., Sur les 234 E.C.L. During Caspers, The Bahrain Tumuli An Illus-
routes antiques de l'Azanie et de l'Inde (Memoires de l'Ac- trated Catalogue of Two Important Collections (Uitgave van het
ademie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres N.S. 13, Paris Nederlands Historisch Instituut te Istanbul 47, Leiden
1993). On the PME: L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei. 1980).
Arab Emirates) on the Arabian Gulf. Both loca- Iraq." Moreover, much of the glass from ed-Dur is sim-
tions yielded first-century ribbed bowls and other ilar to that found at Dura Europos.
fine glassware. The finds from the Belgian excava- Other important findspots of Roman glass in Asia
tions at ed-Dur are of particular importance be- include Taxila and Begram.237 The glass finds from
cause they were recently unearthed during con- Begram are so diverse that individual groups of
trolled excavations.235 The catalogue of the glass glasses have been assigned to periods 200-300 years
vessels includes 122 objects ranging from 25 B.C. apart, from the first to the third/fourth centuries.
to A.D. 75. The manufacturing techniques include This is not the place to enter the controversy, how-
casting, mold-forming, free-blowing, and mold- ever one unique group of Begram glasses, decorated
blowing; decorative techniques include mosaic glass, with applied wavy coils for which no comparisons were
tooled vessels, flecked wares, threaded, and wheel-cut known until recently, now has an exact parallel exca-
vessels. The finds also include fine tableware (drink- vated in the vicinity of Padua in a tomb assigned to the
ing vessels, jugs, a plate), luxury containers (a mold- late first century. If that date is correct, all the glass
blown pyxis, polychrome and mold-blown bottles) as from Begram may well date from the first century.238
well as utilitarian bottles and unguentaria. Most of Roman and Sassanian glass travelled as far as
these vessels were imported from the Roman empire, China, Korea, and Japan. While some of the finds
but some of the utilitarian bottles could have been may have reached these areas by sea, through India
made in Parthia. and Sri Lanka, others may have travelled overland in
Do these vessels represent items of regular trade a camel's load.239
or were they the personal belongings of Roman or
Mediterranean traders who settled in the area? In GLASS IN A SOCIAL CONTEXT
view of the well documented glass trade with India,Differences in quality, size, and workman
and the fact that smaller assemblages of Roman glass
proof that Roman glass vessels, like textile
have come to light at other sites on the Arabian Gulf,
the entire spectrum from expensive luxury
it is tempting to interpret the glass from ed-Durthe
as simplest of utilitarian goods. The archa
trade goods. Three trade routes have been consid-
evidence is complemented by anecdotal
ered: 1) by sea from an Egyptian port like Quseir sources.
al- While some drinking cups were so
Qadim; 2) the overland route from Syria to the Eu-sive they could be bought "for a copper
phrates, passing through Charax at the head of the16.2.25), two particular glass drinking cups
Arabian Gulf; and 3) export from Egypt to India erate size sold for 6000 sesterces in the time
from where it was reexported to the Gulf.236 The (Plin. HN 36.194).
most compelling reason for suggesting the glass wasA detailed analysis of individual topog
exported first to India and then reexported from In-
units at Augst showed that the quantity of
alone cannot be used as a definitive criterion to de-
dia to the Gulf: the PME scarcely mentions the Gulf,
whereas Indian ships are known to have frequented termine social status. Large numbers of fine table-
the area. Similarities between the glass excavated wares
at excavated in middle-class houses "contrasted
Quseir al-Qadim and the Arabian Gulf suggests much sharply with the real rarity of finds in the luxurious
of the glass could have reached the Gulf through the
residences of the upper class." This did not mean
Red Sea. However several observations suggest that"that
at the socially well-off disdained the use of table-
least some of the glass came overland: the presenceware
of glass";240 the most expensive tablewares, made
Parthian glass bottles, the presence of foreign coins
of mosaic glass and colorless vessels with wheel-cut
minted at Charax, and the fact that "40% of the diag-
decoration, were found predominantly in the better
nostic pottery from ed-Dur was made in southern
residential quarters. The highest concentration of
250 On lighting effects: C. Steckner, "Pharokantharoi candela (10th century): F. Valdes Fernandez, "Kalifale
und Kylikeia," AnnAIHVIt11, 1988 (Amsterdam 1990) Lampen," 257- MM 25 (1984) 208-15, pl. 71.
70. 253 M. Uboldi, "Diffusione delle lampade vitree in eta
251 H. Geertman, "L'illuminazione della basilica paleo- tardoantica e altomedievale e spunti per una tipologia,"
cristiana secondo il liber pontificalis," RACrist 64 (1988) Archeologia Medievale 22 (1995) 93-145.
135-60. 254 Van Lith and Randsborg; Cool and Price 221-23.
252 At Madinat az-Zahra, ceramic lamps were set in poly-
readily accessible for that area. In Palestine and Syria Beginning in the third century the forms of glass
as well as Egypt, the floruit of blown vessel glass was the storage vessels for solids and liquids became less var-
late Roman and early Byzantine periods (see below). ied. In the fourth century, the demand for variety in
In the first century glass vessels were used in the glass drinking vessels increased sharply. From then
West for a wide variety of purposes: as tablewares, on drinking vessels were to remain the vessels with
for storage and transport of solids and liquids, for the largest variety in forms throughout Frankish and
personal use (e.g., for cosmetics, scents, bath oils, medieval times and drinking was to be the main
and medicines), and various miscellaneous pur- function of glass vessels.256
poses. It is not clear why the functions served by
glass declined sharply during the second to fourth Forms and Function of Glass Vessels in the East
centuries. By the fourth century almost all the glass The most prolific period of glass production in
made in the northwest provinces was tableware, in the eastern Mediterranean was the late Roman pe-
particular for drinking and serving liquids. An analy- riod. Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Cyprus, Asia Minor, and
sis of the glass excavated at Colchester (table 2) ap- the north Pontic cities all had flourishing glass in-
pears to reflect a pattern of use that was broadly sim- dustries, and those of Syria and Palestine experi-
ilar across the western part of the Roman empire.255 enced a prolonged period of growth. Glassware
Whereas the number of forms for jugs and flasks played an increasingly important role in the daily life
remained approximately unchanged from the sec- of all levels of society, to such an extent that in the
ond century on, showing a slight increase with re- fourth century glass vessels all but ousted pottery for
spect to the variety available in the first century, certain functions.
there were fewer forms of drinking vessels to choose With increased demand regionalism became a
from, although there is no evidence to suggest that dominant factor in production. There are marked
the actual number of drinking vessels decreased. On
differences between the vessel glass made in Syria,257
the other hand, the reduced choice in dishes for Jordan,258 and Palestine, and also between different
serving foods does seem to have been accompanied parts of Palestine: inland versus coast, western Gali-
by a decrease in use of glass for this purpose. lee and southern Phoenicia versus Judea and areas
255 On the functions of glasswares available in northwest (forthcoming). E. Baumgartner and I. Krueger, Ph6nix aus
Europe: van Lith and Randsborg passim. On the glassSand und Asche: Glas des Mittelalters (Munich 1988); Foy and
from Colchester: Cool and Price 211-36. Compare also: B.Sennequier (supra n. 65); H.E. Henkes, Glass without Gloss:
Ruitti, Vitudurum 4: Die Gldser (Berichte der Zfircher Denk-Utility glass from five centuries excavated in the Low Countries
malpflege Monographien 5, Zfirich 1988) 109-23; Rutti1300-1800 (Rotterdam Papers 9, Rotterdam 1994).
170-264; M.R. DeMaine, "The Northern Necropolis at 257 C.W. Clairmont, Excavations at Dura Europos. Final Re-
Emona. Banquet Burials with Ladles," AnnAIHV 11, 1988 port 4, part 5: The Glass Vessels (New Haven 1963); S. Abdul
(Amsterdam 1990) 129-44; G. Sennequier, "Roman GlassHak, "Contribution d'une decouverte archeologique re-
Found in Upper Normandy,"JGS 36 (1994) 56-66. cente A l'etude de verrerie syrienne A l'epoque romaine,"
256 L. Sagui, "Produzioni vetrarie a Roma tra tardo-anticoJGS 7 (1965) 26-34. On the date of the tomb at Homs:
e alto medioevo," in L. Paroli and P. Delogu eds., La storiaStern 1977 (supra n. 76) 83-84.
economica di Roma nell' alto medioevo alla luce dei recenti scavi
258 0. Dussart, Le verre enJordanie et en Syrie du Sud (Insti-
archeologici (Biblioteca di Archeologia Medievale, Firenzetut Frani;ais d'Archeologie du Proche-Orient, Biblio-
1993) 113-36; Sagui, "Produzioni vetrarie a Roma tra V e theque archeologique et historique 152, Beirut 1998).
VII secolo: nuovi dati archeologici," AnnAIHV 14, 1998
259 D. Barag, Hanita Tomb XV A Tomb of the Third and Atiqot Hebrew Series 6 (1970) 74-75 [Hebrew], English sum-
Early Fourth Century CE, (Atiqot Engl. Ser. 13, Jerusalem mary p. 8*. On flasks within flasks made in Western Euro-
1978) 54-56; Gorin-Rosen (supra n. 208) 22-23. pean workshops: F. Fremersdorf, Rimische Gldser mit Faden-
260 Weinberg; Stern 1992 (supra n. 44) 490-94.
auflage in Ki'ln (Die Denkmdiler des r6mischen K61n 5,
261 Y. Gorin-Rosen, "Hadera, Bet Eli'ezer," Excavations Cologne 1959) pls. 76-79.
and Surveys in Israel 13 (1995) 42-43; Gorin-Rosen (supra 265 On function, chronology, and typology of kohl tubes:
n. 208) 17 with additional glassmaking sites, 14-17. A slab Stern 1977 (supra n. 76); W.D. Blanchard et al., "Analysis
of raw glass from Beth Shearim was probably made in a of Materials contained in mid-4th to early 7th century A.D.
similar installation: R.H. Brill, "A Great Glass Slab from Palestinian Kohl Tubes," in Materials Issues in Art and Archae-
Ancient Galilee," Archaeology 20 (1967) 88-95. I. Freestone ology 3 (Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings
has recently redated the slab to the ninth century, based 267, Pittsburgh 1992) 239-54; Stern (in prep.).
on its chemical composition: I.C. Freestone and Y. Gorin-
266 Based on a rough count of individual forms depicted
Rosen, "The Great Glass Slab at Bet She'arim, Israel: An by D. Barag, Glass Vessels of the Roman and Byzantine Periods
Early Islamic Glassmaking Experiment?" JGS 41 (1999). in Palestine (Diss. Hebrew University, Jerusalem 1970) 2:
262 Stern 1977 (supra n. 76) 155-58.
pls. 30-47; decorative variations within one shape are not
263 On snake-thread decoration: Harden et al. (supra n. counted, nor are forms not included in Barag's survey but
16) 105-108 and nos. 55-67. known from excavated finds in Israel.
264D. Barag, "Syro-Palestinian Flasks within Flasks,"
Table 3. Numbers of Vessel Forms from Palestine bottomed cups and beak
Grouped by Likely Function come obsolete.
3rd-
Philological, archaeological, and tec
1st- Early 5th- dence shows that crucial improvements
Vessel Forms 2nd 5th 7th
ing, now taken for granted, occurred in It
Food Presentation during the first century. Physical restric
Bowls, Jars, Dishes 13 50* 1 by size and construction of the Roman
Drinking 4 22 9** limited the number of glassblowers wh
PouringJugs, Flasks 3 46 21
Storage Liquids 4 4 - in one shop, setting glassblowing apart
Storage Unguentaria 37 44 7 fire-based crafts such as pottery and m
Lighting Lamps - 2 17 Almost every glassblower depended on
Other 4 5 1
functioning of long distance trade since
Total Tablewares 20 118* 31 needed for blowing was made at only a
Total All Forms 65 173 56 analysis of the maximum prices for gla
Total Functions 6 7 6** the PE shows that the glassblower wh
* Includes 20 'jars."
in vessel production would have had gre
ties in making a profit. A separate secti
** Includes 9 "wineglasses."
mosaic cubes may have been included
Due to their unique association with
for drinking. In addition,
ture,it is conceivable
blown that
glass tableware played an ce
im
tain types of flasks doubled as drinking vessels.
in bringing Roman culture to the new p
In Palestine, the three most
Europe.common
Glass was anfunctions re
important item
served for glass vessels yond
in the Byzantine
the frontier. period
Trade with Africa in
an
clude pouring (21 forms,brisk. 18
Glassof which
vessels were
were objects fla
of daily
without handles), lighting (17 forms of glass lamp
segments of society but their function a
not including 5 forms ofberswineglass that differed
of forms available were pro con
bly used for drinking West
as well asWhereas
and East. lighting), and
in the West the
local type of cosmetics container, the Palestini
functions and individual forms was by f
kohl tube for which a minimum of
est in the first seven
century, individua
with a marked
forms were available. Glass
versitybowls and
beginning dishes
at the end of proba
the seco
bly remained in use but the
they are of
diversity not easily
individual recogn
forms in use
able among the common blown
Palestine Palestinian
reached its peak in thefor
four
of the period. To judge fifth
from theand
century glass excavated
was unrivalled in anya
Sardis, the same may have
of history. held true in other part
of the Byzantine empire. Classical Roman typ
such as the footed wine-jug with
2040 PARKWOOD AVE.trefoil mouth, sh
low and deep bowls for serving foods, as well as fl
TOLEDO, OH 43620