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STUDY GUIDE FOR MODULE NO. __

Issues Faced by Philippine Indigenous Communities in the Contemporary Time

MODULE OVERVIEW
At the present time, Indigenous cultural communities (ICCs) of the Philippines face
numerous dilemmas in the political, economic, and social spheres. The problems and
challenges brought upon by Western colonization has continued to hound Indigenous
communities at the present. From issues involving land to the challenge in making basic
services accessible to them, these problems faced by the indigenous communities has
made their existence vulnerable. With these challenges, the government and other non-
government organizations has endeavored to address these predicaments encountered by
ICCs through institutionalizing laws and providing programs that seek to improve and
preserve their communities.

MODULE LEARNING OBJECTIVES

At the end of the lesson, the students will be able to:
1.) Evaluate political and socio-economic issues and its effect to Indigenous communities in
the present time.
2.) Formulate relevant solutions and recommendations to the long-standing predicaments
faced by Indigenous communities.
3.) Exhibit empathy to the plight of indigenous communities

LEARNING CONTENTS

The Concept of Land among Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines

Unlike the mainstream Filipinos, Indigenous Communities have a different concept of

land. If the former insists that land is subject to private ownership, the latter believes that
land is of communal use. By communal it means that no one has the exclusive right to
claim ownership of their lands. This can be rooted to their religious belief that their lands
were granted and entrusted to them by their one Creator (this can be Kabunian,
Magbabaya, Bathala, and etc.). Therefore, as it was entrusted to them by their Creator,
everyone should partake in the maintenance, cultivation, and utilization of the land. With
this, the responsibility of stewarding their land should be a collective effort, thus no one
should be deprived of utilizing it. Moreover, since they regard their land as sacred, it should
not be subject to individual ownership, sale, purchase, or lease (Santiago, n.d.).

Problems faced by Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines

a.) Land Grabbing and Displacement

Similar to the historical experience of the Indigenous Peoples under the two
colonizers—the Spaniards (which declared all lands in the Philippine colony under the
general ownership of the King of Spain) and the Americans (The Public Lands Act of 1902,
required all Filipino landowners to register their lands, otherwise losing legal possession
over it), issues involving the loss of lands has continued to plague indigenous communities

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in the contemporary time. In the context of the present time, IPs has been affected by some
infrastructure projects initiated by the government and private corporations that led to their
displacement from their ancestral lands and domains. Thus, as IPs believe that their lands
are sacred in nature, their displacement from their lands has been a distressing experience
since it directly challenges their traditional concept of land. Moreover, their displacement
has been detrimental to their sustenance and the preservation of their culture. The
experiences of IPs losing their land over powerful entities can be regarded as an act of
“land grabbing.” This term can be described as the “transfer of control over large areas of
land or water from local control to more powerful outsiders (both domestic and foreign) for
industrial, agricultural, conservation or tourism-related development” (Borras et al. 2012;
Edelman et al. 2013).

The Chico Dam Issue

As early as 1962, the National Power Corporation (NPC) had seen the potential of the
Chico River in the Cordillera as a hydro-electric power source through the building of dams
in the area. However, this study made by the NPC was initially scraped by the Government
due to its expensive construction costs. The study would not be taken into consideration
until the 1970’s, when the Marcos Regime saw the potential of the dam to provide a
substantial supply of hydro-electric power as a possible solution to the looming energy
crisis and the high oil prices during the 70’s. Thus, the Chico River Basin Development
Project (CRBDP) had emerged. In 1973, a German engineering company named Lahmeyer
was commissioned to conduct a pre-feasibility study in the Chico River area. Their study
proposed the construction of four (4) dams along the Chico River:

Chico I- to be built in Sabangan, Mt. Province

Chico II- to be built in Sadanga, Mt. Province
Chico III-to be built in Basao, Tinglayan, Kalinga
Chico IV- to be built in Sitio Tomiangan, Tabuk, Kalinga

The CRBDP revealed the effects in case that the 4 dams in Chico River would be built. The
following implications of the project were: the submergence of barrios around the river,
displacement of 5,000 Kalingas from their ancestral lands, demolition of 1,200 stone-walled
rice terraces, and the cutting down of 500 hectares of fruit trees. Moreover, the socio-
religious belief of the Kalingas and Bontocs will be compromised since they believe that the
spirits of nature and their ancestors dwell in the Chico Valley. As inheritors of the land, they
have the responsibility to protect and preserve the area, otherwise the ancestral spirits may
hold the living counterparts accountable through bringing sickness and misfortune (Carino,
1980).

Subsequently, the Philippine government sent the NPC to survey the area along the Chico
River in 1974. The survey teams went specifically to Bontoc and Kalinga area. With the
arrival of NPC, the Bontocs and Kalingas were already suspicious on the motives of NPC.
In Bontoc, the women of the community tried to drive away the surveyors, backed-up by
men in case they would do harm to the women. Similarly, in Kalinga, people tried to prevent
the NPC from surveying their lands. Moreover, as a response to the impending threat
posed by the dam to IPs along the Chico River, the Bontocs formed a Bodong (peace pact)
in 1975. 150 Bontocs met at Manila in that year which they called as Bojong Conference to
signify their opposition to the project. The conference also informed any tribesmen who will
be in favor with the project that they will be punished. In the same year, Marcos’ Executive

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Secretary, Alejandro Melchor went to the Bontocs to announce the withdrawal of the NPC
activities along the river. The Bontocs celebrated the event, however this was only an act of
deception. Later on, the government jumpstarted their project activities in the neighboring
Kalinga, were the Chico IV would be constructed.

The PANAMIN involvement in the Chico Dam Issue

In October 1975, Manuel Elizalde, the Presidential Assistant on National Minorities

(PANAMIN) entered into the picture. He went to Kalinga to meet the Indigenous
Communities there. While on Kalinga, Elizalde presented himself that he was unaware of
the dam issue. He insisted to the Kalingas that they should make him their official
representative to the President. In line with this, he convinced the people to sign a
suspicious document in order to best represent their interests. Months later, in December,
Elizalde enticed 150 Kalinga delegates to join him in Manila, with a promise that he would
assist them in voicing out their opposition to President Marcos. However, when the
Kalingas arrived in Manila, they were forced to sign the document, signifying their consent
of the dam project. After signing the document, that was only the time that they were
presented to Malacanang. When Elizalde went back to Kalinga, he was already assisted by
a military escort because the Kalingas already saw his evil intentions. While on the place,
he endeavored to divide the Kalingas in order for the dam project to materialize. Elizalde’s
PANAMIN bribed some barrios with scholarship programs and formed the Young Pangats
of Kalinga (YPOK) a group of students who served as spies to gain information from the
Kalinga opposition group and even the Bishop of Baguio was empathetic on the plight of
the Kalingas (Guyguyon, n.d.).

Due to the great opposition faced by Marcos’ government, he created the Kalinga Special
Development Region (KSDR) to silence the indigenous communities in Kalinga. The 60 th
and the 51st Philippine Constabulary Brigade were dispatched in the area together with the
44th Philippine Army Brigade. Therefore, the area was militarized. As an effect, many
opposition leaders and suspicious IPs were arrested and imprisoned. As a response to the
heightened threat to their communities, the Bontoc and Kalingas formed a grand “bodong”
(peace pact) in 1979, attended by almost 2,000. During this event, they chose Macli-ing
Dulag as the official representative of the opposition group to the Chico Dam project. In
1980, Dulag was assassinated by the members of the 4 th Infantry Division of the Philippine
Army (Catajan, 2017). As a result, the opposition grew stronger as many Igorot tribes had
become sympathetic to the struggles of the Kalingas against the dam project. This would
later on led to the abandonment of the dam project by the Marcos’ government and the
World Bank (financer of the project).

b.) Peace and Security Issues

Aside from issues related to land, Indigenous Communities in the Philippines has been
involved in the conflict between the government forces and the insurgent groups. Due to
the constant loss of lands from agencies and corporations, marginalization, and the inability
of the government to provide indigenous communities with basic services, the indigenous
communities has become vulnerable to the infiltration of insurgent groups such as the
Communist Party of the Philippine- New People’s Army (CPP-NPA), and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF). From the Cordilleras to Mindanao, the CPP-NPA has been
operating in remote areas in the country such as in the land of indigenous peoples since
the Marcos Regime. On the other hand, the MILF are actively moving in the Lumad lands in

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Mindanao.

The Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army

The New People’s Army was an offshoot of the Communist Party of the Philippines. The
Communist Party of the Philippines was founded by Jose Maria Sison in 1968. As
stipulated in Sison’s work Philippine Society and Revolution, the problem of inequality and
poverty in country caused by bureaucrat capitalism, feudalism, and imperialism of US can
only be solved through the establishment of a Communist government. Thus, this was the
main reason behind the establishment of the CPP. In that same year the National People’s
Army, an offshoot of the CPP was established. It aimed to wage an uprising against the
government and gain power in the country through revolutionary insurrection. During the
term of President Ferdinand Marcos, the CPP-NPA had started their operations, ambushing
army troops and killing government officials. From then on, the CPP-NPA has operated in
far-flung areas such as in the Cordillera region in Northern Luzon up to Mindanao. With
this, they were able to enter the marginalized indigenous communities of the country—
enticing them to join their cause in order to strengthen their force.

The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF)

On the other hand, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front is a splinter group from Moro National
Liberation Front (MNLF). The MNLF was formed in 1969 as a response to the controversial
Jabidah Massacre of 1968. The massacre claimed the lives of about 11-68 Tausug men
died on Corregidor Island. The reason for their stay in the said island was intended for their
training to become part of government forces against communist elements. However, while
in the middle of the training, they were informed that the purpose behind it was their future
deployment as forces to destabilize Sabah Island which was planned to be reclaimed by
the Marcos government from Malaysia. As the Tausugs disagreed from it, they were
allegedly massacred in the island. Furthermore, the primary motive of the establishment of
MNLF was to establish an independent Islamic state in Mindanao, specifically in the lands
historically occupied by the Muslims. Since the Moro has asserted their sovereignty ever
since the Spanish and American era, the separatist group saw the need to demand
independence from the rest of the Philippines. As Marcos saw the rise of the MNLF, his
government entered into a compromise between the MNLF. Thus, in 1989 a peace accord
was finally signed between the MNLF and the Philippine Government, creating the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Nevertheless, other factions within MNLF were
not contented with the peace accord, citing that ARMM still heavily depends on the
Philippine Government when it comes to its internal affairs. With this, a splinter group of
MNLF came into existence, which is the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The MILF
pushes for an independent Islamic state in the Muslim-dominated area in Mindanao. As of
the present time, the MILF has been actively moving in Mindanao, wherein their encounter
with Armed Forces of the Philippines, ha brought fear and caused displacement to affected
Lumad communities.

Effects of the conflict between the government forces and insurgent groups

The ensuing battle between the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the

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insurgent/separatist groups such as the CPP-NPA and the MILF has been
disadvantageous to the indigenous communities in the country, as their communities turned
into a battle place of the two opposing forces. Caught in between the conflict, IPs has
become victims of atrocities done by the both sides. Speaking of the atrocities done by the
insurgent groups such as the CPP-NPA to indigenous communities, they had been
allegedly involved in restricting IPs to till their lands, if the latter will not cooperate with their
demands. Example of this was the case of Umayamnon and Higaonon Tribes of Bukidnon
in 2019. According to Sammy Dingawan, a resident of Cana-angan, Bukidnon, the NPA’s
prohibited them to till their land if they did not obey their rules. Moreover, the organization
has influenced the system of leadership in their area. Dingawan cited that their datu was
already appointed by the NPA. The organization has also introduced communist
propagandas to the IPs, insinuating that in the communist form of government, they could
demand for higher selling price of their crops such as corn and rice. Thus, this was a form
of enticement to the IPs to join the NPA’s cause. In 2018, according to the Mindanao
Indigenous People’s Council of Elders, an organization composed of elderlies from IP
communities in the island, they reported that the NPA has killed about 1,000 IPs who
hesitated to cooperate with the former (Balistoy, 2019).

On the other hand, the Armed Forces of the Philippines were also allegedly involved in
atrocities done towards the IPs. Aware of the incursions of insurgent groups in indigenous
communities, they had been involved in the killing of IPs who were suspected to be recruits
of the CPP-NPA and the MILF. There had been numerous cases wherein the AFP has
been accused of killing innocent Lumads in Mindanao. In September 2015, the AFP
allegedly killed 5 members of a Lumad family in Bukidnon. Moreover, in that same year, the
director of Alternative Learning Center for Livelihood and Agricultural Development by the
name of Emerito Samarca, who oversees the administration of tribal schools in Lumad
lands was assassinated by the AFP in Surigao del Sur. Another case was the AFP’s
crackdown on Lumad schools. Since the schools were located in militarized areas with
CPP-NPA presence, the AFP has accused tribal teachers and non-government
organizations as propagating communist ideals to the IPs. Nonetheless, the Save our
Schools Network, a non-government organization that advocates for the education of the IP
has insisted that most of the Lumad schools that they established are recognized by the
Department of Education (IBON Foundation, 2016).

The continuous militarization of the indigenous communities as a result of the conflict

between AFP and insurgent elements (CPP-NPA, and the MILF) has also caused the
displacement of indigenous peoples, especially the Lumads from their lands. In an attempt
to escape the chaos, many IPs especially the women, and children has evacuated to urban
areas to seek refuge.

c.) Poverty and Lack of Accessibility to Services

The Western vs. the Indigenous Concept of Poverty

Before branding some Indigenous Peoples as generally poor, we must first understand the
differing notions of poverty between the West and the Indigenous Peoples of the country.
For the Western “modernist” perspective, poor people can be characterized as those who
lack material resources, thus, their concept of being wealthy depends on the accumulation
of material wealth. With the arrival of the Westerners in the country and the ensuing
Globalization, the concept of poor from the Western perspective has been adopted by

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countries such as the Philippines. Simply labeling the living conditions of the IPs as
impoverished, produces images that might be even discriminatory for them. Moreover,
branding IPs as poor just because they are devoid of some material resources based on
the Western concept of poverty makes them more vulnerable to the exploitation of agencies
and corporation who might infiltrate and disturb their lands for the sake of “development”
(Asian Development Bank [ADB], 2002).

What is unique among the IPs of the country is that they have their own standards of who
can be regarded as poor in their community. Starting with the Igorots, landlessness or the
simple smell of the person can be used a gauge to consider them as impoverished. Among
the Kankanaey and Ibaloi of Benguet, they call a poor person as “nabiteg” and “ebiteg”
respectively. For them, poor persons are those who does not have any land to cultivate,
and those who lack/ do not posess agricultural equipment such as kuliglig or tractor. They
also consider one person as poor if he/she does not possess essential household items
such as television or LPG (ADB, 2002).

On the other hand among the Tinggians of Abra, poor persons in their community are
known as “pobre” or “panglaw.” Similar to other Igorots, they characterize a poor person
as those who do not possess any land and draft animals. Furthermore, since a panglaw do
not possess any land or draft animal it resulted to their inability buy basic commodities,
send their children to school, or to properly cloth themselves. What is unique among the
Tinggians is that they also believe that another sign that could tell if a person is poor is
through his/her physique. If a person is thin, then he/she could be regarded as poor. On the
other hand, a person with a stout figure may be considered as wealthy. Another social
indicator of being poor for the Tinggians is the smell of a person. If a person stinks, this
means that they could not afford to purchase a soap (ADB, 2002).

For the Lumads on the other hand, the term poor usually applies to the langyaw or
outsiders. In their point of view, impoverished persons are the following: squatters, who do
not have a land; the Badjaos; streetchildren; prostitutes; underpaid workers; evacuees; and
marginalized fishermen and farmers. They usually do not refer themselves as poor as it
may be discriminatory. Labeling their group as poor may connote being ignorant or lazy
(ADB, 200).

Statistics on Poverty

According to the Philippine Statistics Authority in their 2018 Poverty Incidence Report, the
percentage of poor families in the country was estimated to be around 16.7% (PSA, 2018).
Among the regions/provinces where most IPs could be found, poverty incidence was even
higher than the national rate. Below are the list of regions/provinces:

2018 Poverty Incidence Report, Philippine Statistics Authority

Philippines: 16.7%

Provinces with Igorot populations with poverty incidence higher than the national rate:
 Abra: 18.6%
 Apayao: 19.7%
 Mt. Province: 24.6%

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Regions where Lumads are located and their respective poverty incidence rates:
 Region X- Northern Mindanao: 23.1%
 Region XI- Davao Region: 19.1 %
 Caraga Region: 30%

Higher levels of poverty incidence in some indigenous communities was an effect of variety
of factors. One of the major contributor of higher poverty rates in Indigenous communities is
the lack of basic services and infrastructures in their area. Since there are no
comprehensive statistics concerning the indigenous people, the Asian Development Bank,
in their study about poverty in ethnic minorities has pointed out several factors that cause
poverty to the indigenous peoples of the country.

Causes of Poverty among Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines (ADB, 2002)

1.) Lack of Social Infrastructures

The limited infrastructures in indigenous communities has hampered the flow of goods and
delivery of basic services to the IPs. Speaking of its connectivity, the inadequate and bad
quality of roads leading to their communities has affected the trading venture of its farmers
who transport their locally produced crops to market places in the urban areas. To add to
the problems of connectivity, the lack of necessary infrastructures such as storage facilities
has contributed to the loss of potential income that should be earned by its farmers. Due to
the challenge in transporting their crops, sometimes, the farmers in IP communities
resorted to feeding their excess produce such as fruits and vegetables to their pigs, in order
to dispose it. Furthermore, the lack of healthcare facilities as well as educational institutions
in indigenous communities has also lessened their access to healthcare and education,
respectively.

2.) Lack of Irrigation

Irrigation systems that supposed to supply substantial volume of water to farm lands is also
limited in indigenous communities. With the lack of water supply to farm lands, the overall
productivity of the crops are also lessened.

3.) Inability of households to generate cash

Since agricultural productivity in indigenous communities are considerably low due to the
lack of support from agencies and insufficient infrastructures, this has also led to lower
chances of generating enough cash to cover the expenses of farming production as well as
the purchase of consumption goods to sustain a household. Moreover, the inability to
generate enough cash due to lower productivity also affects their access in availing for
health, education, and recreational services.

4.) Insufficient Credit and Marketing Services

The high cost of planting crops as well as the lack of capital for production contributes to
the limited production of crops by indigenous communities. Since the cultivation of one crop
was already costly, given the needed materials and equipment utilized from the planting
process to harvest season, this has prevented farmers to produce other crops, specifically
cash crops that might help them in bolstering their income. The absence of credible credit
and marketing services to provide capital for indigenous farmers is also one of the reason
behind the limited agricultural output of the latter.

d.) Discrimination and Alienation

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According to the Episcopal Commission on Indigenous Peoples, an agency of the Catholic

Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines dedicated for the improvement of the lives of
indigenous peoples across different dioceses in the country, they pointed out several
factors that led to the lower participation of IPs in educational institutions. Below are the
reasons behind it:
1.) School as a venue of discrimination
Unfortunately discrimination has persisted even in the contemporary time. In the school
setting, aside from students who lack understanding of the characteristics of the IPs, some
teachers were also found out to have prejudice towards indigenous peoples. Moreover, as
indigenous peoples were used to express themselves through oral patterns that were
unique to their communities, the current education system has labeled most of them as
slow learners, since the system has a different standard in gauging literacy, which is most
of the time based on Western models.

2.) Schooling as an experience of non-being

According to the findings of the Episcopal Commission, some IPs who participated in
schools has felt that there culture was misrepresented and underestimated. Since the
education system in the country has been heavily-Westernized, indigenous peoples and
their way of life has generally been depicted as backward and belonging to the past. On the
other hand, Western knowledge has been considered as advanced or up to date.
Unfortunately this traditional dichotomy has never been totally eradicated from the
educational system.

3.) Discussion limited to surface culture

In instances where indigenous peoples are discussed in the classroom, there has been an
inclination to associate them only in their material culture and practices. With this,
knowledge about Indigenous Peoples has been limited to their material culture. Although
knowing their unique practices is important in appreciating them, there is also a need to
explain them as a person and expound on the challenges that affected them throughout
history.

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SUMMARY
The issues encountered by Indigenous Peoples in the political, social and economic
spheres has posed as a challenge in their survival and preservation of their culture. Of all
the issues involving the Indigenous Peoples, land problems has emerged as the primary
cause of their marginalization in the contemporary time. Since corporations and even
agencies has seen the economic potential that could be reaped from their lands, this has
compelled the former to be involved in explicit land grabbing, in order to capitalize on the
natural resources in these lands under the guise of “development.” Moreover, the lack of
necessary infrastructure and basic services in indigenous communities has worsened their
marginalization. Reinforced by the prejudice and stereotypes had by the mainstream
population towards the IPs, discourse about them has been lacking and their predicaments
were usually pushed in the sidelines. With this, IPs had become vulnerable to the infiltration
of insurgent groups such as the CPP-NPA and the MILF which aimed to take over the
government, and establish a separate nation in the Muslim area of Mindanao, respectively.
Since most IPs reside in far-flung areas that had become as a place of refuge of the
insurgent elements, they had been used by the latter as a reinforcement for their cause.
Moreover, the ensuing battle between the Philippine Government and the insurgent groups
has caught them in between the conflict, becoming victims of the atrocities done by both
parties. With all of these aforementioned challenges, the day to day life of Indigenous
Peoples in the present has become a daily struggle.

REFERENCES

Asian Development Bank (2002). Indigenous Peoples/Ethnic Minorities and Poverty

Reduction. Manila: Asian Development Bank.

Balistoy, R. (2019). IP Leaders speak out how CPP-NPA ruined ethnic culture, deceived
tribesmen. Philippine Information Agency. https://pia.gov.ph/news/articles/1029729.

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Carino, J. (1980). The Chico River Basin Development Project: A Case Study of National
Development Policy.

Guyguyon, P. (1979) History of Chico River Project. Philippine Social Science Council
Journal. https://pssc.org.ph/wp-content/pssc-archives/Philippine%20Political%20Science
%20Journal/1979/Num%209/22_History%20of%20Chico%20River%20Project.pdf.

Hagen, R and Minter, T. (2019). Displacement in the Name of Development. How

Indigenous Rights Legislation Fails to Protect Philippine Hunter-Gatherers.

IBON Foundation (2016). Lumad evacuees’ return home signals rebuilding of alternative
schools. https://www.ibon.org/lumad-evacuees-return-home-signals-rebuilding-of-
alternative-schools/.

International Crisis Group (2011). The Philippines: Indigenous Rights and the MILF Peace
Process. https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/philippines/philippines-
indigenous-rights-and-milf-peace-process.

Mapping Militant OrganizationCommunist Party of the Philippines-New People’ Army.

Stanford.Edu. http://web.stanford.edu/group/mappingmilitants/cgi-bin/groups/print_view/
149.

Moro National Liberation Front. Encyclopedia Britannica.

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Moro-National-Liberation-Front.

National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (2015). Moro
Islamic Liberation Front. https://www.start.umd.edu/baad/narratives/moro-islamic-liberation-
front-milf.

New People’s Army. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/New-

Peoples-Army.

Philippine Statistics Authority. Updated 2015 and 2018 Full Year Official Poverty Statistics.
https://psa.gov.ph/poverty-press-releases/nid/162559.

Philippine Statistics Authority (2018). Table 2a. Updated Annual Per Capita Poverty
Threshold, Poverty Incidence and Magnitude of Poor Population with Measures of
Precision, by Region, Province, and Highly Urbanized Cities: 2018.

Santiago, A. The Cordillera Indigenous Peoples’ Right to Land. United Nations Human
Rights Office of the Commissioner.

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