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Methods 5th Edition by Alan Bryman

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Fifth Edition

Emma Be
A an Bryman
Bi Hare
 ..
Abbreviations XXVII
...
About the authors XXVI 11

About the students and supervisors xxx

..
Guided tour of textbook features XXXII
•
Guided tour of the on line resources XXXIV
•
About the book XXXVI

Acknowledgements xiii
Ed itoria I Advisory Panel xiii i

• • ONE THE RESEARCH PROCESS 1

Chapter 1 The nature and process of business research 3

Introduction 4
What is 'business research'? 4
Why do business research? 4
Business research methods in context 5
Relevance to practice 6
The process of business research 8
Literature review 8
Concepts and theories 8
Research questions 9
Sampling 11
Data collection 11
Data analysis 12
Writing up 12
The messiness of business research 13
Key points 15
Questions for review 15

Chapter 2 Business research strategies 17

Introduction: the nature of business research 18
Theory and research 19
What is theory? 19
Deductive and inductive logics of inquiry 20
Philosophical assumptions in business research 25
Ontologica I considerations 26
Objectivism 26
Construction ism 27
Epistemological considerations 29
A natural science epistemology: positivism 30
Interpretivism 30
Research paradigms 34
Detailed contents

Developing a research strategy: quantitative or qualitative? 35

Other considerations 37
Values 37
Practicalities 39
Key points 42
Questions for review 42

Chapter 3 Research designs 44

Introduction 45
Qua Iity criteria in business research 46
Reliability 46
Rep Iica bi lity 46
Validity 46
Research designs 48
Experimental design 48
Cross-sectional design 58
Longitud ina I design 61
Case study design 63
Comparative design 68
Level of analysis 71
Bringing research strategy and research design together 72
Key points 73
Questions for review 73

Chapter 4 Planning a research project and developing

research questions 75
Introduction 76
Getting to know what is expected of you by your university 76
Thinking about your research area 76
Using your supervisor 77
Managing time and resources 79
Developing suitable research questions 80
Criteria for evaluating research questions 85
Writing your research proposal 86
Checklist 87
Key points 88
Questions for review 88

Chapter 5 Getting started: reviewing the literature 89

Introduction 90
Reviewing the Iiterature and engaging with what others
have written 91
Reading critically 92
Systematic review 92
Narrative review 97
Searching databases 98
Online databases 98
Keywords and defining search parameters 100
Making progress 102
Referencing 103
The role of the bibliography 104
 Detailed contents

Avoiding plagiarism 105

Checklist 107
Key points 107
Questions for review 108

Chapter 6 Ethics in business research 109

Introduction 110
The importance of research ethics 112
Eth ica I pri nci pies 114
Avoidance of harm 114
Informed consent 118
Privacy 123
Preventing deception 123
Other ethical and legal considerations 124
Data management 124
Copyright 125
Reciprocity and trust 126
Affiliation and conflicts of interest 127
Visual methods and research ethics 129
Eth ica I considerations in on Ii ne research 130
The political context of business research 132
Checklist 135
Key points 135
Questions for review 136

Chapter 7 Writing up business research 137

Introduction 138
Writing academ ica Ily 138
Writing up your research 140
Start early 141
Be persuasive 141
Get feedback 142
Avoid discriminatory language 142
Structure your writing 143
Writing up quantitative and qua Iitative research 147
An example of quantitative research 147
Introduction 148
Role congruity theory 148
Goals of the present study 148
Methods 149
Resu lts 149
Discussion 149
Lessons 150
An example of qualitative research 152
Introduction 152
Loving to labour: identity in business schools 153
Methodology 153
Research findings 153
Discussion 153
Summary and conclusion 154
Lessons 155
Detailed contents

Reflexivity and its implications for writing 156

Writing differently 156
Checklist 157
Key points 158
Questions for review 159

• • TWO QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH 161

Chapter 8 The nature of quantitative research 163

Introduction 164
The main steps in quantitative research 164
Concepts and their measurement 167
What is a concept? 167
Why measure? 168
Indicators 168
Dimensions of concepts 169
Reliability of measures 172
Stability 172
Internal reliability 173
Inter-rater reliability 173
Validity of measures 174
Face validity 174
Concurrent validity 174
Predictive va Iid ity 174
Convergent validity 175
Discriminant validity 175
The connection between rel iabi Iity and val id ity 175
The main preoccupations of quantitative researchers 175
Measurement 176
Causality 177
Genera Iization 177
Replication 178
The critique of quantitative research 180
Criticisms of quantitative research 181
Is it always like this? 182
Reverse operationism 182
Reliability and validity testing 182
Sampling 183
Key points 183
Questions for review 184

Chapter 9 Sampling in quantitative research 185

Introduction 186
Introduction to sampling 187
Sampling error 189
Types of probabi Iity sample 191
Simple random sample 191
Systematic sample 191
Stratified random sampling 192
 Detailed contents

Multi-stage cluster sampling 192

The qua Iities of a probabi Iity sample 193
Sample size 195
Absolute and relative sample size 195
Time and cost 196
Non-response 196
Heterogeneity of the population 197
Types of non-probabi Iity sampling 197
Convenience sampling 197
Quota sampling 198
Lim its to generalization 201
Error in survey research 202
Sampling issues for on Ii ne surveys 202
Key points 204
Questions for review 205

Chapter 10 Structured interviewing 207

Introduction 208
The structured interview 208
Reducing error due to interviewer variability 208
Accuracy and ease of data processing 210
Other types of interview 210
Interview contexts 212
More than one interviewee 212
More than one interviewer 212
In person or by telephone? 212
Computer-assisted interviewing 214
Conducting interviews 215
Know the schedule 215
Introducing the research 215
Rapport 216
Asking questions 216
Recording answers 217
Clear instructions 217
Question order 217
Probing 219
Prompting 220
Leaving the interview 221
Training and supervision 221
Other approaches to structured interviewing 222
The critical incident method 222
Projective methods, pictorial methods, and photo-elicitation 223
The verbal protocol approach 226
Problems with structured interviewing 226
Characteristics of interviewers 226
Response sets 227
The problem of meaning 228
Key points 229
Questions for review 229
Detailed contents

Chapter 11 Self-completion questionnaires 231

Introduction 232
Different kinds of self-completion questionnaires 232
Evaluating the self-completion questionnaire in relation to
the structured interview 232
Advantages of the self-completion questionnaire over the
structured interview 233
Disadvantages of the self-completion questionnaire in
comparison to the structured interview 234
Steps to improve response rates to postal and online
questionnaires 235
Designing the self-completion questionnaire 237
Do not cramp the presentation 237
Clear presentation 237
Vertical or horizontal closed answers? 238
Identifying response sets in a Likert scale 239
Clear instructions about how to respond 239
Keep question and answers together 240
Email and online surveys 240
Email surveys 240
Web-based surveys 241
Comparing modes of survey administration 242
Diaries as a form of self-completion questionnaire 245
Advantages and disadvantages of the diary as a method
of data collection 24 7
Experience and event sampling 248
Key points 251
Questions for review 251

Chapter 12 Asking questions 252

Introduction 253
Open or closed questions? 253
Open questions 253
Closed questions 254
Types of question 256
Rules for designing questions 258
General rules of thumb 258
Specific rules when designing questions 258
Vignette questions 263
Piloting and pre-testing questions 265
Using existing questions 265
Checklist 268
Key points 269
Questions for review 270

Chapter 13 Quantitative research using naturally occurring data 272

Introduction 273
Structured observation 273
The observation schedule 275
Strategies for observing behaviour 27 5
 Detailed contents

Sampling for structured observation 276

Sampling people 276
Sampling in terms of time 276
Further sampling considerations 276
Issues of reliability and validity 278
Reliabil ity 278
Va Iid ity 278
Criticisms of structured observation 279
On the other hand ... 280
Content analysis 280
What are the research questions? 281
Selecting a sample for content analysis 282
Sampling media 282
Sampling dates 282
What is to be counted? 283
Significant actors 283
Words 283
Subjects and themes 284
Dispositions 284
Images 284
Coding in content analysis 285
Coding schedule 286
Coding manual 286
Potential pitfalls in devising coding schemes 288
Advantages of content ana lys is 290
Disadvantages of content analysis 290
Key points 291
Questions for review 292

Chapter 14 Secondary analysis and official statistics 294

Introduction 295
Other researchers' data 295
Advantages of secondary analysis 296
Limitations of secondary ana lysis 301
Accessing data archives 302
Archival proxies and meta-analysis 304
Official statistics 306
Rel iability and va lidity 308
Official statistics as a form of unobtrusive measure 308
Key points 308
Questions for review 309

Chapter 15 Quantitative data analysis 310

Introduction 311
A smal I research project 311
Missing data 313
Types of variable 316
Univariate analysis 318
Frequency tables 318
Diagrams 319
Detailed contents

Measures of central tendency 320

Measures of dispersion 320
Bivariate analysis 321
Relationships, not causality 321
Contingency tables 322
Pearson's r 323
Spearman's rho 324
Phi and Cramer's V 325
Comparing means and eta 325
Multivariate analysis 326
Could the relationsh ip be spurious? 326
Could there be an intervening variable? 326
Could a th ird variable moderate the re lationship? 326
Statistical significance 327
The chi-square test 328
Correlation and statistical significance 330
Comparing means and statistical significance 330
Key points 331
Questions for review 331

Chapter 16 Using IBM SPSS statistics 333

Introduction 334
Getting started in SPSS 335
Beginning SPSS 335
Entering data in the Data Viewer 335
Defining variables: variable names, missing va lues,
variable labels, and value labels 337
Recoding variables 338
Computing a new variab le 340
Data analysis with SPSS 341
Generating a frequency table 341
Generating a bar chart 342
Generating a pie chart 342
Generating a histogram 343
Generating the arithmetic mean, median,
standard deviation, range, and boxplots 343
Generating a contingency table, chi-square,
and Cramer's V 343
Generating Pearson's rand Spearman's rho 344
Generating scatter diagrams 345
Comparing means and eta 346
Generating a contingency table with
three variables 346
Further operations in SPSS 347
Saving your data 347
Retrieving your data 351
Printing output 351
Key points 351
Questions for review 352
 Detailed contents

353

Chapter 17 The nature of qualitative research 355

Introduction 356
The main steps in qualitative research 357
Theory and research 360
Concepts in qua Iitative research 361
Reliability and validity in qualitative research 362
Adapting reliability and validity for qualitative research 362
Alternative criteria for evaluating qualitative research 363
Overview of the issue of criteria 365
The main preoccupations of qualitative researchers 366
Seeing through the eyes of people being studied 366
Description and emphasis on context 367
Emphasis on process 368
Flexibility and limited structure 369
Concepts and theory grounded in data 369
Not just words 369
The critique of qua Iitative research 374
Qualitative research is too subjective 374
Qualitative research is difficult to replicate 374
Problems of generalization 374
Lack of transparency 375
Is it always like this? 376
Contrasts between quantitative and qualitative research 376
Similarities between quantitative and qua Iitative research 378
Researcher-participant relationships 379
Action research 379
Feminism and qualitative research 381
Postcolonial and indigenous research 384
Key points 385
Questions for review 386

Chapter 18 Sampling in qualitative research 388

Introduction 389
Levels of sampling 390
Purposive sampling 391
Theoretical sampling 391
Generic purposive sampling 394
Snowball sampling 395
Sample size 397
Not just people 399
Using more than one sampling approach 400
Key points 401
Questions for review 401

Chapter 19 Ethnography and participant observation 403

Introduction 404
Organ izationa I ethnography 405
Detailed contents

Access 407
Overt versus covert? 410
Ongoing access 411
Key informants 413
Roles for ethnographers 413
Active or passive? 414
Shadowing 415
Field notes 416
Types of field notes 417
Bringing ethnographic fieldwork to an end 418
Feminist ethnography 419
Global and multi-site ethnography 420
Vi rtua I ethnography 421
Visua l ethnography 425
Writing ethnography 426
Rea Iist tales 426
Other approaches 428
Key points 431
Questions for review 431

Chapter 20 Interviewing in qualitative research 433

Introduction 434
Differences between the structured interview and the
qualitative interview 435
Asking questions in the qualitative interview 436
Preparing an interview guide 439
Kinds of questions 441
Using an interview guide: an example 443
Recording and transcription 445
Non-face-to-face interviews 450
Telephone interviewing 451
Online interviews 451
Interviews using Skype 452
Life history and oral history interviews 454
Feminist interviewing 455
Merits and Ii m itations of qualitative interviewing 457
Advantages of qualitative interviews 457
Disadvantages of qualitative interviews 458
Checklist 459
Key points 460
Questions for review 460

Chapter 21 Focus groups 462

Introduction 463
Uses of focus groups 464
Conducting focus groups 465
Recording and transcription 465
How many groups? 466
Size of groups 468
Level of moderator involvement 468
Selecting participants 470
 Detailed contents

Asking questions 470

Beginning and finishing 471
Group interaction in focus group sessions 472
Online focus groups 473
The focus group as an emancipatory method 476
Limitations of focus groups 478
Check Iist 479
Key points 480
Questions for review 480

Chapter 22 Language in qualitative research 482

Introduction 483
Discourse analysis 483
Main features of discourse analysis 484
Interpretive repertoires and detailed procedures 486
Critical discourse analysis 488
Narrative analysis 489
Rhetorical ana lysis 491
Conversation analysis 493
Overview 496
Key points 497
Questions for review 497

Chapter 23 Documents as sources of data 499

Introduction 500
Personal documents 500
Public documents 503
Organ izationa I documents 504
Media outputs 506
Visual documents 507
Documents as 'texts' 510
Interpreting documents 511
Qualitative content analysis 511
Semiotics 512
Historical analysis 512
Checklist 514
Key points 515
Questions for review 515

Chapter 24 Qualitative data analysis 517

Introduction 518
Thematic analysis 519
Grounded theory 521
Tools of grounded theory 521
Outcomes of grounded theory 522
Memos 524
Criticisms of grounded theory 525
More on coding 530
Steps and considerations in coding 531
Turning data into fragments 531
The critique of coding 533
Detailed contents

Secondary analysis of qua I itative data 534

Key points 537
Questions for review 537

Chapter 25 Computer-assisted qualitative data analysis: using NVivo 538

Introduction 539
Is CAQDAS I ike quantitative data analysis software? 539
No industry leader 539
Limited acceptance of CAQDAS 539
Learning NVivo 541
Coding 542
Search ing data 550
Memos 552
Saving an NVivo project 553
Opening an existing NVivo project 553
Final thoughts 553
Key points 553
Questions for review 553

555

Chapter 26 Breaking down the quantitative/qualitative divide 557

Introduction 558
The natural science model and qualitative research 558
Quantitative research and i nterpretivism 560
Quantitative research and construction ism 561
Epistemological and ontological considerations 561
Problems with the quantitative/qualitative contrast 562
Behaviour versus meaning 562
Theory tested in research versus theory emergent from data 562
Numbers versus words 562
Artificial versus natural 563
Reciprocal analysis 564
Qua litative analysis of quantitative data 564
Quantitative analysis of qualitative data 565
Quantification in qualitative research 565
Thematic analysis 565
Quasi-quantification in qualitative research 566
Combating anecdota lism through limited quantification 566
Key points 566
Questions for review 567

Chapter 27 Mixed methods research: combining quantitative

and qualitative research 568
Introduction 569
The arguments against mixed methods research 569
The embedded methods argument 569
The paradigm argument 570
Two versions of the debate about quantitative and
qualitative research 570
 Detailed contents

The rise of mixed methods research 571

Classifying mixed methods research in terms of priority
and sequence 571
Different types of mixed methods design 573
Approaches to mixed methods research 574
The logic of triangulation 574
Qualitative research faci litates quantitative research 576
Quantitative research faci litates qualitative research 576
Filling in the gaps 576
Static and processual features 578
Research issues and participants' perspectives 579
The problem of generality 579
Interpreting the relationship between variables 579
Studying different aspects of a phenomenon 581
Solving a puzzle 583
Quality issues in mixed methods research 585
Key points 586
Questions for review 586

Glossary 589
References 599
Name index 623
Subject index 629
1.1 Key concept What is evidence-based management? 7
1.2 Key concept What are research questions? 9
1.3 Research in focus A research question about gender bias
in attitudes towards leaders 10
1.4 Thinking deeply What is big data? 13
2.1 Key concept What is empiricism? 20
2.2 Research in focus A deductive study 22
2.3 Research in focus An inductive study 23
2.4 Key concept What is abductive reasoning? 24
2.5 Key concept What is the philosophy of social science? 25
2.6 Key concept What is objectivism? 26
2.7 Key concept What is constructionism? 27
2.8 Key concept What is postmodernism? 28
2.9 Research in focus Constructionism in action 28
2.10 Key concept What is positivism? 30
2.11 Key concept What is empirical realism? 31
2.12 Key concept What is interpretivism? 31
2.13 Research in focus lnterpretivism in practice 33
2.14 Key concept What is a paradigm? 34
2.15 Research in focus Mixed methods research an example 36
2.16 Thinking deeply Factors that influence methods choice in
organizational research 38
2.17 Research in focus Influence of an author's biography on research values 39
3.1 Key concept What is a research design? 45
3.2 Key concept What is a research method? 45
3.3 Key concept What is a variable? 47
3.4 Research in focus An example of a field experiment to
investigate obesity discrimination in job applicant selection 49
3.5 Research in focus Establishing the direction of causality 53
3.6 Research in focus A laboratory experiment on voting on CEO pay 54
3.7 Research in focus The Hawthorne effect 55
3.8 Research in focus A quasi-experiment 56
3.9 Key concept What is evaluation research? 57
3.10 Research in focus An evaluation study of role redesign 57
3.11 Key concept What is a cross-sectional research design? 59
 Learning features

3.12 Key concept What is survey research? 59

3. 13 Research in focus An example of survey research: the Study of
Australian Leadership (SAL) 60
3.14 Research in focus A representative sample? 62
3 .15 Thinking deeply The case study in business research 64
3.16 Research in focus A longitudinal case study of ICI 65
3 .17 Research in focus A longitudinal panel study of older workers' pay 68
3.18 Key concept What is cross-cultural and international research? 69
3.19 Research in focus A comparative analysis panel study of female employment 71
4.1 Thinking deeply Marx's sources of research questions 81
4.2 Research in focus Developing research questions 84
5.1 Key concept What is an academic journal? 90
5.2 Thinking deeply Composing a literature review in qualitative research articles 93
5.3 Key concept What is a systematic review? 94
5.4 Research in focus A narrative review of narrative research 97
6.1 Key concept Stances on ethics 111
6.2 Research in focus A covert study of unofficial rewards 112
6.3 Research in focus Two infamous studies of obedience to authority 112
6.4 Thinking deeply Harm to non-participants? 114
6.5 Thinking deeply The assumption of anonymity 117
6.6 Research in focus An example of an ethical dilemma in fieldwork 124
6. 7 Research in focus Ethical issues in a study involving friends as respondents 127
6.8 Thinking deeply A funding controversy in a university business school 128
6.9 Research in focus Invasion of privacy in visual research 129
6.10 Research in focus Chatroom users' responses to being studied 131
7 .1 Key concept What is rhetoric? 138
7.2 Thinking deeply How to write academically 139
7.3 Thinking deeply An empiricist repertoire? 151
7 .4 Key concept What is a rhetorical strategy in quantitative research? 151
7 .5 Thinking deeply Using verbatim quotations from interviews 154
8.1 Research in focus Selecting research sites and sampling respondents:
the Quality of Work and Life in Changing Europe project 166
8.2 Key concept What is an indicator? 169
8.3 Research in focus A multiple-indicator measure of a concept 170
8.4 Research in focus Specifying dimensions of a concept: the case of
job characteristics 171
8.5 Key concept What is reliability? 172
8.6 Key concept What is Cronbach's alpha? 173
8.7 Key concept What is validity? 174
8.8 Research in focus Assessing the internal reliability and the concurrent
and predictive validity of a measure of organizational climate 176
Learning features

8.9 Research in focus Testing validity through replication: the case of burnout 179
8.10 Key concept What is factor analysis? 183
9.1 Key concept Basic terms and concepts in sampling 188
9.2 Research in focus A cluster sample survey of Australian workplaces
and employees 193
9.3 Key concept What is a response rate? 197
9 .4 Research in focus Convenience sampling in a study of discrimination in hiring 199
10.1 Key concept What is a structured interview? 209
10.2 Key concept Major types of interview 211
10.3 Research in focus A telephone survey of dignity at work 213
10.4 Research in focus A question sequence 219
10.5 Research in focus An example of the critical incident method 223
10.6 Research in focus Using projective methods in consumer research 224
10.7 Research in focus Using pictorial exercises in a study of business
school identity 225
10.8 Key concept What is photo-elicitation? 225
10.9 Research in focus Using photo-elicitation to study tourist behaviour 225
10.10 Research in focus A study using the verbal protocol method 226
10.11 Research in focus A study of the effects of social desirability bias 228
11.1 Research in focus Combining the use of structured interviews with
self-completion questionnaires 233
11.2 Research in focus Administering a survey in China 235
11.3 Key concept What is a research diary? 246
11.4 Research in focus A diary study of managers and their jobs 247
11.5 Research in focus A diary study of text messaging 248
11.6 Research in focus A diary study of emotional labour in a call centre 249
11.7 Research in focus Using diaries to study a sensitive topic: work-related gossip 249
12.1 Research in focus Coding a very open question 254
12.2 Research in focus Using vignette questions in a tracking study
of ethical behaviour 264
12.3 Research in focus Using scales developed by other researchers in a study
of high performance work systems 266
13.1 Key concept What is structured observation? 274
13.2 Research in focus Mintzberg's categories of basic activities involved
in managerial work 274
13.3 Research in focus Structured observation with a sample of one 277
13.4 Key concept What is Cohen's kappa? 278
13.5 Key concept What is content analysis? 281
13.6 Research in focus A content analysis of courage and managerial
decision-making 283
13. 7 Research in focus A computer-aided content analysis of microlending
to entrepreneurs 284
 Learning features

13.8 Research in focus Issues of inter-coder reliability in a study of text messaging 289
13.9 Research in focus A content analysis of Swedish job advertisements
1960- 2010 291
14.1 Key concept What is secondary analysis? 295
14.2 Research in focus Exploring corporate reputation in three
Scandinavian countries 296
14.3 Research in focus Combining primary and secondary data in a single study
of the implications of marriage structure for men's attitudes to women in
the workplace 297
14.4 Research in focus Cross-national comparison of work orientations:
an example of a secondary dataset 299
14.5 Research in focus Workplace gender diversity and union density:
an example of secondary analysis using the WERS data 299
14.6 Research in focus Age and work-related health: methodological issues
involved in secondary analysis using the Labour Force Survey 300
14.7 Research in focus The use of archival proxies in the field of
strategic management 304
14.8 Key concept What is meta-analysis? 305
14.9 Research in focus A meta-analysis of research on corporate social
responsibility and performance in East Asia 305
14.10 Key concept What is the ecological fallacy? 306
14.11 Key concept What are unobtrusive measures? 307
15.1 Key concept What is a test of statistical significance? 328
15.2 Key concept What is the level of statistical significance? 329
17 .1 Thinking deeply Research questions in qualitative research 359
17 .2 Research in focus The emergence of a concept in qualitative research:
'emotional labour' 361
17 .3 Key concept What is respondent validation? 363
17 .4 Key concept What is triangulation? 364
17 .5 Research in focus Seeing practice-based learning from the perspective
of train dispatchers 367
17 .6 Research in focus Studying process and change in the Carlsberg group 368
17.7 Research in focus An example of dialogical visual research 370
17 .8 Research in focus An example of practice visual research 372
17 .9 Thinking deeply A quantitative review of qualitative research
in management and business 375
17 .10 Research in focus Using visual methods in participatory
action research study of a Ghanaian cocoa value chain 380
17 .11 Thinking deeply Feminist research in business 383
17 .12 Research in focus A feminist analysis of embodied identity at work 384
17 .13 Research in focus Indigenous ways of understanding leadership 385
18.1 Key concept What is purposive sampling? 389
18.2 Key concept Some purposive sampling approaches 390
Learning features

18.3 Key concept What is theoretical sampling? 392

18.4 Key concept What is theoretical saturation? 394
18.5 Research in focus An example of theoretical sampling 394
18.6 Research in focus A snowball sample 396
18. 7 Thinking deeply Saturation and sample size 399
19.1 Key concept Differences and similarities between ethnography
and participant observation 404
19.2 Research in focus An example of an organizational ethnography
lasting nine years 405
19.3 Research in focus Finding a working role in the organization 408
19.4 Research in focus A complete participant? 410
19.5 Research in focus An example of the difficulties of covert observation:
the case of field notes in the lavatory 411
19.6 Key concept What is 'going native'? 414
19.7 Research in focus Using field note extracts in data analysis and writing 417
19.8 Research in focus An ethnography of work from a woman's perspective 419
19.9 Research in focus 'Not one of the guys': ethnography
in a male-dominated setting 420
19.10 Research in focus A multi-site ethnography of diversity management 421
19.11 Research in focus Netnography 422
19.12 Research in focus Using blogs in a study of word-of-mouth marketing 423
19.13 Research in focus Ethical issues in a virtual ethnography
of change in the NHS 424
19.14 Key concept What is visual ethnography? 425
19 .15 Key concept Three forms of ethnographic writing 426
19 .16 Research in focus Realism in organizational ethnography 427
19 .17 Key concept What is the linguistic turn? 429
19.18 Key concept What is auto-ethnography? 429
19 .19 Research in focus Identity and ethnographic writing 430
20.1 Research in focus An example of unstructured interviewing 437
20.2 Research in focus Flexibility in semi-structured interviewing 437
20.3 Research in focus Using photographs as prompts in a study
of consumer behaviour 439
20.4 Research in focus Part of the transcript of a semi-structured interview 444
20.5 Research in focus Getting it recorded and transcribed: an illustration
of two problems 446
20.6 Research in focus Constructionism in a life history study
of occupational careers 455
21.1 Key concept What is the focus group method? 463
21 .2 Research in focus Using focus groups to study
trade union representation of disabled employees 467
21.3 Research in focus Moderator involvement in a focus group discussion 469
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Abstracts from the Text of Senator Miller’s
Speech.
 On his Bill to Prohibit Chinese Immigration.
In the Senate, Feb. 28th, 1882, Mr. Miller said:
“This measure is not a surprise to the Senate, nor a new revelation
to the country. It has been before Congress more than once, if not in
the precise form in which it is now presented, in substance the same,
and it has passed the ordeal of analytical debate and received the
affirmative vote of both Houses. Except for the Executive veto it
would have been long ago the law of the land. It is again presented,
not only under circumstances as imperative in their demands for its
enactment, but with every objection of the veto removed and every
argument made against its approval swept away. It is an interesting
fact in the history of this measure, that the action which has cleared
its way of the impediments which were made the reasons for the
veto, was inaugurated and consummated with splendid persistence
and energy by the same administration whose executive interposed
the veto against it. Without stopping to inquire into the motive of the
Hayes administration in this proceeding, whether its action was in
obedience to a conviction that the measure was in itself right and
expedient, or to a public sentiment, so strong and universal as to
demand the utmost vigor in the diplomacy necessary for the removal
of all impediments to its progress, it must be apparent that the result
of this diplomatic action has been to add a new phase to the question
in respect of the adoption of the measure itself.
“In order to fully appreciate this fact it may be proper to indulge in
historical reminiscence for a moment. For many years complaints
had been made against the introduction into the United States of the
peculiar people who come from China, and the Congress, after
careful consideration of the subject, so far appreciated the evil
complained of as to pass a bill to interdict it.
“The Executive Department had, prior to that action, with
diplomatic finesse, approached the imperial throne of China, with
intent, as was said, to ascertain whether such an interdiction of
coolie importation, or immigration so called, into the United States
would be regarded as a breach of friendly relations with China, and
had been informed by the diplomat, to whom the delicate task had
been committed, that such interdiction would not be favorably
regarded by the Chinese Government. Hence, when Congress, with
surprising audacity, passed the bill of interdiction the Executive,
believing in the truth of the information given him, thought it
prudent and expedient to veto the bill, but immediately, in
pursuance of authority granted by Congress, he appointed three
commissioners to negotiate a treaty by which the consent of China
should be given to the interdiction proposed by Congress. These
commissioners appeared before the Government of China upon this
special mission, and presented the request of the Government of the
United States affirmatively, positively, and authoritatively made, and
after the usual diplomatic ceremonies, representations,
misrepresentations, avowals, and concealments, the treaty was
made, the concession granted, and the interdiction agreed upon. This
treaty was presented here and ratified by the Senate, with what
unanimity Senators know, and which the rules of the Senate forbid
me to describe.
“The new phase of this question, which we may as well consider in
the outset, suggests the spectacle which this nation should present if
Congress were to vote this or a similar measure down. A great nation
cannot afford inconsistency in action, nor betray a vacillating,
staggering, inconstant policy in its intercourse with other nations. No
really great people will present themselves before the world through
their government as a nation irresolute, fickle, feeble, or petulant;
one day eagerly demanding of its neighbor an agreement or
concession, which on the next it nervously repudiates or casts aside.
Can we make a solemn request of China, through the pomp of an
extraordinary embassy and the ceremony of diplomatic negotiation,
and with prudent dispatch exchange ratifications of the treaty
granting our request, and within less than half a year after such
exchange is made cast aside the concession and, with childish
irresolution, ignore the whole proceeding? Can we afford to make
such a confession of American imbecility to any oriental power? The
adoption of this or some such measure becomes necessary, it seems
to me, to the intelligent and consistent execution of a policy adopted
by this Government under the sanction of a treaty with another great
nation.
“If the Executive department, the Senate, and the House of
Representatives have all understood and appreciated their own
action in respect of this measure; if in the negotiation and
ratification of the new treaty with China, the Executive and the
Senate did not act without thought, in blind, inconsiderate
recklessness—and we know they did not—if the Congress of the
United States in the passage of the fifteen passenger bill had the
faintest conception of what it was doing—and we know it had—then
the policy of this Government in respect of so-called Chinese
immigration has been authoritatively settled.
“This proposition is submitted with the greater confidence because
the action I have described was in obedience to, and in harmony
with, a public sentiment which seems to have permeated the whole
country. For the evidence of the existence of such a sentiment, it is
only necessary to produce the declarations upon this subject of the
two great historical parties of the country, deliberately made by their
national conventions of 1880. One of these (the Democratic
convention) declared that there shall be—
“‘No more Chinese immigration except for travel, education, and
foreign commerce, and therein carefully guarded.’
“The other (the Republican) convention declared that—
“‘Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse
between the United States and foreign nations rests with Congress,
or with the United States and its treaty-making power, the
Republican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the
Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invokes the exercise of these
powers to restrain and limit the immigration by the enactment of
such just, humane, and reasonable provisions as will produce that
result.’
“These are the declarations of the two great political parties, in
whose ranks are enrolled nearly all the voters of the United States;
and whoever voted at the last Presidential election voted for the
adoption of the principles and policy expressed by those
declarations, whether he voted with the one or the other of the two
great parties. Both candidates for the Presidency were pledged to the
adoption and execution of the policy of restriction thus declared by
their respective parties, and the candidate who was successful at the
polls, in his letter of acceptance, not only gave expression to the
sentiment of his party and the country, but with a clearness and
conciseness which distinguished all his utterances upon great public
questions, gave the reasons for that public sentiment.” He said:
“‘The recent movement of the Chinese to our Pacific Coast
partakes but little of the qualities of an immigration, either in its
purposes or results. It is too much like an importation to be
welcomed without restriction; too much like an invasion to be looked
upon without solicitude. We cannot consent to allow any form of
servile labor to be introduced among us under the guise of
immigration.’

“In this connection it is proper also to consider the probable effect

of a failure or refusal of Congress to pass this bill, upon the
introduction of Chinese coolies into the United States in the future.
An adverse vote upon such a measure, is an invitation to the Chinese
to come. It would be interpreted to mean that the Government of the
United States had reversed its policy, and is now in favor of the
unrestricted importation of Chinese; that it looks with favor upon the
Chinese invasion now in progress. It is a fact well known that the
hostility to the influx of Chinese upon the Pacific coast displayed by
the people of California has operated as a restriction, and has
discouraged the importation of Chinese to such a degree that it is
probable that there are not a tenth part the number of Chinese in the
country there would have been had this determined hostility never
been shown. Despite the inhospitality, not to say resistance, of the
California people to the Chinese, sometimes while waiting for the
action of the General Government difficult to restrain within the
bounds of peaceable assertion, they have poured through the Golden
Gate in constantly increased numbers during the past year, the total
number of arrivals at San Francisco alone during 1881 being 18,561.
Nearly two months have elapsed since the 1st of January, and there
have arrived, as the newspapers show, about four thousand more.
“The defeat of this measure now is a shout of welcome across the
Pacific Ocean to a myriad host of these strange people to come and
occupy the land, and it is a rebuke to the American citizens, who
have so long stood guard upon the western shore of this continent,
and who, seeing the danger, have with a fortitude and forbearance
most admirable, raised and maintained the only barrier against a
stealthy, strategic, but peaceful invasion as destructive in its results
and more potent for evil, than an invasion by an army with banners.
An adverse vote now, is to commission under the broad seal of the
United States, all the speculators in human labor, all the importers of
human muscle, all the traffickers in human flesh, to ply their
infamous trade without impediment under the protection of the
American flag, and empty the teeming, seething slave pens of China
upon the soil of California! I forbear further speculation upon the
results likely to flow from such a vote, for it presents pictures to the
mind which one would not willingly contemplate.
“These considerations which I have presented ought to be, it seems
to me, decisive of the action of the Senate upon this measure; and I
should regard the argument as closed did I not know, that there still
remain those who do not consider the question as settled, and who
insist upon further inquiry into the reasons for a policy of restriction,
as applied to the Chinese. I am not one of those who would place the
consideration of consistency or mere appearances above
consideration of right or justice; but since no change has taken place
in our relations with China, nor in our domestic concerns which
renders a reversal of the action of the government proper or
necessary, I insist that if the measure of restriction was right and
good policy when Congress passed the fifteenth passenger bill, and
when the late treaty with China was negotiated and ratified, it is right
and expedient now.
“This measure had its origin in California. It has been pressed with
great vigor by the Representatives of the Pacific coast in Congress,
for many years. It has not been urged with wild vehement
declamation by thoughtless men, at the behest of an ignorant
unthinking, prejudiced constituency. It has been supported by
incontrovertible fact and passionless reasoning and enforced by the
logic of events. Behind these Representatives was an intelligent,
conscientious public sentiment—universal in a constituency as
honest, generous, intelligent, courageous, and humane as any in the
Republic.
“It had been said that the advocates of Chinese restriction were to
be found only among the vicious, unlettered foreign element of
California society. To show the fact in respect of this contention, the
Legislature of California in 1878 provided for a vote of the people
upon the question of Chinese immigration (so called) to be had at the
general election of 1879. The vote was legally taken, without
excitement, and the response was general. When the ballots were
counted, there were found to be 883 votes for Chinese immigration
and 154,638 against it. A similar vote was taken in Nevada and
resulted as follows: 183 votes for Chinese immigration and 17,259
votes against. It has been said that a count of noses is an ineffectual
and illusory method of settling great questions, but this vote of these
two States settled the contention intended to be settled; and
demonstrated that the people of all others in the United States who
know most of the Chinese evil, and who are most competent to judge
of the necessity for restriction are practically unanimous in the
support of this measure.
“It is to be supposed that this vote of California was the effect of an
hysterical spasm, which had suddenly seized the minds of 154,000
voters, representing the sentiment of 800,000 people. For nearly
thirty years this people had witnessed the effect of coolie
importation. For more than a quarter of a century these voters had
met face to face, considered, weighed, and discussed the great
question upon which they were at last called upon, in the most
solemn and deliberate manner, to express an opinion. I do not cite
this extraordinary vote as a conclusive argument in favor of Chinese
restriction; but I present it as an important fact suggestive of
argument. It may be that the people who have been brought face to
face with the Chinese invasion are all wrong, and that those who
have seen nothing of it, who have but heard something of it, are more
competent (being disinterested) to judge of its possible, probable,
and actual effects, than those who have had twenty or thirty years of
actual continuous experience and contact with the Chinese colony in
America; and it may be that the Chinese question is to be settled
upon considerations other than those practical common sense
reasons and principles which form the basis of political science.
“It has sometimes happened in dealing with great questions of
governmental policy that sentiment, or a sort of emotional
inspiration, has seized the minds of those engaged in the solution of
great problems, by which they have been lifted up into the ethereal
heights of moral abstraction. I trust that while we attempt the path of
inquiry in this instance we shall keep our feet firmly upon the earth.
This question relates to this planet and the temporal government of
some of its inhabitants; it is of the earth earthly; it involves principles
of economic, social, and political science, rather than a question of
morals; it is a question of national policy, and should be subjected to
philosophical analysis. Moreover, the question is of to-day. The
conditions of the world of mankind at the present moment are those
with which we have to deal. If mankind existed now in one grand co-
operative society, in one universal union, under one system of laws,
in a vast homogeneous brotherhood, serenely beatified, innocent of
all selfish aims and unholy desires, with one visible temporal ruler,
whose judgments should be justice and whose sway should be
eternal, then there would be no propriety in this measure.
“But the millennium has not yet begun, and man exists now, as he
has existed always—in the economy of Providence—in societies called
nations, separated by the peculiarities if not the antipathies of race.
In truth the history of mankind is for the most part descriptive of
racial conflicts and the struggles between nations for existence. By a
perfectly natural process these nations have evolved distinct
civilizations, as diverse in their characteristics as the races of men
from which they have sprung. These may be properly grouped into
two grand divisions, the civilization of the East and the civilization of
the West. These two great and diverse civilizations have finally met
on the American shore of the Pacific Ocean.
“During the late depression in business affairs, which existed for
three or four years in California, while thousands of white men and
women were walking the streets, begging and pleading for an
opportunity to give their honest labor for any wages, the great
steamers made their regular arrivals from China, and discharged at
the wharves of San Francisco their accustomed cargoes of Chinese
who were conveyed through the city to the distributing dens of the
Six Companies, and within three or four days after arrival every
Chinaman was in his place at work, and the white people
unemployed still went about the streets. This continued until the
white laboring men rose in their desperation and threatened the
existence of the Chinese colony when the influx was temporarily
checked; but now since business has revived, and the pressure is
removed, the Chinese come in vastly increased numbers, the excess
of arrivals over departures averaging about one thousand per month
at San Francisco alone. The importers of Chinese had no difficulty in
securing openings for their cargoes now, and when transportation
from California to the Eastern States is cheapened, as it soon will be,
they will extend their operations into the Middle and Eastern States,
unless prevented by law, for wherever there is a white man or woman
at work for wages, whether at the shoe bench, in the factory, or on
the farm, there is an opening for a Chinaman. No matter how low the
wages may be, the Chinaman can afford to work for still lower wages,
and if the competition is free, he will take the white man’s place.
“At this point we are met by the query from a certain class of
political economists, ‘What of it? Suppose the Chinese work for lower
wages than white men, is it not advantageous to the country to
employ them?’ The first answer to such question is, that by this
process white men are supplanted by Chinese. It is a substitution of
Chinese and their civilization for white men and Anglo-Saxon
civilization. This involves considerations higher than mere economic
theories. If the Chinese are as desirable as citizens, if they are in all
the essential elements of manhood the peers or the superiors of the
Caucasian; if they will protect American interests, foster American
institutions, and become the patriotic defenders of republican
government; if their civilization does not antagonize ours nor
contaminate it; if they are free, independent men, fit for liberty and
self-government as European immigrants generally are, then we may
begin argument upon the question whether it is better or worse, wise
or unwise, to permit white men, American citizens, or men of
kindred races to be supplanted and the Chinese to be substituted in
their places. Until all this and more can be shown the advocates of
Chinese importation or immigration have no base upon which to
even begin to build argument.
“The statistics of the manufacture of cigars in San Francisco are
still more suggestive. This business was formerly carried on
exclusively by white people, many hundreds finding steady and
lucrative employment in that trade. I have here the certified
statement from the office of the collector of internal revenue at San
Francisco, showing the number of white people and Chinese,
relatively, employed on the 1st of November last in the manufacture
of cigars. The statement is as follows:
 Number of white men employed 493
Number of white women employed 170

Total whites 663

Number of Chinese employed 5 182

“The facts of this statement were carefully ascertained by three

deputy collectors. The San Francisco Assembly of Trades certify that
there are 8,265 Chinese employed in laundries. It is a well-known
fact that white women who formerly did this work have been quite
driven out of that employment. The same authority certifies that the
number of Chinese now employed in the manufacture of clothing in
San Francisco, is 7,510, and the number of whites so employed is
1,000. In many industries the Chinese have entirely supplanted the
white laborers, and thousands of our white people have quit
California and sought immunity from this grinding competition in
other and better-favored regions.”

“If you would ‘secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
posterity,’ there must be some place reserved in which, and upon
which, posterity can exist. What will the blessings of liberty be worth
to posterity if you give up the country to the Chinese? If China is to
be the breeding-ground for peopling this country, what chance of
American posterity? We of this age hold this land in trust for our race
and kindred. We hold republican government and free institutions in
trust for American posterity. That trust ought not to be betrayed. If
the Chinese should invade the Pacific coast with arms in their hands,
what a magnificent spectacle of martial resistance would be
presented to a startled world! The mere intimation of an attempt to
make conquest of our western shore by force would rouse the nation
to a frenzy of enthusiasm in its defense. For years a peaceful, sly,
strategic conquest has been in progress, and American
statesmanship has been almost silent, until the people have
demanded action.
“The land which is being overrun by the oriental invader is the
fairest portion of our heritage. It is the land of the vine and the fig
tree; the home of the orange, the olive, and the pomegranate. Its
winter is a perpetual spring, and its summer is a golden harvest.
There the northern pine peacefully sways against the southern palm;
the tender azalea and the hardy rose mingle their sweet perfume, and
the tropic vine encircles the sturdy oak. Its valleys are rich and
glorious with luscious fruits and waving grain, and its lofty
Mountains like giants stand,
To sentinel the enchanted land.

“I would see its fertile plains, its sequestered vales, its vine-clad
hills, its deep blue canons, its furrowed mountain-sides, dotted all
over with American homes—the homes of a free, happy people,
resonant with the sweet voices of flaxen-haired children, and ringing
with the joyous laughter of maiden fair—
Soft as her clime, and sunny as her skies—

like the homes of New England; yet brighter and better far shall be
the homes which are to be builded in that wonderland by the sunset
sea, the homes of a race from which shall spring
The flower of men,
To serve as model for the mighty world,
And be the fair beginning of a time.”
 Reply of Senator Geo. P. Hoar.

Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, replied to Senator Miller, and

presented the supposed view of the Eastern States in a masterly
manner. The speech covered twenty-eight pamphlet pages, and was
referred to by the newspaper as an effort equal to some of the best by
Charles Sumner. We make liberal extracts from the text, as follows:
“Mr. President: A hundred years ago the American people
founded a nation upon the moral law. They overthrew by force the
authority of their sovereign, and separated themselves from the
country which had planted them, alleging as their justification to
mankind certain propositions which they held to be self-evident.
“They declared—and that declaration is the one foremost action of
human history—that all men equally derive from their Creator the
right to the pursuit of happiness; that equality in the right to that
pursuit is the fundamental rule of the divine justice in its application
to mankind; that its security is the end for which governments are
formed, and its destruction good cause why governments should be
overthrown. For a hundred years this principle has been held in
honor. Under its beneficent operation we have grown almost twenty-
fold. Thirteen States have become thirty-eight; three million have
become fifty million; wealth and comfort and education and art have
flourished in still larger proportion. Every twenty years there is
added to the valuation of this country a wealth enough to buy the
whole German Empire, with its buildings and its ships and its
invested property. This has been the magnet that has drawn
immigration hither. The human stream, hemmed in by banks
invisible but impassable, does not turn toward Mexico, which can
feed and clothe a world, or South America, which can feed and clothe
a hundred worlds, but seeks only that belt of States where it finds
this law in operation. The marvels of comfort and happiness it has
wrought for us scarcely surpass what it has done for other countries.
The immigrant sends back the message to those he has left behind.
There is scarcely a nation in Europe west of Russia which has not felt
the force of our example and whose institutions are not more or less
slowly approximating to our own.
“Every new State as it takes its place in the great family binds this
declaration as a frontlet upon its forehead. Twenty-four of the States,
including California herself, declare it in the very opening sentence
of their constitutions. The insertion of the phrase ‘the pursuit of
happiness,’ in the enumeration of the natural rights for securing
which government is ordained, and the denial of which constitutes
just cause for its overthrow, was intended as an explicit affirmation
that the right of every human being who obeys the equal laws to go
everywhere on the surface of the earth that his welfare may require is
beyond the rightful control of government. It is a birthright derived
immediately from him who ‘made of one blood all nations of men for
to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times
before appointed and the bounds of their habitation.’ He made, so
our fathers held, of one blood all the nations of men. He gave them
the whole face of the earth whereon to dwell. He reserved for himself
by his agents heat and cold, and climate, and soil, and water, and
land to determine the bounds of their habitation. It has long been the
fashion in some quarters, when honor, justice, good faith, human
rights are appealed to, and especially when the truths declared in the
opening sentences of the Declaration of Independence are invoked as
guides in legislation to stigmatize those who make the appeal as
sentimentalists, incapable of dealing with practical affairs. It would
be easy to demonstrate the falsehood of this notion. The men who
erected the structure of this Government were good, practical
builders and knew well the quality of the corner-stone when they laid
it. When they put forth for the consideration of their contemporaries
and of posterity the declaration which they thought a decent respect
for the opinions of mankind required of them, they weighed carefully
the fundamental proposition on which their immortal argument
rested. Lord Chatham’s famous sentence will bear repeating again:
When your lordships look at the papers transmitted to us from
America, when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom,
you cannot but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. For
myself I must declare and avow that in all my reading and
observation—and it has been my favorite study, I have read
Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the
world—that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of
conclusion, under such a complication of difficult circumstances, no
nation or body of men can stand in preference to the general
Congress assembled at Philadelphia.
The doctrine that the pursuit of happiness is an inalienable right
with which men are endowed by their Creator, asserted by as
religious a people as ever lived at the most religious period of their
history, propounded by as wise, practical, and far-sighted statesmen
as ever lived as the vindication for the most momentous public act of
their generation, was intended to commit the American people in the
most solemn manner to the assertion that the right to change their
homes at their pleasure is a natural right of all men. The doctrine
that free institutions are a monopoly of the favored races, the
doctrine that oppressed people may sever their old allegiance at will,
but have no right to find a new one, that the bird may fly but may
never light, is of quite recent origin.
California herself owing her place in our Union to the first victory
of freedom in the great contest with African slavery, is pledged to
repudiate this modern heresy, not only by her baptismal vows, but by
her share in the enactment of the statute of 1868. Her constitution
read thus until she took Dennis Kearney for her lawgiver:
We, the people of California, grateful to Almighty God for our
freedom, in order to secure its blessings, do establish this
constitution.

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.

Section 1. All men are by nature free and independent, and have
certain inalienable rights, among which are those of enjoying and
defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing, and defending
property, and pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness.

Sec. 17. Foreigners who are or who may hereafter become bona
fide residents of this State, shall enjoy the same rights in respect to
the possession, enjoyment, and inheritance of property, as native-
born citizens.
In the Revised Statutes, section 1999, Congress in the most solemn
manner declare that the right of expatriation is beyond the lawful
control of government:
Sec. 1999. Whereas the right of expatriation is a natural and
inherent right of all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the
rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and
Whereas in the recognition of this principle this Government has
freely received emigrants from all nations, and invested them with
the rights of citizenship.
This is a re-enactment, in part, of the statute of 1868, of which Mr.
Conness, then a California Senator, of Irish birth, was, if not the
author, the chief advocate.
The California Senator called up the bill day after day. The bill
originally provided that the President might order the arrest and
detention in custody of “any subject or citizen of such foreign
government” as should arrest and detain any naturalized citizen of
the United States under the claim that he still remained subject to his
allegiance to his native sovereign. This gave rise to debate.
But there was no controversy about the part of the bill which I
have read. The preamble is as follows:
Whereas the right of expatriation is a natural and inherent right of
all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness, for the protection of which the
Government of the United States was established; and whereas in the
recognition of this principle this Government has freely received
emigrants from all nations and vested them with the rights of
citizenship, &c.
Mr. Howard declares that—
The absolute right of expatriation is the great leading American
principle.
Mr. Morton says:
That a man’s right to withdraw from his native country and make
his home in another, and thus cut himself off from all connection
with his native country, is a part of his natural liberty, and without
that his liberty is defective. We claim that the right to liberty is a
natural, inherent, God-given right, and his liberty is imperfect unless
it carries with it the right of expatriation.
The bill containing the preamble above recited passed the Senate
by a vote of 39 to 5.
The United States of America and the Emperor of China cordially
recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his
home and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free
migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively
from the one country to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade,
or as permanent residents.
“The bill which passed Congress two years ago and was vetoed by
President Hayes, the treaty of 1881, and the bill now before the
Senate, have the same origin and are parts of the same measure. Two
years ago it was proposed to exclude Chinese laborers from our
borders, in express disregard of our solemn treaty obligations. This
measure was arrested by President Hayes. The treaty of 1881
extorted from unwilling China her consent that we might regulate,
limit, or suspend the coming of Chinese laborers into this country—a
consent of which it is proposed by this bill to take advantage. This is
entitled “A bill to enforce treaty stipulations with China.”
“It seems necessary in discussing the statute briefly to review the
history of the treaty. First let me say that the title of this bill is
deceptive. There is no stipulation of the treaty which the bill
enforces. The bill where it is not inconsistent with the compact only
avails itself of a privilege which that concedes. China only relaxed the
Burlingame treaty so far as to permit us to ‘regulate, limit, or
suspend the coming or residence’ of Chinese laborers, ‘but not
absolutely to prohibit it.’ The treaty expressly declares ‘such
limitation or suspension shall be reasonable.’ But here is proposed a
statute which for twenty years, under the severest penalties,
absolutely inhibits the coming of Chinese laborers to this country.
The treaty pledges us not absolutely to prohibit it. The bill is
intended absolutely to prohibit it.
“The second article of the treaty is this:
“Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as
traders, students, or merchants, or from curiosity, together with their
body and household servants, and Chinese laborers, who are now in
the United States, shall be allowed to go and come of their own free
will and accord, and shall be accorded all the rights, privileges,
immunities, and exemptions which are accorded to the citizens and
subjects of the most favored nations.
“Yet it is difficult to believe that the complex and cumbrous
passport system provided in the last twelve sections of the bill was
not intended as an evasion of this agreement. Upon what other
nation, favored or not, is such a burden imposed? This is the
execution of a promise that they may come and go ‘of their own free
will.’
“What has happened within thirteen years that the great Republic
should strike its flag? What change has come over us that we should
eat the bravest and the truest words we ever spoke? From 1858 to
1880 there was added to the population of the country 42,000
Chinese.
“I give a table from the census of 1880 showing the Chinese
population of each State:
 Statement showing the Chinese population in each State and
Territory, according to the United States censuses of 1870 and of
1880.

Alabama 4
Alaska
Arizona 20 1,630
Arkansas 98 134
California 49,310 75,025
Colorado 7 610
Connecticut 2 124
Dakota 238
Delaware 1
District of Columbia 3 13
Florida 18
Georgia 1 17
Idaho 4,274 3,378
Illinois 1 210
Indiana 33
Iowa 3 47
Kansas 19
Kentucky 1 10
Louisiana 71 481
Maine 1 9
Maryland 2 5
Massachusetts 97 237
Michigan 2 27
Minnesota 53
Mississippi 16 52
Missouri 3 94
Montana 1,949 1,764
Nebraska 18
Nevada 3,152 5,420
New Hampshire 14
New Jersey 15 176
New Mexico 55
 New York 29 924
North Carolina
Ohio 1 114
Oregon 3,330 9,513
Pennsylvania 14 160
Rhode Island 27
South Carolina 1 9
Tennessee 26
Texas 25 141
Utah 445 501
Vermont
Virginia 4 6
Washington 234 3,182
West Virginia 14
Wisconsin 16
Wyoming 143 914

Total 63,254 105,463

“By the census of 1880 the number of Chinese in this country was
105,000—one five-hundredth part of the whole population. The
Chinese are the most easily governed race in the world. Yet every
Chinaman in America has four hundred and ninety-nine Americans
to control him.
The immigration was also constantly decreasing for the last half of
the decade. The Bureau of Statistics gives the numbers as follows,
(for the first eight years the figures are those of the entire Asiatic
immigration:)
The number of immigrants from Asia, as reported by the United
States Bureau of Statistics is as follows, namely:
 1871 7,236
1872 7,825
1873 20,326
1874 13,857
1875 16,498
1876 22,943
1877 10,640
1878 9,014

Total 108,339

And from China for the year ended June 30—

1879 9,604
1880 5,802

Total 15,406

Grand Total 123,745

“See also, Mr. President, how this class of immigrants, diminishing

in itself, diminishes still more in its proportion to the rapidly
increasing numbers who come from other lands. Against 22,943
Asiatic immigrants in 1876, there are but 5,802 in 1880. In 1878
there were 9,014 from Asia, in a total of 153,207, or one in seventeen
of the entire immigration; and this includes all persons who entered
the port of San Francisco to go to any South American country. In
1879 there were 9,604 from China in a total of 250,565, or one in
twenty-six. In 1880 there were 5,802 from China in a total
immigration of 593,359, or one in one hundred and two. The whole
Chinese population, then, when the census of 1880 was taken, was
but one in five hundred of our people. The whole Chinese
immigration was but one in one hundred and two of the total
immigration; while the total annual immigration quadrupled from
1878 to 1880, the Chinese was in 1880 little more than one-half what
it was in 1878, and one-fourth what it was in 1876.