Human Behavior and The Social Environment Social Systems Theory Connecting Core Competencies 7th Edition Ebook PDF Version
Human Behavior and The Social Environment Social Systems Theory Connecting Core Competencies 7th Edition Ebook PDF Version
Human Behavior
and the Social
Environment
Social Systems Theory
Orren Dale
Wichita State University
Rebecca Smith
Middle Tennessee State University
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Preface xviii
1. Introduction 1
Human Behavior Theory and Social Work Practice 2
CSWE Core Competencies 3
Generalist Practice 4
Theory and Practice in Social Work: Connecting the Dots 7
Theoretical Range 9
Theories as Maps: Grand, Middle Range, and Focal Theories 10
Summary 12
PRACtiCe teSt 13
MYSEARCHLAB CONNECTIONS 14
5. Psychodynamic Theories 92
Individual Theory: The First Wave 93
Psychoanalytic/Psychodynamic Theory 94
Focus 95
Assumptions 95
Concepts 96
Theoretical Base of Analytical Psychology 104
Theoretical Base of Individual Psychology 106
Childhood Attachment Theory 108
Object Relations Theory 110
Neurosis and Striving 111
The Sane Society 113
Authoritarianism 114
Destructiveness 114
Automaton Conformity 114
Psychodynamic Theory in Systems Perspective 117
Contents xi
Summary 118
PRACtiCe teSt 120
MYSEARCHLAB CONNECTIONS 121
Summary 203
PRACTICE TEST 205
MYSEARCHLAB CONNECTIONS 206
Bullying 385
Summary 386
PRACTICE TEST 387
MYSEARCHLAB CONNECTIONS 388
References 416
Photo Credits 422
Index 423
Preface
This, the seventh edition of Human Behavior and the Social Environment: Social
Systems Theory, marks the continuing development of our ideas on social sys-
tems theory as a foundation to generalist practice. In this book, we discuss the
importance of environmental influences on the behavior of systems. That being
so, it is important to note some things in the environment that have changed
since the first edition appeared more than twenty years ago.
We have made significant revisions to the organization of the text while
retaining the central emphasis on theories relevant to social work practice.
Prior editions were formatted in parts to facilitate the teaching of the content
in either one course (usually at the graduate level) or a series of two courses
(usually at the undergraduate level). That format required the repetition of
some material throughout the five parts of the text to ensure that students had
the opportunity to review the major concepts as they progressed through the
course sequence. With the elimination of parts, we have the opportunity to
include both new and expanded material.
This edition is organized around the new professional competencies man-
dated by the Council on Social Work Education. It is apparent in the format
of this text that we have worked to link the text to the relevant areas of desig-
nated core competencies, which are organized around the concept of general-
ist social work practice. With the help of Ashley Dodge and Carly Czech, we
have formatted the text to highlight the linkage of theories to required practice
skills. It is our hope that this format will help you develop a unified view of
the total range of professional social work activities.
We have included a significant new section on role theory, which we pres-
ent as a logical extension of systems theory concepts and dynamics. This new
edition provides support for the systems thinking model presented. Following
the CSWE paradigm, we have organized the discussion of theories in a roughly
increasing order of magnitude from individuals, families, groups, organiza-
tions, and communities. As before, we have noted that many theories have
implications and application to multiple system levels. We have noted where
theories complement or contradict one another in our effort to promote a more
systematic eclecticism among practitioners. In addition, we have added chap-
ters on the application of theories to special populations.
This is the first edition that does not include major new contributions by
Wayne Chess and Julia Norlin, the originators of this text. The original idea of
the book was to develop a single volume that offers an ambitious overview of
all the theories that undergird social work practice. The use of systems theory
as a matrix to bring some order to this endeavor began with Wayne and Judy.
This edition is very much a continuation of that conception. The work that
these two valued friends and colleagues have done to apply systems concepts
to theory development and presentation is part of their lasting professional
legacy. In addition, we have missed arguing about whether systems concepts
Preface xix
are a theory or a model; whether you can write a book about human behavior
without talking about individuals, and whether Talcott Parsons is a stooge for
the establishment. Not many people care about such things. We have missed
the mud-wrestling about these and other arcane trivia.
We want to congratulate you, the emergent social worker, on your choice
of this profession. The environment in which you have chosen to begin your
studies is challenging. Times have been difficult, and as always there are those
who want to make the first notch in belt tightening in the services to the poor,
oppressed, and needy. These are the times when the people we serve need
us to be at our best and our most resolute. We welcome you to the ongoing
struggle to promote human well-being and dignity.
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1
Introduction
Chapter Outline
Human Behavior Theory and Social Theories as Maps: Grand, Middle Range,
Work Practice 2 and Focal Theories 10
CSWE Core Competencies 3 Summary 12
Generalist Practice 4 Practice Test 13
Theory and Practice in Social Work: Mysearchlab Connections 14
Connecting the Dots 7
Theoretical Range 9
1
2 Chapter 1
Listed below are the ten core competencies required of all social workers by the
Council on Social Work Education (2008). Each competency represents an observ-
able skill that should be mastered at the foundation level of social work education.
1. Identify as a professional social worker and conduct oneself accord-
ingly. Social workers serve as representatives of the profession, its
mission, and its core values. They know the profession’s history. Social
workers commit themselves to the profession’s enhancement and to
their own professional conduct and growth.
2. Apply social work ethical principles to guide professional prac-
tice. Social workers have an obligation to conduct themselves ethi-
cally and to engage in ethical decision-making. Social workers are
knowledgeable about the value base of the profession, its ethical stan-
dards, and relevant law.
3. Apply critical thinking to inform and communicate professional
judgments. Social workers are knowledgeable about the principles of
logic, scientific inquiry, and reasoned discernment. They use critical
thinking augmented by creativity and curiosity. Critical thinking also
requires the synthesis and communication of relevant information.
4. Engage diversity and difference in practice. Social workers under-
stand how diversity characterizes and shapes the human experience
and is critical to the formation of identity. The dimensions of diversity
are understood as the intersectionality of multiple factors including
age, class, color, culture, disability, ethnicity, gender, gender identity
and expression, immigration status, political ideology, race, religion,
sex, and sexual orientation. Social workers appreciate that, as a con-
sequence of difference, a person’s life experiences may include op-
pression, poverty, marginalization, and alienation as well as privilege,
power, and acclaim.
4 Chapter 1
5. A
dvance human rights and social and economic justice. Each person,
regardless of position in society, has basic human rights, such as freedom,
safety, privacy, an adequate standard of living, health care, and educa-
tion. Social workers recognize the global interconnections of oppression
and are knowledgeable about theories of justice and strategies to promote
human and civil rights. Social work incorporates social justice practices
in organizations, institutions, and society to ensure that these basic hu-
man rights are distributed equitably and without prejudice.
6. Engage in research-informed practice and practice-informed re-
search. Social workers use practice experience to inform research,
employ evidence-based interventions, evaluate their own practice,
and use research findings to improve practice, policy, and social ser-
vice delivery. Social workers comprehend quantitative and qualitative
research and understand scientific and ethical approaches to building
knowledge.
7. Apply knowledge of human behavior and the social environ-
ment. Social workers are knowledgeable about human behavior
across the life course; the range of social systems in which people
live; and the ways social systems promote or deter people in main-
taining or achieving health and well-being. Social workers apply
theories and knowledge from the liberal arts to understand biological,
social, cultural, psychological, and spiritual development.
8. Engage in policy practice to advance social and economic well-being
and to deliver effective social work services. Social work practitio-
ners understand that policy affects service delivery, and they actively
engage in policy practice. Social workers know the history and cur-
rent structures of social policies and services; the role of policy in ser-
vice delivery; and the role of practice in policy development.
9. Respond to contexts that shape practice. Social workers are in-
formed, resourceful, and proactive in responding to evolving organi-
zational, community, and societal contexts at all levels of practice.
Social workers recognize that the context of practice is dynamic, and
use knowledge and skill to respond proactively.
10. Engage, assess, intervene, and evaluate with individuals, families,
groups, organizations, and communities. Professional practice in-
volves the dynamic and interactive processes of engagement, assess-
ment, intervention, and evaluation at multiple levels.
Adapted with the permission of the council on Social Work Education.
Generalist Practice
Generalist practice is the perspective that forms the foundation of social work
practice and is the point of departure for refining practice skills at more ad-
vanced levels. It is also the educational model that forms the foundation of all
social work programs. Generalist practice is rooted in the traditions of the pro-
fession, based on the early need for social workers who could do whatever was
needed for clients in a time of patchy social services and few human resources.
Today, generalist practice dictates that all social workers be familiar with the
various intervention methods of the profession, and have the ability to work
Introduction 5
with social systems of all sizes. The following definition of generalist practice
comes from the Council on Social Work Education:
Generalist practice is grounded in the liberal arts and the person and en-
vironment construct. To promote human and social well-being, generalist
practitioners use a range of prevention and intervention methods in their
practice with individuals, families, groups, organizations, and communi-
ties. The generalist practitioner identifies with the social work profession
and applies ethical principles and critical thinking in practice. Generalist
practitioners incorporate diversity in their practice and advocate for hu-
man rights and social and economic justice. They recognize, support, and
build on the strengths and resiliency of all human beings. They engage in
research-informed practice and are proactive in responding to the impact
of context on professional practice. BSW practice incorporates all of the
core competencies. (Council on Social Work Education, 2008, p. 7)
From Education Policy and Accreditation Standards, Generalist Practice pp 7–8.
Copyright © 2008. Reprinted by permission of the Council on Social Work Education.
Social workers are required to have the knowledge and skills to practice
with individuals, families, groups, organizations, and communities. Most of
these social systems have a body of theories that address the specific range of
phenomena that define that system. This book is organized so that the theories
that relate to each level of social system are grouped together. However, it will
become quickly apparent that there are a number of theories that have applica-
tions to multiple levels of systems (Merton, 1968). For example, role theory ap-
plies to almost all system levels to a greater or lesser extent. So also do theories
such as behavioral learning theory and psychodynamic theory. For this reason,
you will find that some theories are presented in a number of chapters as they
relate to the system being discussed.
Embedded in the CSWE description of generalist practice is a reference to
what is usually referred to as the strengths perspective (Saleebey, 1996). This
is a general disposition that views differences between people and groups as
a potential source of benefit, rather than as a sign of defectiveness or weak-
ness. A major example of this is found in the difference between the strengths
perspective and the diagnostic approach to mental illness. The diagnostic ap-
proach collects individual behaviors into clusters of “symptoms” that are then
used in applying a pathological behavior label to a client. In the past, this la-
beling process was used in ways that have significantly restricted or injured
people to whom the label was applied. For instance, a person whose quick
mind and creative energy might seem a strength to a social worker is at risk of
being diagnosed as having “attention deficit disorder.” The assignment of this
label might well result in loss of educational opportunities and/or prescrip-
tion of drugs such as Ritalin or Adderall. These medications in turn may pose
unwanted and unwarranted risks to some clients (Szasz, 1977).
It is important that we discuss one other note about the CSWE definition
before we proceed. The generalist practice definition states that social workers
engage in research-informed practice. We believe that this has a special mean-
ing for the theoretical content in this book. Usually, research-informed practice
would mean that social workers use only practice techniques that have been
shown to be effective with a client problem.
This example might illustrate the point. A woman who suffers from post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) might be expected to benefit from a technique
such as eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR), an approach
6 Chapter 1
that has been widely and positively reviewed in application to this type of
problem. At this time, the underlying theory of the way that EMDR works is
still unclear. As there are positive clinical indicators for this technique, we
might still feel it is worthwhile to identify this technique as supported by re-
search even though our understanding of its restorative process is still being
developed. By comparison, a technique called Critical Incident Stress Debrief-
ing, widely used to prevent PTSD, has been shown to be relatively ineffective
(Mitchell, 2003) and therefore would not be utilized.
In this book we will discuss and describe some theories or
techniques whose use is not supported by current research in or-
Critical Thinking der to illustrate the process of validating theories and techniques
through research. Sometimes there is much to be learned from a
Practice Behavior Example: Distin- good idea that didn’t work out. Finally, we will include in our dis-
guish, appraise, and integrate mul- cussions of all theories a reference to the current status of empiri-
tiple sources of knowledge, including cal support for the theory. Note that this will be an uneven process,
research-based knowledge, and prac- since some theories do not lend themselves readily to empirical
tice wisdom. (scientific) validation by their very nature.
Critical Thinking Question: What is the In order to accomplish the mastery of the generalist practice
relationship between human behavior competencies, social work educators have developed a uniform
and social environment theory and approach to the organization of the curriculum. All accredited
critical thinking? schools of social work employ some variant of the following ele-
ments in developing their curriculum. The following content areas
are present in all social work curricula:
Good theories are intimately tied to their practical applications. The pur-
pose of theory is the prediction and control of events. This is accomplished
by using theories to explain the relationship among observed variables. As the
world becomes more complicated, we need theories as a road map to under-
stand how things are connected. For a simple example, we observe that some
Good theories are men beat their wives. We observe that many of these men drink a lot of alco-
intimately tied to their hol. It is tempting to conclude that alcohol abuse leads to spouse abuse. That
practical applications. explains the relationship between two observed variables and constitutes a
simple theory of wife beating.
Obviously, our alcohol theory is pretty basic and leaves out a lot of other
variables. For example, not all men who drink also beat their wives. Moreover,
not all men who beat their wives drink. Hmmm, now what? Like so many the-
ories of human behavior, this theory does not account for all of the observed
behaviors. In applying theories to human behavior, we almost never get perfect
prediction. The gold standard for any theory is the ability to identify the key
variables out of all the myriad possibilities that meet two requirements: A key
variable will always predict the behavior, and the behavior will never occur in
the absence of that variable. When we have that degree of
Human Behavior relationship, we are pretty sure that a cause-and-effect rela-
tionship exists between the two variables.
Practice Behavior Example: Utilize concep- In theories of human behavior, we rarely see clear-cut
tual frameworks to guide the processes of cause and effect, where one variable alone causes the oc-
assessment, intervention, and evaluation. currence of another. Most of the time, theories of human
behavior describe contributing variables rather than cause-
Critical Thinking Question: What are your and-effect relationships. Thus, alcohol abuse might contrib-
views on the causes of human behavior? ute to spouse abuse, but it is neither necessary nor sufficient
to cause spouse abuse.
The process of identifying, describing, measuring, and testing the variables
and their relationship is the heart of theory building. Our example leads to
a conclusion: Good theory building involves careful observation, measurable
description, and testing of our hypotheses about the variables we observe. An
hypothesis is simply a hunch; based on our observations, we think that we
have an idea about which variables contribute to or preclude certain behav-
iors. We then put that hunch to a test by creating conditions under which we
can manipulate the variables and observe the outcome.
In science, the best method for hypothesis testing is to conduct experi-
ments. This is common in the so-called hard sciences such as physics and
chemistry. In the behavioral sciences, concern for the well-being of the sub-
jects limits our ability to use experimental tests of hypotheses. Imagine the
outcry if we took a group of men and randomly had some drink alcohol heav-
ily and some not, then observed the effect on the incidence of spouse abuse.
In addition, the factors involved in human behavior are so subtle and varied
that it would be virtually impossible to control them all. As a result, we rely on
sample size and statistical methods in many cases to provide the rigor that we
lose by not using classical experiments.
As in the physical sciences, behavioral science gives rise to both grand the-
ories and focal theories of limited range. The definitions of these terms vary,
but the essence is clear. Some theories are useful for a wide range of subjects
and situations, such as the notion that behavior is shaped by the positive and
negative consequences that follow. This is the so-called Law of Effect, which
is more properly a theory that can generate testable hypotheses. Other theories
apply only to a narrow range of subjects or situations. Many focal theories of
Introduction 9
limited range exist and have value in social work, and many are in conflict
with grand theories that dominate the field.
When we have tested an hypothesis (or a number of related hypotheses) a
number of times and the results consistently confirm the expected results, we
arrive at a theory. A valid scientific theory then generates new hypotheses that
are testable. In this way, science continually challenges its own beliefs. The
scientific method, to be effective, must involve open communication of the
tests and results. The values of science demand that no theory ever be consid-
ered proven. Some explanations are found to be generally useful, even when
they do not strictly describe reality. These useful aggregates are sometimes re-
ferred to as models, which aid our understanding of events without precisely
describing them. Useful as models are, it is theory that advances science.
Theoretical Range
Generalist practice, you have no doubt noted, covers a lot of territory. For that
reason, social work practice has always ranged broadly in search of promising
ideas that offer clues on how to help clients. These theories have come from med-
icine, religion, philosophy, sociology, psychology, management, economics, and
a host of other places. As you would expect, the varied sources of these theories
makes it pretty much inevitable that they do not “speak the same language.” One
of the most common frustrations for beginning students of human behavior is to
realize that almost everyone has different names for things, even when they seem
to be addressing the same things. The process of constantly translating from one
theoretical vocabulary to another is both frustrating and potentially confusing.
The variety of theories employed in social work is one reason that we continually
seek a unifying language that allows us to communicate more effectively about
the disparate systems with which we work. We have chosen role theory as an
intermediary for two reasons: First, it addresses the whole range of human so-
cial interactions with which we are concerned; and second, the language of role
theory is intuitively familiar to most of us. As Shaw and Constanzo (1970) noted,
Role theory is a body of knowledge and principles that at one and the
same time constitutes an orientation, a group of theories, loosely linked
networks of hypotheses, isolated constructs about human functioning in
a social context, and a language system which pervades nearly every so-
cial scientist’s vocabulary. (p. 295)
Excerpts from page 295 in Shaw and Constanzo, THEORIES OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Copyright © 1970 The McGraw‑Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted by permission of The
McGraw‑Hill Companies, Inc.
Focal theories are narrow in scope and address the behaviors that are distinc-
tive to a particular class or level of social system phenomena. For example, Bowl-
by’s theory of reactive attachment disorder addresses the problem of children who
never form an attachment to parents, and whose entire life is skewed as a result of
this distortion in an early primary social relationship (Bowlby, 1969). The theory
focuses on a single type of relationship, a narrow window of time, and a limited
number of variables. While it is narrow in focus, it is extremely valuable for those
who are concerned with this issue in child development and family behavior.
Middle range theories bridge two or more focal theories. Focal theories are
often so focused on the subject matter that they do not utilize a common set of
constructs or terms in describing their topic. In fact, theory builders are noted for
insisting on their own definitions for many concepts that may be addressed in re-
lated theories. Middle range theories provide the vocabulary and context needed
in order to integrate the focal theories into an orderly professional approach to
problem solving. In social work, role theory fulfills this important function. For
example, reactive attachment theory grows out of the psychoanalytic tradition and
employs many constructs from that perspective. The theory of separation anxiety
used in psychiatry is similar, but uses different language and addresses different
events. Role theory can embrace these overlapping ideas, but relates the issues of
attachment disorder to broader constructs (such as mother-child roles, role prepa-
ration, interactions, and appropriate social functioning). Role theory is uniquely
suited to this middle range function and is discussed extensively in this text as a
basis for a common professional language in theory selection and development.
Grand theories are broad theoretical generalizations that deal with the
wide-ranging aspects of social phenomena. We treat social systems theory as
a grand theory, having sufficient scope and flexibility to accommodate many
narrower-range theories. These broad theories are often too general to provide
explicit direction to practice with specific issues. The overall dynamics of liv-
ing systems share certain properties that are the focus of social systems theory.
In order to integrate social work practice across a range of systems from indi-
viduals to communities, we employ systems theory to orient our practice to the
appropriate level of specificity. In addition, social systems theory reminds us
constantly that all social phenomena are related and interdependent. Change at
one system level reverberates across all levels, and this must be taken into ac-
count in practice. Figure 1.2 illustrates the hierarchy of theories by system size.
GRAND THEORY
(Social Systems)
MIDDLE RANGE
THEORY
(Role Theory)
FOCAL THEORY
FOCAL THEORY FOCAL THEORY
(Individual FOCAL THEORY FOCAL THEORY
(Organization (Community
Development & (Family Theory) (Group Theory)
Theory) Theory)
Behavior)
Figure 1.2
Hierarchy of Theories by Focal System Size
12 Chapter 1
Summary
This is a good place to mention a couple of troubling points. The first has to
do with social work and social theory. By now it is apparent that grand theory
in particular is concerned with finding the patterns and regularities that ex-
ist among all social phenomena. The problem for social work practice is that
while theories search for the rules, social workers deal all the time with people
and problems that break the rules. By its nature social work
Professional Identity is concerned with exceptions and uniqueness. For this rea-
son, social work is constantly trying to find new models of
Practice Behavior Example: Attend to understanding why the grand theories don’t work for some
professional roles and boundaries. people and some problems but do work for others. The his-
torical tendency has been to develop focal theories to ad-
Critical Thinking Question: What role
dress the practice problems, and then over time to wedge
does theory play in making professional
these exceptions into the larger theories. This is one of the
judgments?
inductive processes by which social work theory is con-
stantly renewed.
The second problem is that the concept of grand theory itself was origi-
nally proposed as an insult. In particular, it was an insult aimed at Talcott
Parsons’ functional theory. The insult was prompted by the belief that Parsons
was more interested in creating a theory that was internally consistent and
elegant. In order to do this, he was charged with ignoring the everyday facts of
social life that were supposed to be explained by theory. This is a case where
Parsons was charged with caring more about the elegance than the relevance
of his theory. There may be some validity to the charge, since Parsons did not
engage in a great deal of empirical validation of his theory. Despite this charge,
we feel that there is an important, even vital, role for grand theory. The micro
level work of developing theories to address the problems and exceptions en-
countered by social workers is constant. At the same time, the body of knowl-
edge that informs social work practice is continuously massaged to embrace
the new data, search for patterns, and provide a medium of language and con-
cepts across a broad range of social systems and social issues.
Now that you have an introduction to theory and its role in social work
practice, we will discuss the foundations of social systems theory in Chapter 2,
before presenting social systems theory and the systems cycle in Chapter 3. See
Figure 3.1.
Chapter 1 Practice TEST
The following questions will test your knowledge and understanding of the content found within
this chapter. For additional assessment, including licensing-exam type questions on applying
chapter content to practice behaviors, visit MySearchLab.
1. A form of professional practice competently conducted in 4. The process of identifying, describing, measuring, and
a variety of settings with client systems of various sizes at testing variables and their relationship is
several levels of prevention using a transferable body of a. theory building
knowledge, values, and skills is a definition of
b. hypothesis testing
a. casework
c. action research
b. psychotherapy
d. science
c. community practice
d. generalist practice 5. Theories that are highly abstract are
a. focal theories
2. Research-informed practice means that social workers
b. mid-range theories
use only practice techniques that
c. grand theories
a. have been shown to be effective with a client problem;
d. human behavior theories
b. use inductive reasoning;
c. use deductive reasoning; 6. Theories that are narrow in scope and address the be-
d. are proven. haviors that are distinctive to a particular class or level of
social system phenomena are
3. Curriculum that prepares students to recognize the interac- a. focal theories
tion between culture and personal identity is referred to as
b. mid-range theories
a. values and ethics
c. grand theories
b. social work practice
d. system theories
c. diversity
d. field education
13
MySearchLab Connection s
Reinforce what you learned in this chapter by studying videos, cases, documents,
and more available at www.MySearchLab.com.
14
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.