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Fundamentals of Biochemistry 4th

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Chapter 10: Membrane Transport

Matching
A) Porins
B) gap junctions
C) symport
D) active
E) ion channel
F) secondary active
G) channel-forming
H) carrier ionophores
I) passive-mediated
J) uniport
K) simple diffusion
L) anti-ion transport

1. ______ are transporters that bind the substance to be transported on one side of the membrane
then diffuse through the membrane and release the substance on the other side.

Ans: H
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.A
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

2. An example of nonmediated transport is ______.

Ans: K
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.1
Learning objective: Thermodynamics of Transport

3. The GLUT1 transporter functions via _____ transport.

Ans: I
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
4. ______ are bacterial proteins forming a  barrel structure with a central aqueous channel.

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.B
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

5. Connexin proteins make up the structure of ______.

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

6. A transporter that moves two substances simultaneously in the same direction is an example
of a(n) __________.

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

7. KcsA is an example of a ______ ionophore.

Ans: G
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

8. The Ca2+–ATPase requires ATP directly and is therefore an example of ______ transport.

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.3.B
Learning objective: Active Transport
9. The Na+–glucose transport system requires generation of a gradient by another transporter
and is therefore an example of ______ transport.

Ans: F
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.3.D
Learning objective: Active Transport

10. KcsA is an example of a(n) _________.

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

Multiple Choice
11. Which of the following compounds would cross a biological membrane most readily by
nonmediated diffusion?

A) water
B) acetone
C) hexane
D) acetic acid
E) methanol

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.1
Learning objective: Thermodynamics of Transport

12. Which of the following is an example of nonmediated transport?

A) simple diffusion
B) facilitated diffusion
C) passive transport
D) active transport
E) all of the above

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.1
Learning objective: Thermodynamics of Transport
13. Which statement does not describe the transport of ions by valinomycin?

A) Mutations in the peptide sequence may alter ability to transport through the membrane.
B) Transport may be active or passive.
C) The active site binds K+ with greater affinity than Na+
D) Transport results in equilibration of a concentration gradient across membranes.
E) All of the above do describe transport by valinomycin.

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2.A
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

14. Which of the following statements is true regarding ion channels?

A) Protein structure studies indicate a flexible pore size capable of transporting ions of varying
size.
B) Ions require waters of hydration for sufficient passage through the entire channel.
C) Ion channels maintain sodium and potassium ion concentrations that are greater in the
extracellular fluid than in the cytosol.
D) Channel rigidity minimizes energy states for appropriately sized ions.
E) None of the above is true regarding ion channels.

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

15. Which of the following channels open in response to an extracellular stimulus such as a
neurotransmitter?

A) mechanoselective channels
B) ligand-gated channels
C) signal-gated channels
D) voltage-gated channels
E) All of these are sensitive to an extracellular stimulus..

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
16. D-Glucose and D-mannitol are similarly soluble, but D-glucose is transported through the
erythrocyte membrane four times as rapidly as D-mannitol. What is the most likely explanation?

A) D-glucose undergoes simple diffusion more rapidly than mannitol because glucose is less
polar.
B) D-glucose and D-mannitol enter the erythrocyte via an ion-gated channel.
C) D-glucose and D-mannitol are transported via a system that distinguishes the two sugars.
D) D-glucose flux through the membrane is linear whereas D-mannitol flux is described by a
hyperbolic curve.
E) None of the above provides the explanation.

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: Box 10.2 and 10.2E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

17. D-glucose is added to cells and the rate of glucose transport is plotted against D-glucose
concentration. In the presence of the D-galactose derivative 6-O-benzyl-D-galactose, the curve is
shifted to the right, indicating that D-glucose and the D-galactose derivative both compete for a
place in the binding site. Which of the following is true?

A) The D-galactose derivative occupies some of the available binding sites.


B) Given the same concentration of glucose available, the number of binding sites with D-
glucose present would decrease.
C) Given the same concentration of glucose, the rate of D-glucose flux would remain the same
with the D-galactose derivative added.
D) Presumably a higher concentration of D-glucose would be required in order to maintain the
same rate of D-glucose flux as before the D-galactose derivative was added.
E) All of the above are true.

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: Box 10.2 and 10.2 E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
18. Which of the following is not an example of a passive-mediated transporter?

A) aquaporins
B) the Kv ion channel
C) GLUT1
D) lactose permease
E) none of the above

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

19. Which of the following is (are) characteristic of the (Na+–K+)–ATPase?

I. It binds Na+ and K+ simultaneously prior to binding ATP


II. It is covalently modified by phosphorylation at an Asp residue when Na+ is present.
III. Transport of Na+ and K+ occur in a 1:1 ratio, thus maintaining a balanced gradient
until opening of the gated portion of the channel.
IV It is essential for excitation of nerve cells.

A) I, II, IV
B) II, III, IV
C) II, IV
D) II, III
E) II

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.3.D
Learning objective: Active Transport
20. Which of the transporters listed below differs from the others?

A) (Na+–K+)–ATPase
B) Na+–glucose transporter
C) lactose permease
D) KcsA
E) Ca2+–ATPase

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.3
Learning objective: Active Transport

21. When the cardiac glycoside, digitoxin, is used for heart failure, the effects include:

I. inhibition of phosphate hydrolysis from E2 of the (Na+–K+)–ATPase pump


II. activation of the (Na+–K+)–ATPase pump
III. increase in intracellular Na+ concentration
IV. increase in Ca2+ concentration in the sarcoplasmic reticulum

A) I, II, III, IV
B) I, III, IV
C) II, III, IV
D) II, III
E) I, III

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.3.A
Learning objective: Active Transport
22. Which features allow the KcsA channel to selectively transport K+?

I. The entrance of the channel contains hydrophobic residues which forces the removal
of waters of hydration.
II. It is attracted to the entrance of the channel via electrostatic interactions.
III. The “selectivity filter” involves a narrowing of the channel, allowing only
dehydrated K+ access.
IV. As K+ is transported through the channel it interacts with −C=O groups from the
protein.

A) I, II, III, IV
B) II, III, IV
C) II, III
D) III, IV
E) I, III

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

23. Gated ion channels

I. exist because active transporters cannot maintain the gradient at a rate equal to non-
gated ion flow.
II. remain open unless acted on by an external stimulus.
III. remain open to all ions that are smaller than the pore diameter.
IV. can transport varying ions.

A) I, II
B) I, III
C) II, III
D) II, IV
E) I

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
24. Which does not occur when neurons are stimulated?

A) Local depolarization results from the opening of Na+ ion channels allowing Na+ to exit the
cell.
B) Neighboring Na+ ion channels open in response to the change in membrane potential,
resulting in a wave of depolarization.
C) Depolarization stimulates the opening of ion-gated K+ channels, resulting in repolarization .
D) Recovery involves the movement of Na+ out of the cell and K+ into the cell, resulting in the
membrane regaining its resting potential.
E) All of the above do occur when neuron are stimulated.

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

25. Vanilomycin

A) is a cyclic polypeptide that functions as a K+ carrier.


B) is a transmembrane polypeptide that transports K+.
C) is a cyclic polypeptide that functions as a Na+ carrier.
D) is a transmembrane polypeptide that transports Na+.
E) is a -barrel pore transporter that transfers K+.

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

26. ClC Cl– channels

I. assist in transport by forming a strong electrical dipole with the N-terminal end
positively charged.
II. effectively funnel ions into the pore via electrostatic interactions with basic amino
acids.
III. have a selectivity filter constructed from the N-terminal ends of α-helices, whose
dipoles attract Cl– ions.
IV. rely on the side chain hydroxyl groups from Ser and Tyr.

A) I, II, II, IV
B) I, II, IV
C) II, II, IV
D) III, IV
E) I, IV
Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

27. Which statement about aquaporins is false?

A) They transport water and hydronium ions efficiently.


B) They exclusively transport water molecules at a high rate.
C) They use hydrogen bonding to side chain NH2 groups of two Asn residues to exclude proton
transport within the pore.
D) They have a narrow constriction approximately equal to the van der Waals diameter of a
water molecule.
E) They use Arg and His side chains to remove associated water molecules from the
‘transported’ H2O.

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2.D
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

28. Which of the following correctly rank the steps in erythrocyte glucose transport by GLUT1?

I. Glucose binding results in a conformational change, opening the binding site on the
opposite side of the membrane
II. Glucose binds to the transporter on one side of the membrane
III. The transporter reverts to initial conformation
IV. The glucose disassociates

A) II, I, III, IV
B) II, I, IV, III
C) IV, III, II, I
D) I, II, IV, III
E) IV, II, III, I

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2.E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
29. Which of the following is true about the (Na+–K+)–ATPase transporter?

A) Three potassium ions bind to the cytostolic face of the transporter in the E1 state.
B) GTP binds to it and is hydrolyzed to form GDP and a high energy phosphorylated glutamyl
residue.
C) Formation of the high-energy phosphorylated glutamyl residue triggers a conformational
shift from the E1 form to the E2 form.
D) Phosphate hydrolysis of the E2 state releases potassium ions to the cytosol and results in
rearrangement to the E1 state.
E) All of the above correctly describe this transporter.

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.3.A
Learning objective: Active Transport

30. Ouabain inhibits the (Na+–K+)–ATPase pump, resulting in

A) K+ ions moving into the cell along a concentration gradient


B) K+ ions bringing water molecules into the cell in order to maintain an osmotic balance
C) extra K+ ions and water in cells causing them to swell and lyse
D) an increase in the strength of heart muscle contractions when small amounts of Ouabain are
used
E) all of the above

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.3.A
Learning objective: Active Transport

31. Lactose permease uses a ___________ gradient generated ______ to cotransport lactose
across the cell membrane.

A) potassium; via the Na+/K+ pump


B) potassium; via oxidative metabolism
C) proton; via the Na+/K+ pump
D) proton; via oxidative metabolism
E) chloride; within the intestinal lumen

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.3.D
Learning objective: Active Transport
32. The Kv channel is transiently closed by ___________.

A) a spherical globular segment on the N-terminus


B) a C-terminal segment activated by proteolysis
C) proteoglycan residues
D) an ion larger than the selectivity filter blocking entry
E) tightly-bound Ca2+

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

33. A graph of the rate of glucose transport via the GLUT1 transporter vs. glucose concentration
would have a ________ shape indicating that higher glucose concentrations increase the rate of
transport until all the sites are saturated.

A) hyperbolic
B) sigmoidal
C) bell
D) linear
E) exponential

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

34. In the intestinal epithelium, glucose enters the cell in symport with ______, which is
subsequently ejected by ________.

A) K+; the Na+/K+ pump


B) H+; oxidative metabolism
C) Na+; the Na+/K+ pump
D) Na+; the GLUT1 transporter
E) Cl–; MDR transporter

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.3.D
Learning objective: Active Transport
35. The concentration of cytosolic Ca2+ is _________ the extracellular concentration of Ca2+.

A) dependent upon
B) equal to
C) 4 orders of magnitude greater than
D) 2 order of magnitude greater than
E) much less than

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.3.B
Learning objective: Active Transport

36. Drug resistance is frequently traced to

I. the MDR transporter.


II. overexpression of P-glycoprotein.
III. increased number of specific ABC transporters.
IV. the evolution of selectivity filters.

A) I, II, III
B) II, III
C) I, III
D) III, IV
E) II, IV

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.3.C
Learning objective: Active Transport

37. A pore that simultaneously transports two different molecules in different directions is called

A) a symport.
B) a uniport .
C) a gap junction.
D) an equilibrium channel.
E) an antiport.

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
38. Gap junctions

A) connect the cytoplasm to the extracellular solution thus allowing transfer of small molecules
out of the cell into the extracellular solution.
B) are essential communication channels between the cell and the extracellular solution.
C) allow exchange of small molecules between cells within an organ.
D) allow intercellular exchange of macromolecules.
E) All of the above.

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.2.E and Box 10-1
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

39. The rapid transport of K+ ions by the KcsA ion channel moves up to ____ ions per ______.

A) 106; minute
B) 101; second
C) 1023; minute
D) 108; second
E) 108; hour

Ans: D
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

40. In the body hydrogen ions produced from the reaction of carbonic anhydrase are transported
into the lumen of the stomach via an ATP utilizing proton pump. The removal of hydrogen ions
drives formation of bicarbonate ions and a concentration gradient is formed. Bicarbonate is
transported out at the same time that chloride ions are transferred in. Based on this information,
which of the following is FALSE?

A) The pump driving the driving the hydrogen ions into the lumen must undergo a
conformational change.
B) The pump driving bicarbonate out and chloride in must be an antiport system.
C) The pump driving bicarbonate out and chloride in must require ATP directly.
D) The bicarbonate-chloride pump requires ATP indirectly.
E) The bicarbonate-chloride pump must require activity of the proton pump.

Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.3.C
Learning objective: Active Transport
41. Based on the diagram below, which of the following statements is TRUE?

A) F requires ATP directly


B) B is an example of symport
C) B is gradient driven
D) B requires ATP directly
E) None of the above are true

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.3.C
Learning objective: Active Transport

42. Based on the figure below, this system represents _______.

A) primary active transport


B) passive transport
C) nonmediated transport
D) secondary active transport
E) A and D

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.3.C
Learning objective: Active Transport
43. Which of the following methods will allow you to determine if a substance used mediated
transport?

A) Measure the rate of transport to determine if it is high or low relative to other transport
systems.
B) Evaluate the flux at several different concentrations of the substance and look for hyperbolic
dependence.
C) Monitor transport rates at a variety of concentrations and confirm a linear dependence.
D) Compare rate of transport in an in vitro system to those in vivo.
E) None of the above.

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: Box 10-2
Learning objective: Active Transport

44. The greater the magnitude of the concentration gradient:

A) the more rapid the rate of diffusion.


B) the more likely mediated transport is required.
C) the easier it is to reverse the flux.
D) the higher number of ATPs required to diffuse.
E) All of the above are true.

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.1
Learning objective: Thermodynamics of Transport

45. The E. coli maltoporin utilizes what has been termed the greasy slide. Which of the
following statements best describe the function of the greasy slide?

A) There is a pathway of phospholipids that line the inside of the channel and facilitate
transport.
B) A series of aromatic side chains arrange in a helical pattern matching the relative curvature of
the protein backbone, thus provided little restriction to transport.
C) Hydroxyl groups on glucose hydrogen bond with polar and charged side chains lining the
channel, thus resulting in a series of interactions mimicking a screw-like pathway.
D) Constriction in the channel removes waters of hydration, thus making the substrate more
hydrophobic and "greasy."
E) Amino acids side chains lining the channel are small and non-bulky, making steric
constriction essentially non-existent.
Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2B
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

46. Of the transport proteins discussed in the chapter, in general, which of the following do they
have in common?

A) utilize conformational changes to control flux


B) require hydrophobic amino acid side chains to line the pores
C) utilize stereospecifcity to selectively transport
D) transport ionized substances
E) move in the direction of the gradient

Ans: A
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2E
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

47. A patient has low levels of potassium. Which of the following could be affected?

I. levels of calcium available for cardiac muscle


II. amount of glucose transported through the intestinal lumen
III. amount of lactose metabolized
IV. chloride ion transport may slow

A) I, IV
B) II, IV
C) II, III
D) II, IV
E) I, II, IV

Ans: E
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.3.A, B, C, D
Learning objective: Active Transport

48. What type of gradient is required for efficient lactose transport in E. coli?

A) sodium
B) potassium
C) proton
D) magnesium
E) calcium
Ans: C
Level of Difficulty: Easy
Section: 10.3.D
Learning objective: Active Transport

49. Which of the following correctly describes the reason for the specificity of valinomycin?

A) The K+ ion is the only ion small enough to fit through the ion channel.
B) The K+ radius is the ideal size for a large binding affinity because it minimizes steric strain
and potential for degrees of rotation.
C) It selectively binds to the entrance of the transporter which is lined with negatively charged
amino acids.
D) All of the above describe the specificity.
E) None of the above describe the specificity.

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Difficult
Section: 10.2.A
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport

50. Which of the following is evidence for aquaporins?

A) Kidney cells are otherwise incapable of maintaining a gradient.


B) Kidney cell transport of water molecules can be inhibited by mercuric ions.
C) Water, a polar substance, cannot cross the hydrophobic membrane without mediation.
D) Rapid rates of water transport require mediation.
E) Studies measuring flux of water molecules in the kidney yielded only linear plots of flux vs.
[H2O] despite the large excess in water.

Ans: B
Level of Difficulty: Moderate
Section: 10.2.C
Learning objective: Passive-Mediated Transport
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this expedition, along with another vessel styled the Greenwich, he
was saluted with the unwelcome sight of two powerful pirate vessels
sailing into the bay, one being of 30, and the other of 34 guns.
Though he was immediately deserted by the Greenwich, the two
pirates bearing down upon him with their black flags, did not daunt
the gallant Macrae. He fought them both for several hours, inflicting
on one some serious breaches between wind and water, and
disabling the boats in which the other endeavoured to board him. At
length, most of his officers and quarter-deck men being killed or
wounded, he made an attempt to run ashore, and did get beyond the
reach of the two pirate vessels. With boats, however, they beset his
vessel with redoubled fury, and in the protracted fighting which
ensued, he suffered severely, though not without inflicting fully as
much injury as he received. Finally, himself 1733.
and the remains of his company succeeded
in escaping to the land, though in the last stage of exhaustion with
wounds and fatigue. Had he, on the contrary, been supported by the
Greenwich, he felt no doubt that he would have taken the two pirate
vessels, and obtained £200,000 for the Company.[723]
The hero of this brilliant affair was a native of the town of
Greenock, originally there a very poor boy, but succoured from
misery by a kind-hearted musician or violer named Macguire, and
sent by him to sea. By the help of some little education he had
received in his native country, his natural talents and energy quickly
raised him in the service of the East India Company, till, as we see,
he had become the commander of one of their goodly trading-
vessels. The conflict of Juanna gave him further elevation in the
esteem of his employers, and, strange to say, the poor barefooted
Greenock laddie, the protégé of the wandering minstrel Macguire,
became at length the governor of Madras! He now returned to
Scotland, in possession of ‘an immense estate,’ which the journals of
the day are careful to inform us, ‘he is said to have made with a fair
character’—a needful distinction, when so many were advancing
themselves as robbers, or little better, or as truckling politicians. One
of Governor Macrae’s first acts was to provide for the erection of a
monumental equestrian statue of King William at Glasgow, having
probably some grateful personal feeling towards that sovereign. It
was said to have cost him £1000 sterling. But the grand act of the
governor’s life, after his return, was his requital of the kindness he
had experienced from the violer Macguire. The story formed one of
the little romances of familiar conversation in Scotland during the
last century. Macguire’s son, with the name of Macrae, succeeded to
the governor’s estate of Holmains, in Dumfriesshire,[724] which he
handed down to his son.[725] The three daughters, highly educated,
and handsomely dowered, were married to men of figure, the eldest
to the Earl of Glencairn (she was the mother of Burns’s well-known
patron); the second to Lord Alva, a judge in the Court of Session; the
third to Charles Dalrymple of Orangefield, near Ayr. Three years
after his return from the East Indies, Governor Macrae paid a visit to
Edinburgh, and was received with public as 1733.
well as private marks of distinction, on
account of his many personal merits.
An amusing celebration of the return of the East India governor
took place at Tain, in the north of Scotland. John Macrae, a near
kinsman of the great man, being settled there in business, resolved to
shew his respect for the first exalted person of his hitherto humble
clan. Accompanied by the magistrates of the burgh and the principal
burgesses, he went to the Cross, and there superintended the
drinking of a hogshead of wine, to the healths of the King, Queen,
Prince of Wales, and the Royal Family, and those of ‘Governor
Macrae and all his fast friends.’ ‘From thence,’ we are told, ‘the
company repaired to the chief taverns in town, where they repeated
the aforesaid healths, and spent the evening with music and
entertainments suitable to the occasion.’[726]
The tendency which has already been Dec. 6.
alluded to, of a small portion of the Scottish
clergy to linger in an antique orthodoxy and strenuousness of
discipline, while the mass was going on in a progressive laxity and
subserviency to secular authorities, was still continuing. The chief
persons concerned in the Marrow Controversy of 1718[727] and
subsequent years, had recently made themselves conspicuous by
standing up in opposition to church measures for giving effect to
patronage in the settlement of ministers, and particularly to the
settlement of an unpopular presentee at Kinross; and the General
Assembly, held this year in May, came to the resolution of rebuking
these recusant brethren. The brethren, however, were too confident
in the rectitude of their course to submit to censure, and the
commission of the church in November punished their contumacy by
suspending from their ministerial functions, Ebenezer Erskine of
Stirling, William Wilson of Perth, Alexander Moncrieff of Abernethy,
and James Fisher of Kinclaven.
The suspended brethren, being all of them men held in the highest
local reverence, received much support among their flocks, as well as
among the more earnest clergy. Resolving not to abandon the
principles they had taken up, it became necessary that they should
associate in the common cause. They accordingly met at this date in
a cottage at Gairney Bridge near Kinross, and constituted themselves
into a provisional presbytery, though 1733.
without professing to shake off their
connection with the Established Church. It is thought that the taking
of a mild course with them at the next General Assembly would have
saved them from an entire separation. But it was not to be. The
church judicatories went on in their adopted line of high-handed
secularism, and the matter ended, in 1740, with the deposition of the
four original brethren, together with four more who took part with
them. Thus, unexpectedly to the church, was formed a schism in her
body, leading to the foundation of a separate communion, by which a
fourth of her adherents, and those on the whole the most religious
people, were lost.
An immense deal of devotional zeal, mingled with the usual alloys
of illiberality and intolerance, was evoked through the medium of
‘the Secession,’ The people built a set of homely meeting-houses for
the deposed ministers, and gave them such stipends as they could
afford. In four years, the new body appeared as composed of twenty-
six clergy, in three presbyteries. It was the first of several occasions
of the kind, on which, it may be said without disrespect, both the
strength and the weakness of the Scottish character have been
displayed. A single anecdote, of the truth of which there is no reason
to doubt, will illustrate the spirit of this first schism. There was a
family of industrious people at Brownhills, near St Andrews, who
adhered to the Secession. The nearest church was that of Mr
Moncrieff at Abernethy, twenty miles distant. All this distance did
the family walk every Sunday, in order to attend worship, walking of
course an equal distance in returning. All that were in health
invariably went. They had to set out at twelve o’clock of the Saturday
night, and it was their practice to make all the needful preparations
of dress and provisioning without looking out to see what kind of
weather was prevailing. When all were ready, the door was opened,
and the whole party walked out into the night, and proceeded on
their way, heedless of whatever might fall or blow.

Our Scottish ancestors had a peculiar way 1734. Jan.


of dealing with cases of ill-usage of women
by their husbands. The cruel man was put by his neighbours across a
tree or beam, and carried through the village so enthroned, while
some one from time to time proclaimed his offence, the whole being
designed as a means of deterring other men from being cruel to their
spouses.
We have a series of documents at this date, illustrating the regular
procedure in cases of Riding the Stang [properly, sting—meaning a
beam]. John Fraser, of the burgh of regality 1734.
of Huntly, had gone to John Gordon, bailie
for the Duke of Gordon, complaining that some of his neighbours
had threatened him with the riding of the stang, on the ground of
alleged ill-usage of his wife. The first document is a complaint from
Ann Johnston, wife of Fraser, and some other women, setting forth
the reality of this bad usage: the man was so cruel to his poor spouse,
that her neighbours were forced occasionally to rise from their beds
at midnight, in order to rescue her from his barbarous hands. They
justified the threat against him, as meant to deter him from
continuing his atrocious conduct, and went on to crave of the bailie
that he would grant them a toleration of the stang, as ordinarily
practised in the kingdom, ‘being, we know, no act of parliament to
the contrary.’ If his lordship could suggest any more prudent
method, they said they would be glad to hear of it ‘for preventing
more fatal consequences.’ ‘Otherwise, upon the least disobligement
given, we must expect to fall victims to our husbands’ displeasure,
from which libera nos, Domine.’ Signed by Ann Johnston, and ten
other women, besides two who give only initials.
Fraser offered to prove that he used his wife civilly, and was
allowed till next day to do so. On that next day, however, four men
set upon him, and carried him upon a tree through the town, thus
performing the ceremony without authority. On Fraser’s complaint,
they were fined in twenty pounds Scots, and decerned for twelve
pounds of assythment to the complainer.[728]

The execution of the revenue laws gave 1735. Sep.


occasion for much bad blood. In June 1734,
a boat having on board several persons, including at least one of
gentlemanlike position in society, being off the shore of Nairn with
‘unentrable goods,’ the custom-house officers, enforced by a small
party from the Hon. Colonel Hamilton’s regiment, went out to
examine it. In a scuffle which ensued, Hugh Fraser younger of
Balnain was killed, and two of the soldiers, named Long and
Macadam, were tried for murder by the Court of Admiralty in
Edinburgh, and condemned to be hanged on the 19th of November
within flood-mark at Leith.
An appeal was made for the prisoners to the Court of Justiciary,
which, on the 11th of November, granted a 1735.
suspension of the Judge-admiral’s sentence
till the 1st of December, that the case might before that day be more
fully heard. Next day, the Judge-admiral, Mr Graham, caused to be
delivered to the magistrates sitting in council a ‘Dead Warrant,’
requiring and commanding them to see his sentence put in execution
on the proper day. The magistrates, however, obeyed the Court of
Justiciary. Meanwhile, four of those who had been in the boat, and
who had given evidence against the two soldiers on their trial, were
brought by the custom-house authorities before the Judge-admiral,
charged with invading and deforcing the officers, and were acquitted.
On the 5th December, the Court of Justiciary found that the
Judge-admiral, in the trial of Long and Macadam, had ‘committed
iniquity,’ and therefore they suspended the sentence indefinitely. On
a petition three weeks after, the men were liberated, after giving
caution to the extent of 300 merks, to answer on any criminal charge
that might be exhibited against them before the Court of Justiciary.
[729]

Dancing assemblies, which we have seen Nov. 18.


introduced at Edinburgh in 1723, begin
within the ensuing dozen years to be heard of in some of the other
principal towns. There was, for example, an assembly at Dundee at
this date, and an Edinburgh newspaper soon after presented a copy
of verses upon the ladies who had appeared at it, celebrating their
charms in excessively bad poetry, but in a high strain of compliment:
‘Heavens! what a splendid scene is here,
How bright those female seraphs shine!’ &c.

From the indications afforded by half-blank names, we may surmise


that damsels styled Bower, Duncan, Reid, Ramsay, Dempster, and
Bow—all of them names amongst the gentlefolks of the district—
figured conspicuously at this meeting—
‘Besides a much more numerous dazzling throng,
Whose names, if known, should grace my artless song.’

The poet, too, appears to have paid 2s. 6d. for the insertion of his
lines in the Caledonian Mercury.
From this time onward, an annual ball, given by ‘the Right
Honourable Company of Hunters’ in the Palace of Holyroodhouse, is
regularly chronicled. At one which took place on the 8th January
1736—the Hon. Master Charles Leslie being 1735.
‘king,’ and the Hon. Lady Helen Hope being
‘queen’—‘the company in general made a very grand appearance, an
elegant entertainment and the richest wines were served up, and the
whole was carried on and concluded with all decency and good order
imaginable.’ A ball given by the same fraternity in the same place, on
the ensuing 21st of December, was even more splendid. There were
two rooms for dancing, and two for tea, illuminated with many
hundreds of wax-candles. ‘In the Grand Hall [the Gallery?], a table
was covered with three hundred dishes en ambiqu, at which sate a
hundred and fifty ladies at a time ... illuminated with four hundred
wax-candles. The plan laid out by the council of the company was
exactly followed out with the greatest order and decency, and
concluded without the least air of disturbance.’
On the 27th January 1737, ‘the young gentlemen-burghers’ of
Aberdeen gave ‘a grand ball to the ladies, the most splendid and
numerous ever seen there;’ all conducted ‘without the least confusion
or disorder.’ The anxiety to shew that there was no glaring
impropriety in the conduct of the company on these occasions, is
significant, and very amusing.[730]

The reader of this work has received—I fear not very thankfully—
sundry glimpses of the frightful state of the streets of Edinburgh in
previous centuries; and he must have readily understood that the
condition of the capital in this respect represented that of other
populous towns, all being alike deficient in any recognised means of
removing offensive refuse. There was, it must be admitted,
something peculiar in the state of Edinburgh in sanitary respects, in
consequence of the extreme narrowness of its many closes and
wynds, and the height of its houses. How it was endured, no modern
man can divine; but it certainly is true that, at the time when men
dressed themselves in silks and laces, and took as much time for
their toilets as a fine lady, they had to pass in all their bravery
amongst piles of dung, on the very High Street of Edinburgh, and
could not make an evening call upon Dorinda or Celia in one of the
alleys, without the risk of an ablution from above sufficient to
destroy the most elegant outfit, and put the wearers out of conceit
with themselves for a fortnight.
The struggles of the municipal authorities at sundry times to get
the streets put into decent order against a 1735.
royal ceremonial entry, have been adverted
to in our earlier volumes. It would appear that things had at last
come to a sort of crisis in 1686, so that the Estates then saw fit to
pass an act[731] to force the magistrates to clean the city, that it might
be endurable for the personages concerned in the legislature and
government, ordaining for this purpose a ‘stent’ of a thousand
pounds sterling a year for three years on the rental of property. A
vast stratum of refuse, through which people had made lanes
towards their shop-doors and close-heads, was then taken away—
much of it transported by the sage provost, Sir James Dick, to his
lands at Prestonfield, then newly enclosed, and the first that were so
—which consequently became distinguished for fertility[732]—and the
city was never again allowed to fall into such disorder. There was
still, however, no regular system of cleaning, beyond what the street
sewers supplied; and the ancient practice of throwing ashes, foul
water, &c., over the windows at night, graced only with the warning-
cry of Gardez l’eau, was kept up in full vigour by the poorer and
more reckless part of the population.
An Edinburgh merchant and magistrate, named Sir Alexander
Brand, who has been already under our attention as a manufacturer
of gilt leather hangings, at one time presented an overture to the
Estates for the cleaning of the city. The modesty of the opening
sentence will strike the reader: ‘Seeing the nobility and gentry of
Scotland are, when they are abroad, esteemed by all nations to be the
finest and most accomplished people in Europe, yet it’s to be
regretted that it’s always casten up to them by strangers, who admire
them for their singular qualifications, that they are born in a nation
that has the nastiest cities in the world, especially the metropolitan.’
He offered to clean the city daily, and give five hundred a year for the
refuse.[733] But his views do not seem to have been carried into effect.
After 1730, when, as we have seen, great changes were beginning
to take place in Scotland, increased attention was paid to external
decency and cleanliness. The Edinburgh magistrates were anxious to
put down the system of cleaning by ejectment. We learn, for
example, from a newspaper, that a servant-girl having thrown foul
water from a fourth story in Skinners’ Close, ‘which much abused a
lady passing by, was brought before the bailies, and obliged to enact
herself never to be guilty of the like 1735.
practices in future. ’Tis hoped,’ adds our
chronicler, ‘that this will be a caution to all servants to avoid this
wicked practice.’
There lived at this time in Edinburgh a respectable middle-aged
man, named Robert Mein, the representative of the family which had
kept the post-office for three generations between the time of the
civil war and the reign of George I., and who boasted that the pious
lady usually called Jenny Geddes, but actually Barbara Hamilton,
who threw the stool in St Giles’s in 1637, was his great-grandmother.
Mein, being a man of liberal ideas, and a great lover of his native city,
desired to see it rescued from the reproach under which it had long
lain as the most fetid of European capitals, and he accordingly drew
up a paper, shewing how the streets might be kept comparatively
clean by a very simple arrangement. His suggestion was, that there
should be provided for each house, at the expense of the landlord, a
vessel sufficient to contain the refuse of a day, and that scavengers,
feed by a small subscription among the tenants, should discharge
these every night. Persons paying what was then a very common
rent, ten pounds, would have to contribute only five shillings a year;
those paying fifteen pounds, 7s. 6d., and so on in proportion. The
projector appears to have first explained his plan to sundry
gentlemen of consideration—as, for example, Mr William Adam,
architect, and Mr Colin Maclaurin, professor of mathematics, who
gave him their approbation of it in writing—the latter adding: ‘I
subscribe for my own house in Smith’s Land, Niddry’s Wynd, fourth
story, provided the neighbours agree to the same.’ Other subscribers
of consequence were obtained, as ‘Jean Gartshore, for my house in
Morocco’s Close, which is £15 rent,’ and ‘the Countess of
Haddington, for the lodging she possessed in Bank Close,
Lawnmarket, valued rent £20.’ Many persons agreed to pay a half-
penny or a penny weekly; some as much as a half-penny per pound
of rent per month. One lady, however, came out boldly as a recusant
—‘Mrs Black refuses to agree, and acknowledges she throws
over.’[734]
Mr Mein’s plan was adopted, and acted upon to some extent by the
magistrates; and the terrible memory of the ‘Dirty Luggies,’ which
were kept in the stairs, or in the passages within doors, as a
necessary part of the arrangement, was fresh in the minds of old
people whom I knew in early life. The city was in 1740 divided into
twenty-nine districts, each having a couple 1735.
of scavengers supported at its own expense,
who were bound to keep it clean; while the refuse was sold to persons
who engaged to cart it away at three half-pence per cart-load.[735]

Five men, who had suffered from the 1736. Jan. 9.


severity of the excise laws, having formed
the resolution of indemnifying themselves, broke into the house of
Mr James Stark, collector of excise, at Pittenweem, and took away
money to the extent of two hundred pounds, besides certain goods.
They were described as ‘Andrew Wilson, indweller in Pathhead;
George Robertson, stabler without Bristoport [Edinburgh]; William
Hall, indweller in Edinburgh; John Frier, indweller there; and John
Galloway, servant to Peter Galloway, horse-hirer in Kinghorn.’
Within three days, the whole of them were taken and brought to
Edinburgh under a strong guard.
Wilson, Robertson, and Hall were tried on the 2d of March, and
condemned to suffer death on the ensuing 14th of April. Five days
before that appointed for the execution—Hall having meanwhile
been reprieved—Wilson and Robertson made an attempt to escape
from the condemned cell of the Old Tolbooth, but failed in
consequence of Wilson, who was a squat man, sticking in the grated
window. Two days later, the two prisoners being taken, according to
custom, to attend service in the adjacent church, Wilson seized two
of the guard with his hands, and a third with his teeth, so as to enable
Robertson, who knocked down the fourth, to get away. The citizens,
whose sympathies went strongly with the men as victims of the
excise laws, were much excited by these events, and the authorities
were apprehensive that the execution of Wilson would not pass over
without an attempt at rescue. The apprehension was strongly shared
by John Porteous, captain of the town-guard, who consequently
became excited to a degree disqualifying him for so delicate a duty as
that of guarding the execution. When the time came, the poor
smuggler was duly suspended from the gallows in the Grassmarket,
without any disturbance; but when the hangman proceeded to cut
down the body, the populace began to throw stones, and the detested
official was obliged to take refuge among the men of the guard.
Porteous, needlessly infuriated by this demonstration, seized a
musket, and fired among the crowd, commanding his men to do the
same. There was consequently a full 1735.
fusillade, attended by the instant death of six persons, and the
wounding of nine more.
The magistrates being present at the windows of a tavern close by,
it was inexcusable of Porteous to have fired without their orders,
even had there been any proper occasion for so strong a measure. As
it was, he had clearly committed manslaughter on an extensive scale,
and was liable to severe punishment. By the public at large he was
regarded as a ferocious murderer, who could scarcely expiate with
his own life the wrongs he had done to his fellow-citizens.
Accordingly, when subjected to trial for murder on the ensuing 5th of
July, condemnation was almost a matter of course.
The popular antipathy to the excise laws, the general hatred in
which Porteous was held as a harsh official, and a man of profligate
life, and the indignation at his needlessly taking so many innocent
lives, combined to create a general rejoicing over the issue of the
trial. There were some, however, chiefly official persons and their
connections, who were not satisfied as to the fairness of his assize,
and, whether it was fair or not, felt it to be hard to punish what was
at most an excess in the performance of public duty, with death. On a
representation of the case to the queen, who was at the head of a
regency during the absence of her husband in Hanover, a respite of
six weeks was granted, five days before that appointed for the
execution.[736]
The consequent events are so well known, 1736.
that it is unnecessary here to give them in
more than outline. The populace of Edinburgh heard of the respite of
Porteous with savage rage, and before the eve of what was to have
been his last day, a resolution was formed that, if possible, the
original order of the law should be executed. The magistrates heard
of mischief being designed, but disregarded it as only what they
called ‘cadies’ clatters;’ that is, the gossip of street-porters. About
nine in the evening of the 7th September, a small party of men came
into the city at the West Port, beating a drum, and were quickly
followed by a considerable crowd. Proceeding by the Cowgate, they
shut the two gates to the eastward, and planted a guard at each. The
ringleaders then advanced with a large and formidable mob towards
the Tolbooth, in which Porteous lay confined. The magistrates came
out from a tavern, and tried to oppose the progress of the
conspirators, but were beat off with a shower of stones. Other
persons of importance whom they met, were civilly treated, but
turned away from the scene of action. Reaching the door of the
prison, they battered at it for a long time in vain, and at length it was
found necessary to burn it. This being a tedious process, it was
thought by the magistrates that there might 1736.
be time to introduce troops from the
Canongate, and so save the intended victim. Mr Patrick Lindsay,
member for the city, at considerable hazard, made his way over the
city wall, and conferred with General Moyle at his lodging in the
Abbeyhill; but the general hesitated to act without the authority of
the Lord Justice Clerk (Milton), who lived at Brunstain House, five
miles off. Thus time was fatally lost. After about an hour and a half,
the rioters forced their way into the jail, and seized the trembling
Porteous, whom they lost no time in dragging along the street
towards the usual place of execution. As they went down the West
Bow, they broke open a shop, took a supply of rope, and left a guinea
for it on the table. Then coming to the scene of what they regarded as
his crime, they suspended the wretched man over a dyer’s pole, and
having first waited to see that he was dead, quietly dispersed.
The legal authorities made strenuous efforts to identify some of
the rioters, but wholly without success. The subsequent futile
endeavour of the government to punish the corporation of
Edinburgh by statute, belongs to the history of the country.

Considering how important have been the June 24.


proceedings under the act of the ninth
parliament of Queen Mary Anentis Witchcrafts, it seems proper that
we advert to the fact of its being from this day repealed in the
parliament of Great Britain, along with the similar English act of the
first year of King James I. It became from that time incompetent to
institute any suit for ‘witchcraft, sorcery, enchantment, or
conjuration,’ and only a crime to pretend to exercise such arts, liable
to be punished by a year’s imprisonment, with the pillory. There
seems to be little known regarding the movement for abolishing
these laws. We only learn that it was viewed with disapprobation by
the more zealously pious people in Scotland, one of whom, Mr
Erskine of Grange, member for Clackmannanshire, spoke pointedly
against it in the House of Commons. Seeing how clearly the offence is
described in scripture, and how direct is the order for its
punishment, it seemed to these men a symptom of latitudinarianism
that the old statute should be withdrawn. When the body of
dissenters, calling themselves the Associate Synod in 1742, framed
their Testimony against the errors of the established church and of
the times generally, one of the specific things condemned was the
repeal of the acts against witchcraft, which was declared to be
‘contrary to the express letter of the law of 1736.
God, “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live.”’

Amongst the gay and ingenious, who Nov. 8.


patronised and defended theatricals, Allan
Ramsay stood conspicuous. He entertained a kind of enthusiasm on
the subject, was keenly controversial in behalf of the stage, and
willing to incur some risk in the hope of seeing his ideal of a sound
drama in Scotland realised. We have seen traces of his taking an
immediate and personal interest in the performances carried on for a
few years by the ‘Edinburgh Company of Comedians’ in the Tailors’
Hall. He was now induced to enter upon the design of rearing, in
Edinburgh, a building expressly adapted as a theatre; and we find
him going on with the work in the summer of this year, and
announcing that ‘the New Theatre in Carrubber’s Close’ would be
opened on the 1st of November. The poet at the same time called
upon gentlemen and ladies who were inclined to take annual tickets,
of which there were to be forty at 30s. each, to come forward and
subscribe before a particular day, after which the price would be
raised to two guineas.
Honest Allan knew he would have to encounter the frowns of the
clergy, and be reckoned as a rash speculator by many of his friends;
but he never expected that any legislative enactment would interfere
to crush his hopes. So it was, however. The theatre in Carrubber’s
Close was opened on the 8th of November, and found to be, in the
esteem of all judges, ‘as complete and finished with as good a taste as
any of its size in the three kingdoms.’[737] A prologue was spoken by
Mr Bridges, setting forth the moral powers of the drama, and
attacking its enemies—those who
‘From their gloomy thoughts and want of sense,
Think what diverts the mind gives Heaven offence.’

The Muse, it was said, after a long career of glory in ancient times,
had reached the shores of England, where Shakspeare taught her to
soar:
‘At last, transported by your tender care,
She hopes to keep her seat of empire here.
For your protection, then, ye fair and great,
This fabric to her use we consecrate;
On you it will depend to raise her name,
And in Edina fix her lasting fame.’

Alas! all these hopes of a poet were soon 1736.


clouded. Before the Carrubber’s Close
playhouse had seen out its first season, an act was passed (10 Geo. II.
chap. 28) explaining one of Queen Anne regarding rogues and
vagabonds, the whole object in reality being to prevent any persons
from acting plays for hire, without authority or licence by letters-
patent from the king or his Lord Chamberlain.[738] This put a
complete barrier to the poet’s design, threw the new playhouse
useless upon his hands,[739] and had nearly shipwrecked his fortunes.
He addressed a poetical account of his disappointment to the new
Lord President of the Court of Session, Duncan Forbes, a man who
united a taste for elegant literature with the highest Christian graces.
He recites the project of the theatre:
‘Last year, my lord, nae farther gane,
A costly wark was undertane
By me, wha had not the least dread
An act would knock it on the head:
A playhouse new, at vast expense,
To be a large, yet bien defence,
In winter nights, ’gainst wind and weet,
To ward frae cauld the lasses sweet;
While they with bonny smiles attended,
To have their little failings mended.’

He asks if he who has written with the approbation of the entire


country, shall be confounded with rogues and rascals, be twined of
his hopes, and
‘Be made a loser, and engage
With troubles in declining age,
While wights to whom my credit stands
For sums, make sour and thrawn demands?’

Shall a good public object be defeated?


‘When ice and snaw o’ercleads the isle,
Wha now will think it worth their while
To leave their gousty country bowers,
For the ance blythesome Edinburgh’s towers,
Where there’s no glee to give delight,
And ward frae spleen the langsome night?’

He pleads with the Session for at least a limited licence.


‘... I humbly pray
Our lads may be allowed to play,
At least till new-house debts be paid off,
The cause that I’m the maist afraid of;
Which lade lies on my single back,
And I maun pay it ilka plack.’

Else let the legislature relieve him of the 1736.


burden of his house,
‘By ordering frae the public fund
A sum to pay for what I’m bound;
Syne, for amends for what I’ve lost,
Edge me into some canny post.’

All this was of course but vain prattle. The piece appeared in the
Gentleman’s Magazine (August 1737), and no doubt awoke some
sympathy; but the poet had to bear single-handed the burden of a
heavy loss, as a reward for his spirited attempt to enliven the beau
monde of Edinburgh.

Amongst other symptoms of a tendency Nov. 28.


to social enjoyments at this time, we cannot
overlook a marked progress of free-masonry throughout the country.
This day, the festival of the tutelar saint of Scotland, the Masters and
Wardens of forty regular lodges met in St Mary’s Chapel, in
Edinburgh, and unanimously elected as their Grand Master, William
Sinclair, of Roslin, Esq., representative of an ancient though reduced
family, which had been in past ages much connected with free-
masonry.
On St John’s Day, 27th December, this act was celebrated by the
freemasons of Inverness, with a procession to the cross in white
gloves and aprons, and with the proper badges, the solemnity being
concluded with ‘a splendid ball to the ladies.’[740]

The Edinburgh officials who had been 1737. June 30.


taken to London for examination regarding
the Porteous Riot, being now at liberty to return, there was a general
wish in the city to give them a cordial reception. The citizens rode out
in a great troop to meet them, and the road for miles was lined with
enthusiastic pedestrians. The Lord Provost, Alexander Wilson, from
modesty, eluded the reception designed for him; but the rest came
through the city, forming a procession of imposing length, while bells
rang and bonfires blazed, and the gates of the Netherbow, which had
been removed since the 7th of September last, were put up again
amidst the shouts of the multitude.
A month later, one Baillie, who had given evidence before the
Lords’ Committee tending to criminate the magistrates, returned in a
vessel from London, and had no sooner set 1737.
his foot on shore than he found himself
beset by a mighty multitude bent on marking their sense of his
conduct. To collect the people, some seized and rang a ship’s bell;
others ran through the streets ringing small bells. ‘Bloody Baillie is
come!’ passed from mouth to mouth. The poor man, finding that
thousands were gathered for his honour, flung himself into the stage-
coach for Edinburgh, and was solely indebted to a fellow-passenger
of the other sex for the safety in which he reached his home.
Captain Lind, of the Town-guard, having given similar evidence,
was discharged by the town-council; but the government
immediately after appointed him ‘lieutenant in Tyrawley’s regiment
of South British Fusiliers at Gibraltar.’[741]
It was still customary to keep recruits in 1738. Feb. 3.
prison till an opportunity was obtained of
shipping them off for service. A hundred young men, who had been
engaged for the Dutch republic in Scotland, had been for some time
confined in the Canongate Tolbooth, where probably their treatment
was none of the best. Disappointed in several attempts at escape,
they turned at length mutinous, and it was necessary to carry four of
the most dangerous to a dungeon in the lower part of the prison. By
this the rest were so exasperated, ‘that they seized one of their
officers and the turnkey, whom they clapped in close custody, and,
barricading the prison-door, bade defiance to all authority. At the
same time they intimated that, if their four comrades were not
instantly delivered up to them, they would send the officer and
turnkey to where the d—— sent his mother; so that their demand was
of necessity complied with.’
During all the next day (Saturday) they remained in their fortress
without any communication either by persons coming in or by
persons going out. The authorities revolved the idea of a forcible
attempt to reduce them to obedience; but it seemed better to starve
them into a surrender. On the Sunday evening, their provisions being
exhausted, they beat a chamade and hung out a white flag;
whereupon some of their officers and a few officers of General
Whitham’s regiment entered into a capitulation with them; and, a
general amnesty being granted, they delivered up their stronghold.
‘It is said they threatened, in case of non-compliance with their
articles, to fall instantly about eating the turnkey.’[742]
Isabel Walker, under sentence of death at 1738. Aug.
Dumfries for child-murder, obtained a
reprieve through unexpected means. According to a letter dated
Edinburgh, August 10, 1738, ‘This unhappy creature was destitute of
friends, and had none to apply for her but an only sister, a girl of a
fine soul, that overlooked the improbability of success, and helpless
and alone, went to London to address the great; and solicited so well,
that she got for her, first, a reprieve, and now a remission. Such
another instance of onerous friendship can scarce be shewn; it well
deserved the attention of the greatest, who could not but admire the
virtue, and on that account engage in her cause.’[743]
Helen Walker, who acted this heroic part, was the daughter of a
small farmer in the parish of Irongray. Her sister, who had been
under her care, having concealed her pregnancy, it came to be
offered to Helen as a painful privilege, that she could save the
accused if she could say, on the trial, that she had received any
communication from Isabel regarding her condition. She declared it
to be impossible that she should declare a falsehood even to save a
sister’s life; and condemnation accordingly took place. Helen then
made a journey on foot to London, in the hope of being able to plead
for her sister’s life; and, having almost by accident gained the ear and
interest of the Duke of Argyle, she succeeded in an object which most
persons would have said beforehand was next to unattainable.
Isabel afterwards married her lover, and lived at Whitehaven for
many years. Helen survived till 1791, a poor peasant woman, living
by the sale of eggs and other small articles, or doing country work,
but always distinguished by a quiet self-respect, which prevented any
one from ever talking to her of this singular adventure of her early
days. Many years after she had been laid in Irongray kirkyard, a lady
who had seen and felt an interest in her communicated her story to
Sir Walter Scott, who expanded it into a tale (The Heart of Mid-
Lothian) of which the chief charm lies in the character and actings of
the self-devoted heroine. It was one of the last, and not amongst the
least worthy, acts of the great fictionist to raise a monument over her
grave, with the following inscription:
‘This stone was erected by the Author of Waverley to the memory
of Helen Walker, who died in the year of God 1791. This humble
individual practised in real life the virtues with which fiction has
invested the imaginary character of Jeanie 1738.
Deans; refusing the slightest departure
from veracity, even to save the life of a sister, she nevertheless
shewed her hardiness and fortitude in rescuing her from the severity
of the law, at the expense of personal exertions which the time
rendered as difficult as the motive was laudable. Respect the grave of
poverty when combined with love of truth and dear affection.’

This month was commenced in 1739. Jan.


Edinburgh a monthly miscellany and
chronicle, which long continued to fill a useful place in the world
under the name of the Scots Magazine. It was framed on the model
of the Gentleman’s Magazine, which had commenced in London
eight years before, and the price of each number was the modest one
of sixpence. Being strictly a magazine or store, into which were
collected all the important newspaper matters of the past month, it
could not be considered as a literary effort of much pretension,
though its value to us as a picture of the times referred to is all the
greater. Living persons connected with periodical literature will hear
with a smile that this respectable miscellany was, about 1763 and
1764, conducted by a young man, a corrector of the press in the
printing-office which produced it, and whose entire salary for this
and other duties was sixteen shillings a week.[744]

A hurricane from the west-south-west, Jan. 14.


commencing at one in the morning, and
accompanied by lightning, swept across the south of Scotland, and
seems to have been beyond parallel for destructiveness in the same
district before or since. The blowing down of chimneys, the strewing
of the streets with tiles and slates, were among the lightest of its
performances. It tore sheet-lead from churches and houses, and
made it fly through the air like paper. In the country, houses were
thrown down, trees uprooted by hundreds, and corn-stacks
scattered. A vast number of houses took fire. At least one church,
that of Killearn, was prostrated. Both on the west and east coast,
many ships at sea and in harbour were damaged or destroyed. ‘At
Loch Leven, in Fife, great shoals of perches and pikes were driven a
great way into the fields; so that the country people got horse-loads
of them, and sold them at one penny per hundred.’ The number of
casualties to life and limb seems, after all, to have been small.[745]
James, second Earl of Rosebery, was one 1730.
who carried the vices and follies of his age
to such extravagance as to excite a charitable belief that he was
scarcely an accountable person. In his father’s lifetime, he had been
several times in the Old Tolbooth for small debts. In 1726, after he
had succeeded to the family title, he was again incarcerated there for
not answering the summons of the Court of Justiciary ‘for
deforcement, riot, and spulyie.’ A few years later, his estates are
found in the hands of trustees.
At this date, he excited the merriment of the thoughtless, and the
sadness of all other persons, by advertising the elopement of a girl
named Polly Rich, who had been engaged for a year as his servant;
describing her as a London girl, or ‘what is called a Cockney,’ about
eighteen, ‘fine-shaped and blue-eyed,’ having all her linen marked
with his cornet and initials. Two guineas reward were offered to
whoever should restore her to her ‘right owner,’ either at John’s
Coffee-house, or ‘the Earl of Roseberry, at Denham’s Land, Bristow,
and no questions will be asked.’[746]

The potato—introduced from its native South American ground by


Raleigh into Ireland, and so extensively cultivated there in the time
of the civil wars, as to be a succour to the poor when all cereal crops
had been destroyed by the soldiery—transplanted thence to England,
but so little cultivated there towards the end of the seventeenth
century, as to be sold in 1694 at sixpence or eightpence a pound[747]—
is first heard of in Scotland in 1701, when the Duchess of Buccleuch’s
household-book mentions a peck of the esculent as brought from
Edinburgh, and costing 2s. 6d.[748] We hear of it in 1733, as used
occasionally at supper in the house of the Earl of Eglintoun, in
Ayrshire.[749] About this time, it was beginning to be cultivated in
gardens, but still with a hesitation about its moral character, for no
reader of Shakspeare requires to be told that some of the more
uncontrollable passions of human nature were supposed to be
favoured by its use.[750]
At the date here noted, a gentleman, 1739.
styled Robert Graham of Tamrawer, factor
on the forfeited estate of Kilsyth, ventured on the heretofore
unknown step of planting a field of potatoes. His experiment was
conducted on a half-acre of ground ‘on the croft of Neilstone, to the
north of the town of Kilsyth.’ It appears that the root was now, and
for a good while after, cultivated only on lazy beds. Many persons—
amongst whom was the Earl of Perth, who joined in the insurrection
of 1745—came from great distances to witness so extraordinary a
novelty, and inquire into the mode of culture.
The field-culture of the potato was introduced about 1746 into the
county of Edinburgh by a man named Henry Prentice, who had made
a little money as a travelling-merchant, and was now engaged in

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