Japanese Religion 3e Ed
Japanese Religion 3e Ed
Religion
UNITY AND DIVERSITY
THIRD EDITION
IAN SERIES
NUNC COGNOSCO EX PARTE
TRENT UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
LIBRARY FUND
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2019 with funding from
Kahle/Austin Foundation
https://archive.org/details/japanesereligionOOOOearh
Japanese Religion:
Unity and Diversity
Third Edition
IV u
H. Byron Earhart
Western Michigan University
ISBN 0-53M-01D5fl-fl
10—97 96 95
Contents
Foreword vii
Preface to the Third Edition ix
Map of japan xiii
Table of Japanese Religious History, with Chronological Periods
and Corresponding Cultural Features xiv
1 Introduction 1
Five Religious Strands 1
Unity and Diversity 3
Frederick J. Streng
Series Editor
Preface to the Third Edition
NOTE
^ O H £
CA
U -a •£ £ ob U E o 5)
n js 2
CA
.a o
CD >, “3 <v
to ™ > 3 £
*C 2 g g 4 oSc
01 sp-B C 2 B ■= o « .SP
CJ 3 ° g *7 C TS ■g."C
o»
73 ns c E
J.S c 73 . f2 « _o o
X .5 . j* o T3 £ B £
u ® ^ c
g B « g
T3
ns cn
£ ° X XJ
who
£ o‘ ans> O “ 3 O
ox2 bO-rt X LI .
& s o X
„ a>
X £
■S.o3^
u X, C u C5 Oi
cv 3 o
oz
CD CD
o .aO 5
B ns — 0>
1—
O g
u OhX
w £ Et 73 j2 -2 re cn g-
Corresponding Cultural Features
c
C
ns
HH
oi oi Cl - ^ H
O ^
CD
inai v ^,T3
<13 oi S
g
o -S 13 CDE
CD
'5(T3 .2
gC
r^« I ||5-as
>oi .5
2
t,
11c £ .2
C — o
B C "O x
a> 2 3
1-1 .PH
oco js c 73 is .5
3 -g £i C -2
73 C ns 1 O;
§*■§■? 1 .a
CD Cl, 3 CQ < X 73 j- cjO LU
rC
hJ
tu
-C Oi
D
•ti oi J= a> ^
i "a 4-1
Z S £ 2
to ^^2 13 E <
<u
u « 2 E ■CgM ‘■g T3
oi as c H £2
s
H-,
ri
01
c £ Si
O tn O
B«a|
£~o -ts
14 3 zw 33 L «CrJ
S o «y
M
Un
CD X 0> <8 u
X ro .S S TS 0> S r
^ - Vh CL, Oh a.£ o
"JS CD . v 0>
w +Z
ns
CD CD
u cd tsb
O — :so <8 ^
ns 3 ns v2 >6.S J % g'B ^
CL X 73 — "o •'S W
A3 CD* O T3 b 3 ^lo
tS CD <-»
L* 73 01
E CO > Vi > S, ffL, to
— roc
£ ^ O w
T3 is ^
ty n £
4S ~ 0) o
nS ns C q D .sp tS S -a
C CL £ •' E !?
ft
so C
Ih
o 0>
—■ 2
s cO) tr c
« T> o
Uh
vv
0 ^5 t! >C
”5 Co 0.-Q
>.E "3?
cd ns Q
u 2E2
^X
2 ^ X
cd
a; O £g.6 |
O .60 oi g HH O -3 60 O
cn >o _ -co> g>i?’2 CrS " c C5
■g -T3 00 (0 2 „E «E „
—
O 2 E
w g ® «l ..
^ -t «3 to
rg Cto TS 60 2 ns ns JZu
U
Ch
0 3 2 £
0.2
M-t <T)
.y cd C u ESc"
o O X
c
o
u
s! 13 ^*
os £ c
n
^ £ £
£ o
Ecd
ns
w x § 73
^
Js ,13 8 J, LL cj u
73
<3
U
• pH S.g Q
Lh
O <
Prehistc
Protohi;
(to sixth
*CA LO
£ o X
C PC
.2 o> uai LO
i | I
O
Japanes
Chrono
Periods
3
Jomon
Kofun
ns nsIh Ioi
Yayoi
S ns
e2 2 x
D
X
4 a O ts cn
D 3
s 9 o ^ bo g 03 bO
X
r- V .S a m £ . 3 G o re
2-S>rs “ 2 O D O
£ v4-‘ £3-5 SS g3 2 £
3g
g J .
N £ X tj g e2-c "s ^
2 o 01 Oh 3-
X JU
T3 « H
D
Jh 1D S-s'l-S Hr. —,
<3 3 «j 3 S £ s. O o3
•g -s * g o 03 x£ ° 1 cj . ^ r
c 5 73 c ^ ni C £ 2—* x03 ^ u 5
^CQ «3 UtI £ t; •£ 5 73 .2
X| O
^ D •r g cb X x ’X 2 u .2.a>oS
£ -1> *-t ru. ^
G ^'■2 03 03 G X
w
Tj Om oj 3^ I :£
^ « S
£ 2 3- C ^ £U-3 f g 8 £ g
.3 -2 1/5 - 3 £ .2 o QJ • V P 03 OI be g u H
•g « $ +2 O G -»-
Sx
_cn X 33 g-
c/5 r I-*
9|| G n VH _ x vSi
A ;X-S O o g K^S
x 3,
£ ^ s^l M- X re X ^ ■£ o .£ X
\r> X T3 x C "O
Z' 2 H -G-m-c ° S£ X — 03 x g c
x 3 "3^ .92 o ■c £ 3 XS Ix £ G lx'77 ^ .2 X
C X o -G bD £■ 3
“ ei
D £ £
gJ-S d CO X g 3 o
21 &o| Tj
^ o ^ ai .2 03
X ■*£ lyj o
u
u 2xH
, a/ o
!
w
u
3 C • - '-3 D D
5x § g £ ^ U Q <£> X Oj Ch
> O
D £■3 I X a -| ^
03 *41 £
[v «i E p2 S^E'E X xx 2 C/3 ■G 2 H
4h u £U £ X sZ
o re ;;
-«Eax U . 3 X £ G o <3 03 U
15 O •-v 4->
^
° S O o 60 IS 3 2 s 03 03 O D £ ^
* c U "S 3 CCc O X ‘ g^'Eb .-, ° c
& o:&g:| .
tj 5 d > o vj D -H 73 Ch ^ X
£ ° X 3 Sai .52-2
■5
•2
oG *-H CT5 OX
2 *
(U c £ •£ y "2
05 D J-t 2^5
g X O X C/5
X “ G U
re -J-
3 S > gpc
O MH >
*-i
■a _h D .Sag
1/5 t3 'o 73 ^ 2 3 '£ 3 •x Z Q D d)
X 2" 3
£ O TJ « 2 o 03 73 3 3 a.
J3. O C/5
x -2 4 5 2 <8 'C 3 TJ
-3 o - O o D £?'5b-g
^ =S- S (8 3- 3 2 •c 2 £ 3Z TJ '.& 2 .£
xh r O <—h . ih
i 3 ^ OJ2 3 o -3 X o 2 G ^ -X D r D D >
cq ■£■£•£ cn .5 TJ .5 U « 0)3 £ x 2 .1 •3 C/j bO 4—■ >—i j—i >>
»H D
c ■>
o D X
03 X X 15
.2.
D
S ai o> S y T3 3 1 6>
2 >-3 <u *4H ^ t, §
<u o 2 r- ^
° O 03 0* *H 03m 2 73 a';
s. s ■£
G «J 4-* -M
_
O 3 D ^ G o3
X
EiE X
^ y
u
c
<D I (5 ■*■* rJ Vh
g re * 03
n C ai ^
'—' n i v+-< M-H
c
-hJ e <s
3 d>
_
JZ C/5 Oh Q
73 ^3 03 ^
2 S x ° C/5
_ 1m
£ 3, 01 Li bO 03
a, 3-<
S £^ o 0>
X
.-3 jo
3 x:
O </)
2X 5 s « 3 C/5
D
1 O o g X .£ 2 — 4^ sHbb § X bO •
g a>
D
> bb2
re „ .£ x Vh 03
Oh > C
- O C
in' ^ 73
D
*- 2 £ ’§>
(X
^*EoE
V £ S x
J
§ .“g •c -S
E 43
T3 S 33“ D §£ 2S
u 03 03 ON
S§ g? 2 s.£
X 3^° 3 X G > C-H G t, S _ 4 ni
• *~~! —’ V/J (0 t-
£ S
£
o cT 2 y h x Oh U
° 15x
Oh 0) p- Hi c s
*> * r *“• D
■£ o cn LO X x C3 03
o
1/1 3 § .55 U M-. _ o . v M-l
^
O'fS C
J7 a> o
cn c/5
cre £
t3
D O
tdD-2
X x
03
73
-G
2 2 G
^ Oh
1 g I i i G .2 C/5 ^4
D 03
| °a> a, 3
l cg? ^ y
C ^G
o-^c X re I § ‘ ^
-G 3 i r- 03 £ G
u O
, 4-» 4-< D 3, 3
„, <U
3 5
§^
X
o3 x x 6 £ Qh_2
2 7 73
bj o
73 £ re O3h
Vi n ■*-* .o-a ^ ■£ 5 *c 4-* 03 **“* Z5
O < 03
bC 'C <2
-O QJ ' ^. o
C/5 V
o> is j2
• v C/5
G
’•£
o
u g
CJ 03
c 2
nj x re "3
« i4 re 4-* ^ C/5- bb q3 X ^ 2 G G O r ^ ^ •3
j—•
£
re
.2 G -o C t7 C
U ^h 03 D ”3 re £ 2 .XX, U ^
u G
C^ S O
x g •rt a .a
-3 3 3 Vh
03 tn 2 E ld ld o <8 re w n ■g g
TJ , ^ QJ On 4<
^ S ? g biD 03 r^’03
is 3 o > I I "g re g £ .£ o
It’S 6 O N
_ 3 S «i 03 u S x • rj _v *G On CO ^5 S § x o
Sr ^
«5 ^
S’fi Tj
bij C x 3 15 o u2S D 03
<73 G X .5
r G u x
JH £ 3 R re C4^-
23!S cj cn o 03 .03 £ Oh
03
X X
00 O 52 £
CO X
CO GO X
CO T—I -T
T“H 3 i ON
I
I
LO Sg
CO 2
o
o
LO ^
ON <N
oo Ct- X
rH
r 03
X g 03
£ I £ 00
G 03 03
A s S' bo
£
03
6
2 £ G
X D
ef) °
O
3 O (rt X
cc Oh
22 e9 H CD
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
The saying that "the whole is greater than the sum of its parts" is very
appropriate to the study of Japanese religion. We must view it as a
unified whole because the individual strands did not exist in isola¬
tion, either in the course of history or in the dynamics of religious life.
Throughout Japanese history each strand was influenced by one or
more of the others. Shinto, for example, arose out of ancient Japanese
religious practices (such as rituals related to the growing of rice); but it
was organized more systematically in reaction to the introduction of
highly organized Buddhism, and it assimilated some aspects of Bud¬
dhism and religious Taoism. We will trace this process of interaction
in later accounts of each religious strand. The important thing to re¬
member here is that any one strand such as Shinto is not just Shinto
pure and simple: It is a combination of several influences.
Even more important, people experienced Japanese religion as a
unified world-view rather than as separate alternatives or individual
traditions. A distinctive feature of Japanese religious history is that
individuals usually have not belonged exclusively to one religious
tradition but consciously affiliated themselves with or unconsciously
participated in several traditions. In the West, people commonly claim
to be either Protestant or Catholic or Jewish. In Japan, it has been cus¬
tomary for a person (or family) to participate in both Shinto festivals
and Buddhist memorial services and to practice Confucian ethics and
follow beliefs of religious Taoism and folk religion. In general, it is
better to characterize Japanese religion as “both/and" instead of as
“either/or." If we could have asked the traditional Japanese person,
"Are you Shinto or Buddhist or Confucian or Taoist?" an appropriate
response would have been a simple "yes," meaning that the person
was Shinto and Buddhist and Confucian and Taoist. There would be
no contradiction in this answer, for the person would have partici¬
pated in the various traditions at different moments of his or her life.
Japanese women and men usually have found religious fulfillment
not in one tradition by itself but in the total sacred power embodied in
a number of traditions.
How can we make sense of the coexistence of so many religious
traditions? It is best to approach them much as the Japanese people
have experienced them. In the Japanese religious tradition there is
both unity and diversity. Even within the unity of a single tradition, a
great diversity of attitudes may be found. For example, both Bud¬
dhism and Shinto include a wide range of religious expression, from
the most commonly held beliefs to the most abstract philosophy. In
earlier ages an illiterate peasant might practice popular forms of Shinto
worship and popular Buddhist devotions, while a scholar combined
the abstract theories of Shinto and Buddhism. Within a religious tra¬
dition there are several levels of religiosity, and an individual finds
unity by participating at a particular level in several different tradi¬
tions. A common person would pick up the popular threads of the
Buddhist and Shinto strands to weave a popular world-view; an intel¬
lectual would select the theoretical threads of the same strands to
develop a more sophisticated world-view. The unity is in the world¬
view of the individual.
The unity and diversity of Japanese religion is too complex a subject
to be explained by the simple metaphor of threads and strands, how¬
ever. An important aspect of this unity and diversity is the tension
between national unity and local traditions. From ancient times,
myths and rituals have been deliberately brought together to express
national unity under the imperial line; yet the people of every area
liked to pride themselves on their unique local rites and usages. This
diversity, however, has usually strengthened rather than threatened
the overall national unity. The great importance of local custom for
Shinto shrines makes the shrines all the more esteemed by the sur¬
rounding people as concrete symbols of their involvement in the long
Japanese tradition. Local customs enhance rather than diminish truly 5
national traditions such as reverence for the emperor. Therefore, as Introduction
SELECTED READINGS
Persistent Themes in
Japanese Religious
History
Generally speaking, (the word) "kami" denotes, in the first place, the
deities of heaven and earth that appear in the ancient texts and also the
spirits enshrined in the shrines; furthermore, among all kinds of
beings—including not only human beings but also such objects as birds,
beasts, trees, grass, seas, mountains, and so forth—any being what¬
soever which possesses some eminent quality out of the ordinary, and is
awe-inspiring, is called kami.2
Paper-thin strips of wood are placed in these racks on Mount Asama, near the Ise
Shrines. The strips represent the spirits of the dead and contain the deceased's Bud¬
dhist posthumous name, granted by a Buddhist priest during the funeral ceremony.
The faithful may “purify” the spirits of the dead by pouring water over the wooden
strips. (New Year's week, 1980)
Lighting a candle for the dead is a custom practiced in many traditions. In Japan, the
candles are often enclosed in a glass case, as they are here on Mount Asama near the
Ise Shrines. (New Year's week, 1980)
11
Persistent
Themes in
Japanese
Religious
History
Rain does not cancel a trip to visit the ancestors on Mount Asama, near the Ise
Shrines. Tire visitors are flanked on the left by large wooden memorial stupa (distinc¬
tive of Mount Asama) and on the right by the more customary stone memorials. (New
Year's week, 1980)
An example of the interrelationship of religious practices: At the left is the stone pil¬
lar marking one end of the "hundredfold" repentance path. At the right is a stone
basin where visitors are rinsing hands and mouth with water. In the background (be¬
hind several trees) is a sacred archway or torii; behind the torii and at the left is seen
the outline of a Shinto shrine. Visitors to such religious headquarters are free to per¬
form religious practices at one or more (or all) of these sites. [At the "sacred land"
(goreichi) of the New Religion called Gedatsu-kai, Kitamoto, Neiv Year's Day, 1980]
14
Japanese
Religion:
Unity and
Diversity
Votive pictures (ema) bought at a Shinto shrine are inscribed with the person's
petition and hung on a special rack near the shrine. (Kyoto, 1979)
Fortune papers (mikuji) are hung on a special rack over small statues of Jizo near a
Buddhist temple. (Kyoto, 1979)
These six themes give us some idea of the dynamics of religious life in
Japan. Traditionally people did not belong exclusively to one or¬
ganized religion but drew upon various traditions as they participated
in religious activities. A person wishing to express reverence for na¬
ture was not likely to stop and distinguish between the Shinto notion
of kami dwelling in natural objects, Zen Buddhist ideas of oneness
with nature, and Taoist concepts of conforming to the way of nature.
It was more important to venerate nature than to identify and sepa¬ 17
Persistent
rate the historical influences upon the Japanese view of nature. Simi¬
Themes in
larly, there has not been a clear-cut distinction between separate Japanese
themes. Veneration of nature and respect for the nation as a divine Religious
History
nation (land of the kami), for example, usually have been seen as
closely related.
The six themes shape the general view of the world held by most
traditional Japanese people. A Japanese person acquires these percep¬
tions of the world by seeing memorials held for ancestors in the
home, participating in shrine festivals, and taking part in rituals for
the transplanting of rice. More often than not, such a world-view is
held unconsciously. Although parts of it may be written down in
formal doctrine, the entire world-view is more a matter of personal
memory than a written handbook. The world-view is formed as a
person gradually develops a sense of identity by participating in cul¬
tural life. As we trace the historical formation of Japanese religion, we
should keep in mind that this shared world-view has given continuity
to religious life.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
The Formation of
Japanese Religion
The formative period of Japanese religion extends from prehistory to
the ninth century a.d. During this stage, the major traditions that
were to form and influence Japanese religion first appeared or entered
Japan: the prehistoric heritage, Shinto, Buddhism, Confucianism, re¬
ligious Taoism. The prehistoric heritage is the most difficult to grasp
because it is the cumulative result of many centuries of local cultures,
which gradually became centralized and unified. Shinto is an easily
identifiable successor to ancient beliefs and practices. Buddhism, a
foreign religion, arose in India, was transformed in China, and then
was transmitted to Japan. China was the birthplace for Confucianism
and religious Taoism, both of which entered Japan at about the same
time as Buddhism. Folk religion permeated the prehistoric heritage
and borrowed from the organized religions, enriching the religious
life of the common people. Each tradition made a considerable con¬
tribution to the formation of Japanese religion.
The fact that the first period is labeled "formative" does not mean
that the formation of Japanese religion was complete by the ninth
century. Rather, in this period the major traditions appeared and the
general outlines of Japanese religion took shape. Changes that oc¬
curred in subsequent periods took this foundation as the point of
departure, as we will see in Parts II and III.
CHAPTER 3
Our study begins with the earliest known Japanese religion. Among
the several traditions that constitute Japanese religion, the prehistoric
heritage is of primary importance. The beginning of religion in Japan,
like all other aspects of her early culture, is not well known. We do not
know exactly where the Japanese people came from, just as we do not
know how the Japanese language was formed. In the absence of
certainty in these matters, a number of theories to account for the
emergence of the culture and people of Japan have arisen. Japanese
culture shows an obvious affinity to the culture of areas both north
and south of Japan, but scholars disagree on the interpretation of this
affinity. Some have favored a southern hypothesis, seeing the ulti¬
mate source of the Japanese tradition in the Ryukyu Islands and
farther south. Others have emphasized a northern hypothesis, seeing
the main contribution to Japanese culture enter from the Asian conti¬
nent by way of Korea. Future research will have to take into account
both hypotheses.
From the earliest records of human life, human beings have shown a
religious attitude toward the dead, since they recognize the passage
from earthly life to a form of spiritual existence. The early Japanese
were no exception, for they practiced several types of burial. The first
evidence of intentional burials is the simple burial of bodies in a flexed
position or covered with red ochre and stones. During the Yayoi
period, the dead were interred in jars. This custom originated in
Korea. Gradually the jars were covered with stone slabs (dolmen
burial). This seems to have been the forerunner of the large mauso¬
leums called kofun. These tombs are often huge mounds covering a
stone chamber, all of which is surrounded by a moat. Boat-shaped
coffins of wood and stone in the tombs may have been for the voyage
of the soul to the next world. In general, with the passage of time,
there was an increasing concern for the ritual disposal of the dead: All
these practices probably indicate religious passage to an afterlife. The
transition to agriculture in Yayoi times probably led to a higher valu¬
ation of burial in the earth; the erection of tombs probably was the
result of an abrupt intrusion from the Asian continent.
Flow can we interpret all these concerns for the dead and afterlife?
The initial Western scholarship on Japanese religion was confused in
asking whether the origin of Japanese religion was ancestor worship
or nature worship; there was also the confused controversy as to
whether ancestor worship was truly indigenous to Japan or was a
Chinese importation. But there is no single origin of Japanese reli¬
gion. The evidence suggests that the Japanese people have always
shown a reverent concern for the dead and that this concern has
assumed diverse forms, not only in prehistoric but also in historic
times. Much of the archaeological evidence for understanding Jap¬
anese religion is found in burials, especially in the elaborate tomb
burials of the Kofun period. In later periods the religious significance
of the dead is expressed in Buddhist funeral and memorial services.
26 THE RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF FERTILITY
Japanese
Religion: .
Unity and From Jomon times on, objects have appeared that point to a connec-
Diversity tion between religion and fertility. Large stone clubs suggest a phallic
symbol; small clay figurines are probably symbols of female fertility
and protection. During the Yayoi period, the figurines took on a defi¬
nitely female form. Perhaps the burial of metal spears and bells (indi¬
cating the intrusion of continental metal-working techniques) was
also linked to the notion of fertility. With the introduction of rice
cultivation in Yayoi times, we begin to see an increased emphasis on
fertility, which colors the agricultural and religious life of all later Jap¬
anese history. There were annual rituals that linked religious cere¬
monies to every aspect of the growing and harvesting of rice.
Archaeology has turned up many sacred objects of prehistoric Ja¬
pan, such as the phallic stone clubs and clay figurines already men¬
tioned. However, three sacred objects are outstanding because of
their importance in historic times: the magatama (comma-shaped
jewels), swords, and mirrors. In later times a set of these three objects
became the sacred regalia of the emperor. Their exact religious signifi¬
cance is unknown, but their similarity to materials from the Asian
continent and their connection with the rising imperial tradition are
indications of two important trends: an increasing continental influ¬
ence and a growing consolidation of religion around one center.
From about the first to the eighth century a.d. we cross the border
from prehistory to early history. In order to describe this period we
must rely upon ethnological comparisons and written records, both
Chinese and Japanese. For example, the earliest surviving records
about Japan are Chinese accounts suggesting both female rulers and
female shamans. Moving back in time from the Japanese records, we
find hints of female shamanism and ruling queens, but they are over¬
shadowed by families with a man as the political-religious leader.
Probably there was a kami (god or spirit) for each family, with rituals
performed by the head of the family.
In the light of the “northern" and “southern" hypotheses, several
inferences have been made about the pantheon and religious organi¬
zation in prehistoric Japan in terms of a dual character—both “hori¬
zontal" and “vertical." For example, the southern contribution may
have been a horizontal cosmology with the conception that the gods
come from afar or across the sea, just as the dead go to this distant 27
land. The northern contribution may have been a vertical cosmology The
Prehistoric
in which the gods are thought to descend from heaven and the dead Heritage
to ascend to heaven. Actually a number of religious elements have
been drawn together from diverse areas and periods, so that it is
difficult to correlate all these variables. One of the crucial questions is
whether the emerging imperial line, which traced its divine descent
from the sun, evolved from the earlier Japanese family system or was
an intrusion from the Asian continent. Very old stone circles found in
Japan may indicate some kind of solar cult. At any rate, in late Kofun
times there appeared a greater sense of political and religious unity.
The people came to feel political loyalty and religious respect for the
major family, the budding imperial family, which traced its divine
descent from the Sun Goddess.
At the end of the prehistoric period, Japanese religion already con¬
tained many of the themes that would pervade later history, but they
were not yet organized into set forms. The imperial line was emerging
with a nucleus of mythology and agricultural rituals, all of which
would be perpetuated mainly within the framework of Shinto. Up to
this point, neither Shinto nor any other clearly defined religion was
recognizable. Although Shinto increasingly became the main recep¬
tacle for the earlier traditions, none of them was transmitted as a pure
element, without receiving the influence of Buddhism and Chinese
religion. Most of these elements found their way into one or more of
the organized religions, while some continued to exist in folk religion
outside any organized religion.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
The sacred archway (torii) before a local Shinto shrine. (Kawarayu, 1979)
"called down" the kami at the beginning of the ceremony and "sent
them away" at the close of the ceremony. Sometimes this was acted
out by opening and closing the doors to the inner sanctum (shinden or
"kami hall") housing the sacred object (shintai or "kami body"), which
symbolized the presence of the enshrined kami.
The rites and celebrations of Shinto center on shrines (jinja), which
are still found in the smallest villages as well as in the largest cities.
(In English usage the word "shrine" is the general term for the
Shinto building—jinja or miya; the word "temple" is the general term
for the Buddhist building—ter a or -ji.) Normally one passes through
a sacred arch (torii), which helps define the sacred precincts of the
shrine. Devout believers purify themselves by pouring water on
their hands and rinsing their mouths. The present shrine buildings
betray Buddhist and Chinese architectural influence, but some are
still built according to the ancient models. These shrines are built
on poles above the ground and have a thatched roof. They can be
seen today at Ise, one of the Shinto strongholds that consciously at¬
tempted to reject Buddhist influence. (At Ise, the Sun Goddess, Ama-
terasu, is enshrined.) This ancient shrine architecture seems to have
affinities with architecture to the south of Japan. As Shinto scholars
like to point out, its natural beauty is accentuated by the use of
wood and thatch left bare of decorations.
One theory concerning ancient Japanese religion is that originally
there were no shrine buildings; rather, a shrine was simply a sacred
precinct set apart in a certain area or around a sacred object such as a
35
The Formation
, t'
'!• of Shinto
tree or a stone. Sacred precincts often were the sites where the ances¬
tral spirits dwelled. This is a valuable insight for linking ancestor
worship with Japanese notions of kami and festivals. Only later did
there come to appear the twofold Shinto architecture, with a worship
hall (haiden) in front and a smaller kami hall in back. The worship hall
is where the priests (and sometimes the people) directed prayers
toward the kami hall, which contained the presence of the enshrined
kami symbolized by a sacred object such as a mirror or sword. As
Shinto became organized in medieval times, local shrines were con¬
sidered to enshrine specific kami named in the Kojiki.
Religious activities at the Shinto shrine took place in terms of the
rhythm of the religious year and an individual's lifespan. The earlier
Japanese religious tradition seems to have observed the rhythm of the
year, with spring festivals and fall festivals to mark the planting and
harvesting of rice. Even today, the spring and fall festivals are still
important celebrations in most city shrines. Of great importance, too,
have been the purification ceremonies at midyear and New Year's, to
wash away the physical and spiritual "pollutions" or "defilements"
of the previous half-year.
Five traditional festivals (also revealing Chinese influence) have
come to be celebrated throughout Japan: (1) first day of the first
month. New Year's festival; (2) third day of the third month, the girls'
36 festival (or dolls' festival); (3) fifth day of the fifth month, boys' festi¬
Japanese val; (4) seventh day of the seventh month, star festival; (5) ninth day
Religion:
Unity and of the ninth month, chrysanthemum festival. Although this formal
Diversity system of five festivals is a complex mixture of Chinese and Japanese
elements, the festivals have become inseparable from Japanese home
and village life.
Religious activities at the shrine also revolved around the events in
an individual's life. Traditionally, the newborn child was dedicated at
a shrine on his or her first trip out of the house. At other specific ages
a child visited the shrines again. Usually special youth groups helped
carry out the processions of festivals. In more recent times it has
become the custom to be married in a shrine. A visit to a shrine has
always been appropriate in any time of crisis. For example, a soldier
going off to war would pray for safekeeping at his local (guardian)
shrine where he had been carried as a baby. All such visits brought
individuals into contact with the kami, the sacred power that sustains
human life.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS -
During the Nara period (710—84, named after the capital city of Nara),
Buddhism became a state religion, for all practical purposes. Emperor
Shomu (reigned 724-49), one of the most devout emperors, contrib¬
uted greatly to Buddhism's national status. The greatest symbol of
the unifying power of Buddhism was a magnificent cathedral built at
Nara in 728 on the order of Emperor Shomu. This was the famous
temple called Todai-ji (Todai temple), still a popular tourist attraction
due to the large Buddha statue enshrined there. In the Nara period,
there were six formal schools of Buddhism, and technically Todai-ji
was the headquarters of one of them—the Kegon school. However,
in actuality this central cathedral within the capital protected the em¬
peror and the realm and unified Buddhism throughout the provinces.
In 741 Emperor Shomu ordered two "provincial temples" (ko-
kubunji) to be built in every province: a monastery for monks and a
nunnery for nuns. The monks and nuns would recite Buddhist scrip¬
tures, thereby bringing divine protection and blessings to the whole
countryside. In Buddhism the copying and reciting of scriptures—
even thumbing through scriptures or chanting short phrases—has
always been considered a way to accumulate ethical merit or magical
power. The peculiarity in this case is that the nation at large was to be
the recipient of these benefits.
The building of provincial temples and the central cathedral of
Todai-ji, and the religious practices in these institutions, are good
examples of the way in which Buddhism interacted with Japanese
culture and religion: The national prestige of Buddhism grew, and at
the same time Buddhism began to unify the country and spread
among the people. The main temple controlling the provincial tem¬
ples was Todai-ji, which not only was a geographical and administra¬
tive center, but served as a religious focus for the nation as a whole. A
large statue of the Sun Buddha Lochana was erected within Todai-ji.
44 The funds for the statue are said to have been raised by popular
Japanese subscription; thus the country was united symbolically by the erec¬
Religion:
Unity and tion of this statue. Just as Buddhism provided a main national temple
Diversity and provincial temples to recite scriptures and prayers for the benefit
of the state and its people, individuals contributed to the establish¬
ment of Buddhism as a kind of national religion.
One might say that the people were able to find an even greater
sense of religious and national unity in Buddhism than in Shinto, for
in the Nara period the people were not directly related to the em¬
peror. Moreover, Shinto rituals involving the imperial family, al¬
though national in significance, allowed little possibility for any sense
of participation by the common people. Buddhism had been interact¬
ing with Shinto from the time it arrived in Japan (as seen in the
previously mentioned controversy over whether to worship the Bud¬
dha as a foreign kami); from this point on, the mutual influence be¬
tween Buddhism and Shinto becomes more complex, but Buddhism
tends to dominate the scene.
Most scholars feel that by the Nara period Buddhism had over¬
shadowed Shinto as an organized religion. In fact, Shinto tended
to borrow on the glory of Buddhism. The continuing interaction
between the two traditions is illustrated by two interesting de¬
velopments at Todai-ji. Worship of the large Buddhist statue was
facilitated by invoking the presence of a divinity called Hachiman,
who became a tutelary deity of Todai-ji. The origin of Hachiman may
be Chinese or Buddhist or both, but by this time Hachiman was
considered a Shinto deity or kami. However, Hachiman was also
called bosatsu. Bosatsu is the Japanese version of the Buddhist term
bodhisattva (in Sanskrit), which means here a Buddhist divinity. The
word bodhisattva literally means "enlightenment-being" and can even
refer to a living person or "saint" who has attained a high level of
spiritual insight. Hachiman enjoyed a rich history in later Japan but
always incorporated both Shinto and Buddhist features.
Also we may note that Lochana, the large statue in Todai-ji, was a
form of the so-called Sun Buddha (Dainichi or Birushana in Japanese,
Vairocana in Sanskrit). According to one tradition, messengers had to
be sent to Ise to gain the approval of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu of
Shinto for the erection of this statue. The answer of the oracle seemed
to indicate that the Sun Buddha was identical to the Sun Goddess.
The tradition of this oracle may not date back to the eighth century,
but in later times the two were closely associated, just as so many
Buddhist divinities and Shinto kami came to be considered counter-
parts. Several centuries later, in all Japan we find popular conceptions 45
that blended together a local spirit or kami, a formal member of the Early Japanese
Buddhism:
Shinto pantheon, and a Buddhist divinity into one and the same Indian
object of worship. The close relationship of Hachiman and Amaterasu Influence with
Chinese
to Todai-ji shows how thoroughly Buddhism and Shinto became Coloration
intertwined.
Our overall impression of Buddhism up through the Nara period is
that it had become firmly entrenched in the hearts of the nobility and
the bureaucracy of the state. On the other hand, the popular ac¬
ceptance of Buddhism was not nearly so widespread. The attempt to
propagate Buddhism to the masses was carried out by only a few
devoted priests. Gyogi, the most famous of them, not only preached
to the people, but also promoted Buddhism through charitable proj¬
ects such as founding hospitals. He was granted the posthumous title
of bosatsu (bodhisattva), equivalent to "saint.”
The inclusion of "The Law Concerning Monks and Nuns" in the
Taiho Code of 702 was an admission that Buddhist monks and nuns
were becoming more numerous and that the masses were beginning
to accept Buddhism. It also reflected the state's effort to control the
activities of clerics trying to spread Buddhism. We might say that
Buddhism already was considered a state religion of Japan and later,
with increasing popularity, became a national religion of Japan. Bud¬
dhism tended to dominate the whole religious scene but actually
paralleled Shinto rather than superseded it.
The Sanron school took its name from the Chinese school San-lun,
which in turn was a Chinese elaboration of the Indian school of
thought Madhyamika associated with the Indian Buddhist named
Nagarjuna. The Buddha discovered the truth of an enlightenment
that goes beyond human suffering, but later Buddhists sought a more
complete interpretation of the nature of human existence and en¬
lightenment (nirvana). On the question of the nature of human exis-
48 tence, there were two contrary tendencies: One was to view human
Japanese existence as having material reality (a materialistic argument); the
Religion:
Unity and other was to view human existence not as material reality but as a
Diversity kind of reflection of an ideal (an idealistic argument). The Sanron
school boldly rejected both materialistic and idealistic arguments, set¬
ting up a fourfold rejection of all known arguments about the exis¬
tence and nonexistence of life and all phenomena. The Sanron school
denied all four of the following arguments about life and phenomena:
(1) Their character is (permanent) existence. (2) Their character is
nonexistence. (3) Their character is a combination of existence and
nonexistence. (4) Their character is neither existence nor nonexis¬
tence. Sanron rejected all known arguments about life and existence
based on ordinary human reason. Sanron scholars argued that it is
much better to rely on the truth of enlightenment that goes beyond
mere human reasoning.
At first reading, Sanron's argument may appear to be a play on
words. That this argument is quite serious, however, is shown by its
treatment of another key problem in Buddhism—the nature of
enlightenment (nirvana). From the earliest days of Buddhism, there
was difficulty in communicating the nature of nirvana, which seemed
to be so “absolute," in contrast to the impermanence of human life.
There were some positive analogies for describing nirvana, such as
bliss and security, but many descriptions were negative, such as de¬
struction of desire or “to be extinguished" (as fire is extinguished or
“goes out"). Even in the lifetime of the Buddha, as well as today,
some critics of Buddhism have called the notion of nirvana “nihilistic,"
for not only was nirvana expressed in negative terms, but the goal of
nirvana was judged to be an “escapist" withdrawal from everyday life
to an inexpressible state. Buddhist philosophers tended to be caught
on the horns of a dilemma: If they taught that the conventional ex¬
pressions of life and phenomena in this world were ultimately true,
they would be denying the basic Buddhist truth of enlightenment. If
they taught that conventional life experiences were simply illusions,
then they would be implying a nihilistic destruction of phenomena
when nirvana was attained.
Sanron arrived at a solution of the dilemma similar to the solution
for the problem of explaining worldly phenomena and human exis¬
tence. Sanron rejected the view of nirvana as at the same time a form
of both absolute reality (that is, absolute form or being) and nihilism
(that is, as a negative kind of nonexistence). Sanron maintained this
position by stating that any attempt to grasp nirvana as a positive or
negative “thing" was a limited viewpoint and must be rejected, be-
cause both nirvana and conventional phenomena are "empty" of any 49
Early Japanese
self-substantiating quality. This means that the only positive state¬
Buddhism:
ment that can be made about nirvana is that it is "empty" of all attri¬ Indian
butes: Nirvana is devoid of particular attributes, so it is characterized Influence with
Chinese
as "emptiness." Coloration
One of the major concluding points of this brilliant philosophy is
that, when viewed from the realization of nirvana (enlightenment),
both nirvana and human life (and related phenomena) in this world
are "empty." This enabled Sanron to avoid the one-sided mistakes of
materialism and idealism for the questions of both existence and nir¬
vana. This is a radical development of the notion that the truth of
enlightenment goes beyond any attempt at human reasoning. One of
the remarkable features of the argument is its unflinching honesty in
denying the absoluteness of any proposition about reality, including
its own.
These problems are similar to the questions of the nature of human
existence and the nature of the universe that have interested phi¬
losophers in all traditions, not only in ancient times but today as
well. Because there was no highly developed Japanese philosophical
system when these Buddhist schools entered Japan, it is not surpris¬
ing that they were quickly accepted and continued to attract great
minds. Later, as Buddhism assimilated Japanese culture and de¬
veloped along Japanese lines, these abstract arguments were related
to native notions (such as the reverence for nature).
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
Confucianism and
Religious Taoism:
Chinese Importations
culture, which the Japanese held in the highest esteem. The early
attempt to organize the Japanese nation along Chinese lines is re¬
corded in the first great era or name-period of Japanese history, the
Taika ("Great Change") period of 645 to 710. By this time, Con¬
fucianism was far removed from the person Confucius, having
developed into a political philosophy that incorporated various
elements and tended to dominate Chinese civilization. In general,
Confucianism as a political philosophy was accepted explicitly and
implicitly by the Japanese, who were borrowing Chinese models of
government.
The great Prince Shotoku (573-621) is credited with recognizing the
true principles of Confucianism in his "Constitution" of seventeen
articles. Buddhist influence is found in this document, but its main
rationale is Confucian political and ethical thought. Indeed, the open¬
ing statement of the first clause reads: "Harmony is to be valued," a di¬
rect borrowing from the Analects (the collection of Confucius's teach¬
ings). The Japanese, seeking an effective means to unify their country,
found a powerful rationale in the Confucian notion of social harmony:
The ruler rules justly; the ministers administer honestly; and, most
important, the people are united in their loyalty to the emperor. The
Constitution attributed to Shotoku, as well as other adaptations of
Chinese bureaucracies and codes, supported the Japanese emperor as
a true Son of Heaven—the Chinese notion of a heavenly ordained
ruler. This idea supported the theory of the divine character of the
Japanese emperor as much as, or more than, the native tradition of
his descent from the Sun Goddess Amaterasu. However, the two
countries differed on one important point. In China, Heaven ap¬
pointed the ruler by bestowing a "heavenly mandate"; Heaven could
withdraw the mandate from a corrupt dynasty in order to give it to a
new dynasty. In Japan, the imperial line was permanently founded as
the continuation of the heavenly gods, and it could never be broken.
Although Confucianism was not a separate religion, it was an inte¬
gral part of the Japanese tradition. The Confucian character per¬
meated the structure of government and official codes (such as the
Taiho Code of 702). Even the Confucian precedent of civil service
examinations was followed. Confucianism was instilled in the minds
54 of the learned class by means of an educational system that em¬
Japanese phasized study of the Chinese classics. It became more directly re¬
Religion:
Unity and lated to government policy when it reentered Japanese history as
Diversity Neo-Confucianism about the sixteenth century (this development
will be discussed in Chapter 14).
Confucianism also played a crucial role in the formation of social
attitudes and the reinforcement of social institutions. The Confu¬
cianism transmitted to Japan emphasized a hierarchically arranged
class society and compliance to this order. The "harmony" that the
Confucian rationale praised was peaceful cooperation between be¬
nevolent rulers and obedient people. According to the Confucian
model, just as Earth is subordinate to Heaven, so the ruled are subor¬
dinate to the ruler. There is a cosmic order that sets the pattern for the
social order. Increasingly, Confucianism provided the main ethical
model for social action, and the model was interpreted as prescribing
loyalty to specific social groups.
One of the most important social virtues adopted from Con¬
fucianism was filial piety. In this case, a borrowed ethical model was
used to reinforce and expand preexisting Japanese notions about the
family. Since prehistoric times, the Japanese had revered the dead,
and they openly accepted the Confucian notion of filial piety to
idealize and elaborate the practice. (At the same time, they utilized
Buddhist memorial rites to sanctify the practice.) Extended families
had been important before the arrival of Confucianism, but later most
social groups tended to internalize the rationale of filial piety and
loyalty. Families drew much of their strength from the fact that they
participated as economic units in activities such as farming, but they
came to understand their unity through Confucian notions. Later, the
warrior came to see his relationship to his lord as a combination of
duty and privilege defined by absolute loyalty. One can see this
hierarchical authority used as a rationale for more recent policies and
practices. For example, in the past century of rapid modernization,
the government has taken the initiative in telling the people what
they must do, and the people usually have complied.
Both Prince Shotoku's "Constitution" of the seventh century and
Emperor Meiji's Constitution of the late nineteenth century were
handed down on the initiative of the ruler. In Anglo-Saxon history,
there are many instances of the people demanding their rights from the
monarch. In Japan, the people have tended to wait for the impe¬
rial rescript or the military ruler's command. Especially during the
modernization and military campaigns of the past century, there was
an explicit identity of a man's filial piety to his father, his absolute
loyalty to the emperor, and his supreme sacrifice for his country. 55
Confucianism was not responsible for the creation of these social Confucianism
and Religious
attitudes and institutions; rather, such facts demonstrate how well Taoism:
suited Confucianism was to conditions in Japan. Chinese
Importations
By the Tokugawa and Meiji periods, beginning in the seventeenth
century and extending into the twentieth, the notion of filial piety
became synonymous with being a good child and a good Japanese
citizen. Confucian ideas became closely tied to the process of growing
up and becoming a member of society. This can be illustrated roughly
by a comparison of recent child-rearing techniques in the West and in
Japan. In the West, children are encouraged to become independent
and "stand on their own two feet." In Japan, children are brought up
to be more dependent on and loyal to the family. In this manner the
ideals of Confucianism gradually were woven into the fabric of Jap¬
anese society.
Fortunetelling of all kinds is popular in Japan. This woman has set up her portable
stand in front of a closed bank (whose sign is above her head). On her tablecloth are
printed examples of her means of telling fortunes: a Chinese hexagram (two sets of
three black lines), plus an ear lobe, and a hand. (Tokyo, 1979)
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
In Japan there are at least three aspects of folk religion: (1) indigenous
folk religion, (2) popular religion, and (3) local customs. Indigenous
folk religion is the sum of all the unorganized forms of ancient Japa¬
nese religion. These forms often became overlaid with the structures of
organized religion, but they existed prior to the organized tradition.
One might say that indigenous folk religion "filtered up" into Shinto
and Buddhism. An example of indigenous folk religion is the rituals 61
associated with the growing of rice, especially rice-transplanting cele¬ Folk Religion:
Religiosity
brations, which were never fully incorporated into organized religion. Outside
Popular religion consists of unofficial expressions of organized reli¬ Organized
Religion
gion among lay people. Although a religion like Buddhism has its
own doctrinal, ritual, and ecclesiastical orthodoxy, it undergoes con¬
siderable reformulation as it is accepted by the masses. From a schol¬
arly or ecclesiastical viewpoint, popular Buddhism may diverge from
orthodox formulas, but the aim of popular religion is to provide direct
access to spiritual resources in the language and style of the people.
Popular religion generally can be described as the result of organized
religion filtering down to the people. An example of popular religion
is the neighborhood club (ko) that meets once a month to venerate a
divinity, often a Buddhist divinity. Such a practice may borrow ele¬
ments from Buddhism, but they are expressed and handed down by
ordinary men and women in their own homes.
Local customs are peculiar regional and local practices that usually
combine features of indigenous folk religion and popular religion.
From ancient times, religious practices were heavily influenced by the
dominant legends, customs, and activities of the surrounding region.
Even Shinto and Buddhism lack the centralized uniformity found in
Roman Catholicism and Protestant denominations, allowing Shinto
in particular to develop distinctive local practices. This aspect of folk
religion contributes much local color to Japanese religion. An example
of such a local usage is the preservation of a mythical tale or legend
associated only with one region (such as the visit of a specific kami to
an area in ancient times). The tale may be memorialized in a local
shrine or temple and often is dramatized in an annual village festival.
Sometimes the occasion for a local custom is a universal religious
event, such as the "Buddhist” festival of the dead, bon, but there are
local variations on the manner of celebration, such as special village
gatherings and specially prepared foods.
Indigenous folk religion, popular religion, and local customs can¬
not be sharply separated from one another, for they form the living
fabric of the everyday practice of religion in traditional Japan. For
example, folk tales can be found in each as a kind of informal scrip¬
ture that unifies and preserves religion. It would also be impossible to
separate the three folk elements from organized religion, since there
is a great deal of mutual influence between the folk and organized
traditions. In fact, folk religion is so important that one scholar has
stated that "in Japan the little tradition is the great tradition.”2 In
62 premodern times, folk religion was the main channel of expression
Japanese for religious beliefs and practices, particularly in the countryside and
Religion:
Unity and in farm villages.
Diversity In more recent times folk religious beliefs and activities have be¬
come severely abbreviated because of economic and social changes.
The expansion of cities and commerce in the late medieval period and
the increasing dominance of an urban-industrial way of life after 1868
greatly disturbed life in rural villages. These changes drew people from
the countryside to the city and generally shifted attention from the
agricultural lifestyle of traditional Japan to the economic activities of
the cities. Thus our description of folk religion refers generally to tradi¬
tional patterns that were prominent until the late nineteenth century.
A New Year's decoration in the center of the grill of a Tokyo taxi. After a week or so,
the decorations are removed. (New Year's week, 1980)
A blind shaman (itako) is communicating with the dead. The shaman is the woman
holding the rosary of black beads. The woman who has requested the shaman's services
is to her right, holding a handkerchief to her face and stifling her tears as she hears a
message from her dead relative. This is an annual festival of late summer near Mount
Osore, and most of the people who come are women of the area. The young woman in
the background holding a microphone is a student of linguistics from a Tokyo univer¬
sity recording the distinctive dialect used by these shamans. (Mount Osore, 1963)
relationship between the living and dead, one of the most important
aspects in all of Japanese religion. The significance of folk religion is
demonstrated by this ability to work within the everyday ordinary
contexts of daily life and yet minister directly to the crucial religious
needs of the people.
NOTES---
SELECTED READINGS -
This brief survey of the cooperation among the five formative tradi¬
tions is not an exhaustive analysis of Japanese religion but does
provide a basis for understanding its nature and development in the
subsequent centuries. These basic elements continued to interact
with each other while developing specific religious organizations and
while contributing to the wider religious situation. The appearance of
new religious currents, particularly Buddhist importations, was of
great importance in determining the way in which these elements
interacted.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS -
The Development
and Elaboration of
Japanese Religion
Part I began the story of Japanese religion with the prehistoric heri¬
tage, the development of Shinto, and the importation of the Bud¬
dhist, Taoist, and Confucian traditions. The appearance of these
religious strands was closely related to political and social develop¬
ments, such as the creation of a unified nation and a centralized state,
and culminated in the political and religious developments at Nara,
the capital at the end of the eighth century. By this time the major out¬
lines of Japanese religion were taking shape.
As we enter Part II, we must keep in mind these formative elements
and their initial pattern; yet we must also be ready to see new aspects
of these formative elements (particularly new importations of Bud¬
dhism) and changes within them. The formative elements had not
assumed a final shape by the ninth century; they continued to de¬
velop through the seventeenth century in ways that further shaped
the religious world-view of the Japanese people.
The religious developments to be described in Part II are related to
social and political developments. For example, the founders of Ten-
dai and Shingon Buddhism went to China to bring back new em¬
phases in Buddhist teachings and practice. But their trip to China
occurred because they were sent as envoys of the Japanese state, in a
government ship. Throughout this period religion was closely tied to
the brilliant life of the court at the new capital of Kyoto.
The Buddhist sects that developed during this time span constitute
the major lines of Buddhist institutions down to the present day.
Shinto tended to be overshadowed by Buddhism in this period, but
there was a great deal of interaction between Buddhism and Shinto,
and Shinto developed theoretical arguments that formed the basis for
a renewal of Shinto in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Taoism and Confucianism persevered more as implicit influences
than as distinct traditions. Christianity first entered Japan in 1549
and enjoyed a brief popularity before it succumbed to political per¬
secution. Taken as a whole, these additions and changes to the reli¬
gion of the formative period constitute the period of development and
elaboration.
CHAPTER 9
The Founding of a
Japanese Buddhism: The
Shingon and Tendai Sects
A statue of Kobo Daishi, the founder of Shingon Buddhism, here shown as a protector
of children. By borrowing a pilgrim's staff and circling his statue, a person acquires
the same religious benefit as if he or she made a distant pilgrimage. (Kyoto, 1979)
Unknowable, unknowable
It is completely unknowable.
About the Buddha and the non-Buddhists
There are millions of scrolls;
Dark, dark, it is very dark 81
Of the Way that is spoken there are many paths. ^ie Founding
What is left °!alTneSe
Buddhism:
When the copying and chanting of scriptures stop? The Shingon
No one knows, no one knows and Tendai
Qprf-q
And I too do not know.
Though they consider and speculate
Even the wise do not know.3
After the Heian period, the Tendai sect, founded by Dengyo Daishi,
became increasingly more important than Shingon. Historically, Ten¬
dai can be considered the more important of the two sects, for it
spawned most of the later Buddhist developments in Japan. Al¬
though Dengyo Daishi went to China at the same time as Kobo
Daishi, his experience there was quite different. Dengyo Daishi
viewed the esoteric Buddhism of China merely as one important
Buddhist tradition along with Ch'an (the Chinese term for the Zen
sect). For Dengyo Daishi the T'ien-t'ai sect was superior to the other
Buddhist traditions. (Tendai is the Japanese pronunciation of T'ien-
t'ai.) Dengyo Daishi spent most of his time in China at the headquar¬
ters of the T'ien-t'ai sect, on a mountain called T'ien-t'ai.
The T'ien-t'ai sect, established by the Chinese monk Chih-i (538-97),
focused on the Lotus Sutra and the teachings of the great Buddhist
scholar Nagarjuna (c. a.d. 150). Chih-i considered the Lotus Sutra the
culmination of the Buddha's teaching and used it to synthesize most
previous Buddhist doctrine into one grand system. He emphasized
the notion that all life was present in the mind of the historical Bud¬
dha from the moment of his enlightenment, and he related this idea
to Nagarjuna's philosophical insistence on the emptiness of all phe¬
nomenal existence (that is, life here and now). Chih-i's doctrine is a
threefold analysis of existence that both denies and at the same time
affirms phenomenal existence.5 For the lay person, this means that
even daily life, if properly perceived and meditated on, can be the
road to Buddhahood (becoming Buddha or attaining the level of a
Buddha). In both China and Japan this sect emphasized that proper
Buddhist practice is dependent upon proper meditation.
When Dengyo Daishi returned to Japan, he went to the mountain
called Hieizan, overlooking Kyoto. There he established the Tendai
84 sect, emphasizing the Lotus Sutra and the necessity of monastic retreat
Japanese
for proper meditation. Of course, the Lotus Sutra already had a con¬
Religion:
Unity and siderable history in Japan: Even Prince Shotoku is supposed to have
Diversity written a commentary on it, and the Buddhist schools of Nara had
recognized its profundity. Dengyo Daishi's contribution was to teach
the primary importance of the Lotus Sutra. He criticized earlier in¬
terpretations of it as false and proposed as the true interpretation that
"all forms of life stand on an equal basis in attaining Buddhahood,"6
emphasizing the notion in the Lotus Sutra that all life has the potential
for becoming enlightened.
Dengyo Daishi was uncompromising not only on doctrinal matters,
but also in matters of training and ordination. His criticism of corrupt
Nara Buddhism and his concern for proper meditation led him to
prescribe a twelve-year period of training for monks on Hieizan, dur¬
ing which time they were not allowed to leave the mountain. His
insistence on establishing the proper rite of ordination (which he had
received in China and wanted to install in Japan) involved him in a
lifelong struggle, which received governmental approval only after
his death. Under his guidance, Hieizan became the center of Buddhist
studies in Japan.
The mountain headquarters of Hieizan symbolizes Dengyo Daishi's
great plans for Japanese Buddhism. He was concerned that Buddhism
in Japan be orthodox in ordination rites, scriptures, doctrine, and de¬
votion. Having received proper ordination himself (in China), he felt
qualified to lead orthodox Buddhism in Japan. Convinced that the
Lotus Sutra was the essential teaching of Buddhism, he upheld it as
the foremost scripture. For doctrine he transmitted the T'ien-t'ai
teachings based on the Lotus Sutra, that every phenomenal aspect of
the world is filled with Buddha-nature. Determined that his monks be
properly devout and disciplined, he required long periods of medita¬
tion. History rewarded Dengyo Daishi's efforts, for Hieizan became
the monastic and scholastic headquarters of all Japanese Buddhism,
regardless of sect affiliation. In spite of the ravages of time and war¬
fare, much of the glory of this monastic headquarters survives today
and is a popular tourist attraction just outside Kyoto. One of the
peculiar architectural structures at Hieizan is the chapel with an
image of Amida in the center of an empty room, so that priests could
circumambulate Amida while in devotional meditation. The faith in
Amida nurtured within Tendai later blossomed in the practices of the
Pure Land sects.
The impact of Tendai on popular life is not so clear as that of Shin-
gon. One of Tendai's greatest contributions is the placing of the Lotus
Sutra in the center of attention, for this is probably the single most
influential Buddhist scripture for China and Japan. In it we find the 85
most direct and dramatic expression of the gist of Mahayana Bud¬ The Founding
of a Japanese
dhism: All beings may easily attain enlightenment through simple acts Buddhism:
of devotion. In the words of the Lotus Sutra, whoever memorizes or The Shingon
and Tendai
recites but a single stanza of this scripture "and who honours that Sects
book with flowers, incense, perfumed garlands, ointment, powder,
clothes, umbrellas, flags, banners, music, joined hands, reverential
bows and salutations . . . must be held to be accomplished in su¬
preme and perfect enlightenment/'7 This compassionate rendering of
Buddhism summed up the meaning of the tradition to the majority of
the Japanese people. Tendai teaching so emphasized the penetration
of Buddha-nature within the phenomenal world that in medieval
times it preached the inherent Buddha-nature of the natural world:
"Not only the grass and trees but also rivers, mountains, and the
earth are themselves Buddhahood already possessed intact."8 Here
we see how the Japanese appreciation of the natural world became
part of Tendai teaching.
The founders of the Shingon and Tendai sects were contem¬
poraries, but they led different careers and made contrasting con¬
tributions to Japanese Buddhism. Some scholars feel that Dengyo
Daishi would have been more successful if he had been more com¬
promising, like Kobo Daishi. Both men founded headquarters of
mountain Buddhism in Japan; yet their fortunes were quite different.
Although Kobo Daishi's fame was immediate and lasting, his sect was
of lesser importance for religious history, as a covert influence. In
contrast, Dengyo Daishi has enjoyed less personal fame, but his sect
is of the utmost importance for subsequent religious history as the
source of all later Buddhist sects. Two elements that Dengyo Daishi
brought to Japan along with Tendai were faith in the bodhisattva
named Amida and Zen practices. For a while these two elements had
only a minor role within Tendai because Tendai gradually became
heavily laden with Shingon ritualistic influence. However, with the
passing of Shingon's golden age, these two dormant elements woke
to new life. They became so active that they burst the bonds of Tendai
and gave rise to new sects.
Kannon is one of the most popular Buddhist divinities in Japan. People ''worship"
Kannon by ladling water over the statue and using brushes (bought inside the temple
grounds) to scrub the part of the statue corresponding to the part of their body that is
ailing. On one fine September Sunday in Tokyo, about seventy-five people (mostly
women) were patiently lined up waiting their turn to ladle water on and scrub the
statue. (Tokyo, 1979)
NOTES ---
SELECTED READINGS --
Following the relative peace of the Heian period came the troubled
times of the Kamakura period (1185-1333), in which there was a major
shift in political power from the court at Kyoto to ruling feudal groups
headed by a generalissimo (shogun). The period draws its name from
the site of Kamakura where this feudal government was first estab¬
lished. Actually, struggles between rising feudal powers had occurred
in the Heian period, but in the Kamakura period they dominated the
entire scene. The large Buddhist temples also figured as major eco¬
nomic and military forces, contributing to the general unrest of the
times.
The shift from the Heian period to the Kamakura period had two
immediate consequences for Japanese Buddhism. First, the decline of
the court and nobility led to the withdrawal of patronage and finan¬
cial support of Shingon and Tendai. Second, the uncertainty of life in
these trying times called for a more immediate resolution of religious
problems and questions of salvation.
One of the Buddhist theories that resounded through the Kama¬
kura period was the theory of the "decline of the law." Here "law"
(dharma in Sanskrit, ho in Japanese) means the Buddha's teachings, or
Buddhism. This theory presupposed three major Buddhist ages of
increasing degeneration: first, the ideal age when people followed the
teaching of the Buddha and could attain enlightenment; second, a
rather degenerate age when people practiced the teaching of Buddha
even though they knew enlightenment was impossible; and third, a
completely degenerate age when no one bothered to practice the
Buddha's teachings. Japanese Buddhists, following the Chinese in¬
terpretation of this theory, understood that the first two ages were
already past and they were living in the third and final age.1 The
people who lived through the all-too-frequent warfare and bloodshed
of the Kamakura period feared an imminent end of the world.
Moreover, they realized that in this age of the decline of the law,
organized Buddhism itself was of little help to the lay person seek¬
ing salvation.
92 This crisis within Buddhism, however, did not bring about its ex¬
Japanese
tinction. On the contrary, the philosophical schools of Nara survived,
Religion:
Unity and and the Heian sects of Shingon and Tendai continued to develop.
Diversity Furthermore, this new situation in the Kamakura period stimulated
latent features of Japanese Buddhism, which flourished as never be¬
fore. If the contribution of the Heian period was an authentic Japanese
Buddhism, then the Kamakura contribution was Buddhism for the
Japanese people. Kamakura developments marked the first time in
Japanese history when Buddhism captured the attention of large
numbers of the common people, and it is these same sects that today
claim the majority of Buddhist temples and Buddhist adherents. In
Kamakura times Buddhism emphasized not so much the formal no¬
tion of enlightenment or salvation (nirvana) as simpler religious goals
such as rebirth into Amida's pure land.
Neither Shingon nor Tendai could fully meet the new religious
needs. Tendai, however, contained the germs of the three major Bud¬
dhist developments of the Kamakura period: the Pure Land sects, the
Nichiren sect, and the Zen sects.
The term "Pure Land" (or "Pure Realm") is a translation of the Jap¬
anese term Jodo. It can refer to one particular group of Buddhist sects,
the Pure Land sects, but in a broader sense it refers to the Pure Land
of Amida in the Buddhist pantheon. Amida (Amitabha or Amitayus
in Sanskrit) was an important Buddha even in Indian Buddhism and
became one of the most important objects of Buddhist devotion in
China. Amida has compassion on and wants to save all human beings.
To rescue them Amida brings humans to the Buddhist realm called
the Pure Land. All people can avail themselves of Amida's saving
grace simply by invoking or chanting the name of Amida. In Japan
this practice is known as nembutsu: The actual phrase is namu Amida or
namu Amida Butsu, meaning "I put my faith in Amida Buddha." Orig¬
inally the nembutsu meant meditation on Amida, but the element of
meditation was soon replaced by fervent devotion and endless repe¬
tition. The development of the Pure Land sects expressed the shift
from meditation to faith. In China and then in Japan the cult of Amida
became closely associated with memorials for the dead.
The simplicity of faith in Amida helped spread this cult throughout
the land. Although all people yearned for their own salvation and the
repose of their ancestors, only a few could spend the time and money
for Shingon rituals and Tendai meditation. Furthermore, no com¬ 93
Elaboration
prehension of subtle doctrines was required in Pure Land Buddhism.
Within
The founders of the Pure Land sects were thoroughly trained in the Japanese
monasteries of Hieizan and elsewhere, but they emphasized the Buddhism:
The Pure
availability of salvation for even illiterate peasants. Amida Buddhism Land,
did not win the day because people chose to follow Pure Land doc¬ Nichiren, and
Zen Sects
trine instead of Tendai and Shingon doctrine. It was not a matter of
choosing one intellectual system over another so much as it was a
matter of choosing popular devotion to Amida over the former Bud¬
dhist systems. Faith in Amida became more important for the people
than all the earlier Buddhist movements combined—-the philosophi¬
cal systems of Nara Buddhism, the rituals of Shingon, and the medi¬
tation of Tendai.
A number of Buddhist priests within the Tendai sect stimulated
belief in Amida, but the one who is most remembered as the founder
of Pure Land as a separate sect is Honen (1133-1212). Most of the
earlier priests who preached faith in Amida did so within the context
of Tendai, without establishing a separate sect. The career of Honen is
a good example of the changing religious atmosphere. Honen studied
Buddhism at Hieizan and gained fame as a scholar. Even though he
devoted his life to studying the many systems of Buddhist thought,
he did not see how these complex doctrines could help a person attain
religious peace during such troubled times. At the age of 42 he be¬
came convinced of the truth of the Pure Land teachings.
Honen was able to make a clear distinction between the earlier
Buddhist teachings in Japan and the newer teaching of faith in
Amida. In doing so, he followed the precedent of an earlier Japanese
Amidist by calling previous Buddhist teachings of right conduct and
religious exercises the "holy path" and ascribing them to the first two
ages of Buddhist history. However, Honen, who lived during the
third and final age, believed that it was too much to expect women
and men to achieve salvation through their own efforts. The only
hope in such evil times was the possibility of rebirth in Amida's Pure
Land. Like his Amidist forerunner, Honen distinguished sharply be¬
tween the overly "difficult" holy path of earlier sects and the need for
an "easy" means of salvation in the age of the decline of the law.
Honen proposed an easy means of salvation available to all: rebirth in
Amida's Pure Land by means of invoking Amida's name. Honen
maintained that all human beings were so wicked that they could
never win their own salvation, even if they followed the holy path
perfectly. They would be much better off to acknowledge their imper¬
fection and throw themselves upon the mercy of Amida.
94 Salvation would be effected by the power of Amida. Interpretations
Japanese
of Amida's saving power differed considerably, however. There was
Religion:
Unity and disagreement over whether good works were a necessary precursor
Diversity of the nembutsu or whether good works were unimportant for salva¬
tion. Another area of disagreement was whether a person was saved
absolutely by just one recitation of the nembutsu or whether one's
salvation depended upon constant repetition of the nembutsu.
Several priests following Honen elaborated different themes of
Pure Land teaching but did not found separate sects. One who did
establish a new sect was Shinran (1173-1263), who rivals Honen in
Pure Land history and was considered by his followers to be the
founder of the Amidist sect called Jodo Shin. Shinran, too, received
his Buddhist training at Hieizan but became converted to Honen's
teaching of faith in Amida. Shinran was even more zealous than
Honen in propagating Amidism. He said that the all-important thing
was faith in Amida. With his emphasis on the importance of faith,
Shinran tended to deemphasize repetition of Amida's name. He
maintained that even "one calling" on the name of Amida was suffi¬
cient for salvation, in opposition to Honen's teaching that empha¬
sized repetition of Amida's name.
In every aspect, Shinran turned Honen's teaching to the extreme of
absolute trust in Amida, completely deprecating the ability of men
and women to work for their own salvation. Honen had said, "Even a
bad man will be received in Buddha's Land, how much more a good
man." Shinran placed such trust in Amida and such distrust in
human goodness that he turned this saying around: "Even a good
man will be received in Buddha's Land, how much more a bad man."2
Shinran's emphasis on faith in Amida alone led his followers to reject
other Buddhist divinities and especially Shinto divinities (kami).
Families belonging to the Jodo Shin sect were exceptional in that their
homes featured only the Buddhist altar (butsudan) and excluded the
customary Shinto altar (kamidana).
The followers of Honen became the Jodo (Pure Land) sect; the
followers of Shinran became the Jodo Shinshu (True Pure Land sect),
which is usually known by its abbreviated name Shinshu (True sect).
The Pure Land movements experienced varying degrees of success.
After the death of Shinran, the Jodo Shinshu tended to decline. One
of Shinran's successors, Rennyo (1414-99), is credited with "restor¬
ing" the sect by helping to shape its doctrine and organizational struc¬
ture. Shinshu became the largest Buddhist sect.
Shinran's importance is not limited to his status as a founder of
Jodo Shinshu. According to tradition, Shinran was contemptuous of
the celibate life required of monks because that lifestyle presupposed 95
the individual monk's ability to attain salvation on his own and, fur¬ Elaboration
Within
thermore, the monastic life implied a lack of faith in the Buddha's Japanese
grace, which could erase all imperfection. Shinran supposedly Buddhism:
The Pure
wanted to show that the Buddhist life could be practiced by even the Land,
ordinary householder, so he married and raised a family. One account Nichiren, and
Zen Sects
says that Honen himself arranged the marriage. Whether or not this
story is true, Shinran is popularly venerated for establishing the prec¬
edent for a married priesthood. In later times, all the Buddhist sects
allowed priests to marry. This is a distinctive feature of Japanese
Buddhism, one that sets it off from the Buddhism of countries such as
Sri Lanka (Ceylon) and Burma, where Theravada Buddhism adheres
to a celibate monasticism.
Amidism is one of the most pervasive of all religious movements
within Japanese history. Faith in Amida preceded the founding of the
Pure Land sects and overflowed the boundaries of those sects. The
nembutsu was something that people accepted and practiced regard¬
less of their own temple affiliation. Amida was responsive to all who
called on the name of Amida, and men and women and children
looked to Amida for help in time of need. It is said that on medieval
battlefields the dying warriors sent up their loud pleas for Amida to
take them to the Pure Land.
Pure Land priests were active both in spreading Buddhist faith
in the heart of the cities and in building temples in rural areas. Even
the pattern of temple organization was an innovation to Japanese
Buddhism. In the past, temples had been founded and maintained
mainly by government sponsorship. Shinran gathered together prac¬
titioners of the nembu tsu, along the lines of popularly organized congre¬
gations. Rennyo and others later solidified this network of believers
into a tight organizational system. It is no accident that Pure Land
groups in general and Jodo Shinshu in particular possess one of the
largest memberships and are among the most tightly organized of all
Japanese Buddhist groups.
Zen is the most publicized but not necessarily the most understood
aspect of Japanese Buddhism. Many Westerners have been led to
98 believe that Zen tells the whole story of Japanese Buddhism and the
Japanese Japanese spirit. In this short work, the treatment of Zen must be
Religion:
Unity and limited to its role in Japanese religious history. There is already a vast
Diversity popular literature for Westerners dealing with contemporary Zen as a
personal philosophy of life, to which the reader may refer. However,
to understand Zen historically, we must recognize that in Japan it first
rose to prominence during the Kamakura period. Therefore, it existed
in the same religious and cultural atmosphere as Pure Land and
Nichiren Buddhism.
Zen cannot be divorced from its Indian and Chinese origins. As one
Japanese scholar has described the subject, "Zen combined with the
intellectual culture of India, the pragmatic culture of China, and the
esthetic culture of Japan."5 The word zen derives from the Sanskrit
word dhyana, meaning "meditation." However, the practice of medi¬
tation did not form the basis of a separate school until this stream had
entered China, where it became related to Taoist conceptions and
practices. The Chinese sects of Ch'an (Chinese for dhyana) formed
the basis for the Japanese sects of Zen (the Japanese pronunciation
of Ch'an).
Zen was known in Japan several centuries before Kamakura times
without becoming a major movement. Several of the priests who
went to China on imperial order brought back Zen. Dengyo Daishi,
the founder of Tendai, visited Zen monasteries in China and brought
back the Zen practices of meditation. Nevertheless, Zen at Hieizan
could not hold its own against Dengyo Daishi's teaching of the Lotus
Sutra, the dominant Shingon esotericism, which overshadowed Heian
times, and the emerging Amidist beliefs. In effect, Zen had to be reim¬
ported by forceful personalities who made a special effort to prop¬
agate it. The two most important figures are Eisai (1141-1215) and
Dogen (1200-53).
Eisai received a thorough training in Buddhism at Hieizan but was
not satisfied with the contemporary forms of Buddhism. He wanted
to go to India to search out the true Buddhism but traveled only as far
as China, making two trips there. In China, Eisai was converted to the
Lin-chi sect of Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism and received the full training of
this sect. His return to Japan marks the beginning of the Japanese Zen
sect of Rinzai. (Rinzai is the Japanese pronunciation for Lin-chi.) There
is a tradition that he was responsible for the introduction of tea into
Japan. Eisai had little luck in advocating Zen around the capital city
of Kyoto, where the older sects were still entrenched. However, he
found continuing support from the military warlords at Kamakura.
In China, too, Zen (Ch'an) had been partly a reaction against the
scholasticism and formalism of some imported forms of Indian
Buddhism. In place of innumerable abstract doctrines, Zen set forth 99
Elaboration
a simple notion that every person could attain enlightenment by in¬
Within
sight into his or her own experience and the surrounding world. The Japanese
Lin-chi (Rinzai) sect placed emphasis on a sudden enlightenment Buddhism:
The Pure
that might be triggered by an accidental circumstance. It is not surpris¬ Land,
ing that Zen made a good showing in the Kamakura period, when Nichiren, and
Zen Sects
Buddhism was appealing to the masses in simpler terms. Whereas the
Amida cults stressed faith in Amida and Nichiren advocated faith in
the Lotus Sutra, Zen priests replaced complicated doctrines with a
notion of immediate enlightenment in the course of one's everyday
life. It is no wonder that Kamakura military leaders found this notion
appealing. Eisai, however, had to make certain compromises to the
military rulers and to established Buddhists in order to have Zen
recognized as a separate sect.
On a journey, ill,
and over fields all withered, dreams
go wandering still.11
Zen has its roots in India, emerged as a sect in China, and first
flourished in Japan as the imported Rinzai and Soto sects. But Zen is
much more than a sectarian expression of Buddhism or a personal
experience of enlightenment. In both China and Japan, Zen had a
strong impact on the arts. Shingon had made some contribution to
the graphic arts; Zen pervaded the whole culture. Zen (colored by
Taoism's love of nature) is the spiritual inspiration of much Chinese
and Japanese painting; its influence can be seen in the art of flower
arranging (ikebana). Unlike Shingon art, which favors the esoteric and
borders on the grotesque, Zen favors a quiet simplicity.
It is difficult to say whether the Chinese tradition of Ch'an (Zen)
taught quiet simplicity to the Japanese or whether the Japanese
brought a cultural tradition of quiet simplicity to their understanding
of Zen. However, from ancient times the Japanese have had a peculiar
tradition combining aesthetic and religious appreciation of nature.
This can be seen as early as the eighth-century anthology of poetry,
Manyoshu. Many Westerners have come to appreciate Zen through
translations of haiku, which express the spirit of Zen. Also, the drink¬
ing of tea and the cult of tea have been closely associated with Zen.
Zen has pervaded Japanese culture even beyond the realms of what
Westerners ordinarily understand as art. Zen practitioners cared less
for subtlety of doctrine than they cared for the complete training of
mind and body. There was a relationship between emphasis on the
instant of enlightenment and tuning the mind and body to every
instant of experience. Therefore, military techniques or sports such as
swordsmanship, archery, and wrestling were pursued for the sake of
Zen. The object was not simply to defeat the opponent, but to tune
one's whole being to a naturalness and freeness that transcended
the formalities of prescribed movements. Kamakura warriors adopted
Zen both for its utilitarian and its spiritual benefits. In the modern
period, Zen continues to be a major inspiration for philosophical
thought and religious cultivation.
103
Elaboration
Within
Japanese
Buddhism:
The Pure
Land,
Nichiren, and
Zen Sects
Offering incense at temples is one of the most common acts of religious devotion in
Japan. On the top is the courtyard of a large Zen temple in Tokyo. In the top
photograph, people are offering incense in a large metal brazier in front of a seated
statue of Jizo (featuring a large pilgrim's hat). Below, people take advantage of the
curative powers of incense at another nearby temple by placing their hands in the
smoke and rubbing the afflicted parts of their bodies. The woman in front is holding her
hand into the smoke, while the women behind the incense brazier are rubbing their
bodies. (Tokyo, 1979)
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS -
The Development of
Medieval Shinto
each upright pole had attached to it two smaller poles. The two
smaller poles indicate the dual character of the world, which is tran¬
scended by an overarching unity.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
The Appearance of
Christianity in Japan
By the middle of the sixteenth century all the basic traditions within
Japanese religion had interacted to a great degree and had developed
distinctive lines of transmission. In 1549 Christianity was introduced
into the Japanese islands by Roman Catholic missionaries. The Jap¬
anese, being rather self-conscious of their own distinctive blend of
traditions into a Japanese culture, did not at first understand Chris¬
tianity and viewed it as a foreign religion. It may be argued that
Christianity (unlike Buddhism) did not become transformed into a
Japanese religion. Nevertheless, an examination of "the Christian
century in Japan," as one scholar has described the period of about
one hundred years when Christianity first flourished in Japan,1 gives
us many insights into Japanese religious history.
The first Christian missionary to Japan was Saint Francis Xavier,
later called the Apostle of Japan. Xavier was drawn to Japan by favor¬
able accounts of the country, and his first impression verified the
rumors. In a few years he saw an encouraging number of converts
and foresaw a glorious future for the Roman church in Japan. He did
not underestimate the faith of the most sincere converts, but neither
did he suspect the great trials to which their faith would be subjected.
Within a century's time the foreign priests and Japanese Christians
experienced a persecution that some scholars say is unparalleled in
the history of the Christian church. By about 1650 Christianity ceased
to exist as a public religion, surviving only on a small scale as a se¬
cret cult.
116 THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY INTO JAPAN
Japanese
Religion:
Unity and The motives for missionary work, both Christian and Buddhist, have
Diversity usually included a mixture of religious, economic, and cultural fac¬
tors. The entry of Christianity into sixteenth-century Japan was no
exception. The earliest missionaries were chiefly Portuguese Jesuits,
and the ships that brought the Jesuits carried European goods for
trade. The economic support of the Jesuits was closely related to this
trade, and it was no secret that the Japanese feudal lords desired the
presence of a Jesuit priest in order to attract trade with the Portuguese
ships. (The ships brought highly prized Chinese silk to Japan.)
Xavier at first traveled to the capital with the purpose of speaking to
the "king" of Japan and discovered that in the midsixteenth century
the emperor was only a figurehead; real political power was held by
a military ruler and local feudal lords. In Europe, Jesuit missionaries
first tried to convert members of elite groups such as the nobility. This
pattern was repeated in Japan. The Jesuits learned that without the
cooperation—or at least the tolerance—of the feudal lords, they
could do nothing. A feudal lord often would declare for Christianity
more or less superficially, and his subjects would follow suit. The
Jesuits were well aware of the expediency of these conversions, but
they accepted the situation because it enabled them to work for
genuine converts.
Xavier left Japan reluctantly after two years. A handful of priests
remained to carry on the work. Gradually other Roman Catholic or¬
ders were represented, but there never was a great number of priests
in Japan. (The unfriendly rivalry between Jesuits and other Catholic
orders constituted a major obstacle to effective missionary work and
may have made the military rulers suspicious of all foreigners.) How¬
ever, there was an increasing number of conversions, and the attrac¬
tion to Christianity cannot be explained simply in economic terms. In
accounting for these conversions to Christianity, we can understand
something about the nature of Christianity itself, the contemporary
religious scene in Japan, and the Japanese people.
aJA^,
118 Christianity had the advantage of presenting to the Japanese a unified
Japanese
system of faith and practice, because only Roman Catholicism entered
Religion:
Unity and Japan at this time and at first it was introduced only by the Jesuit
Diversity order. The Jesuits deserved their reputation as the intellectual leaders
of Catholicism. Their military style of organization enabled them to
recruit able men and train them as well-disciplined defenders of the
Church in the attempt to rebuild Catholic strength following the Prot¬
estant Reformation in Europe. Of course, most Japanese were not
aware of the Protestant-Catholic confrontation and Protestant sec¬
tarianism in Europe, and the Jesuits chose not to tell them. AlCthat
the Japanese knew about Christianity, they learned from the Roman
Catholic missionaries.
In the context of these general historical considerations, what was
the attraction of Christianity? According to one scholar, “Christianity
represented a double attraction: ethical to the bushi, the leading class
of Japan; and Salvationist to the masses." For the bushi, or warrior,
who was brought up on the notion of absolute loyalty to his feudal
lord, "the step to Christianity was not a large or an illogical one,"3
because the relationship between human beings and the Christian
God was also taught by the Jesuits to be one of absolute loyalty)
In fact, the Tesuit preaching in Japan, which stressed both a self-
sacrificing ideal and an uncompromising moral code (with stinging
criticism of immorality in Japanese society), appears to have been
very attractive toAhese highly disciplined warriors. The Jesuits, with
their blend of religious and military discipline, appealed directly to
the Japanese warriorsr--N
In northern Kyushu, in particular, common people were the
mainstay-of the Church, and they seem to have been drawn by the
combination of a guarantee of a transcendent salvation and a strong
_rnoral code. (It is worth recalling here that each of the most successful
Buddhist movements in Japan—the Pure Land, Zen, and Nichiren
vsects—had stressed an assurance of salvation in a distinctive fashion.
Thus it is not surprising that some Japanese wpuld accept a foreign
variation of the notion of assurance of salvation.) Some feudal lords
seem to have been more concerned with {Patronizing Christianity
(especially by allowing missionaries to preach in their domains) or
with converting to Christianity for the economic benefit of attracting
the Portuguese.trading ships in which the Christian missionaries had
a financial interest. In some cases when the feudal lord converted, he
had his whole domain convert to Christianity.
As the foregoing considerations demonstrate, the historical cir¬
cumstances and personal motivations leading to acceptance of Chris-
tianity were complex. (The same is true of almost all instances of 119
religious conversion.) But whatever the circumstances and moti¬ The
Appearance of
vations, many Japanese overcame the obstacles of difference and Christianity in
foreignness to gain a deep and Tasting commitment to Christianity, Japan
SELECTED READINGS ~
From earliest times, the five basic traditions of Japanese religion have
interacted with one another. In the period of development and elab¬
oration, discussed in Part II, these traditions developed unique forms
within the general context of Japanese religion. Buddhism received
from China new waves of influence that were restructured into forms
of Japanese Buddhism. Likewise, Confucianism and Taoism con¬
tinued to be Japanized. Confucianism, along with Buddhism and
Shinto, provided a semiofficial rationale for existence of the state.
Religious Taoism played an equally important role, but on the level of
popular religion. Folk religion interacted with the more organized
traditions and persisted in the beliefs and customs of the people.
Shinto was busy borrowing from all these religious streams with the
motive of becoming systematized and strengthened so as to compete
with the other systems.
This period has been called one of development and elaboration
because, with the exception of Christianity, no new religious tradi¬
tions were introduced. Only new streams of the older traditions were
introduced, such as the newer sects of Buddhism. Buddhism became
elaborated into a truly Japanese phenomenon: Buddhist practices
became more thoroughly interrelated with Shinto practices; distinc¬
tively Japanese developments of Buddhism such as Nichiren Bud¬
dhism appeared; and the largest Buddhist sects developed.
Shinto underwent development and elaboration when it appropri¬
ated foreign traditions and, by incorporating them, produced a more
126 complete religious system. Study of Confucian classics led Shinto
Japanese scholars to a study of the Japanese classics, which in turn led them to
Religion:
Unity and support a revival movement for "purifying" Shinto.
Diversity Religious Taoism, which entered Japanese history mainly in the
form of a government bureau controlling the calendar and divina¬
tion, spread through the countryside. The cosmology of religious Tao¬
ism provided a rich resource for cosmological speculation, especially
within Shinto. On a more popular level, Taoist notions within the
adopted Chinese calendar gave rise to many widespread beliefs about
what was lucky and unlucky. These Taoist thoughts and beliefs were
carried to the people by hijiri, a kind of popular successor to the
earlier officials in the government bureau of religious Taoism (the
Onmyoryo). The hijiri, a combination of sage, saint, and fortuneteller,
were wandering practitioners who went directly to the people to
meet all kinds of religious needs.1 Unattached to shrines or temples,
they drew on Shinto and Buddhist usages as well as those of religious
Taoism in their fortunetelling, divination, and purifications.
One popular cult that drew heavily on the influence of religious
Taoism and the activity of hijiri was the Koshin cult. The mythological
background of the cult had become mixed with Buddhist elements in
China and was blended with Japanese folk practices by people such
as the hijiri and by local village cults. The village cults were inde¬
pendent associations organized for the purpose of lengthening life
through all-night vigils. They met especially on the six Koshin days of
the Chinese calendar, revering an image or painting of the Taoist-
Buddhist divinity while holding a festive banquet. During the all-
night vigils they abstained from sexual relations, because on that
night a divinity observed them and reported on their conduct to a
heavenly superior. These cults, their beliefs, and their practices be¬
came so thoroughly ingrained in village life that the devotees took for
granted the Japanese character of the Koshin cult, completely forget¬
ting its foreign origins.2
Folk religion continued in the many customs and beliefs associated
with seasonal rhythms and the home, but in increasing interaction
with the organized religions. The beliefs and festivities of the Chinese
calendar were inseparable from Japanese seasonal and agricultural
customs. For example, the New Year festivities came to be celebrated
especially through Buddhist and Shinto usages. Popular religious ob¬
servances connected with the growing season, too, were related to
the organized religions. Often a farmer visited a shrine or temple in
order to obtain a paper charm, which he would place in his rice field
as a blessing for his crop.
The home continued to be a major focus for folk religion. This is 127
especially well illustrated by the religious decorations around the The Five
Traditions:
home at New Year's. Each household became a repository of the Development
various elements of the Japanese religious tradition. For example, and Mutual
Influence
each family knew that physical and spiritual sickness could be caused
by evil forces, which could be warded off through the help of benevo¬
lent divinities. The afflicted family might visit a temple or a shrine, or
an itinerant hijiri or Shugendo practitioner might visit the afflicted
family. These popular practitioners resorted to Buddhist rituals and
formulas as well as Taoistic purifications in order to effect healing.
Some popular religious figures specialized in the art of trance and
possession for the purpose of communicating with the dead. Often a
blind woman, a female shaman, communicated with the dead. All
these practices illustrate the way in which folk religion continued to
exist outside of organized religion while various elements of the or¬
ganized traditions came to be the common property of the people.
Christianity's appearance on the Japanese scene was an unexpected
interruption of the process of development and elaboration. Indeed,
in this early period Christianity could hardly be considered a Japa¬
nese tradition. Those who did not accept Christianity saw it as a threat
to all the Japanese traditions. Buddhism, Confucianism, and Shinto
took a stand and jointly challenged the threat of the anti-Japanese, or
at least non-Japanese, tradition of Christianity.
The process of development and elaboration ran into something of
a dead end after the sixteenth century. The vital religious motives that
had impelled the founders of the newer Buddhist sects became crys¬
tallized in rather rigid institutional forms. The problem of insti¬
tutionalization appears in the history of any religious tradition and
calls for a renewal of the wellsprings from which the tradition flows.
At this particular juncture, formalism became a widespread problem
in Japanese religion—especially in Buddhism—and yet there ap¬
peared no new religious geniuses such as the founders of the newer
Buddhist sects. Because no renewal took place, organized religion
tended to become formalistic. We will see how this formalism became
a great problem before it finally provoked movements of renewal.
NOTES
1. For an account of the hijiri, see Ichiro Hori, Folk Religion in Ja¬
pan: Continuity and Change, ed. Joseph M. Kitagawa and Alan L.
Miller (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), pp. 83-139.
128 2. See E. Dale Saunders, "Koshin: An Example of Taoist Ideas in
Japanese Japan," in Proceedings of the IXth International Congress for the His¬
Religion:
Unity and tory of Religions (Tokyo: Maruzen, 1960), pp. 423-32. An excerpt
Diversity from Saunders' work is included in H. Byron Earhart, Religion in
the Japanese Experience: Sources and Interpretations (Belmont, Calif.:
Wadsworth, 1974), pp. 76-80.
SELECTED READINGS
BuddhismNeo-Confucianism,
and Restoration Shinto in
the Tokugawa Period
The head of the military government was the shogun,1 or military dic¬
tator, theoretically the highest general in the emperor's army but in
actuality the top military leader in control of the government. The title
was passed down in the Tokugawa family after Tokugawa Ieyasu 135
seized control in 1600 and unified the country. The family gained Buddhism,
Neo-Confucianism,
control of the country through warfare but later maintained its control and
through a centralized government. Administration of government Restoration
Shinto in the
policies was efficiently carried out, and the entire society was care¬ Tokugawa
fully organized. In general people were separated into four classes— Period
The Tokugawa period was a time of peace and order thanks to the
unification of the country achieved by Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi
Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu. Government policy was charac¬
terized by stability and unification rather than by innovation and
creativity. The tone of the period was set by the need to safeguard
unification with a strong central government. A consistent Tokugawa
goal was to eliminate religious strife, which threatened to divide the
country into warring factions. Whereas Nobunaga had favored Chris¬
tianity, partly in order to counteract the power of Buddhism, later in
the Tokugawa period Buddhism was patronized and Christians were
persecuted.
During the Tokugawa period, when Christianity was a proscribed
religion, the government used Buddhism to enforce the proscription.
Every family had to belong to a Buddhist temple and had to be ques¬
tioned periodically by the temple priest. Births were registered and
deaths were recorded in the local temple to which the family be¬
longed. (Prior to the Tokugawa period, there was individual member¬
ship in temples.) The Tokugawa government was even responsible
for rebuilding many temples destroyed in earlier warfare, including
temples at the Tendai headquarters of Hieizan, which had been
ruthlessly razed by Nobunaga. However, the state money that flowed
freely into the Buddhist temples cost them their autonomy and some
of their religious vitality. Nobunaga and Hideyoshi had punished the
large temples with military force because the temples were their most
powerful political rivals. The Tokugawa government, by unifying the
country, controlled all the Buddhist sects from the top. Buddhist
priests became government servants, and the government strictly
forbade any intersect quarrels. Buddhism was practically the estab¬
lished religion of Japan; the separate sects remained under direct
government supervision.
This situation stifled religious devotion. The Japanese historian
Anesaki has aptly described the general reaction: "For the people at
large religion was rather a matter of family heritage and formal observ¬
ance than a question of personal faith."3 To the present day, the
organized sects of Japanese Buddhism have not been able to escape 137
completely the unfavorable stigma of disinterested affiliation. Both Buddhism,
Neo-Confucianism,
enlightened priests and devout lay people have often deplored the and
inertia of Tokugawa “feudal" patterns of Buddhist ancestor worship Restoration
Shinto in the
and have lamented the lack of a strong, personal Buddhist faith. Tokugawa
Period
Ever since the eighth century, Shinto had been overshadowed by the
more highly systematized foreign traditions popular at court and
among nobility, but it had remained a vital part of the religious life of
the local communities. Even during the most flourishing periods of
Buddhism, there were Shinto scholars who remained true to their
Shinto heritage. In medieval times Kitabatake Chikafusa (1293-1354)
wrote a theological defense of the divine ancestry of the emperor and
the centrality of Japan in Shinto conceptions. Indeed, the medieval
schools of Shinto, though borrowing heavily from foreign traditions,
had as their ultimate goal the improvement of Shinto's role in Japa¬
nese religion. There had always been some support for Shinto among
the "loyalists"—individuals around the imperial court who favored
the return of the emperor to actual power. It is only natural that they
were opposed to rule by a military leader and his warriors. There
were religious commitments on both sides of this issue. In Tokugawa
144 times, the several lines of Shinto support were united and reinforced
Japanese
by a powerful movement called Restoration Shinto.
Religion:
Unity and Restoration Shinto was not a simple resuscitation of Shinto, for
Diversity Shinto had never died out; nor was it a sudden awakening. It was the
culmination of the work of previous centuries and earlier scholars,
stimulated by several peculiar conditions of Tokugawa times. The
isolation of Japan from foreign influence for about two centuries had
positive as well as negative results. While foreign influence was ex¬
cluded, national pride and national strength grew. Another stimulus
for Restoration Shinto came from Neo-Confucianism. It must be re¬
membered that Neo-Confucianism had to divorce itself from the Bud¬
dhist temples in order to become an independent movement; thus
it was more favorably disposed to Shinto than to Buddhism. In addi¬
tion, Neo-Confucianism had become so thoroughly Japanized that its
main goal was to support the Japanese tradition and the political sys¬
tem. Neo-Confucianism encouraged and supported the policy of
isolating Japan from the world. Thus, it and Shinto shared a common
goal of glorifying the Japanese nation. Interest in the Chinese classics
stimulated interest in the Japanese classics. Eventually Shinto devel¬
oped such a high degree of self-consciousness that it rejected all for¬
eign influence, including Neo-Confucianism.
From the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries, an illustri¬
ous line of Shinto theorists advanced the cause of Shinto as a "native"
tradition—a cause that had been neglected too long in favor of the
"foreign" traditions of Confucianism and Buddhism. The interest in
Japanese classics was placed on firm ground when Kada Azumamaro
(1669-1736) founded a school of National Learning for the purpose of
studying Japan's own literature. This led the way for two of the lead¬
ing scholars of Japanese language and literature, Kamo Mabuchi
(1697-1769) and Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801). A systematic treat¬
ment showing Shinto to be superior to all religions was developed by
Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843), who used arguments borrowed from
other religions (including Christianity) to prove Shinto's superiority.
These scholars helped to renew interest in ancient Japanese culture
and to stimulate the development of Japanese nationalism.
The arguments of these Shinto scholars have been of great religious
importance, and they have influenced the course of the nation and its
cultural identity. The scholars' appeals for a return to the pure Japa¬
nese spirit were a significant factor in the momentous political change
of the Meiji Restoration (to be discussed in Chapter 15). The redis¬
covery of Japanese literature and poetry is equally important, for the
scholars paved the way for modern appreciation of Japanese classics.
Ancient Japanese writings, especially the Kojiki but also valuable 145
poetry and novels, had been neglected for so long that few people Buddhism,
Neo-Confucianism,
could read or understand them. In fact, the ancient literature had and
been smothered under a mantle of Chinese and Buddhist interpreta¬ Restoration
Shinto in the
tion. Mabuchi and Motoori discarded the prevailing Buddhist and Tokugazva
Chinese cliches. They succeeded in showing that the early poetry and Period
Of all the Shinto writers of this period, Motoori stands out as the one
whose scholarly achievements command the greatest respect. He laid
a permanent foundation for studying ancient Japanese writings on
the basis of sound linguistic principles, and he elaborated his view¬
point into a perceptive view of human life and artistic creativity.
Motoori used systematic linguistic evidence to show that the Chinese
ideas in the Nihongi (written in Chinese) were later additions to
Japanese culture; and he focused attention on the study of the Kojiki,
which was written in a form clearly reflecting ancient Japanese lan¬
guage.7 Because the study of ancient Japanese writings had been
neglected, few people could read and understand the ancient lan¬
guage of the Kojiki. Most scholars simply applied abstract Confucian
and Buddhist notions to both the Kojiki and the Nihongi, as well as to
other writings such as the poetry of the Manyoshu and the long novel
Tale of Genji. Motoori completed a thorough analysis of the language
and ideas of the Kojiki, comparing it with other ancient Japanese
writings. He spent thirty years writing his commentary on the Kojiki,
and the scholarly value of this monumental work is still appreciated.
Motoori also led the way to a new awareness of the artistic
achievement of the Tale of Genji by stripping away the layers of
Chinese and Buddhist ideas that had been superimposed upon it. He
insisted on reading and interpreting the Tale of Genji in terms of its
own dramatic unity rather than in terms of abstract notions borrowed
from Chinese and Buddhist philosophy. Motoori preferred the fresh-
146 ness and honesty of the Tale of Genji, which paints a very lifelike
Japanese picture of the events of the Japanese court in the eleventh century.
Religion:
Unity and The hero of this tale, Genji, is involved in many amorous intrigues,
Diversity which conflict with notions of Buddhist ethics and Confucian con¬
duct. Motoori, however, did not shrink from this apparent literary
inconsistency with ethical ideals; instead, he applauded the Tale of
Genji for showing that human emotions do not always follow the
dictates of reason. He went beyond his own time in advancing the
notion of the primacy of the emotions over intellect in art, developing
a theory of art that is relevant for literary criticism today. He wrote:
Since novels have as their object the teaching of the meaning of the
nature of human existence, there are in their plots many points contrary
to Confucian and Buddhist teaching. This is because among the varied
feelings of man's reaction to things—whether good, bad, right, or
wrong—there are feelings contrary to reason, however improper they
may be. Man's feelings do not always follow the dictates of his mind.8
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS --
For more than two hundred years, the Tokugawa rulers maintained
peace on a feudal basis, but increasingly the effectiveness of their
regime declined. Economically, severe problems of indebtedness led
to widespread suffering and peasant uprisings. In addition, toward
the end of the Tokugawa period there was the political threat of
foreign insistence upon open trade with Japan. As the government
became increasingly inefficient in meeting these problems, more and
more people came to favor the restoration of the emperor. There had
always been factions supporting the emperor against the Tokugawa
ruler, but now the position of these factions was reinforced by several
new developments. An attempt to link the Tokugawa government
and the imperial family was unsuccessful. Dissatisfaction with Neo-
Confucianism as a means of regulating the country was growing, and
so was interest in the study of Western science. As a result of these
factors, between 1867 and 1868 the Tokugawa government ended and
the emperor was “restored," at least in name, to his position as head
of state.
The Meiji Restoration drew its name from the reinstallment of the
emperor, but in actuality it was no simple restoration or return to
beginnings. On the contrary, the Meiji period (1868-1912) divides 151
The Meiji
feudal Japan from modern Japan. The whole system of government
Restoration
was reorganized along the lines of a nation-state. The office of the and
shogun was abolished. The emperor formally headed a centralized Nationalistic
Shinto
government with a constitution and elected legislators. The feudal
domains were replaced with prefectures, which administered local
government as a branch of the central authority. A new capital was
established at Tokyo. To finance the government, a national tax sys¬
tem was adopted. It was obvious that if the central government was
to be sovereign, feudal armies would have to be replaced with an
imperial or national army. These radical transformations in politics
and economics took time, requiring the adjustment of sincere ideals
to realistic possibility.
In conjunction with the political and economic changes of the Meiji
Restoration, there were significant changes in religion. The religious
transition from Tokugawa times into the Meiji era may be described as
the replacement of state patronage of Buddhism with state patronage
of Shinto (or nationalistic Shinto). The religious transition, too, took
time and involved experimentation. In general there was a negative
purpose (the demotion of Buddhism) and a positive purpose (the
elevation of Shinto).
The motive for demoting Buddhism is easily understood, for
Buddhism had been in effect a branch of the Tokugawa feudal gov¬
ernment. Furthermore, the financial corruption and spiritual decline
of Buddhism made it an easy target for the reforming zeal of the Meiji
architects. The motive for elevating Shinto is obvious, too, even though
it was a difficult policy to implement. The general notion was that
just as the emperor had been restored to his rightful status as (titular)
head of the state, so should Shinto be restored to its rightful position
as the old imperial religion—and new state religion.
In the transitional period an exaggerated zeal against the old regime
and Buddhism was accompanied by an exaggerated enthusiasm for
the program of the newly restored Shinto. Until the Meiji period,
most Shinto shrines had been under heavy Buddhist influence. This
was natural, since Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples were built
side-by-side and the priests of the two traditions cooperated in the
worship within both edifices. However, during the Tokugawa period,
high-ranking Buddhist priests often came to control Shinto shrines.
In reaction to this situation, many Meiji reformers were outspoken
in their desire to "purify" Shinto from the foreign influence of Bud¬
dhism. Japan has always presented a baffling mixture of the old and
the new, and the Meiji Restoration attempted its own blend, seeking
152 to return to the pure, original Japanese government and religion, while
Japanese boldly opening Japan to all kinds of new, foreign ideas and usages.
Unity and
Diversity
NOTES --
SELECTED READINGS
Religious Currents
from 1868 to 1945
In the period from 1868 (marking the Meiji Restoration and the
reopening of Japan to the West) to 1945 (marking the end of World
War II), nationalism pervaded every aspect of Japanese life. After 1890
the government exerted increasing control over organized religion;
prior to World War II the government laid down strict rules for the
consolidation of denominations (both Buddhist and Christian) in
order to control them more effectively. Shinto, especially shrine
Shinto, was a main channel for this nationalism, but other religious
traditions were equally affected. Indeed, one scholar feels that after
1933 Confucianism played an even greater role in supporting the na¬
tional polity (kokutai). Confucianism defined the central theme of
Kokutai no Hongi, the nationalistic textbook that was required reading
in all schools after 1938.1 In Chapter 15, Buddhism and Christianity
were also cited as being heavily influenced by the nationalistic
movement. However, it would be a mistake to see the religious his¬
tory of this period only in terms of nationalism. A brief description of
Buddhism, Christianity, and the New Religions reveals important re¬
ligious undercurrents in addition to the major current of nationalism.
These undercurrents are important not only for understanding the
prewar period, but especially for understanding the critical spiritual
mood of postwar Japan.
162 BUDDHISM: THE STRUGGLE FOR RENEWAL, ESPECIALLY
Japanese WITHIN BUDDHIST SCHOLARSHIP
Religion:
Unity and
Diversity With the Meiji Restoration, Buddhism was faced with an unexpected
crisis. Several centuries of patronage by the Tokugawa government
(1600-1867) had led Buddhist priests and temples to take for granted
their superior positions of wealth and leisure. They became so firmly
entrenched that financial corruption and spiritual lassitude went un¬
checked. Then in a flash the Tokugawa government fell and an im¬
portant source of their income vanished. It was bad enough that the
Meiji Restoration did not stop with a mere reform of Buddhism but
instead chose to disestablish Buddhism and establish Shinto in its
place. Even worse, perhaps, was the severe criticism and persecution
of Buddhism stimulated by the zeal to restore Shinto. It is true that
some of the destruction of Buddhist temples during the transitional
period can be attributed to the misplaced enthusiasm that accom¬
panies any radical social change. On the other hand, much of the
criticism against Buddhism—financial and moral corruption—was
justified.
At first the Buddhist priests could comprehend neither the socio¬
political transformation nor the criticism against Buddhism. As a
whole. Buddhism tried to maintain in the Meiji period the same role
and position it had known during the Tokugawa period: religiously,
preoccupation with ancestral rites; politically, subservience to the
state. Buddhist priests were so preoccupied with funerals and masses
that they came to be referred to jokingly as the “undertakers of Ja¬
pan"; they strove to be at least second to Shinto as the supporters of
the state. However, implicit in the Meiji criticism of Buddhism was a
call for a spiritual as well as a moral renewal of Buddhism. To a certain
extent Japanese Buddhism is still wrestling with the problem of
spritual renewal.
Japanese Buddhism's vitality in the early Meiji period was illus¬
trated by the fact that the government was forced to recognize it as a
religion of the people. Nor did Buddhism lack devout and far-sighted
priests. Some priests, rather than lamenting the persecution of Bud¬
dhism, recognized Buddhism's disestablishment as a blessing in dis¬
guise. They had the courage to acknowledge the criticisms leveled
against Buddhism and advocated its spiritual rebirth. An outstanding
example of the attempt to reform Japanese Buddhism is Kiyozawa
Manshi (1863-1903), who openly criticized Buddhism's traditional
pattern of hereditary family membership in temples. He advocated a
renewal of personal Buddhist faith and a reorganization of Buddhism
as a “brotherhood” based on small groups of believers. Although he 163
was not successful, his ideas provided inspiration for postwar reform Religious
Currents from
of Buddhist institutions. 1868 to 1945
In actuality, Japanese Buddhism was threatened from several sides
simultaneously. Shinto strove to abolish or suppress it as a decadent
and foreign religion. Christianity attacked it on doctrinal grounds. In
addition. Buddhism like Confucianism was threatened with extinc¬
tion by the onslaught of Western science and philosophy. Buddhism's
competition with Shinto can be seen in the familiar pattern of nation¬
alistic religion. Buddhism's encounter with Western learning and
Christianity, however, must be seen as a remarkable innovation in
Japanese religious history.
Buddhist priests accepted the challenge of Western learning by
sending priest-scholars to Europe. As early as 1876 Nanjo Bunyu
went to England to study Sanskrit texts with F. Max Muller. This
marked an important meeting of East and West, for Muller was the
founder of the “science of religion" in Europe and Nanjo was the first
Japanese Buddhist to adopt Western methods of historical and phi¬
lological scholarship. From this time forward, the Buddhist priest-
scholars who studied in the best European universities (and published
in French, German, or English) strengthened their native erudition
with the critical methods of European scholarship (especially those
of history and philology).
On the Japanese side this scholarly cooperation had two positive
results. The reforming desire of devout Buddhists was rewarded with
a direct knowledge of early Indian Buddhism. Formerly their knowl¬
edge of Buddhism had been filtered through Chinese Buddhism. A
second positive result was a growing confidence in Western methods
of critical scholarship and Western philosophy. The Buddhist scholars
were competent in relating comparable philosophical movements in
the European and Buddhist traditions. Also they were fully capable of
using one philosophy to criticize another. During this upsurge of
scholarly activity, monumental publishing ventures were undertaken,
among which were the reprinting of the Buddhist canon (in Chi¬
nese), compilation of documents from Japanese Buddhism, and pub¬
lication of erudite encyclopedias and reference works on all aspects
of Buddhism.
On the whole, Buddhist priests have been much more in touch
with Western culture than Shinto priests have been. With the es¬
tablishment of Western-style universities in the Meiji era, Buddhist
priests came to be trained in departments of Indian and Buddhist
philosophy where the classical languages of Buddhism (Pali and
164 Sanskrit as well as Tibetan) and modern European languages were
Japanese
emphasized. Buddhist appropriation of Western learning and cooper¬
Religion:
Unity and ation with Western scholars represented one of the most remarkable
Diversity possibilities for the renewal of Buddhism in the prewar period.
This possibility for renewal, however, only further complicated
an already complex Japanese Buddhism, which was split between
traditional piety and modern intellectualism. Popular Buddhism
continued in the same patterns as in Tokugawa times, while some
Buddhist priests and intellectuals tended to think in terms of appro¬
priated Western concepts. At about this time the systematic or "scien¬
tific" study of religion was founded in Japan. This established the
academic study of religion apart from traditional fields such as Shinto
studies, Buddhist studies, and Chinese studies. Anesaki Masaharu
was the first occupant of the chair of the science of religion at Tokyo
University in 1905. Some Shinto scholars, notably Kato Genchi, fur¬
thered the Japanese study of the science of religion by pioneering
Shinto studies in the light of comparative research. These new cur¬
rents of thought did not affect the people at large, but they did raise
problems for many intellectuals, especially the scholars and students
who had accepted Christianity.
for many Japanese people, apart from its specific Christian signifi¬
cance. It is still celebrated as a children's festival and is nearly as
commercialized as it is in the West.3
Christianity gained many of its followers from the young people
who attended Christian schools. Christian missionaries made a great
contribution to Japanese education, particularly in girls' schools and
in the teaching of foreign languages such as English. Young people
were encouraged to attend these schools and thus came into contact
with Christianity, which was taught openly or privately. In fact until
the late 1880s, the tendency for uncritical acceptance of anything
Western, including Christianity, alarmed both the government and
the priests of Shinto and Buddhism. In the late 1880s, however, Ja¬
pan's humiliation by Western powers through unequal treaties stimu¬
lated reactionary support for Japanese independence from foreign
missions. The 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education cleverly removed
religious instruction from education on the pretext of religious free¬
dom. In reality, it was a result of the new government policy to coun¬
teract Western (and Christian) influence by supporting shrine Shinto
and the emperor.
The early Japanese Christians who studied abroad in Europe and
the United States were greatly influenced by modern education,
movements for women's rights, socialism, and liberal politics. These
men played very important roles in shaping the more humane aspects 167
Religious
of Meiji government. However, even though Christianity provided
Currents from
the rationale for these social and political reforms, social issues and 1868 to 1945
socialism came increasingly to be conceived apart from Christianity.
Although Japan became committed to Western models in education
and industrialization, she could do so without accepting Christian¬
ity. Furthermore, well before 1900, several innovations caused strife
within Japanese Christianity. Denominationalism became a tragic fact.
Theological disagreement between the new liberals and older conser¬
vatives further fragmented Japanese Christianity. In addition, the
evolutionistic and atheistic philosophies of the West presented live
options for many intellectuals. As the quality of government schools
equaled and then surpassed that of Christian schools (run by mis¬
sionaries and Japanese Christians), more Japanese found they could
accept Western culture without accepting Western religion. Japanese
philosophers, for example, are at home with all periods and schools
of Western philosophy. Although there were some devout Japanese
Christians, Christianity did not become a major religion in Japan.
After 1890, the youth came under the influence of nationalistic
education, and the mood of the country gradually changed from
nationalism to ultranationalism. Victories in the Sino-Japanese War
(1894-95) and the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05) greatly increased
nationalistic fervor. From this time through 1945 Japan's primary
focus was strengthening Japan against the Western powers. People
were no longer attracted to Christianity just because it was a foreign
religion.
Most Japanese Christians supported all aspects of nationalism and
militarism. For example, they supported both the Sino-Japanese and
Russo-Japanese wars not only by praying for victory but also by send¬
ing aid for the combat troops. By the time of the Russo-Japanese War,
some Christian intellectuals had become pacifists, but they were the
exceptions. Later, in the 1930s, Japanese ministers were sent to Man¬
churia at the request of the Japanese soldiers who were Christians.
Statistics of religious affiliation are particularly difficult to deter¬
mine in Japan, but by the turn of the century there were about 75,000
church members and by the late 1930s about 300,000 Christians. Be¬
cause the total population was about 80 million at this time, the per¬
centage of Christians—both Protestant and Roman Catholic—was
lower than it had been at the high point of Roman Catholicism in the
early seventeenth century. Of course, one can argue that in the six¬
teenth and seventeenth centuries mass conversions of feudal do¬
mains took place, whereas in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
168 conversions were individual and more sincere. Nevertheless, before
Japanese World War II, the total number of church members constituted less
Religion:
Unify and than 1 percent of the total population. This number is small even
Diversity when compared with the individual New Religions of the same
period.
The term "New Religions" (shinko shukyo) has been given to a number
of religious movements that first appeared in late Tokugawa times,
gained strength after the Meiji Restoration, and became a dominant
force after World War II. The term shinko shukyo, literally "newly
arisen religions," was first used by journalists to imply that the new¬
comers were upstarts. Leaders of the New Religions prefer the more
neutral term shin shukyo, literally "new religions." However, the term
"New Religions" is misleading because these movements are neither
completely new nor are they necessarily complete religions in the'
Western sense. Every New Religion contains elements from one or
more of the preexisting traditions: folk religion, Shinto, Buddhism,
Confucianism, religious Taoism, and even Christianity. Therefore,
these religious movements are as much renovators as innovators, as
much renewed religious traditions as new traditions. The later reli¬
gious movements are often seen as splinters or branches of the main
Japanese traditions. The new movements are not necessarily "com¬
plete" religions because often they did not break age-old religious
patterns such as having Buddhist priests perform funeral and me¬
morial rites. In other words, the New Religions do not necessarily
claim the exclusive attention of their adherents, nor do they nec¬
essarily meet all of a person's religious needs. They may be seen as
religious cults or religious societies rather than as independent reli¬
gions with exclusive claims. Only the Jodo Shin sect and Nichiren
sect among Japanese traditions (and some New Religions deriving
from Nichiren Buddhism) expressed an exclusive claim to absolute
truth.
In order to understand the emergence of the New Religions, it is
necessary to recognize the context of Japanese religion and society
from which they sprang. By late Tokugawa times, when the first New
Religions appeared, organized religion in Japan had become highly
formalistic and stagnant. From late Tokugawa times through the
post-Meiji era, social and economic conditions were very depressed
for poor farmers and city laborers. Although one factor leading to the 169
Meiji Restoration was peasant revolts, the money economy and tax Religious
Currents from
system of the Meiji era only increased the tendency for small farmers 1868 to 1945
to become helpless tenants. Farmers who became city laborers suf¬
fered from the low wages and poor working conditions of the early
capitalistic system. The New Religions drew many of their leaders
and members from the depressed classes, people who had suffered
together and now shared their religious experiences. Economic and
social crises helped to stimulate a spiritual renewal in the older tradi¬
tions by forming special religious movements.
The New Religions got their start in the early nineteenth century
but were not allowed complete freedom of organization and practice
until 1945. Both the Tokugawa government and the later government
maintained a strict control over religious sects. During the late To¬
kugawa period, the new religious movements were forced to continue
within the traditional forms of Shinto or Buddhism. They continued
with varying phases of recognition or suppression until 1882, when
state Shinto was separated as a government institution from sect
Shinto. Eventually, thirteen religious movements were recognized
and supervised as religious subdivisions of Shinto. Several of the
thirteen sects preserved special Shinto traditions and were actually
sect developments of Shinto. Other sects were organized around
elements of folk religion and blendings of Buddhism, Confucianism,
and religious Taoism. Their origins are so diverse and their later doc¬
trinal systems so complex that it is difficult to make general state¬
ments about them.4
One of the distinguishing features of all the New Religions is that a
living person usually served as either organizer or founder. In most
cases the impetus for organizing a religion came from the charismatic
quality of the founder, who was considered semidivine or divine; his
or her utterances became revealed scripture. Even the sect devel¬
opments of Shinto selected special kami from the Nihongi and Kojiki
as objects of worship. The New Religions offered specific objects of
faith and appealing forms of worship. They usually promised the
solution of all problems through faith and worship. Some of the
founders were led to their crucial religious experience (or revelation)
by a personal crisis that was solved by the new faith. Often the New
Religions practiced faith healing but also promised solutions to per¬
sonal crises such as financial and marital difficulties.
It may be argued that no religious movement at any time or place is
completely new. The New Religions of Japan certainly demonstrate
continuity with earlier Japanese traditions. The six persistent themes
170 of Japanese religious history can be found in the New Religions.* 1 2 3 * 5 On
Japanese the other hand, these movements display a certain amount of origi¬
Religion:
Unity and nality and uniqueness. An outstanding feature is that they made a
Diversity direct appeal to individual faith, whereas organized religion in Japan
had formerly depended upon family membership along hereditary or
geographical lines. Each new movement picked up a spark from one
of the old traditions and fanned it into a dynamic spiritual force. For
example, in the twentieth century, Nichiren Buddhism was revived
by a number of sects (such as Soka Gakkai) that placed their trust in
the Lotus Sutra and in Nichiren practices. Once a New Religion gained
followers, it tended to be crystallized in the form of organized scrip¬
tures, doctrine, worship, and priesthood.
The New Religions have received much criticism as unrefined,
superstitious, and interested mainly in acquiring money. However,
their vitality is proven by the number of followers they attracted.
Even in prewar Japan, before they received their biggest stimulus,
many sects could claim from several hundred thousand to several
million members.6 In postwar Japan it is remarkable that Soka Gakkai
could gain millions of members in a few decades, but the total
number of Protestant and Catholic Christians did not exceed a half¬
million members after almost a century of mission work. The New
Religions represent the greatest possibility for religious renewal up
to the present day. In the next chapter we will look briefly at two
of them.
NOTES
Of all the New Religions that have arisen in japan since the early
nineteenth century, Tenrikyo and Soka Gakkai are two of the most
important. They may highlight some striking similarities and dif¬
ferences among New Religions. Both are new movements, founded
and organized outside the established religions. Tenrikyo has been
more closely associated with Shinto; Soka Gakkai comes out of the
Nichiren Buddhist tradition. Both movements arose during the active
period of the New Religions, in the past century and a half, but at
different extremes of this period. Tenrikyo was a pioneer New Reli¬
gion, the first to succeed on a large scale, and served as a model for
later movements. Soka Gakkai arose about a century later in the
prewar period and flourished only after World War II, yet its rapid
success has made it the envy of other groups. Although both were
deliberately founded, the religious dynamics of their founding differ.
Tenrikyo is oriented around its founder, who is seen as a living kami
who creates her own sacred scriptures and rites. Soka Gakkai reveres
as absolutely powerful Nichiren and the Lotus Sutra, which its founder
rediscovered, but does not place nearly so much trust in the founder
as such. Tenrikyo arose in the countryside and has maintained its
strength there while moving into the cities; Soka Gakkai arose in the
city and has been strongest among urban people while making some
inroads in the countryside.
THE MANY NEW RELIGIONS: DIFFERENCES 173
AND SIMILARITIES Two New
Religions:
Tenrikyo and
Our brief look at Tenrikyo and Soka Gakkai will reveal a number of Soka Gakkai
important features of New Religions, but it is well to point out some
characteristics of the many New Religions that differ from these two
major movements. Some New Religions were not founded so deci¬
sively by one person but tended to coalesce around distinctive re¬
gional traditions; this is the case with several movements originally
included among the thirteen members of sect Shinto. Not all the New
Religions can be traced clearly to either Shinto or Buddhism; a
number of them are highly syncretistic. Healing is important for sev¬
eral New Religions, much more important than for Tenrikyo and Soka
Gakkai. Some are more closely related to the Western tradition,
through spiritualism and a spiritualistic interpretation of Western sci¬
ence. Although mission activity is practiced by both Tenrikyo and
Soka Gakkai, many groups are active only in Japan. And, of course,
not all the New Religions are so large as Tenrikyo and Soka Gakkai.
What we discover in Tenrikyo and Soka Gakkai, then, is a sampling
from the hundreds of active New Religions, but a sampling that is too
limited to provide the basis for generalizing about all the New
Religions.
The lesson of Soka Gakkai throws a great deal of light on the New
Religions in general. For example, we remember that Tenrikyo moved
from charismatic leadership of a living kami to a large-scale organiza¬
tion. Soka Gakkai also has had charismatic leadership, but its primary
focus has been on the Lotus Sutra; this demonstrates the ability to 181
revive a traditional sacred treasure and develop a large-scale religious Two New
Religions:
organization around it. This is like putting old wine in new bottles: Tenrikyo and
The old wine is Nichiren and his interpretation of the Lotus Sutra; the Soka Gakkai
new bottle is the lay organization of Soka Gakkai. The “old bottles" of
organized religion have tended to break apart under the pressures of
modern life, especially in cities where secularism and alienation are
high. The dilemma of balancing “old" and “new" in such a modern
situation is whether traditional religion can still speak meaningfully to
human lives.
Soka Gakkai has been subjected to more adverse criticism by West¬
ern journalists and scholars than any other New Religion, the most
serious charge being that it is “fascist," using the cloak of religion to
gain control of large masses of people for ulterior purposes. Soka
Gakkai, of course, has denied the charge, claiming it is truly demo¬
cratic, with power flowing from the member to the higher groups,
the aim being to enrich the lives of all people (creating value based on
the absolute truth). One need not be an advocate of Soka Gakkai to
question the more sensational charges that it is a fascist movement
about to gain religious control over the whole country. No single
religious group in the past has ever been able to completely control
Japan, and it is unlikely that this will happen in the future.
To recognize the ambiguous character of Soka Gakkai's organiza¬
tional structure and use of power is to acknowledge the ambiguity of
all socio-religious institutions and all forms of power. A closer look at
the matter of national values and social control in Japan may help us
assess the charges against Soka Gakkai. A serious question in all
modem cultures—where small communities and folk life tend to give
way to large cities, dehumanized work, and impersonally organized
religions—is whether people will be controlled by (1) nationalism,
(2) ideology (apart from national identity), (3) mass media and con¬
sumerism, (4) religious commitment. As is the case in other modern
countries, Japan's emergence in the modern world was a complex
process defying any simple explanation. Some factors, however, are
worthy of special mention.
From the Meiji Restoration of 1868 to the end of World War II in
1945, Japan was controlled primarily by nationalism, with religious
support from all organized religion, and a primary goal was the de¬
velopment of heavy industry. In fact, Japan's strong national identity
probably brought immunity to the type of ideological control that
overtook China in the twentieth century. (In Japan, communism has
had appeal for some intellectuals and workers but has never been a
182 dominant political factor.) Since 1945, nationalism has been present in
Japanese Japan, particularly as evidenced by increasing military expenditures,
Religion:
Unity and but nationalism seems to be secondary to the popular desire to ac¬
Diversity quire consumer goods. Education is a good indicator of national val¬
ues, and whereas nationalism in school texts has been toned down
considerably since 1945, the thrust toward consumerism is much
more pronounced than in prewar times. (Japan has one of the highest
rates of television-set ownership per capita in the world, and advertis¬
ing is highly developed.) Modern countries tend to acculturate the
young in school systems where nationalism, political ideology, tech¬
nical or technological competence (training for a job), and the de¬
sirability of consumer goods are all taught. These factors are related
and contain implicit religious values: As we know in the West, the
"Protestant ethic" of hard work has been closely related to the
capitalistic system. In Japan, too, economic strength may be the new
channel in which nationalism flows, and it may be fed by religious
pride for the Japanese tradition. Explicit religious values, however,
are weak in this modern setting; and Soka Gakkai has its finger on
something important, for many modern people sense a lack of "value"
in their lives. Explicit religious values in Japan seem hopelessly out¬
ranked by economic and national concerns; indeed, Soka Gakkai
claims to be a religious alternative to the dominant materialism of
contemporary Japan.
It is not the task of scholars to persuade people to join Soka Gakkai
or any other religious organization; this is an existential decision for
each individual. But the common predicament for all modern people
is life within secular surroundings: Can men and women find mean¬
ing and joy in life by completely secular means? Many modern
Japanese have answered "no" to this question. Individually, they
have embraced one of the many New Religions; in so doing, they
have affirmed traditional Japanese religious beliefs and practices but
have shown their preference for organizing and expressing them in
new ways.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS -“
The most obvious religious effect of the defeat was the official dises¬
tablishment of shrine Shinto by order of the Allied occupation forces.
The emperor announced defeat over the radio. Later he made the
announcement that he was not a god but was only human.1 The
occupation forces did not intend to change Shinto insofar as it was the
religion of the people but insisted that neither Shinto nor any other
religion should be the tool of militaristic nationalism. This clearly
indicated the end of Shinto's "nonreligious" status and special role in
government. In effect, Shinto shrines throughout the country once
more were treated as religious institutions, along with Buddhist tern-
pies and Christian churches. Shinto priests ceased being government 185
officials, and government subsidies to shrines stopped. As Muraoka Religion in
Postwar Japan
has interpreted this postwar change of events, "the removal of all
state prerogatives was a heavy blow for shrine Shinto," but "this was
a just and inevitable retribution."2 Even more important was the re¬
moval of religious nationalism from school textbooks and the mass
media.
It is hard to comprehend what happened in the minds of the
Japanese people at the time of defeat and thereafter. Some Western¬
ers, on the basis of the fanatic resistance of Japanese soldiers during
the war, predicted that every Japanese town would put up a last-ditch
defense. Yet after the emperor's broadcast announcing surrender,
there was almost no resistance. Even in defeat the emperor's author¬
ity commanded obedient respect.
Shinto had profited the most from government support between
1868 and 1945, so of course it suffered the most from the removal of
support. Although Shinto suffered from financial loss, even greater
was the loss of the people's sympathy. When people lamented the
war's destruction, they tended to blame Shinto as the tradition most
closely allied to the war machine. Another setback was the disorgani¬
zation of Shinto. Government control of Shinto before World War II
was disliked even by the sincere Shinto priests, but at least it welded
Shinto into a national religious force. After the war there was com¬
plete religious freedom for the first time. Any religious group was
able to organize and qualify for tax exemption as a religious body.
Ironically, this even meant greater freedom for local Shinto shrines.
As was mentioned in Chapter 15, in the early 1900s some local groups
had been forced by the government to abandon small shrines and
"merge" with centralized village shrines. After World War II, many
local groups were free to reestablish the shrines they had abandoned.
These reestablished shrines preserve some of the close relationship to
village groups and regional customs that have been the heritage of
Shinto for centuries. Most of the postwar Shinto shrines reorganized
as the Association of Shinto Shrines, but the prewar groups of sect
Shinto declared their independence from Shinto control. Both the
Shinto shrines and the Buddhist temples were divested of much of
their land holdings, removing a main source of income.
A delicate problem of the postwar period has been the exact rela¬
tionship of the emperor to the state and to Shinto. There has been
disagreement about what it means for the emperor to be the symbolic
head of the state. On the one hand are those few who would like to
abolish the emperor even as a symbol; on the other hand are those
186 few who would like to give the emperor a more important role in
Japanese government. In the middle are the majority, who seem to be indiffer¬
Religion:
Unity and ent or respectful (but not worshipful) toward this national symbol.
Diversity The rituals of the emperor are considered his private cult, but there is
the troublesome matter of the considerable expense for the ceremo¬
nies. Also, Shinto priests feel that the emperor still should function
as the chief priest of Shinto and the nation. A further complication
is the problem of state financing for certain shrines, such as Ise, which
have traditionally received state funds.
Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, which since Meiji times developed into a
national shrine for the war dead, has been a problem since 1945. Some
people have favored more state support for the shrine, even financial
support, seeing the shrine as a harmless patriotic monument, some¬
what like the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in America. Others have
feared that explicit state support for Yasukuni Shrine would be the
first step toward reviving the unity of state and religion that gave rise
to ultranationalism and militarism before and during World War II.
Although Buddhism had supported the war effort, it did not suffer so
much as Shinto from the stigma of defeat. Nevertheless, it was hard
pressed due to the loss of temple lands. Furthermore, Buddhism felt
the disorganization that resulted from complete religious freedom.
Even after 1868 the lines between main temples and subtemples had
been strictly maintained, and before World War II the government
required all Buddhist temples to maintain strictly defined denomina¬
tional ties. The Allied occupation removed such government restric¬
tions. After 1945, temple affiliations became more flexible; and at a
time when landed revenues were lost, Buddhist sects suffered when
branch temples became financially independent. These are some of
the practical problems, but basically Buddhism had not responded to
the earlier voices calling for spiritual renewal. Buddhist priests and
temples continued to function in funeral and memorial services for
most Japanese, but often without inspiring great religious feeling.
Some renewal of Buddhism has taken place through increasing
participation by lay people, and there has been some attempt to
change Buddhism from the traditional affiliation by families to a more
personal commitment. (One Pure Land denomination used the slo¬
gan "From a Household Religion to a Personal Religion.")3 The need
for Buddhism to deal with changing family patterns, especially the
trend toward nuclear families, is documented by a recent sociological 187
study, which reports that in one metropolitan residential area of Religion in
Postwar Japan
white-collar workers, "only about 30% of the nuclear families as
against 90% of the extended families have Buddhist altars in their
homes."4 However, attempts to change the pattern of hereditary fam¬
ily membership in Buddhist temples ("household Buddhism") have
been the exception rather than the rule, and generally temples have
continued their major concern for funerals and rites for the dead.
The major postwar innovations for temple Buddhism (not unlike
those for shrine Shinto) are priests taking outside jobs (such as part-
time teaching jobs) and the utilization of temple buildings for financial
gain by means of kindergarten classes and tourism. Some intellectu¬
als, especially the internationally known scholars of Buddhism, have
actively propagated the message of Buddhism as a pan-Asian or even
a worldwide religion, but they have made little impact on the lives of
Japanese Buddhists. In the postwar period, the greatest interest in
Buddhism has been in the Buddhist-inspired New Religions.
After World War II, widespread dissatisfaction with Shinto and gen¬
eral indifference toward Buddhism might have provided a great op¬
portunity for Christianity to gain converts. Such was not the case.
Christianity continued through the war years, somewhat suppressed
by the government but led by Japanese ministers without the aid of
foreign missionaries. Christian churches suffered a greater loss from
wartime bombing than Shinto and Buddhism because most Christian
churches were in large cities. The reentrance of foreign missionaries
after the war did not cause a radical change in religious affiliation.
Christianity was still at a distinct disadvantage because of denom¬
inational splintering, theological disagreement, and the perennial
problem of developing a truly Japanese Christianity. To this day,
Christianity is viewed by most Japanese as a foreign religion. Further¬
more, the crisis of defeat forced both Shinto and Buddhism to recon¬
sider their basic foundations, giving them greater strength in meeting
Christianity intellectually.
No longer was there a simple choice between native and foreign
philosophies of life. Even long before the war, Japanese intellectuals
had become acquainted with Western agnostic and atheistic philos¬
ophies, and the extreme crisis of the postwar years pushed some to
the materialistic philosophy of Marxism. (In fact, in Japan Christianity
188 and Marxism possess some similarities. Both tend to appeal to intel¬
Japanese lectuals on the basis of a universal message seeking to transform the
Religion:
Unity and Japanese social order.5 Especially in the postwar period, some Chris¬
Diversity tians and Marxists have cooperated in opposing right-wing move¬
ments such as the attempt to restore pre-World War II nationalism.)
Immediately after the war there was a serious food shortage, followed
by the combined problems of reconstruction and inflation. These
conditions did not make the ethical monotheism of Christianity any
more attractive to the Japanese than it had been before the war. In
postwar Japan it is estimated that Christians represent less than 1 per¬
cent of a total population of about 100 million. Most of those who
made a decision of faith as individuals turned to the New Religions.
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
Religious Life in
Contemporary Japan
When Westerners ask whether the Japanese are religious, they may
be wondering whether the Japanese are religious in the same way
that Americans and Europeans are religious. And this, in turn, is
asking if the Japanese belong exclusively to one religious organization
as a Protestant, Catholic, or Jewish person would. For most Japanese,
the answer is "no," for usually they participate in several religious
traditions. Because, in theory, all the families living in the vicinity of a
local Shinto shrine may be considered "parishioners" of that shrine,
and because most families have some ties to a parish Buddhist tern-
pie, a family may be counted as members of both Shinto and Bud¬ 193
dhism. Thus the number of people "belonging” to any of the religions Religious Life
in
in Japan may be almost twice as large as the nation's total popula¬ Contemporary
tion. In the modern period, several exceptions to the general prac¬ Japan
The reflective sticker above the Toyota emblem on the trunk of a car is a "traffic safety"
charm from the Omiya Hachiman Shrine. (Tokyo, 1979)
TRANSFORMATIONS OF RELIGIOUS
LIFE IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN
the Japanese family. In 1951 every Kurusu home but one had a
Shinto-style home altar (kamidana) and observed daily offerings. In
1975 the altars had not been removed, but few made offerings at the
altars except at New Year's. Kamidana were included in two new
homes that had been built recently, but the old men who built the
homes were not sure their children would maintain rituals at the
altars.
Buddhist rituals for family ancestors, too, have been adjusted to fit
modern convenience. Although the day for a funeral is still deter¬
mined by the old ceremonial calendar (with "lucky" and "unlucky"
days for funerals), the memorials for ancestors are often held not on
the annual anniversary of death but on a Sunday that is close to the
anniversary. This obviously works a hardship on the Buddhist priest,
who must rush from house to house on the Sundays that fall close to
the annual ceremony for the dead (bon). The three Buddhist priests in
the Kurusu area, however, have secular part-time jobs to supplement
their religious occupation as priests.
In traditional times, and even as late as 1951, a funeral was con¬
ducted mainly by the Buddhist priest and the hamlet association in
cooperation with the bereaved family. There was a procession in
which the corpse was carried from the home to a nearby cremation
ground. Members of the hamlet association lit the funeral pyre and
kept it burning all night long in order to reduce the body to ashes,
which the family would collect the next morning. By 1975 profes¬
sionalism had taken over. In 1960 an electric crematorium with an oil
furnace back-up had been built in a nearby town, and an undertaker
assumed many of the functions of the hamlet association, transport¬
ing the body in a hearse to the crematorium. Before 1960, the coffin
was in the shape of a cask and the body was seated in a flexed
position; but since neither the automobile hearse nor the door of the
crematorium furnace could accommodate such a tall coffin, corpses
have had to be laid out prone in long narrow boxes called "sleeping
coffins."5
Events in the village of Kurusu are signs of the "decline" of religion
in Japan. However, while religion is declining, it is also growing or in¬
creasing. Two examples will be used to illustrate the growth of reli¬
gion in contemporary Japan—a new festival in Kobe and activities in
the New Religions generally. The Kobe festival may be considered
the antithesis of developments in Kurusu.
202
Japanese
Religion:
Unity and
Diversity
are the recruiting base for the New Religions. An acquaintance, friend,
or relative extends the invitation and leads in the new member. Usu¬
ally a person joins after his or her personal problem has been resolved
through the religious faith and practice of the group. The discussion
group is more intimate than the traditional village and more demo¬
cratic than the traditional family. Members of discussion groups meet
regularly to share daily experiences, worship, and simple refresh¬
ments. From time to time, members travel to regional meetings or
to national headquarters and sacred centers, where huge, colorful
festivals are held. The fact that individuals from distant regions can
travel to their New Religion's national headquarters and share social
and religious experiences is a remarkable change from the relative
isolation of traditional festivals. It represents a dramatic expansion
of religious organization.
The example of Kurusu has demonstrated religious decline. The
Kobe festival and the social organization of the New Religions are
signs of religious growth or expansion. These are but three instances
of the changes that religion has undergone and continues to undergo
in contemporary Japan. They show not only the "more" and "less" of
religion in present-day Japan, but also what is new. For example, in
the village of Kurusu it is a relatively new pattern for most celebra¬
tions to be on Sunday, and small matters, such as the new shape of
206 the coffin, should not be overlooked. The Kobe festival was deliber¬
Japanese ately designed as a "new kind of festival." And the very term "New
Religion:
Unity and Religion" indicates that it is a new form of socio-religious organiza¬
Diversity tion. Other brief examples will illustrate new emphases in contempo¬
rary practices.
There had long been special prayers for the repose of the spirits of
infants in the case of stillbirth or miscarriage. With the dramatic in¬
crease in artificial abortions (which are legal) during the past few
decades, many women have sought religious relief after an abortion.
Some temples have specialized in so-called abortion masses, and
their grounds are literally filled with plaques or small stone statues
bought as part of the service. At the other end of the life cycle, the
combination of greater longevity and smaller families has made aging
grandparents less welcome in their children's homes. One religious
response has been the rise to popularity of a temple near Nara, where
busloads of grandparents go to pray for a quick and painless death.
These last two instances are somewhat unusual; however, they point
up the fact that religion in Japan is not dead but is ever changing.
Organizationally, too, new possibilities are arising. Just as we saw
the new wave of internationalism in the Kobe festival, so democracy
is another major thrust of postwar Japan. The Otani branch of Pure
Land Buddhism, once considered one of the most "feudal" institu¬
tions of contemporary Japan, has been wracked by internal change.
Partly because of early social reformers, who insisted that the per¬
sonal faith of individuals was the basis for Pure Land Buddhism (rather
than ancestral memorial rites for households), and partly because of
postwar democratic trends, a concerted drive has been made to re¬
move absolute power from a hereditary abbot and place it in the
hands of a lay board of devout members. The result has been rather
ugly litigation in the civil courts, but whatever the outcome, this bold
new move may lay down the precedent for more democratic repre¬
sentation by lay members in the established Buddhist denominations
and prepare the way for reorganizing Buddhism on the basis of indi¬
vidual faith.
Another change is the shift from religious to nonreligious patterns.
For example, in Kurusu, professional undertakers have assumed part
of the traditional role of Buddhist priests. In Kobe, there was the
attempt to create a "new kind of festival" based on secular models
rather than religious foundations. The same religious-to-secular
change can be seen in more subtle and distant shifts. For example,
youth groups and participation in festivals in traditional villages have
greatly diminished, but in the city a young man's "initiation" into a
business organization in some ways corresponds to the more explic¬ 207
itly religious initiation in the countryside. Companies and offices Religious Life
in
often observe morning routines (or rituals?) of exercises, statements Contemporary
of company slogans, and even singing of company songs. The obvi¬ Japan
NOTES --
SELECTED READINGS
NOTES
SELECTED READINGS
"Anderson, Joseph L., and Richie, Donald. The Japanese Film: Art and
Industry. New York: Grove Press, 1960. A complete history of the
film industry from 1896 to 1959, with analysis of the distinctive
characteristics of Japanese film such as content, technique, and
directors; includes numerous film clips.
"Beardsley, Richard K.; Hall, John W.; and Ward, Robert E. Village
Japan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959. An intensive
study of a small rice-growing community through seven years of
joint field work, with separate chapters on aspects of community
life. See Chapter 14 for religion.
Beauchamp, Edward R., ed. Learning to Be Japanese: Selected Readings
on Japanese Society and Education. Hamden, Conn.: Linnet Books.
1978. Reprinted articles and chapters on the history and nature
of Japanese education and related issues such as student
movements, political questions, and textbook controversies; fea¬
tures a comprehensive bibliography on Japanese education.
"Befu, Harumi. "Gift-Giving in a Modernizing Japan." In Japanese Cul¬
ture and Behavior: Selected Readings. Edited by Takie Sugiyama
Lebra and William P. Lebra. Honolulu: University Press of
Hawaii, 1974, pp. 208-21. Originally published in Monumenta
Nipponica, Vol. 23, Nos. 3-4 (1968), 445-46. An anthropological
view of the social and ritual significance of the important Jap¬
anese custom of gift giving.
*■-. Japan: An Anthropological Introduction. San Francisco: Chan¬
dler Publishing Company, 1971. A general introduction to as¬
pects of Japanese culture, with suggested readings and many
photographs.
"Benedict, Ruth. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1946 (and later editions). An attempt to examine distinc¬
tively Japanese assumptions about life on the basis of written
documents; superseded by recent field work such as Beardsley, et
al. (See Lebra and Lebra, Japanese Culture and Behavior, esp. pp. 219
194-98, for a critique of Benedict and on.) Annotated
Bibliography
Brown, Delmer M. Nationalism in Japan: An Introductory Historical on Japanese
Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1955. Reprint Religion:
Selected Works
ed.. New York: Russell & Russell, 1971. A historical study of the
complex development of nationalism in Japan.
Chamberlain, Basil Hall. Things Japanese: Being Notes on Various Subjects
Connected with Japan for the Use of Travellers and Others. 5th ed. rev.
London: John Murray, 1905. A kind of handbook by one of the
early Western authorities on Japan; the alphabetically arranged
articles (although rather dated) are still of considerable interest.
Craig, Albert M., and Shively, Donald H., eds. Personality in Japanese
History. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970. A book of
essays attempting to evaluate Japanese personality through case
studies of major political and literary figures of the past few
centuries.
*de Bary, William Theodore, et al. Sources of Chinese Tradition. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1960. A companion volume to
Tsunoda et al.. Sources of Japanese Tradition, this is a convenient
resource for the Chinese background of Japanese culture and
religion.
+Doi, Takeo. The Anatomy of Dependence. Translated by John Bester.
Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1973. A fascinating book that in¬
terprets Japanese behavior in terms of distinctively Japanese
psychological categories.
+Dore, R. P. City Life in Japan: A Study of a Tokyo Ward. Berkeley: Univer¬
sity of California Press, 1958. A detailed sociological analysis of
life in one area of postwar Tokyo, valuable for its firsthand de¬
scription of all facets of city life.
*+-. Shinohata: A Portrait of a Japanese Village. London: Allen Lane,
1978. Reprint ed.. New York: Pantheon Books, 1980. A firsthand
account of all aspects of life in a village, noting changes between
1955 and 1975; includes photographs and many interviews with
villagers.
’Dunn, Charles J. Everyday Life in Traditional Japan. New York: Putnam,
1969; Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1972. An interest¬
ing description of daily life before 1900, with separate chapters
on various occupations; profusely illustrated with traditional
drawings.
*Duus, Peter. Feudalism in Japan. 2d ed. New York: Knopf, 1976. A
general historical treatment of feudalism in Japan as compared
with feudalism in Europe.
220 Earl, David Magarey. Emperor and Nation in Japan: Political Thinkers of
Japanese the Tokugawa Period. Seattle: University of Washington Press,
Religion:
Unity and 1964. A detailed analysis of the development of nationalism and
Diversity the rise of the status of the emperor in Tokugawa times.
"Editorial Department of Teikoku-Shoin Co. Teikoku's Complete Atlas of
Japan. Teikoku-Shoin, Japan, 1964. A handy set of national and
regional maps with topographical and some economic and social
information; although somewhat dated, it is a convenient small
atlas.
Elisseeff, Vadime. Japan. Translated from the French by James
Hogarth. Geneva: Nagel Publishers, 1973. A convenient over¬
view of archaeology in Japan and archaeological excavation of
early Japan, with many color illustrations.
+Fairbank, John K.; Reischauer, Edwin O.; and Craig, Albert M. East
Asia: The Modern Transformation. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965.
The chapters on Japan form a highly respected and widely used
text on modern Japanese history. (See Reischauer and Fairbank
for the first volume of this two-volume work.)
"Feis, Herbert. The Road to Pearl Harbor: The Coming of the War Between
the United States and Japan. New York: Atheneum, 1962. A schol¬
arly interpretation of the diplomatic negotiations leading up to
the war.
Haitani, Kanji. The Japanese Economic System: An Institutional Overview.
Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1976. A good, brief introduc¬
tion to the social background and economic institutions of big
business in Japan.
+Hall, John Whitney. Japan: From Prehistory to Modern Times. New York:
Delacorte Press, 1970. A standard one-volume treatment em¬
phasizing the premodern period.
*-. "A Monarch for Modern Japan." In Political Development in
Modern Japan. Edited by Robert E. Ward. Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1968, pp. 11-64. A historical interpre¬
tation of the role of the emperor in traditional Japan and the use
of the emperor as a symbol of supreme authority from about 1868
to 1945.
-, and Beardsley, Richard K., eds. Twelve Doors to Japan. New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1965. Twelve general chapters on topics such
as geography, history, personality, art, education, political sys¬
tem, economic development, and law.
Hall, Robert King. Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation. New York:
Columbia University, 1949. A critical analysis of the nationalistic
and ultranationalistic ethics textbooks of prewar and wartime
Japan that were abolished by the Allied occupation; contains 221
Annotated
lengthy translations from the textbooks concerning loyalty to
Bibliography
emperor, ancestors, Shinto, and nation. on Japanese
Harich-Schneider, Eta. A History of Japanese Music. London: Oxford Religion:
Selected Works
University Press, 1973. A lengthy, technical survey of Japanese
music from prehistoric times to the present century; includes
three small long-play records of musical selections.
Havens, Thomas R. H. Valley of Darkness: The Japanese People and
World War Two. New York: Norton, 1978. An interesting account
of the effect of World War II on the Japanese people, including
many translated wartime documents—letters, diaries, and
newspapers.
"Henderson, Harold G. An Introduction to Haiku: An Anthology of Poems
and Poets from Basho to Shiki. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958.
A sensitive introduction to haiku; a good first book for becoming
acquainted with Japanese culture and art.
Hsu, Francis L. K. lemoto: The Heart of Japan. Cambridge, Mass.:
Schenkman Publishing Company, 1975. An interpretation of
Japanese society, its "economic miracle," and social solidarity,
generally in terms of the familial character (iemoto) of secondary
groupings.
Tnoguchi, Rikihei, and Nakajima, Tadashi, with Pineau, Roger. The
Divine Wind: Japan's Kamikaze Force in World War II. New York:
Bantam Books, 1960. One of the better "war stories," told by two
Japanese aviators involved in the war effort and part of the sui¬
cidal kamikaze force.
"Ishida, Takeshi. Japanese Society. New York: Random House, 1971. A
general introduction to aspects of Japanese society.
"Jansen, Marius B., ed. Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Moderniza¬
tion. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965. Articles by
leading scholars on specific problems of modernization; this is
the first of five volumes on modern Japan published by Princeton
University Press. (See also Shively.)
-. Japan and Its World: Two Centuries of Change. Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1980. An overview of the dramatic
changes in Japan (and in relations between Japan and Western
nations), from virtual isolation two centuries ago to "Japan's
Search for Role in the Twentieth Century."
+Japan National Tourist Organization, comp. Japan: The New Official
Guide. Tokyo: Japan Travel Bureau, 1975. A remarkable guide¬
book to Japan, its detailed maps and historical information on
every locale make it a must for travelers. The 1975 edition has
222 much information on industry and commerce. Earlier editions,
Japanese especially the ninth revision of Japan: The Official Guide (1962),
Religion:
Unity and usually available in used-book stores in Japan, contain more in¬
Diversity formation on cultural and historical landmarks.
Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, comp. Japan: Its People
and Culture. 3d ed. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press (Ministry of
Education), 1973. A convenient one-volume handbook of infor¬
mation on Japan; for religion see pp. 179-96.
+Kamei, Katsuichiro, et al. The Heibonsha Survey of Japanese Art. 31 vols.
New York: Weatherhill/Heibonsha, 1972-79. English translation
of a Japanese-language series of general introductions to the var¬
ious media and periods of Japanese art; features readable texts
and lavish illustrations; volume 31 is an index to the series. (For
two volumes on religion, see Watanabe in the "Shinto” section
of this bibliography and Sawa in the "Buddhism" section.)
"Keene, Donald, ed. Anthology of Japanese Literature from the Earliest Era
to the Mid-Nineteenth Century. New York: Grove Press, 1955. Se¬
lected translations from all forms of literature, arranged by his¬
torical period.
t+-. Japanese Literature: An Introduction for Western Readers. New
York: Grove Press, 1955. A concise survey of poetry, theater, and
novels.
-. Living Japan. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1959. A popular,
impressionistic introduction to Japan through many photographs
and general discussions.
Kidder, J. Edward, Jr. The Birth of Japanese Art. New York: Praeger
Publishers, 1965. A discussion of the art of prehistoric and early
Japan, with some color plates and several hundred black and
white illustrations.
"Kimball, Arthur G. Crisis in Identity and Contemporary Japanese Novels.
Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1973. A short, interest¬
ing interpretation of postwar Japanese novels in terms of "iden¬
tity crisis"; includes a convenient syllabus for a reading course on
postwar Japanese novels.
Kokudo, Chiriin (Geographical Survey Institute), ed. The National
Atlas of Japan. Tokyo: Japan Map Center, 1977. The most complete
atlas of Japan in English; features hundreds of maps with exten¬
sive information on physical, social, economic, cultural, and ad¬
ministrative aspects.
"Kornhauser, David. Urban Japan: Its Foundations and Growth. London:
Longman, 1976. A brief, up-to-date, and well-written general
introduction to the urban and rural landscapes and their relation-
ship to historical and commercial-industrial developments; the 223
Annotated
illustrations effectively give a sense of the Japanese landscape.
Bibliography
Lebra, Joyce, et al. Womm in Changing Japan. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford on Japanese
University Press, 1976. Separate chapters describe women in Religion:
Selected Works
eleven occupational fields, providing valuable interviews of wo¬
men engaged in these occupations; "women and suicide" is also
treated.
"Lebra, Takie Sugiyama. Japanese Patterns of Behavior. Honolulu: Uni¬
versity Press of Hawaii, 1976. An analysis of both normal and
deviant behavior, showing that "the Japanese are extremely
sensitive to and concerned about social interaction and
relationships."
*-, and Lebra, William P, eds. Japanese Culture and Behavior:
Selected Readings. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1974. In¬
teresting articles on various aspects of Japanese behavior by an¬
thropologists, sociologists, and psychologists.
Lockwood, William W. The Economic Development of Japan: Growth and
Structural Change. Expanded ed. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Uni¬
versity Press, 1968. A standard, comprehensive survey of
Japanese economic development, starting with the nineteenth-
century Japanese historical setting and tracing subsequent
economic growth.
Malm, William P. Japanese Music and Musical Instruments. Rutland, Vt.:
Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1959. A comprehensive overview of
Japanese music and musical instruments, treating both history
and performance; features many illustrations and some musical
transcriptions.
+Maraini, Fosco. Japan: Patterns of Continuity. Tokyo: Kodansha Inter¬
national, 1971. A perceptive appreciation of Japanese culture
past and present, profusely illustrated with striking color
photographs.
-. Meeting with Japan. Translated by Eric Mosbacher. New York:
Viking Press, 1959. A kind of travel book, whose impressions are
complemented by many good photographs.
"Miller, Roy Andrew. The Japanese Language in Contemporary Japan: Some
Socio-linguistic Observations. Washington, D.C.: American
Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research; Stanford, Calif.:
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, 1977. A gen¬
eral treatment of the natpre of Japanese language and its relation¬
ship to Japanese social and cultural identity.
"Miner, Earl. An Introduction to Japanese Court Poetry. Stanford, Calif.:
Stanford University Press, 1968. Based on the longer, standard
224 work Japanese Court Poetry (by Miner and Robert H. Brower), this
Japanese general treatment provides translations of major court poets from
Religion:
Unity and a.d. 550 to 1500 and an overview of themes such as nature and
Diversity love as well as religious influence.
Mishima, Yukio. The Sea of Fertility. A tetralogy consisting of Spring
Snow (1972), translated by Michael Gallagher; Runaway Horses
(1973), translated by Michael Gallagher; The Temple of Dawn
(1973), translated by E. Dale Saunders and Cecilia Segawa Seigle;
and The Decay of the Angel (1975), translated by Edward G.
Seidensticker. Publication dates are for the original English-
language editions published in New York by Knopf; sub¬
sequently reprinted in a paperback edition in New York by
Pocket Books. These four novels, in effect Mishima's brilliant last
testament before his suicide in 1971, dramatize the plight of
modern man; the extensive references to religion, especially
Buddhist philosophy, occasionally temper Mishima's nihilism
with a kind of existentialist quest.
Mitchell, Richard H. Thought Control in Prewar Japan. Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 1976. A detailed analysis of the laws
and actual prosecution for eliminating revolutionaries from 1868
to 1941; valuable for documenting measures used to develop a
highly unified national consciousness in this period.
^Morris, Ivan. The Nobility of Failure: Tragic Heroes in the History of Ja¬
pan. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975; New York:
New American Library, 1976. A perceptive historical and liter¬
ary analysis of the “tragic hero," from mythological figures
and medieval warriors to the “kamikaze" suicide feats of World
War II.
*-. The World of the Shining Prince: Court Life in Ancient Japan. New
York: Knopf, 1964; New York: Penguin Books, 1979. A valuable
insight into the values and aesthetics of court life.
*Munsterberg, Hugo. The Arts of Japan: An Illustrated History. Rutland,
Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1957. A handy one-volume
treatment of various art forms (including folk art), with many
illustrations.
*Najita, Tetsuo. Japan. Modern Nations in Historical Perspective
Series. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1974. An analysis of
the formation of modern Japan, contrasting “bureaucratic" and
“idealistic" tendencies as the key to social and political dynamics.
*Nakamura, Hajime. A History of the Development of Japanese Thought
from 592 to 1868. 2 vols. Tokyo: Kokusai Bunka Shinkokai (Society
for International Cultural Relations), 1967. A historical survey,
emphasizing the distinctiveness of Japanese thought.
’’’Nakane, Chie. Japanese Society. Berkeley: University of California 225
Annotated
Press, 1970. A provocative analysis of Japanese society emphasiz¬
Bibliography
ing its "vertical structure." on Japanese
Onoda, Hiroo. No Surrender: My Thirty-Year War. Translated by Religion:
Selected Works
Charles S. Terry. Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1974. The biog¬
raphy of a Japanese soldier who continued guerrilla warfare on a
Philippine island from 1944 to 1974 provides rare insight into the
psychology of wartime Japan.
"Paine, Robert Treat, and Soper, Alexander. The Art and Architecture of
Japan. Rev. ed. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1975. A scholarly his¬
torical analysis divided into painting and sculpture, and architec¬
ture, with numerous plates.
Plath, David W. Long Engagements: Maturity in Modem Japan. Stanford,
Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1980. A fascinating account of
aging or "maturity" told through the life histories of four con¬
temporary Japanese, compared with characters in Japanese
novels.
"Putzar, Edward. Japanese Literature: A Historical Outline. Tucson: Uni¬
versity of Arizona Press, 1973. A volume of translated essays by
Japanese scholars surveying Japanese literature by historical
period; includes a convenient list of translations and studies of
Japanese literature.
*+Reischauer, Edwin O. Japan: The Story of a Nation. Rev. ed. New York:
Knopf, 1974. A popular presentation by a leading Japanologist;
a good first book on Japan.
+-, and Fairbank, John K. East Asia: The Great Tradition. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1958. The chapters on Japan form a highly
respected and widely used text on premodern Japanese history.
(See Fairbank and Reischauer for the second volume of this
two-volume work.)
Reynolds, David K. Morita Psychotherapy. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1976. Introduction to the distinctively Japanese
form of psychotherapy developed by Morita Shoma, which in¬
cludes some Buddhist influence.
"Sansom, Sir George. A History of Japan. 3 vols. Stanford, Calif.: Stan¬
ford University Press, 1958-63. A standard Western work, espe¬
cially valuable for cultural history, covering the span from earliest
times until 1867.
-. Japan: A Short Cultural History. Rev. ed. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1943. A brief historical treatment of
Japanese culture.
"Shikibu, Murasaki. The Tale of Genji. 2 vols. Translated by Edward G.
Seidensticker. New York: Knopf, 1976. Reprint ed., Rutland, Vt.:
226 Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1978. A new translation of a Japanese
Japanese classic, it reveals the court pageantry and religious life of
Religion:
Unity and medieval Japan.
Diversity "Shively, Donald H., ed. Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture.
Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1971. Articles by lead¬
ing scholars on specific problems of modernization in Japanese
culture; this is the fifth of five volumes on modern Japan pub¬
lished by Princeton University Press. (See also Jansen.)
+Smith, Robert J. Kurusu: The Price of Progress in a Japanese Village,
1951-1975. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1978. A
detailed anthropological description of life in the village of
Kurusu, valuable for its interpretation of social, economic, and
religious life in villages.
-, and Beardsley, Richard K., eds. Japanese Culture: Its Develop¬
ment and Characteristics. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropol¬
ogy, Vol. 34. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1962. Articles
on the origin and nature of Japanese culture by Japanese and
Western scholars.
*+Takeyama, Michio. Harp of Burma. Translated by Howard Hibbett.
Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1966. A 1946 novel
about Japanese prisoners of war in Burma at the end of World
War II; originally written for high school students, it was widely
read as a forceful dramatic rendering of the problems facing
Japan after World War II.
"Thompson, Laurence G. Chinese Religion: An Introduction. 3d ed. Bel¬
mont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1979. A brief introduction, helpful for
understanding the Chinese background of Japanese religion; in¬
cludes a bibliography.
"Trewartha, Glenn T. Japan: A Geography. Madison: University of Wis¬
consin Press, 1965. The most complete regional geography of
Japan in English, but the economic and social information is con¬
siderably out-of-date.
"Tsuneishi, Warren M. Japanese Political Style: An Introduction to the Gov¬
ernment and Politics of Modern Japan. New York: Harper & Row,
1966. A convenient introduction emphasizing the peculiarities of
the "Japanese political style."
*+Tsunoda, Ryusaku, et al. Sources of Japanese Tradition. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1958. A valuable collection of trans¬
lated documents and comments on Japanese literature, thought,
and religion. (See de Bary for the companion Sources of Chinese
Tradition.)
-, and Goodrich, L. C., eds. Japan in the Chinese Dynastic His¬ 227
Annotated
tories. South Pasadena, Calif.: P. D. & I. Perkins, 1951. Contains
Bibliography
valuable Chinese perceptions of early Japan. on Japanese
Ueda, Makoto. Literary and Art Theories in Japan. Cleveland, Ohio: Religion:
Selected Works
Press of Western Reserve University, 1967. An overview of aes¬
thetic theories in Japan, with translations of the writing of im¬
portant Japanese writers on art theory.
-. Modern Japanese Writers and the Nature of Literature. Stanford,
Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976. A scholarly study of eight
major modern Japanese novelists, analyzing their writings espe¬
cially in terms of their theory of literature; includes a useful bib¬
liography of critical works and translated literature.
+Varley, H. Paul. Japanese Culture: A Short History. Expanded ed. New
York: Praeger Publishers, 1977. A concise historical survey of
Japanese culture, with numerous photographs.
* -, with Morris, Ivan and Nobuko. Samurai. New York: Dell,
1972. A general treatment of the origins of the samurai (warrior)
class and its role in Japanese history.
+Vogel, Ezra F. Japan as Number One: Lessons for America. Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979. Reprint ed.. New York:
Harper & Row, 1980. A provocative work interpreting the "suc¬
cess story" of modern Japanese business and society in terms of
the lessons that America can learn from Japan.
* -. Japan's New Middle Class: The Salary Man and His Family in a
Tokyo Suburb. 2d ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971.
The result of extensive field work, it provides insight into con¬
temporary family life.
*Ward, Robert E. Japan's Political System. 2d ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1978. An interpretation of Japan's political system
in terms of the historical-cultural setting as well as the political
dynamics and organs of government.
SHINTO
BUDDHISM
CONFUCIANISM
RELIGIOUS TAOISM
FOLK RELIGION
CHRISTIANITY
To use the study questions most efficiently, read them before begin¬
ning to read each assignment. Keep the questions in mind and use
them to identify the most important material. Then, after complet¬
ing the reading, check your comprehension by answering the ques¬
tions. Any of a number of techniques may be selected to answer
the questions—making mental notes, underlining and writing in the
book, keeping a journal. If you have trouble answering the questions,
make a note to yourself to mention the troublesome points in class
discussion.
These questions enable readers to use together the present book
and the author's companion volume, Religion in the Japanese Experi¬
ence: Sources and Interpretations. Those reading only the present book
may disregard the questions referring to the latter work.
Early Shinto
Japanese Religion, pp. 29-37
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 7-9
How is Shinto related to the earliest Japanese religious tradition,
and how did it develop into a tradition in its own right? What are the
main themes in Japanese mythology, and how are these important for
Shinto? What is the general outline of Shinto organization in terms of
priests, rituals, and shrines?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 9-13
Compare and contrast the Judaeo-Christian notion of God with the
Japanese notion of kami. Give at least three examples of kami to show
how a wide variety of “things" can be divine beings or kami. What are
the general features that define such kami?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 14-19
Compare and contrast the Judaeo-Christian story of creation with
the Japanese story of creation. Analyze the Japanese creation story,
noting the conditions at the beginning of creation, who the most
important figures are, and the process by which creation occurred.
One scholar has described Japanese religion in terms of “a sacred
people in a sacred land." How does the creation story support
such a description?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 19-24
Compare and contrast a Shinto shrine with a sacred place with
which you are familiar, such as a church or synagogue. What is it that
makes a Shinto shrine “sacred"? What is the relationship between
nature and shrines? How do the kami, shrines, and Shinto worshipers
relate to one another?
Early Japanese Buddhism 257
Japanese Religion, pp. 39-50 Study
Questions
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 35-36
How did the Indian religion of Buddhism happen to travel all the
way to Japan, and how was it received in Japan? What was the role of
the imperial court and the state in the acceptance of Buddhism in
Japan?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 37-39
Note the particular circumstances surrounding Buddhism's arrival
in Japan from Korea. How did the Korean envoys describe Buddhism,
and how did the Japanese look upon this "foreign” religion?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 39-44
Describe the way in which Buddhist divinities and kami came to be
very closely related—almost like two sides of the same coin. To what
extent is this the influence of Buddhist divinities on Shinto kami, and
to what extent is this the influence of Shinto kami on Buddhist
divinities?
Folk Religion
Japanese Religion, pp. 60-66
Religion in the Japanese Experience, p. 89
How does folk religion differ from organized religion, and what are
the major aspects of Japanese folk religion? How is folk religion deli¬
cately woven into family, village, occupational, and individual life?
258 Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 90-95
Japanese In the folk celebration of New Year's note the lack of control by
Religion:
Unity and
organized religion. Who controls the celebration? Who participates in
Diversity it? Where is the celebration held? What are the special practices,
foods, etc? What are the "rules" for such observances?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 95-99
In the Japanese tradition what is a shaman; how does a person
become a shaman; and what religious practices does a shaman
perform?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 99-104
Try to sum up the story and message of each folk tale. How do folk
tales constitute one aspect of folk religion?
Medieval Shinto
Japanese Religion, pp. 106-13
How does medieval Shinto differ from early Shinto? How does
thorough interaction of Shinto with Buddhism alter the character of
Shinto? To what extent, and in what way, does medieval Shinto tend
to assume its own organizational style?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 24-26
Carefully notice the attitude and emotions in this medieval pilgrim
to one of the most important Shinto shrines. Compare and contrast
this pilgrim's frame of mind with the frame of mind of the priest
practicing devotion to Amida (pp. 52-61, Religion in the Japanese
Experience).
New Religions
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 84-87
Under what circumstances did Konkokyo arise, and how did the
revelation of the founder result in a transformation of folk religious
tradition into a New Religion?
Japanese Religion, pp. 172-82
Trace the emergence, organization, and activities of Tenrikyo and
Soka Gakkai. How do these two movements compare and contrast
with one another, and how do they compare and contrast with tradi¬
tional Shinto and Buddhism?
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 237-44
Analyze the revelation experience of the founder of Tenrikyo. First
identify in this revelation experience the religious elements from the
earlier tradition. Then show how this revelation has new features that
lead to a New Religion.
Religion in the Japanese Experience, pp. 244-49
Analyze the "message" of Soka Gakkai, first identifying the reli¬
gious goal and then showing how people can reach this goal. What is
the relationship between the individual's daily worship, missionary
work (shakubuku), and the discussion meetings?
Summary
At the end of this study of Japanese culture and religion, it may be
useful to take stock of what you have learned and how your thinking
has changed. Compare what you knew about Japan and Japanese
religion before reading these materials with what you know now.
What was the most interesting new information you learned about
the Japanese tradition?
Compare your general attitudes or opinions toward Japanese cul¬
ture you had before this course of study with those you have now.
How has your thinking changed, and what persuaded you to change
your thinking?
Most people outside Japan view the country in terms of its indus¬
trial achievements—cameras and automobiles. How would you bal¬
ance this industrial and commercial image of Japan with what you
have learned about its distinctive culture?
How would you compare Japanese culture and religion with West¬
ern (or American) culture and religion? In the past, some Americans
have thought that Japan should adopt Western customs, such as
Christianity and democracy; some Americans have claimed recently
that Americans should adopt Japanese customs, such as greater
cooperation between labor and management, and better coordination
of business and government. Do you think it is possible for one soci¬
ety to borrow from another society, and if so, how would you select
the features to be borrowed? Are there ethical or humanitarian prin¬
ciples that transcend individual cultures and should guide all cul¬
tures? How would you like to see the Japanese tradition develop in
the future?
Index
Japanese names are cited in the text in Japanese fashion, with family name first, such as
Tokugawa Ieyasu. The family name is Tokugawa, and will be found in the index under
Tokugawa. In order to simplify use of the index, English equivalents are given for most
Japanese and other foreign-language terms. Many religious terms have been grouped
under the religion of which they are a part, such as Buddhism, Shinto, or Christianity.
Dates or approximate century are provided for historical figures and historical periods.
Where a term is illustrated in the text, the page number is followed by "(illus.)."
APH 0 6 Z005
jm n't znnfi
TRENT UNIVERSITY
11 64 0403819 6
The Religious Lire of Man Series
Frederick J. Strei^g4' Series Editor ^ \
ISBN D-SBM-DlDEfi-fi
00 00
73 W 9927
ii
78 534 0287