AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS

ON ELECTION BAN

HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR

BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN CRIMINOLOGY

JANUARY 2024
 AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS
ON ELECTION BAN

HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR

Thesis Outline Submitted to the Department of Criminal Justice Education,

College of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Southern Mindanao,
Kabacan, Cotabato in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of

BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN CRIMINOLOGY

JANUARY 2024

i
 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO
Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
APPROVAL OF THESIS OUTLINE
Name HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR
Major N/A
Degree Sought BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN CRIMINOLOGY
Specialization N/A
Thesis Title AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN

APPROVED BY THE GUIDANCE COMMITTEE

MARIZ P. BALQUIN ________________
Adviser Statistician

__________________ _____________
Date Date

____________________________ MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD

Statistician Department Chairperson
(Optional)
______________ _____________
Date Date
____________________________
Department Chairperson
______________
Date

ESTELLA A. BARBOSA MEAL ______________________

College Research Coordinator Dean
______________________ ______________________
Date Date
Study No: _Dept (DMO-2022-001)
Index No: ________________
Recorded by: _____________
RECORDED:
_________________________________
Director for Research and Development Office
_________________
Date
Recorded by: _________

USM-EDR-F04-Rev.4.2020.11.16

ii
 Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS

PRELIMINARIES

Title Page ………………………………………………………………………………………I

Approval of Thesis Outline............................................................................................ ii
Table of Contents......................................................................................................... iii
List of Figures..............................................................................................................v
List of Appendices........................................................................................................ vi
Introduction...................................................................................................................... 1
Significance of the Study...............................................................................................1
Objectives of the Study................................................................................................. 3
Hypothesis of the Study................................................................................................4
Scope and Limitation of the Study.................................................................................4
Place and Time of the Study.........................................................................................4
Expected Outputs of the Study..................................................................................... 4
Operational Definition of the Study................................................................................5
Theoretical Framework................................................................................................. 6
Conceptual Framework.................................................................................................7
Review Related Literature................................................................................................8
Firearm Ban.................................................................................................................. 8
Liquor Ban...................................................................................................................12
Vote Buying and Vote Selling......................................................................................15
Betting on Election...................................................................................................... 19
Methodology...................................................................................................................22
Research Design.........................................................................................................22
Locale of the Study..................................................................................................... 22
Respondent of the Study.............................................................................................23
Sampling Procedure....................................................................................................23
Research Instrument...................................................................................................23
Data Gathering Procedures........................................................................................ 24
Statistical Analysis...................................................................................................... 24
Scope and Delimitations of the Study.........................................................................25
Ethical Consideration.................................................................................................. 25
References.....................................................................................................................26

III
Appendices.................................................................................................................... 28
Application for Research Adviser................................................................................29
Application for Research Title.....................................................................................30
Estimated Budget of the Research..............................................................................31
Application for Thesis Outline Defense.......................................................................32
Curriculum Vitae..........................................................................................................33
Survey Questionnaire..................................................................................................35

iv
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Title Page

1 Conceptual Framework 7

v
 LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Title Page

A Application for Research Adviser 28

B Application for Research Title 29

C Estimated Budget of the Research 30

D Application for Thesis Outline Defense 31

E Certification 22

F Curriculum Vitae 33

G Survey Questionnaire 35

vi
 1

INTRODUCTION

Significance of the study

The term "election ban" describes the time frame during which a particular

person is not allowed to participate in political campaigning. By prohibiting incumbent

politicians from abusing their positions of authority and resources, this ban seeks to

guarantee impartial and fair elections. Aspiring politicians are expected to abstain from

any actions that could sway the results of the election during this time. Election bans are

said to be successful in averting conflicts of interest.

They want to make sure that people running for public office aren't doing it to

further their own agendas or personal gain (Warren, 2010). Aspiring politicians must be

aware of and comprehend the implications of the election ban. It is imperative that they

acquaint themselves with the guidelines and protocols pertaining to the prohibition in

order to prevent inadvertent violations of any clauses. Aspiring politicians should also be

well-versed in the rationale behind the prohibition and how it affects the electoral

process. One issue that faces people who are banned from voting is that they are only

able to take part in politics for a limited amount of time. Election laws or regulations

prohibit candidates for public office in order to maintain free and democratic elections.

These prohibitions might include limitations on running for office, holding public

office, or participating in political actions. The election ban may make it more difficult for

prospective lawmakers to further their political agendas and engage in active

1
 2

participation in the democratic process. They might be unable to interact with voters,

garner support, and promote their platforms as a result of the ban. Their prospects of

winning an election or progressing in their political career may be greatly impacted by

their lack of involvement during the suspension period. It creates a level playing field

and allows new candidates to compete more fairly by temporarily disqualifying them

from the race. (Source: Snyder and Ansolabehere, "The Incumbency Advantage in U.S.

Elections," 2002).

Aspiring politicians can safeguard their reputations and steer clear of controversy

by being aware of the election ban. A candidate's chances of winning the election may

suffer if they are accused of misconduct as a result of breaking the ban. Aspiring

lawmakers can preserve their credibility and integrity during the election process by

being aware of the ban and abiding by its provisions. Election bans are required to

maintain the legitimacy of the electoral process. Election bans are one tool that

incumbent politicians can use to reduce their advantage. Election bans are required to

maintain the legitimacy of the electoral process. They have the power to dissuade

politicians with a history of wrongdoing from seeking office again. (Taken from "Ensuring

Electoral Integrity" by Norris, 2014) It is imperative that aspiring politicians understand

the implications of the election ban for multiple reasons.

In addition to guaranteeing fair elections, it also guards against resource

misappropriation, preserves the reputation of the candidate, and assures level playing

fields. Aspiring politicians can effectively plan their campaigns and avoid any violations

that could result in fines or disqualification by being aware of the ban's implications. As
 3

a result, before participating in any political activity during the election period,

prospective politicians must become familiar with the election ban and its provisions.

Objectives of the Study

This study aims determine the level of awareness of the local politicians on

election bans.

Specially it seeks to answer the following;

1. To determine the socio-demographic characteristics of the local

politicians in terms of

1.1. age

1.2. sex

1.3. civil status

1.4. educational attainment.

2. To determine the level of awareness of local politicians on election ban

in terms of prohibited acts:

2.1. Firearm ban

2.2. Liquor ban

2.3. Vote buying and Vote selling

2.4. Betting on election

 4

3. To determine the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and level of

awareness of the local politicians on election ban.

Hypothesis of the Study

This study will be tested at 0.05 level of significance.

Ho1: There is no significant relationship between socio-demographic

characteristics and the aspiring politicians on election ban.

Scope and Limitation of the Study

The study will focus on the Awareness of the Local Politician on Election Ban

in Mlang, North Cotabato Cotabato.

Place and Time of the Study

This study will be conducted in, Mlang, North, Cotabato, in 2024-2025.

Expected Outputs of the Study

The expected outputs of a study on the awareness of local politicians regarding

election bans may include insights into their understanding of specific restrictions,

identification of common misconceptions, awareness levels of legal and ethical

guidelines, and recommendations for targeted educational campaigns to enhance

awareness. Additionally, the study may provide data on the impact of awareness on

candidates' behavior during election periods.

 5

Operational Definition of the Study

Awareness - refers to the ability to see, hear, perceive, or to be aware of something or

in the surroundings.

Local Politician - refers to an individual elected or appointed to a local public office,

such as a city council member, mayor, or county official.

Election Ban - refers to the period during an election when specific individuals are

restricted from participating in political campaign activities.

Incumbent Politician- Refers to an individual with a duty or responsibility, typically

holding an elected position.
 6

Theoretical Framework

The altruism theory of voting is a model of voter behavior that holds that if

voters in a democracy have "social" preferences for the welfare of others, then

voting will be rational for an "altruistic" citizen who derives utility from helping others

because the large cumulative benefits of enacting the voter's preferred policy will

outweigh the extremely low probability of a single vote determining an election. [1]

Altruistic voting has been compared to buying a lottery ticket, in which the expected

benefit outweighs the cost.

Traditional theories of clientelism assert that vote buying is more likely when

parties are losing elections, while ignoring prior spending levels on vote buying. We

consider this framework is limited in a number of ways. First, it assumes that losses

and gains affect a party’s decision-making process in comparable ways—i.e.,

winning an election feels just as good as losing one hurts. Second, it assumes that

the decision-making process of clientelist political parties focuses only on absolute

levels of utility while overlooking changes in outcomes with respect to a reference

point—i.e., it does not matter whether clientelist parties have had successes or

failures in the past (Kahneman et al., 1986, Schumacher et al., 2015). In this paper,

we contest these assumptions., González-Ocantos et al. (2012, pp. 205–206), who

fielded a list experiment in Nicaragua for the 2008 elections, find that while the
 7

incumbent party enjoyed the support of 40% of the electorate, 24% of registered

voters were offered a clientelist gift in an election that “[was] not heavily conteste

Conceptual Framework

The research presents the conceptual framework showing the variables of

the study. As shown in figure 1, the conceptual framework exhibited the variables of

the study as follows: The independent variable of the study is the socio-

demographic characteristic in terms of Age, Sex, Age, Civil Status, and Educational

Attainment. The dependent variable of this study is the Perception of Local

SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PERCEPTION OF ASPIRING
Politicians in terms of, firearm ban, liquor ban, vote buying and vote selling, and
CHARACTERISTICS POLITICIAN
betting on election.

Age Firearm Ban

INDEPENDENT VARIABLE DEPENDENT VARIABLE

Sex Liquor Ban

Civil Status Vote buying and

Vote Selling
Educational

Attainment Betting on

Election
8
 9

REVIEW RELATED LITERATURE

Firearm Ban

Kopel, David B. Fordham Urb. LJ 39, 1527, 2011: The conservative corporate

establishment spearheaded a push in the Northeast in the 1920s to outlaw handguns.

As a result, the National Rifle Association (NRA) started participating in politics and

succeeded in overturning the ban on handguns. Throughout the majority of the 20th and

21st centuries, there were fierce political, social, and cultural conflicts surrounding gun

rights and control.

The fights were frequently characterized by a collision of absolutes: one side

argued that there was no such thing as a right to bear arms, that it was necessary to

outlaw the possession of firearms for self-defense, and that gun ownership for sports

purposes should only be permitted under extremely strict circumstances. The opposition

claimed that all gun control laws violated the unalienable right to bear arms. The cases

had been settled in most cases by the time Heller and McDonald appeared before the

Supreme Court. The Second Amendment right to keep and carry arms, particularly for

self-defense, is a basic individual right. The Supreme Court upheld this consensus

rather than creating any new ground. Still, this right is not unqualified. Certain laws

restricting access to firearms, especially those that target individuals who have

demonstrated their dangerousness, do not infringe on an individual's rights.

Gun policy is a hotly debated topic in the 2020 US election cycle, according to

Barry et al. (2019) In this regard, it is crucial to monitor changing public perceptions of
 10

gun control. Utilizing information from the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and

Research's National Survey of Gun Policy, which was conducted in 2013, 2015, 2017,

and 2019, we looked at patterns of support for over two dozen gun laws over time by

state, political party, and gun ownership status. During the course of the study, the

majority of the policies that we looked at were supported. We found that public support

for stricter regulation of gun dealers, licensing and background checks for all handgun

purchases, and extreme risk protection orders increased over time. There were

significant differences in support for other concealed carry policies based on the

ownership status of firearms, but both gun owners and non-owners strongly supported

requiring tests to demonstrate safe handling before carrying a concealed weapon.

According to a new survey question from 2019, 84% of Americans were in favor

of making first-time gun buyers complete a safety course. Even though the topic of gun

policy is still very divisive, the vast majority of people, including those who do not own

firearms, are in favor of a number of proposals aimed at tightening US regulations.

Florida: University of South Florida [cited by Charles K. Poliseno and Walter

Andrusyszyn]. 2022–22–23]. Few subjects in American history have generated as much

controversy and discussion as the general public's ownership and use of firearms. As

tragedies like Sandy Hook Elementary School and Columbine High School show the

power and destruction these weapons can wreak when wielded by the wrong people,

the Second Amendment to the US Constitution, which states: "A well-regulated militia,

being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear

arms, shall not be infringed," has come under fire.

 11

Legislators and the general public are actively looking for ways to address the

tragic deaths that are regularly reported in the news. Still, there's a lot of disagreement

about the right course of action. The main issues in this debate are who should possess

firearms, how they should be kept under surveillance, what kind of weapons are

appropriate for civilian use, and whether or not civilians should be permitted to carry and

own weapons. The study makes the case that people who abuse firearms for

destructive ends rather than just the existence of firearms in society are the main cause

of excessive gun violence. While laws restricting gun ownership are an attempt by

governments to improve public safety, opinions on whether or not these laws actually

lessen violence vary. In fact, some argue that they may make it worse.

Children's firearm injuries, both fatal and nonfatal, are a serious concern in

American society. From a low of 1.71 per 100,000 firearm deaths in 2013 to 2.22 per

100,000 in 2016 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018), the rate of

firearm-related deaths among individuals aged 0 to 17 has risen steadily in recent

years, making it the second leading cause of death for children and adolescents in the

US (Cunningham et al., 2018). In addition, the issue of preventing child fatalities from

firearms has gained prominence due to recent mass shootings at elementary and

secondary schools.

Federal and state laws in the United States are tools used to try and lessen the

number of firearm-related injuries and fatalities, whether they result from accidental,

interpersonal, or self-directed violence. Numerous reviews of research on the impact of

gun laws on firearm outcomes have been conducted in recent years (see, for instance,

Santaella-Tenorio et al., 2016). To our knowledge, none of these reviews have

 12

specifically examined the effects of firearms on children and adolescents, but the

general conclusions imply that certain gun laws, such as those requiring criminal

background checks for firearm sales, are linked to a decrease in firearm-related

fatalities. Over the lifespan, different types of firearm-related injuries can occur. First,

age has an impact on the mechanism of firearm injury. For instance, children under the

age of ten seldom commit suicide in any form, but among the top 10 causes of injury

deaths for this age group in the US are firearm homicide and unintentional firearm

deaths (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Moreover, individuals aged

10 years and older have a significantly higher incidence of firearm-related homicide and

suicide (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Moreover, individuals aged

10 years and older have a significantly higher incidence of firearm-related homicide and

suicide (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Second, the causes of

firearm deaths differ according to age as well. For instance, while intimate partner

violence accounts for just 9% of firearm homicides among those under the age of 18,

when the age range is restricted to 0–12, intimate partner violence accounts for 31% of

firearm homicides (Fowler et al., 2017).

This discrepancy was likely due to an increase in homicides involving other

circumstances, such as gang-related and drug-related homicides, among those aged

13–17. The number of kids who die as a result of intimate partner violence suggests

that limiting access to firearms for victims of domestic abuse may protect kids as well as

intimate partners. Similarly, making it harder for kids to obtain firearms—for example, by

enacting child access prevention (CAP) laws—may reduce accidental firearm deaths

and firearm suicides. In general, the age-specific epidemiology of firearm violence

 13

necessitates a more sophisticated strategy for age-specific policy-based prevention

initiatives.

Liquor Ban

An examination of the current alcohol and tobacco control laws and policies in

Singapore and the Philippines is done in comparison by Gianna Gayle Herrera Amul

and Jean-Francois Etter in the International Journal of Public Health, 67, 1605050,

2022. Utilizing a framework for public health law that integrates a systems approach

through a scorecard, we evaluated the tobacco and alcohol control progress of the

Philippines and Singapore based on SDG indicators, the WHO Framework Convention

on Tobacco Control, and the WHO Global Strategy to Reduce Harmful Use of Alcohol.

The scientific literature and official government documents provided the data.

Despite disparities in their health systems, Singapore (86.5) and the Philippines (73.5)

both achieved strong scores for alcohol control but only weak or moderate ones for

tobacco control (35.5 and 52.5). Both offer avenues for policy that support marketing

restrictions, enhance corporate social responsibility initiatives, shield policy from

industry influence, and support alcohol harm prevention and tobacco cessation. A

health system-based scorecard was used to help set policy benchmarks, highlight

opportunities and gaps in these two countries, and pinpoint areas where current policies

could be strengthened in the areas of alcohol and tobacco control.

The issue in this case, Satyam TandonChrist ULJ 6, 77, 2017, was the existence

of liquor vending machines on federal and state highways throughout the nation, which

gave drivers easy access to alcohol and resulted in a startlingly high number of traffic
 14

fatalities. In order to minimize traffic accidents and guarantee the safety of highway

users, the judgment sought to ensure that any new or current liquor licenses issued to

liquor vending establishments on public roads be forbidden.

The Supreme Court noted that under the guise of economic development, we

shouldn't turn a country into a global accident capital. They came to the conclusion that

there was an accident in India every four minutes after taking into account all of the

statistical data on traffic accidents. After that, it was determined that drunk driving was

the root cause, accounting for 27,152 traffic accidents on its own. Therefore, it was

decided that the urgent need to stop drunk driving on highways deserved quick

attention.

In contrast to their peers who do not attend college, 53.6% of college students

between the ages of 18 and 22 reported drinking alcohol in the previous month,

according to the 2017 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) (Substance

Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). Thirty-five percent of college

students reported binge drinking (defined as having five or more drinks in one sitting;

Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). Heavy drinkers in

college run the risk of seriously hurting themselves and other people. According to

Hingson et al. (2009), there were approximately 1,825 alcohol-related deaths among

students ages 18 to 24 enrolled in 2- and 4-year colleges nationwide in 2005, the most

recent year for which data are available. Additionally, 599,000 students suffered injuries,

696,000 were hit or assaulted, and 97,000 became victims of sexual assault or date

rape at the hands of a drunken student. According to Barnett et al. (2014), students who

drink more are more likely to have acute negative outcomes—like blackouts, physical
 15

illnesses, or regrettable sex—as well as lower academic performance (Singleton, 2007).

Long-term consequences of excessive alcohol use can also include liver disease,

cancer, impaired neurocognitive function (such as learning, memory, and information

processing deficits), and susceptibility to addiction (Bagnardi et al., 2015; Hingson et al.,

2009; Yoon et al., 2014; Zeigler et al., 2005). It is important to remember that excessive

drinking can have negative effects on students as well as the surrounding communities,

including crime, property damage, and noise disturbances (Wechsler et al., 2002a;

Wechsler et al., 1995). Prior studies suggest that policies implemented at the state and

local levels to modify the alcohol environment are linked to a decrease in alcohol

consumption and alcohol-related issues among college students. Significantly fewer

college students engage in binge drinking and drinking overall in states with stricter

alcohol laws (Chaloupka and Wechsler, 1996; Nelson et al., 2005a). Reducing college

drinking can also be accomplished through environmental strategies, which employ

laws and enforcement to change drinking habits in the neighborhoods surrounding

campuses (Nelson et al., 2005b; Toomey et al., 2007). Schools use a variety of

measures on campus to try to limit and prevent alcohol abuse (Lenk et al., 2012).

However, compared to policies affecting the surrounding communities, policies on

campus have undergone a far less thorough evaluation of their efficacy. The College

Alcohol Intervention Matrix (CollegeAIM), developed by the National Institute on Alcohol

Abuse and Alcoholism in 2015, provides college administrators with a framework for

developing customized alcohol intervention programs at the individual and

environmental levels. Increased alcohol excise taxes and community-wide limitations on

the cost and accessibility of alcohol are among the most successful environmental-level
 16

policies, according to CollegeAIM (National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism,

2015).

Vote Buying and Vote Selling

Vote-buying can be viewed as a purely commercial transaction. However, in

Frederic Charles Schaffer and Andreas Schedler's 2007 book Elections for Sale: The

causes and consequences of vote buying, pages 17–30, depending on whether one

embraces the viewpoint of the candidate or the voter, a vot is essentially "bought" or

"sold." From this angle, vote buying can be understood as a contract or even an auction

in which the voter sells their vote to the highest bidder. We English speakers do, after

all, say "vote buying," so this market model is expressed not only in colloquial language

but also in more scholarly works.

It should come as no surprise that scholars who support formal methods derived

from microeconomics, such asrational choice, are more likely to hol this viewpoint.

However, more nuanced historical or ethnographic accounts show that the term "vote

buying," which academics, journalists, reformers, and occasionally participants use

interchangeably, has different connotations in various historical and cultural contexts. In

the 1830s, for example, English voters claimed that voting was a "birthright" (Hoppen

1996, 564). In San Isidro, a village in the Philippine province of Bataan, research on

electoral politics revealed that vote buying and selling can no longer be understood as

an exchange of goods and services between those who buy and sell their freedom in

the hopes of making a profit once they come into power. From the perspective of
 17

common people... Elections are the moments when justice and equality are momentarily

realized as their backers fulfill their monetary commitments to help them during hard

times (Ibana, 1996).

Information access is a major determinant of political behavior and decision-

making, according to Canare & Mendoza, (2021) Few studies have empirically

examined the role of various information sources, despite recent studies on vote buying

and selling attempting to unravel the potential drivers behind this phenomenon. This

study uses a special dataset from a poll of low-income voters in Metro Manila, the

Philippines, to add to the growing body of research in this field. It conducted an

empirical investigation into the connection between low-income voters' vote-selling

practices and their access to information. It also investigated additional vote-selling

correlates and potential triggers for an offer. The findings imply that there is no

discernible correlation between the amount of information and the probability of

accepting the offer and supporting the candidate who made it. The caliber of the

information does matter, though. Specifically, there is a negative correlation between

completing the vote-selling transaction (i.e., accepting the offer and casting a ballot for

the candidate) and having access to sources of "good quality information." This study

confirmed previous research indicating that vote-buying activities are primarily directed

towards impoverished and low-income communities by revealing evidence that money

used for such activities appears to be directed toward those with greater needs. It

should come as no surprise that vote-buying offers are more common in communities

that value social cohesion and in places where elections are hotly contested.

Additionally, our results imply that vote-buying might not always be successful in getting
 18

a small percentage of voters to switch their preferred candidate. This aligns with

previous research indicating that vote buying and selling only terminates a long-

standing patron-client relationship between politicians and voters from lower

socioeconomic backgrounds.

The phenomenon of electoral bribery is not new; however, comprehension of its

manifestations and pathologies is contingent upon an understanding of specific electoral

norms and politicalpractices. Graeme Orr, The Journal of Legal History, 27 (3), 289–

314, 2006. Election bribery in the Westminster tradition began with the change in the

status of parliamentary service from a duty to a privilege. Its typical forms, such as vote-

buying with crude tactics, can be traced back to this change in focus from purchasing a

seat to purchasing votes. As concerns about election costs rise and ideas of fair

electoral competition develop, we can see a gradual shift from cultural acceptance of

electoral bribery to legislative and ethical condemnation of it. In addition to providing a

taxonomy o the various types of bribery and judicial responses to them, this article

focuses on the pivotal period in the "war" on electoral bribery from 1868 to the early

twentieth century and explains the role played by statutory developments. It is

demonstrated that a combination of institutional developments, particularly the

emergence of professional, centralized parties, and political-legal strategies, such as

secret ballot voting, election courts, stricter legislation, and mass franchise, will

ultimately determine the success of this fight against corruption.

Vote buying, as its name suggests, is frequently described in the literature as a

direct market transaction in which voters exchange their vote for cash or gifts

(Guardado and Wantchekon, 2014). Vote buying, for example, is defined by Brusco and
 19

her associates (2004: 67) as "the offering of money or, more frequently, small consumer

goods to voters by political parties, in office or in opposition, in exchange for the

recipient's vote." Similarly, Aspinall and Sukmajati (2016: 20) slightly modify the

definition as “the systematic distribution of cash payments and/or goods to voters in the

few days leading up to the election with the implicit expectation that recipients will repay

with their vote.” vote.” Similarly, Kramon (2009: 4) defines vote buying as “the

distribution of particularistic or private material benefits with the expectation of political

support.” Finan and Schechter (2012: 864) view vote buying as “[offered] goods to

specific individuals before an election in exchange for their votes." Given that vote

buyers frequently do not explicitly demand a vote in exchange for their payment.

According to Guardado and Wantchekon (2014), all of these definitions are

predicated on the idea that payment increases voter turnout and/or the paying

candidate's or party's vote share. The debate in the literature between swing targeting

and party loyalty and vote buying's efficacy is evident. Adhering to the party loyalist

interpretation of vote buying as turnout buying, whereby parties or candidates target

voters who are predisposed to support them, the payment appears to be more about

encouraging apathetic supporters to cast their ballots in person than it does about

"purchasing" the vote of a voter who is unsure or uninterested.

The swing-voter hypothesis, on the other hand, suggests that the money actually

works to buy an undecided voter's support. In this instance, the distributing party is

more concerned with voting choice than with the recipients' turnout at the polls (Nichter,

2008). Under the turnout-buying model, givers can be sure that the voter will select

them if a passive supporter bothers to show up. This stands in stark contrast to the
 20

swing-voter school's model, which states that the vote buyer cannot be certain whether

the recipient will cast their ballot for the buyer or for another candidate even if they show

up at the polls.

Betting on Election

Section 19:34-24 - Betting on election

No person shall make, lay or deposit any bet, wager or stake, to be decided by

the result of any election, by the election or defeat of one or more persons at any

election, or by any contingency connected with or growing out of any election. All

contracts for or on account of any money, property or thing in action so bet, wagered or

staked shall be void. Any person who shall pay, deliver or deposit any money, property

or thing in action upon the event of any bet, wager or stake prohibited by this section,

may sue for and recover the same from the winner or person to whom the same, or any

part thereof, shall have been paid or delivered, or with whom the same, or any part

thereof, shall have been deposited, whether he shall have been a stakeholder, or other

person, whether or not the same shall have been paid over by such stakeholder, or

whether or not such bet, wager or stake shall have been lost.

No candidate for public office, before or during an election, shall make any bet or

wager with a voter, or take a share or interest in, or in any manner become a party to

such bet or wager, or provide or agree to provide any money to be used by another in

making such bet or wager, upon any event or contingency whatever. No person, directly

or indirectly, shall make a bet or wager with a voter, depending upon the result of any
 21

election, with the intent thereby to procure the challenge of such voter, or to prevent him

from voting at the election.

Election-related wagering has a long history, despite times when it was illegal

and even unenforceable (Graeme Orr, Federal Law Review 42 (2), 309–331, 2014).

Due in large part to the bookmaking industry in those jurisdictions that allow political

betting, sizable online markets have developed in recent years. Election bets are

handled as sports bets in these markets. The history and common law regulations

surrounding election betting are examined in this article. It follows a path from early

case law that declared elector wagers invalid (for tainting voting decisions) to criminal

prohibitions, some of which remain in place today (because wagers could pass for

electoral bribery), and finally to modern systems for granting licenses for electoral

bookmaking.

The concept of commodification, the precautionary principle, and the liberal harm

principle are normative arguments concerning election betting and the law. The article's

conclusion is that friendly bets ought to be allowed in order to give partisans more

opportunity to enhance the ceremonial aspect of elections. However, since there is a

chance that bets on politicians will be commodified, it is best to ban them and

discourage the industrialization of election betting.

According to Paul W. Rhode and Koleman S. Strumpf at the University of Arizona

(mimeo), election betting markets have become more common. These markets, which

rely on the ability of many participants to quickly and affordably place bets on the results

of upcoming elections, are primarily an online phenomenon. Founded in 1988, the Iowa
 22

Political Stock Market was the first of its kind, with a small number of traders and

modest stakes. The more recent iterations, most notably Intrade and Betfair, feature

millions of dollars in wagers and thousands of traders. There is compelling evidence

that these markets' prices offer reliable predictions for the results of elections.

The long history of these exchanges is frequently hidden by the popularity of

online election markets. In many western nations, election wagering has been practiced

for hundreds of years. It is more of an exception than a rule that these markets were

absent in the middle of the 20th century.

Voting against parties with slim chances of winning is a common expectation,

according to Fredén et al., (2020). Nevertheless, a lot of people choose to support the

underdogs. We contend that people use social media to determine how well-liked their

preferred party is among the general public. Voters tend to overestimate the chances of

underdogs winning when social networks act as echo chambers, a phenomenon seen in

real-life networks. We run voting experiments where a simulated network sends signals

to some treatment groups. We evaluate the performance of highly homogeneous

networks against random networks. We discover that homophilic networks boost the

degree of support for underdogs, lending credence to anecdotal reports that echo

chambers encourage the growth of fringe groups.

 23

METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this study is to determine the awareness of the local politician
on election ban. This chapter discussed the method used in the study, source of
data, sampling technique, data gathering procedure, instruments, and the statistical
treatment of data.

Research Design

This study will use a descriptive-correlation research method. Surveys will be

administered to the residence of Poblacion A and B, Barangay Bialong, Barangay

Magallon, Barangay Libo-o, Mlang, Cotabato. Wherein the respondents will be

randomly selected. The survey will ask the respondents’ awareness of the local

politicians on election ban.

Locale of the Study

The local politicians who are holding a position in Poblacion A and B,

Barangay Bialong, Barangay Magallon, Barangay Libo-o, Mlang, North Cotabato

during the election period will be the respondents of this study, in which they will be

requested to answer the questionnaires. Mlang is a municipality of Cotabato

province in the Philippines located in the SOCKSSARGEN Region in Mindanao.

 24

Respondent of the Study

The respondents of this study will be the Local politicians who are holding a

position in Poblacion A and B, Barangay Bialong, Barangay Magallon, Barangay

Libo-o, Mlang, North Cotabato during the election period.

Sampling Procedure

The researcher will use the purposive sampling procedure in selecting the
respondents.

Research Instrument

In gathering data for this study, the researcher will use a survey

questionnaire. For the independent variable, which is the socio-demographic

characteristics, it is composed of three (3) categories namely, age, sex, age, civil

status and educational attainment. On the other hand, the local politicians’

perception, it is composed of two (2) categories, those are: firearm ban and liquor

ban.
 25

Data Gathering Procedures

The researcher followed the procedure in conducting the study.

The researcher will responsible in gathering all the data essential for the

achievements for the research. To realize the objective in this study and in order to

ensure the validity of the study to be conducted the researches will undertake the

following (1) Securing permission to conduct the study from the head of Department

of Criminal Justice Education in the University of Southern Mindanao, Kabacan,

North, Cotabato (2) Prepare a letter of confidentiality (3) Coordinate with the

respondents (4) Conduct the study through the use of survey questionnaire for the

100 randomly selected local politicians.

Statistical Analysis

Responses from the questionnaire will be statistically analyzed with the data

instruments of the study. Data will be analysed and interpreted with the use of

frequency, percentage, weighted mean and mean. To know if there is a correlation

between independent and dependent variables, Pearson Product of Correlation will

be utilized with 0.05 level of significance.

 26

Scope and Delimitations of the Study

The study focuses on the awareness of local politicians on the election ban

and on local politicians who are holding a position in Mlang, North Cotabato during

the election period. It will specifically look into their knowledge and understanding of

the rules and regulations surrounding the election ban, such as the restrictions on

campaigning and other political activities during the election period.

The study will examine their knowledge on the consequences of violating the

election ban. This study will be limited only to 100 local politicians who are running

for positions this coming 2023-2024 election in Poblacion A and B, Barangay

Bialong, Barangay Magallon, Barangay Libo-o, Mlang, North Cotabato.

Ethical Consideration

In regards to the involvement to this study, the participants will not be

subjected to harm in any ways, prior to the study, full consent will be obtained from

the participants. In addition, the protection of the privacy of research participants will

be insured. Voluntary participation of the respondents in this research will be

insured. Moreover, they have the rigjts to withdraw from the study from any stage if
 27

they wish to do so. Lastly, any type of communication to this action of this research

will be done with honestly transparency.

 28

REFERENCES

Amul, G. G. H., & Etter, J. (2022, October 13). Comparing Tobacco and Alcohol
Policies From a Health Systems Perspective: The Cases of the Philippines and
Singapore. International Journal of Public Health.
https://doi.org/10.3389/ijph.2022.1605050

Barry, L., Stone, M., Crifasi, K., Vernick, S., Webster, W., & McGinty, E. (2019,
September 9). Trends In Public Opinion On US Gun Laws: Majorities Of Gun
Owners And Non–Gun Owners Support A Range Of Measures. Health Affairs .
Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/10.1377/hlthaff.2019.00576

Canare, & Mendoza, U. (2021, August 3). Access to Information and Other Correlates
of Vote Buying and Selling Behaviour: Insights from Philippine Data.
SageJournal. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/02601079211034607

Fredén, A., Rheault, L., & Indriðason, I. H. (2020, June 10). Betting on the underdog:
the influence of social networks on vote choice. Political Science Research and
Methods. https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2020.21

Orr. (2019, March 18). Betting on Elections: History, Law and Policy. SageJournals.
Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.22145/flr.42.2.4

Hassan, T. A., Hollander, S., Van Lent, L., & Tahoun, A. (2019, August 26). Firm-Level
Political Risk: Measurement and Effects*. The Quarterly Journal of Economics.
https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjz021

Jernigan, H., Shields, Mitchell, & Arria, M. (2019, March 19). Assessing Campus
Alcohol Policies: Measuring Accessibility, Clarity, and Effectiveness. Wiley Online
Library. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/acer.14017

Kopel, B. (2016, March). The Great Gun Control War of the Twentieth Century—and its
Lessons for Gun Laws Today. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2458&context=ulj

Muhtadi, B. (2019, January 1). Does Vote Buying Affect Voting Behaviour? Chasing
Winning Margins and the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Springer eBooks.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6779-3_7

Rhode, W., & Strumpf, S. (n.d.). University of Arizona (unpublished manuscript).

 29

Schaffer, F. C. (2007, January 1). 2 What Is Vote Buying? De Gruyter.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9781626372085-004

National Survey on Drug Use and Health. (n.d.). https://www.samhsa.gov/data/data-we-

collect/nsduh-national-survey-drug-use-and-health

Tandon, S. (2017, July 1). The Highway Liquor Ban Case: State of Tamil Nadu v. K.
Balu & Others. Christ University Law Journal. https://doi.org/10.12728/culj.11.5

University of South Florida. (n.d.). Ranked #42 among Public Institutions & #97 among
Public & Private Universities in U.S. News & World Report (2023). Retrieved
December 10, 2023, from https://www.usf.edu/ods/documents/factbook-2022-23-
final.pdf

Zeoli, A. M., Goldstick, J. E., Mauri, A., Wallin, M., Goyal, M. K., & Cunningham, R. M.
(2019, August 1). The association of firearm laws with firearm outcomes among
children and adolescents: a scoping review. Journal of Behavioral Medicine.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10865-019-00063-y
 30

APPENDICES
 31

Appendix A. Application for Research Adviser

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO College

Seal
Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
APPLICATION FOR RESEARCH ADVISER
January 17, 2024.

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD

Department of Criminology.
College of Arts and Social Sciences
USM, Kabacan, Cotabato

Madam:

I would like to request that you will be my Research adviser effective 1 st and 2nd semester, SY
2023-2024. I intend to work on “AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN.”

I am hoping for your most favorable approval on this request. Thank you very much.

Very truly yours,

HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR

Printed Name and Signature of Student

APPROVED

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD

Adviser
_______________
Date

USM-EDR-F02-Rev.5.2022.10.18
 32

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO

Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
APPLICATION FOR RESEARCH TITLE
January 17, 2024
MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD
Chairperson, Department of Criminal Justice Education

MADAM:
I would like to request your office to allow me to research on the study with title “AWARENESS
OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN.”

The study has the following objectives:

1. to determine the socio-demographic characteristics of the local politicians in terms of
1.1. age, 1.2. sex, 1.3 civil status, and 1.4. educational attainment.
2. to determine the level of awareness of local politicians on election ban in terms of
prohibited acts:
2.1 Firearm ban, 2.2. Liquor ban, 2.3 Vote buying and Vote selling, 2.4 Betting on
election
3. to determine the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and level of
awareness of the local politicians on election ban.

Very truly yours,

HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR

Printed Name and Signature of Student
NOTED

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD ________________

Adviser Date

VICENTE T. DELOS REYES, PhD ________________

Department Research Coordinator Date

ESTELLA B. BARBOSA, MEAL ________________

College Research Coordinator Date

APPROVED

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD ________________

Department Chairperson Date

USM-EDR-F02-Rev.4.2021.11.04
Appendix B. Application for Research Title
 33

Appendix C. Estimated Budget of the Research

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO

Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
ESTIMATED BUDGET OF THE RESEARCH

Title of Study “.AWARENESS OF THE LOCSL POLITICIANS IN ELECTION BAN”

ITEMS/DESCRIPTION ESTIMATED COST

Outline Defense Fee 775
Snack 100
Printing 500
Plastic Envelope 50
Other Expenses 1500

Grand Total- 2925

Prepared and submitted by:

HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR

Printed Name and Signature of the Student

NOTED

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD ___________________________

Adviser Date

VICENTE T. DELOS REYES, PhD ___________________________

Department Research Coordinator Date

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD ___________________________

Department Chairperson Date

USM-EDR-F06-Rev.3.2020.02.24
Appendix D. Application for Thesis Outline Defense
 34

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO

Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines

APPLICATION FOR THESIS OUTLINE DEFENSE

Name HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR

Degree/Major BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN CRIMINOLOGY
Thesis Title AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN
Date of Examination NOVEMBER 11, 2023
Time 2:00 PM
Place UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO
MEMBERS OF THE EXAMINING COMMITTEE
Name Signature Date

ROLLY C. SOTTO, MSCRIM _______________ _______________

ROVILINE A. RAPISPOSA PAL-IWAN, PhD _______________ _______________
ERWIN A. MALLO PhD _______________ _______________

RECOMMENDING APPROVAL:

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD

APPROVED:

__________________ VICENTE T. DELOS REYES, PhD

College Statistician Department Research Coordinator
(Optional)

MARIZ P. BALQUIN, PhD

Department Chairperson

REPORT ON THE RESULT OF EXAMINATION

Name Signature Remarks

ROLLY C. SOTTO, MSCRIM __________________ __________________

ROVELINE A. RAPISURA PAL-IWEN, PhD __________________ __________________
ERWIN A. MALLO PhD __________________ __________________

APPROVED:

VICENTE T. DELOS REYES, PhD

Department Research Coordinator
_______________
Date
Appendix E. Curriculum Vitae
USM-EDR-F07-Rev.3.2020.02.24
 35

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO

Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
CURRICULUM VITAE
HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR
Bialong, Mlang, North Cotabato
Cell Number: 09702525822
E-mail address: [email protected]

PERSONAL INFORMATION

NICKNAME: Raprap

BIRTHDAY: May 27, 2002

BIRTHPLACE: Bialong, Mlang, North Cotabato

AGE: 21

NATIONALITY: Filipino

CIVIL STATUS: Single

FATHER’S NAME: Ernesto F. Malasador

MOTHER’S NAME: Hanelyn A. Malasador

 36

BACKGROUND

TERTIARY: UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO

Bachelor of Science in Criminology

Kabacan, Cotabato

2024- Onward

SECONDARY: MLANG NATIONAL HIGH SCHOOL

Mlang, North Cotabato

2019-2020

PRIMARY: MLANG PILOT ELEMENTARY SCHOOL

Mlang, North Cotabato

2014 - 2015

Appendix F. Survey Questionnaire

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO

Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE
 37

Awareness of the Local Politicians on Election Ban

Part I: Socio-demographic Characteristic of the Respondents.

INSTRUCTION: Put a check corresponds on what is being ask.

Name (optional): ______________________________

Age: ( )20-30 ( ) 41-50

( )31-40 ( ) 51-60

Sex: ( ) Male ( ) Female

Civil Status: ( ) Single ( )Widowed

( ) Married ( ) Others (please specify )

Educational Attainment: ( ) Less than high school ( )Bachelor's degree

( ) High school graduate ( ) Master's degree

( ) Some college/vocational training ( )Professional degree

( ) Others (please specify ): ________________

Part II. The Awareness of the Local Politician on election ban in terms of prohibited acts.

INSTRUCTION: Put a check mark in the table as your answer based on the following question.

Numerical Equivalent Description

4 Highly aware
3 Aware
2 Moderately aware
1 Unaware

2.1 FIRE ARM BAN (Omnibus Election Code - Article XXII- Sec. 261. 4 3 2 1
 38

Prohibited Acts)

1. Carrying firearms outside residence or place of business during

election is considered a criminal act.

2. It is prohibited to fire guns during election period.

3. Displaying or showing firearms in a threatening manner is prohibited.

4. Selling firearms is restricted during election period.

5. It is strictly prohibited to use firearms to intimidate or coerce voters.

2.2 LIQUOR BAN (Omnibus Election Code - Article XXII-Sec. 261.

Prohibited Acts)

1. Selling of liquor during election is strictly prohibited.

2. Buying of liquor during election is stricty prohibited.

3. Drinking of liquor is strictly prohibited during election.

4. It is prohibited to accept alcohol from an election candidate.

5. It is prohibited to encourage others to drink alcohol, especially near

or during elections.

2.3 VOTE BUYING AND VOTE SELLING (Omnibus Election Code -

Article XXII-Sec. 261. Prohibited Acts)

1. Vote buying is when someone gives you money or gifts in exchange

for your vote.

2. Buying of votes during an election is strictly prohibited.

3. Buying of votes is a common practice during elections in our

barangay.

4. Selling of votes during an election is strictly prohibited.

5. Buying of votes can change election outcomes.

2.4 BETTING ON ELECTION(Omnibus Election Code - Article XXII-

Sec. 261. Prohibited Acts)
 39

1. Betting during election period is prohibited.

2. Betting on the outcome of an election is prohibited.

3. Attempting to manipulate or influence betting odds concerning

elections is prohibited.

4. Betting on election outcomes using confidential information is

prohibited.

5. It is not allowed to spread false information to manipulate betting

outcomes.

References

Commission of Election. (n.d.). Omnibus Election Code - Article XXII. Retrieved December 10,
2023, from https://comelec.gov.ph/?r=References%2FRelatedLaws
%2FOmnibusElectionCode
%2FOECArt22&fbclid=IwAR0cBGs0dBdfG5VXUFzl0upZxFIiyELHVVhYSWrOTuB9
8czQiUPvezaZ3Lw

Appendix F. Certification
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO
Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
 40

“This is to certify that I have read, checked, and verified the work of Hanz Rafael A. Malasador,
entitled, “AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN”

This has passed through the evaluation of the panel members of the department.

Mariz P. Balquin, PhD

Adviser

Noted by:

Vicente T. Delos Reyes, PhD

DRC

Estella B. Barbosa, MEAL

CRC